THE SECOND PART OF A TREATISE CONCERNING POLICY, AND RELIGION.  
Wherein the necessity, fruit, and dignity of christian religion, in common wealth, is evidently showed, with the absurdity of false religions, and the danger, and damage, that ensueth thereof to all states; And by the way somme philosophical, moral, and political matters are treated: dyvers pious lessons,& instructions geeuen, tending to christian perfection: many controuersyes in religion debated, and discussed: and the objections of polityks, and heretyks answered; Finally it is clearly proved, that the catholic Roman religion only doth make a happy common wealth.  
Written by THOMAS FITZHERBERT Esquyre, and catholic priest.  Quaerite primùm regnum Dei,& justitiam eius,& haec omnia adijcientur vobis. Matth. 6. seek first the kingdom of God, and his iustice, and all these things shalbe given you besides. Matth. 6. 
Printed with Licence of Superiors. Anno Domini 1610.   

THE PREFACE ADVERTISING DYVERS things TO BE NOTED IN THE TREATISE FOLLOWING.  
Sicilides Musae paulo maiora canamus,  
Non omnes arbusta iuuant, humilesque myricae.  
SO song the pastoral poet, when he meant to tune his pipe to a heygher note, that is to say, to pass from treating rural, and country conceits of sheppards, sheep, goates, shrubs, bushes, hills, and dales, to sing and celebrat the praises of Augustus Caesar,& his flourishing Empire, by the occasion of the birth of Saloninus son to Asinius Pollio chief favourite of Augustus, to whom he applied a prophecy of Sybilla Cumana, which in truth concerned the birth of our saviour IESVS Christ and his most happy empire, and dominion over the souls of men.  
Therefore I being now to fly,( as I may say) a heygher pitch, then in my former Treatise, that is, to pass from handling so mean, and weak a subject, as is the infirmity of mans wit, and human policy grounded thereon, to treat of the necessity, fruit, and dignity of religion in common wealth, yea of that religion, and everlasting empire of Christ, whereof the prophetess Sibilla spake in the prophesy aforesaid( an argument much more incomparably excelling the former, whereof I treated before, then the imperial majesty, and power of Augustus, excelled the poor and base quality of sheppeards, sheep, bushes, hills, and dales( yea as much as heaven surpasseth earth, or rather all things nothing) I may with much more reason say, multò maiora canamus, and in steede of the Sicilian Muses( whose help the poet implored) invocat that holy, and divine spirit, which is the true light of harts,& teacher of all truth, whom therefore I humbly beseech so to illuminat my understanding, and guide my pen, that I may worthily treat of so worthy& high a su●iect, as is the transcendent woorthines and perfection of Christian religion.  
For although my intent is not to vnsould all the mysteries of the christian faith, neither yet to handle any part thereof further, then the same may someway concern common wealth, yet for as much as I ame to prove in this treatise, that the perfection, and felicity of common wealth consisteth in Christian religion, I cannot sufficiently perform the same, except I show the perfection, and incomprehensible excellency, effects, and fruits thereof, no more then if I should undertake to treat of the woorthines& felicity of man, and omit to speak of the excellency of the soul, and of the everlasting beatitude, whereto he is ordained, and wherein consisteth his last, and chief felicity.  
Therefore, whereas there are over many at this day, who haue such a profane conceit of common wealth, and policy, that they think matters of spirit, altogether impertinent thereto, and expect in a political discourse nothing else but rules, or instructions teaching cunning practyses, sleyghts, subtiltyes, shifts( or as I may term them tricks of state) yea coosenages,& fraudulent devices, rather then prudent, and sound advises, such being now the corruption generally grown in the world, that craft, and subtlety is held of many for prudence, the deepest dissimulation for the profoundest wisdom, and( if I may speak plainly without offence of modest ears) the fynest, and best cloaked knavery for the wisest, and heyghest policy, Therefore I say to such, that if they could frame a common wealth of a company of coggers, cooseners, and connicatchers, tending every one to his own particular profit, or pleasure, or yet of a congregation all of sensual men, little better then a heard of cattle, or beasts( I mean though ●udued with reasonable souls, yet led, and governed altogether by sense) they should haue more reason to exclude from it, all matters not only of spirit, but also of virtue,& moral honesty; but if common wealth be a civil society of men united with the communion of laws, for a public, and common good, I say of men, that is to say reasonable creatures, having reasonable souls created by almighty god to his own image, and for his own service, yea ordained to a supernatural end, that is, to eternal beatitude, to be obtained by spiritual means, to wit by religion, iustice, pietye, and the practise of all virtue( all which I will make most evident in the ensuing discourse) nay if I evidently prove that the chief end, and felicity of the common wealth itself, is no other then the end, and happiness of every particular man in this life, and that the same cannot otherways be achieved, but by the perfect practise of christian religion, they cannot think it strange, or impertinent to the subject which I handle, if I do now and then, intermix discourses of true christian perfection, and such things as belong thereto; For seeing no common wealth can be perfect without perfect virtue, nor any perfection of virtue be had without Christian perfection, nor the same be any where found but in Christian religion, as I will make most manifest hereafter, I cannot delineat a true, civil,& political man, that is to say a perfect member of a christian common wealth, except I describe a perfect christian, neither yet perform that, except I also show what is christian perfection; nor that without the explication of many heygh mysteries, and ex●ellencies of christian religion.  
And for as much as I cannot accomplish all this with the benefit that I wi●h to my reader, except I also lay down the means how to attain to christian perfection, thereby to arrive to a perfect union with god( which is the proper effect of true religion, and the only true felicity of man, and common wealth) therefore I mean also to interlace many spiritual advises, and rules tending to the true use,& practise of christian religion, lest otherways I may be like to one that should tell a sick man of a souueraigne medicine for his disease, and conceal from him the use of it; so that my desire, and intention, yea my obligation being( my subject considered) not so much to show, or describe, as to make a perfect member of christian common wealth,& to supply the defects of human policy( whereof I treated in my first part) with the perfection of christian religion( which is the subject of this my second part) I hope no man can justly mislike that I do oft inculeat matters of spirit, and especially the office, and duty of a true christian man, and touch also now and then, somme points of the heyghest christian perfection. And whereas I shall also haue occasion to relate by the way, somme admirable, miraculous,& stupendious effects of gods grace in holly men, I doubt not but the pious, and well disposed reader, will receive great edification thereby, noting, and admiring therein, not only the eminent dignity, and excellency of christian religion, but also the infinite power, wisdom, and bounty of almighty god towards his seruants  
And as for such incredulous miscreants, as the Apostle S. Iudas termeth animales spiritum non habentes, 
Iud● 1.  men altogether sensual, having no spirit, who therefore do not understand( saith S. Paul,) ea quae sūt spiritus Dei, those things which are of the spirit of god, believing no more of good works then they see with their eyes, 
1. Cor. 2.  or touch with their hands, or can comprehend within their weak, idle, and addle heads, such I say, I remit partly to that which I haue discoursed in my first part against Atheists, and partly to the experience of gods most admirable work in this kind, which I shall haue occasion to demonstrat in this my second part, drawing the same from the fountain of the holly scriptures, according to the interpretation of the catholic church, and deryuing it to these our dayes, by the examples and testimony of gods saints in all times, and ages.  
And if nevertheless they persist obstinat in their incredulity, and think with some ridiculous, and blasphemous iest,( as commonly they are wont) to elude such a sacred authority of experience both ancient, and modern, I leave them with sorrow, and pitty of their case, to the terrible sentence of S: Peter pronounced of such as they. Hivelut pecora irrationabilia &c. these being like to unreasonable beasts, 
2. Pet. 2.  naturally tending to the snare, and destruction, blaspheming in those things which they know not, shall perish in their own corruption, receiving the reward of injustice &c.  
Furthermore for as much as the difference of opinions in matters of religion at this time, requireth some discussion of the truth, that thereby it may appear who they are that truly profess the christian religion, I do therefore think good to treat of diuers points in controversy betwixt the Roman Catholyks,& their aduersaries, thereby to show the prejudice that groweth to state by false religions, exemplifying the same especially in lutheranism, and Caluinisme, because those sects either do comprehend, or haue engendered all other, and are more generally embraced then any of the rest.  
And therefore whereas I may perhaps be censured by some as ouersharpe, and vehement sometimes in the reprehension of Lutherans,& Caluinists, and their doctrine,( out of the abundance of my zeal to the catholic saith) whereby I may also seem to cast some aspersion of injury( as perhaps it may be interpnted) upon my own cuntrymen, I mean Protestants and Puritans in England, I wish them to understand, that although I hope to use such due moderation towards Lutherans, and Caluinists, as not to reprove, and tax them further then they shall justly deserve, yet I think I may be the bolder with them, as just occasion shall be offered, because I persuade myself that no Protestant, nor Puritan in England, can justly take himself to be injured thereby, seeing that there is none of them( for ought I know, or can imagine) that is formally either a Lutheran, or a Caluinist, I mean that holdeth, and professeth the doctrine of Luther, or Caluin, otherways then with such ad●itions and subtractions, as every mans private spirit doth suggest, and therefore whatsoever I shall say of Luther, or Caluin, or any of their progeny, I would not haue it further to be extended then I mean it, which is only to those Archsectaries and such others as are content to be held, and styled for their disciples, I mean to be called Luthe●ans, or Caluinists.  
And as for my loving Cuntrimen who reject some part of their doctrine, and admit the rest, I would wish them, here by the way of aduise well to consider, what assurance they haue more for that which they take, then for that which they leave, since they( I mean Luther, and Caluin) assured themselves no less of the one, then of the other, pretending the warrant of holly scriptures, and the assistance of gods holly spirit equally for both; So that if they were deceived in part, they might as well be deceived in the whole, especially seeing that neither of them had any other ground of his new doctrine, but only his own private sense, and understanding of scriptures, for yf they had had the assistance of gods spirit therein they, could nether of them haue erred in any part thereof, and much less haue dissented the one from the other, so much as they did, being so opposite,& contrary,( even in some of the morst important, and essential points of faith) that they detested,& condemned one an other for damnable heretics, as their followers do until this day; whereby it is evident, that at least the one of them was mightiely deceived, and therefore had not the spirit of god, yea& that the other also building vpon no better ground then his companion, but vpon the self same( I mean his own presumption to understand the scriptures aright) had no more assurance of the holl ghosts assistance then be, and therefore might err as dangerously, and absurdly as he.  
And if any man grounding himself also vpon the same foundation, follow the one more then the other, and yet nevertheless doth approve him in part, and reprove him in the rest, he is to consider, that he may with reason fear, lest he himself be as much beguyled in that which he accepteth, as his master was in that which he rejecteth, seeing he hath no more assurance for the one part, then for the other; his own, or his masters private sense of scripture, being the ground of both; So that we see all is built here, vpon uncertainty,& that no man can, by this means, haue any ground or assurance of his faith, whereby we may also learn what extreme folly, and danger it is for any man, to leave the infallible iudgement of the church( which is the spouse of Christ, and guided by his holly spirit) to follow his own, or any mans private sense in the exposition of scripture, which can proceed of nothing else but singularity, temerity, presumption, and pride, the mother of heresy, and as I may say, the very precipice whereby infinite numbers haue fallen headlong into the pit of eternal perdition; whereof I need not to say more here, because I shall touch it now, and then in the ensuing discourse.  
It resteth now good reader, that I advertise thee of some alteration of my desygnement, since I wrote my first part. For, although I was then determined to compact my whole conceit into two volumes, or parts, yet there hath since occurred unto me such abundance of matter, necessary, parley for thy profit, and partly for thy delectation, that I ame now resolved to add a third part. And seeing that the subject of the whole, being policy,& Religion, my first part treated principally of policy, I mean that this second part shall treat most of Religion,& the third indifferently of both; wherein I also hope fully to discharge my obligation touching some particular points promised in my first part, which I shall not haue opportunity to perform in this, as also to consummat the whole subject of my first project, whereof there will remain much to be accomplished, according to this my latter desygne.  
So that thou seest, good reader, it falleth out with me, as it doth with buylders, who seldom content themselves with their first plot, and commonly spend both longer time, and much more money, then at the first they determined. And although I cannot presume duly to observe the rules, and precepts of Architecture in the fabric of this my religious palace( if so I may term a work treating of Religion) yet I will not be careless of that which most importeth, and best correspondeth to the nature of such a bu●lding;& therefore I will not only furnish it with implements of pious lessons, and instructions of great edifi●ation, but also erect and build therein an oratory, or chapel for christian contemplation; and in the very por●h or entry thereof, represent unto thee a true portrait of the natural contemplation of the philosophers; And though I doubt not, but thou wilt find therein excellent matter, and perhaps wonder to see such high and misti●al doctrine in pagans and heathens, who could reach no further, then nature, and the light of reason could led them, yet I do not recommend it unto thee for any other purpose, then to serve for a file to set forth our Christian contemplation, that is, to make thee the better see, and understand the excellent perfection thereof.  
Yf therefore it may please thee sometimes to retire thyself into this contemplative chapel, and there with due, and serious meditation to contemplat not so much the form of the building,( which by the small skill of the Architect, may fail in proportion) as the matter, and furniture thereof, borrowed from the holly scriptures, and most comtemplatiue fathers, I doubt not but thou shalt receive such spiritual benefit, and contentment thereby, that thou wilt say, as S. Peter said vpon the mount. Bonum est nos hic esse, or with the royal prophet. 
Matth. 17. Psal. 83.  Quam dilecta tabernacula tua domine virtutum, concupiscit& deficit anima mea in atria Domini.  
And for as much as in the building of a Palace, special care is to be had to make it fair, and beautiful to the eye, and to grace it with variety of pictures, images, and portraits of dyvers sorts, I will be careful also to give thee some satisfaction in that behalf; and therefore do mean to paint, and adorn this my religious building, with great diversity of moral, and political doctrine, and with store of histories, as well profane, as ecclesiastical, as also with the true and lively pourtraits of the most famous, and worthy men that haue flourished in gods church since our saviours time, proposing to thy view their virtuous, and heroical acts, in the contempt and triumphant conquest of the world, and themselves, for the love of god; to the end that framing thy life after the model of their example, thou mayst arrive to some degree, at least, of true christian perfection.  
moreover, whereas there is no palace so beautiful, or magnificent that hath not dyvers retraicts, channels, sinks, and other base, and homely places( which though they be loathsome of their own nature, yet are necessary for the whole building) thou shalt also find in this my religious palace matters of that quality, I mean the absurd, beastly, and impious opinions, and lives of Pagans, Mahometans, Iewes, Macchiauillians, Polityks,& Heretyks representing unto thee the horror of false religion, which may serve, not only to move thee to the detestation thereof, but also to breed in thee a greater estimation, love, and honour of true religion.  
Finally, as nothing more importeth in building, then to lay a sure foundation, and to make the walls substantial, and able to resist the for●e, as well of wind, and wether, as of enemies, if need require, so will I haue a special care to found all this my building, vpon the firm, and immovable rock of truth, and to raise strong walls of pregnant arguments,& reasons drawn from nature itself, fortifying the same with the evident testimonies of holly scriptures, and ancient fathers, and with many old& modern examples; And therefore seeing I haue benne content, good reader, for my part to be at the charges, and pains, not only to build this palace, and to make it commodious for thee, but also to present it unto thee for thy use and habitation, I hope thou wilt not use it as an inn, for a bait, or a nights lodging,( that is, only take a superficial view of it) but make thy abode in it at least for some time; I mean red, and ruminat the whole work with diligence, and after practise that which thou shalt find therein fit for thy use. For so shalt thou, of this my labour reap the benefit, I the comefort, and almighty God the glory, to whose grace, and holly protection I recommend thee.  
Thy hearty well willer. Thomas Fitzherbert.   

A PERFECT ANATOMY OF THIS TREATISE, SHOWING PARTICVLERLY WHAT MATTERS are handled in it, and in what Chapters.  

Touching Religion only.  
THAT religion is most natural to man, and most necessary for the conservation, not only of all mankind, but also of the whole world. Chap. 1.& 2.  
How much the heathens and pagans esteemed religion, and priesthood, and some what touching the eminent dignity of christian priesthood,& of the church of Christ. Chap. 6.  
The purity and excellency of Christian religion, and the admirable force, and effects of gods grace for the repression of vice, and the reformation of mans manners. Chap. 15.& 16.  
The excellency of christian contemplation with the practise and stupendious effects thereof. Chap. 18.19.20.& 21.  
That the catholic Roman religion hath the true imitation of Christ and Christian perfection. Chap. 25.26.27.28.29.31.37.& 38.   

Touching Religion,& policy jointly.  
That the end and felicity of common wealth consisteth in religion, according to the doctrine as well of the old philosophers, as of Christian divines. Chap. 4.  
That all policy is to be directed by the rule of religion, and that otherways it can not be good, and true policy. Chap. 6.  
That the civil society, or common wealth is, by the law of nature, subordinat to the ecclesiastical society. Ibidem.  
That atheism destroyeth common wealth,& by what means. Ca. 8.  
That the use of taking and giving oaths, is most necessary for common wealth. Chap. 8.  
That all false religions are pernicious to common wealth. Chap. 6. Showed in paganism, Chap. 7. 8.& 9. in mahometism, and judaism, Chap. 14. in lutheranism and Caluinisme. Chap. 28. and in the rest of the chapters unto the end of the book, and especially in the 30. 35. 36. and the last chapter.  
That the christian religion is truly civil, or political, that is to say conform to reason of state, and most behoveful for common wealth. Chap. 15. 16.& 17.  
That the catholic Roman religion, is the true Christian religion before mentioned,& therefore is truly civil, or political, and maketh a happy common wealth. Chap. 25. 26. 27. 36. 37. and 38.  
That the practise of the evangelical counsels, to wit of voluntary poverty, chastity, and obedience, or abnegation of a mans self, is convenient and necessary for common wealth. Chap. 25.28.29.30.31.34. and the last chapter num. 87. 88. 89. 90.& 91.  
certain arguments, and reasons of Machiauel against Christian religion, out of reason of state are confuted. Chap. 24.  
Other objections of polityks against the single life of priests, and religious discipline are answered. Chap. 34.  
That no political law can subdue the law of the flesh, without the help of gods grace. Chap. 15.   

Touching Policy only.  
How temporal goods, and commodities may serve, and avail to the felicity of common wealth. Chap. 4. and in the last chapter num. 111.  
That common wealth standeth by virtue,& falleth by vice. Chap. 9.  
dyvers political observations, and rules taken out of Plato for the good government of common wealth. Ibidem.  
That all the science, and practise of the soothsayers, and augurs amongst the Romans,& Grecians was absurd, and contrary to true reason of state. Chap. 8.  
That polygamy, or the having many wives at once used amongst Turks, Persians, and Moores is against reason of state, and hurtful to common wealth. Chap. 14.  
That many civil constitutions of the Iewes ordained in their Talmud, are not only most absurd and impious, but also most repugnant to reason of state. Ibid.   

Touching matters of morality, philosophy, and the philosophers.  
That the felicity which wicked men imagine to be in sensuality, riches honours, and pleasures of the world is no felicity, but misery. Chap. 5.  
That paynims, and infidels could never arrive to the perfection of moral virtues, though many of them seemed to excel in some of the moral virtues. Chap. 16.  
That the philosophers believed, that there is but one god, and that philosophy is the handmaid of divinity. Chap. 3.  
That the philosophers did not know the true cause of the general disseas in mans nature, and therefore laboured in vain to cure it by their precepts. Chap. 15.  
That Aristotle placed the felicity of man, and of common wealth in contemplation. Chap. 4.  
What manner of contemplation the philosophers required to mans felicity,& what practise they had thereof. Chap. 17.  
What the philosophers taught concerning the active, and contemplative life,& in what manner they thought that the common wealth might be made happy by contemplation. Chapp. 22.  
How much virginity was esteemed amongst the paynims,& what means they taught to live chast, Chap. 30.   

Touching matters historical.  
An historical relation of the religion of the Romans. Chap. 7.& 8.  
Examples of dyvers flourishing common wealths overthrown by vice. Chap. 9.  
An exact epitome of the Roman history, with the mutation& changes of their commonwealth, and empire. The wealth, power, and ample dominion of the Roman emperours, their desastrous deaths whiles they were paynims, and an exact observation of the rigour of gods iustice from time to time vpon the Roman common wealth, and empire from the foundation of Rome, until the propagation of the Christian religion under Constantine the great. Chap. 9. 10. 11. 12.& 13.  
An historical relation of the religion of Mahomet, and the ridiculous absurdities and lies contained in the Alcoran, and his other books; Also of the Talmud of the iewes, and their absurd impiety, and folly. Chap. 14.  
Examples of the admirable effects of gods grace, in the reformation of mens manners. Chap. 15.& 16.  
Examples of contemplative, and holly kings. Chap. 23.  
An historical relation of the beginning, and proceeding of all the religious orders in gods church, from Christs time until this day. Chap. 25.& 26.  
Examples of gods extraordinary favours bestowed upon his seruants by extases and rapts, revelations, the spirit of prophecy, and other miraculous operations in every age since our saviours time. Chap. 27.  
Examples of emperours, kings, and other great princes, who haue forsaken the world for the love of god. Chap. 28.  
An historical relation of the licentious lives of Luther, Caluin, Beza, and other sectaries. Chap. 30. Of their dissensions and pride objected by one of them against another. Chap. 31. And of the fruit of their new gospel, noted, and acknowledged by themselves in their disciples, and followers. Chap. 36.  
What cuntryes haue benne converted to the christian faith, by religious men, with examples of many other great benefits bestowed also by almighty god upon princes, and their states, by their means: and finally, what monasteries haue benne built in England by the kings thereof. Chap. 34.  
Examples of Arrians, Donatists, and other infamous heretics, and notorious wicked men, who were professed enemies of religious men, and their profession. Chap. 31.  
Examples of gods iustice extended upon wicked emperours, and princes, who had made laws against monastical discipline, and religious men. Chap. 34.  
Examples o● miracles vainly attempted, false revelations, and diabolical illusions, happened to dyvers sectaries, namely to Luther, Caluin, fox, and others. Chap. 32.  
Examples of great austerity used by holly men, for the satisfaction of gods iustice, mortification of their flesh, or other pious ends, as well in the old testament, as the new, and in all ages since our saviours time, in imitation of him, and of his apostles. Chap. 36.   

Matters of Religion in controversy betwixt Catholykes and their aduersaries, debated and discussed.  
The evangelical counsels in general, proved to haue benne taught,& practised by our saviour and his apostles. Chap. 24.  
Concerning counsels in particular, to wit voluntary poverty, Chap. 28. Chastity, Chap. 29.& 30. obedience, or abnegation of a mans self. Chap. 31.  
That the gift of miracles hath benne continued in gods church, from our saviour Christs time, until this day, with answers to the objections of our aduersaries. Chap. 32.  
The use of religious vows, is defended by the authority of the holly Scriptures, ancient Fathers, and continual custom of the Church. Chap. 33.  
Ten points, or articles of religion debated by way of state, vz. concerning justification by faith, and works, inherent Iustice, free will, the possibility to keep the commandments, and their necessity to salvation, whether we ought to assure ourselves of our predestination, and salvation, whether god be author of sin, of the Sacrament of penance containing contrition, confession, and satisfaction; of the fast of lent, and other fasts, ordained by the Church, of prayer to saints, lastly of Christian liberty, in all which points it is evidently proved, that the doctrine of the catholyks is very convenient, and behouefull to common wealth, and the doctrine of their aduersaries most pernicious thereto. Chap. 35.  
The use of penance, and mortification of the flesh, is proved to haue descended from the doctrine, and example of our saviour, and the apostles, and to haue continued in the church from their time until this day. Chap. 36.  
That the true Church of Christ can never be hide, or err, that the catholic Roman Church is the true Church, and that there is no salvation out of it. Chap. 36.& 37.  
The doctrine of Luther, and Caluin, concerning imputative Iustice, justification by only faith, and the impossibility to observe the commandments handled before by way of state Chap. 35. is treated by way of religion, and confuted, whereby the great dignity, and excelleney of charity is amply declared. Chap. 38.   

Matters belonging to Christian perfection, and to the felicity of man in this life consisting in his union with god.  
What christian perfection is. Chap. 23.& 37. and how dyvers precepts of our saviour touching the same are to be understood. Chap. 23.  
Of three sorts of Christians excluded from true Christian perfection,& felicity, and who they are that arrive unto it. Chap. 37.  
Of the incomparable worth,& dignity of mans union with god, obtained by christian perfection, and that all true honour, profit, pleasure, and felicity consisteth therein; Ibidem.  
How far Christian perfection may extend in this life, and of the diuers degrees thereof. Ibidem.  
Of meditation, and mental prayer, of the remedy of distractions, desolation, and temptations, as well in prayer, as out of prayer. Chap. 18.19.20.& 21.    

THE TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS knowing THE CONTENTS OF THE SECOND PART OF THIS Treatise.  

THE necessity of religion, for the conservation and perfection of the world, is proved by the reduction, and return of all creatures to their beginning and first cause, that is to say, God their Creator. Chap. 1.  
In what maner all creatures are reduced to God their Creator by religion, and by the way, the beginning, effect, utility, and end of religion, is evidently declared out of the best philosophers:& consequently it is proved, that religion is so natural to man, that it can not be extuinguished, except mankind be exterminated, and the whole world dissolved: whereby the necessity of religion, the providence of God, and the blindness, and impiety of the politic, is evidently shewed. Chap. 2.  
It is objected, that the philosophers which haue been alleged in the former chapters, were Idolaters, and that therfore their testimonies, for matters of Christian religion are impertinent, and not to be used by Christians. The objection is answered: and it is proved, that the religion whereof the philosophers treat, was true religion, consisting in the worship of one God, whom they acknowledged to be the author of nature. Also, that philosophy is the handmaid of our deuinitie, and to be used for the confirmation thereof, with certain considerations proving the necessity of religion, and the ignorance, and blindness of politiques. Chap. 3.  
To show the necessity of religion in common wealth, it is clearly proved, as well by the philosophers, as by divines, that the end, and true felicity of every man in this life, and of common wealth, consisteth in religion. And finally it is declared, how temporal commodities may serve, and avail to the felicity of common wealth. Chap. 4.  
That the felicity which wicked men place in sensuality, riches, honours, and worldly delights, is no felicity, but misery: and that there is no true contentment, or happiness but in God. And by the way, the vanity of the world, and worldlymen, is evidently shewed. Chap. 5.  
That civil society is subordinat to the religious, or ecclesiastical society, that is to say, to the Church. And by that occasion it is declared, how much religion hath benne honoured, and respected in profane common wealths: and the eminent dignity of the Church of Christ is touched by the way. Also certain conclusions are drawn out of all the precedent chapters, and some grounds laid, for the better examination of false religions, to wit of paganism, mahometism, Iudaifme, lutheranism, and Caluinisme. Chap. 6.  
The absurdity of paganism, is shewed in the religion of the ancient Romans, and that the same was no less contrary to true reason of state, then to true religion: not only for the vanity of their Gods, and the impiety of their sacrifices, and ridiculous ceremonies: but also for the bad effects of 'vice, and all kind of wickedness, which it produced in their common wealth. Chap. 7.  
That the profession of the Augurs, and soothsayers amongst the Romans, and all their manner of divination, was frivolous, vain, and most pernicious to their common wealth: Also that their religion could not but breed atheism in very many of the professors of it, and was also in that respect, contrary to reason of state: to which purpose it is declared, how atheism destroyeth common wealth. Chap. 8.  
That the corruption of manners, and the 'vice which grew of paganism, could not but be very prejudicial to the Roman common wealth, to which end, the necessity of virtue for the conservation of state, and the damage that followeth of 'vice is declared, with diuers political observations, and rules out of Plato to the same purpose: And to the end it may appear, how the Roman common wealth could stand, and increase, to so great an empire, as it did, with the exercise of that religion, it is signified, that as God out of his providence did conserve, and increase their estate, to the end, that he might build his Church in time upon the ruyns of their empire: so also he punished the same most diversly from time to time, for their impious religion, which appeareth in this chapter, from the foundation of Rome, until the expulsion of their Kings. Chap. 9.  
A continuation of the same matter, to show the severity of Gods iustice in in punishing the Romans, from the expulsion of the kings, until the first war of Carthage, with a perfect Epitome, or abridgement, of the Roman history during that time. Chap. 10.  
The epitome of the Roman history is continued, and the exemplar punishment of God upon the Romans, further observed, from the beginning of the first war of Charthage, until the overthrow of their common wealth,& the birth of our saviour Christ, under Augustus Caesar, the first Roman Emperour. Chap. 11.  
A prosecution of the same matter, with a continuation of the abridgement of the Roman history, from Augustus Caesar, until the empire of Constantine the great, the first Christian emperour. Also the extreme tyranny of the pagan Emperours, their persecutions of the Church, how long every one of them reigned, and in what manner, and year they died, and finally the horrible calamities, and m●s●ries inflicted by Gods iustice vpon them, and the Roman empire during their reign. Chap. 12.  
The c●nclusion of the four former chapters, concerning the religion, common wealth, and empire of the Romans, and first of the amplitude of their dominion, their great w●●th, and power, and the means how they attained unto it is briefly signified, with a compendious recapitulation of their calamities, which are proved to be far greater then the miseries, and calamities of Christians haue been at any time. And finally it is declared, how their great power, and ample domi●ion, served for the propagation of the faith, and Church of Christ: whereby it appeareth, how his providence in the conservation and amplification of their state, for the good of his church, concurred with his iustice in their severe punishment, for the abominable impiety of their religion. Chap. 13.  
The absurdity not only of mahometism,( which the Turkes, Persians, and Africans profess) but also of judaism as it is now at this day professed, and practised by the Iewes is amply declared: with the ridiculous lies, falsities, and errors, taught in the Alcoran of Mahomet,& in the Thalmud of the Iewes, no less contrary to reason of state, then repugnant to 〈◇〉 verity of religion. Chap. 14.  
Of the verity, dignity, fruit, and necessity of Christian religion in common ●elth, in respect aswell of the purity, and excellency of the doctrine, as also of the admirable force, and effects of Gods grace, which it giveth for the repression of 'vice, and reformation of manners. And by the way, it is declared, how vainly the philosophers laboured, to reform the diseases in mans nature. Chap. 51.  
It is objected that many Painimes, and Infidels haue excelled in the moral, and civil virtues, though they were utterly voided of grace. And for satisfaction of the objection it is proved, that though they might haue, and had some virtues, yet they could never without grace, arrive to the perfection of moral virtue. Finally for the further proof of the necessity of grace, to the repression of 'vice, many examples are alleged of the notable effects of grace, in the sudden, and miraculous conversion of sinners, and reformation of mens manners. Chap. 16.  
The necessity of Christian religion, for the good government of state is further proved by the end, and felicity of man, and common wealth, because the same cannot be obtained but by Christian religion. And for as much, as it is declared before, that aswell the Pagan philosophers, as our Christian divines, place the felicity of man, and of common wealth in contemplation( which is an act of religion,) it is here discussed what maner of contemplation, the philosophers required to this felicity, what practise they had of it, what delight they taught to be in it: and lastly, what experience they had of that which they taught concerning the same. Chap. 17.  
Of Christian contemplation what it is, how it serveth itself of philosophical contemplation, and how it differeth from it, what excellent means it hath to attain to perfect union with God, in the which consisteth the end, and felicity of man, and common wealth: Also of three ways practised by contemplative Christians, to arrive to the perfection of contemplation, to wit, the purgative way, the illuminative way, and the Vnitiue way: and first some practise is showed of the purgative way, very necessary for beginners, and for the conversion of sinners. Chap. 18.  
Of the illuminative way, and the practise of it, with certain observations for the remedy of distractions, and spiritual desolation or sterrility of spirit, which may occur in the exercise thereof. Also certain meditations, to be practised by those, that desire to profit in the service of God, and in the way of virtue, and to arrive to the perfection of contemplation. Chap. 19.  
Of the Vnitiue way, and the practise of it, with rules to be observed in the exercise thereof, and meditations belonging to it. Chap. 20.  
Of certain other meditations proper, to the Vnitiue way, and of the excess of spirit, called by the contemplatives Ecstasis, and of rapts, and the diversity of divine favours, and the ineffable consolations, which God imparteth to his seruants in the perfect practise thereof: whereby it is evident, that true union with God, and consequently the chief felicity of man in this life, and of common wealth, consisteth in Christian contemplation. Chap. 21.  
It is objected that to make a common wealth happy by such a christian, contemtemplation as hath been described, all the Citizens must be religious men, such as haue abandoned the world. The objection is answered:& it is proved that every member of a Christian common wealth( of what degree, state, or vocation soever he be) may be a perfect contemplative: and happy in his vocation: Also what is the perfection which Christ requireth in every Christian man:& by the way, somewhat is said of the active and contemplative life, according to the opinion, as well of philosophers, as of our divines. Ch. 22.  
To prove that any Christian man may bee a perfect contemplative in any lawful vocation, diuers exampls are alleged of holy, and contemplative kings. Wherevppon it is inferred, that meaner men, who haue less occasion to divert themselves from contemplation, may bee perfect contemplatines. Chap. 23.  
certain frivolous objections of macchiavel against Christian religion are answered, and his impiety, and ignorance discovered. Chap. 24.  
That the Christian religion which giveth true felicity to common wealth, is no other, but the catholic Roman religion, because the same only hath the true Christian, and evangelical perfection, consisting in the imitation of Christ: and that consequently it hath the only means to unite man with God. Chap. 25.  
A continuation of the same matter, to prove the continual discent of religious discipline, from the first 300. yeares after Christ, until our time, by the occasion whereof, the beginnings, and authors, of all the different professions, and orders of religions in Gods Church, are declared: with the reasons, and causes, why it is convenient, that there should be so many different orders in the Church of God, and that his merciful providence, and bounty evidently appeareth therein: finally that the most holy learned, and famous men in Gods Church, haue professed, or allowed religious life, and that the later orders of religion, do not differ either in matter of faith, or in substance of religious discipline, from the first monks, or religious of the primitive Church. Chap. 26.  
That God hath in all times and ages, given testimony of his union with religious men, by many extraordinary favours bestowed upon them, as by exstasies, and rapts, by visions, revelations, the spirit of prophesy, and the operation of miracles, whereof examples are alleged in every age, from the primitive church, even until this day: And thereupon it is concluded, that the Roman catholics, having the true imitation of Christ in religious discipline, and all the external signs of Gods internal union with them, haue not only the perfection of Christian religion, but also the chief felicity of man in this life,& of common wealth. Ch. 27.  
That the aduersaries of the Roman Church at these dayes, haue no perfect imitation of Christ, and therefore no perfection of Christian religion, nor unity with 〈◇〉 and consequently, no true felicity either for themselves, or for the common w●lth. And for this purpose it is proved, that they haue no practise of the Eu●●g●lic●ll Counsels of our saviour: and first touching voluntary poverty, the pra● ice w●●●eof, is deduced from our saviours example, and express words, besides the authority, and uniform consent of all the ancient Fathers: and by the way, the distinction betwixt our saviours precepts, and counsels( denied by our aduersaries) is clearly proved, the shifts and false gloses of Luther, Caluin, and their fellowes, discovered, and confuted. Chap. 28.  
Of the evangelical counsel of chastity, grounded upon our saviours example, and express words, according to the interpretation of all the ancient Fathers. Also the cavils, and perverse gloses of our aduersaries, are detected, and rejected. Chap. 29.  
To the end it may appear, that our aduersaries neither haue, nor according to their principles can haue, any practise at all of the evangelical counsel of chastity, their Mahometical doctrine( teaching an impossibility ts live chast) is amply, and particularly declared out of their own works, and proved to be most absurd, in respect both of reason of state, and also of experience, and common sense, yea, sufficiently controwled, and confuted by the Painimes and Infidels. Also the bad and beastly effects of that doctrine, are testified by the licentious lives of their chief masters, or teachers. finally diuers of their frivolous objections, and vain cavils concerning this point, are fully answered. Chap. 30.  
Of the third evangelical counsel, to wit, perfect Obedience and abnegagation of ourselves, deduced out of the express doctrine of our saviour, and confirmed by the testimony of the Fathers, and examples of Gods miraculous approbation thereof, in diuers cases. Also that our aduersaries haue not so much practise thereof, as the very painimes had, nor so much as any disposition thereto: and this is proved by the intolerable pride of their chief masters which appeareth partly in their own works, and partly by the testimonies of one of them against an other. finally it is made most evident, that they are not only void of all true imitation of Christ, and christian perfection, but also that they are sworn enemies of it, and therefore far from all union with God, and true felicity. Chap. 31.  
Where as it is shewed, that the Roman catholics, haue all the external signs that may be, of Gods external union with them,( to wit, ecstases, rapts, and revelations, the spirit of prophesy, visions, and apparitions of our saviour, his Angels and Sainctes, and the operation of manifestest miracles:( it is here examined, what our aduersaries can pretend to haue had, or to haue in this kind: and it is proved, that they haue had nothing else, but certain counterfeit miracles, which haue miscarried under their hands, illusions of wicked spirits, idle and fantastical dreams, horrible visions, and apparitions of devils, and feigned revelations. Lastly, their objections against our miracles, are confuted, and they concluded to be wilfully blind. Chap. 32.  
For the final conclusion of the question, concerning the evangelical counsels, and religious life, the matter of religious vows is debated, and defended against our aduersaries. Also, that the continency of clergy men, is beneficial to the common wealth, and that certain wicked Emperours, who haue sought by laws to restrain,& to prohibit monastical life, haue been diversly punished by almighty God for the same. finally a brief recapitulation is made of all the premises, concerning the true imitation of Christ, and our aduersaries are thereby convinced, to be utterly voided, as well of all Christian perfection, as of the true felicity of man, and common wealth. Chap. 33.  
certain objections of the politics, out of the laws of diuers Emperours and kings, against religious discipline are answered, and the impiety of the said laws 〈◇〉 shewed, by the notable punishment of God upon the lawe makers. With a brief recapitulation, and conclusion of all the former chapters, concerning religious discipline. Chap. 34.  
To prove that the catholic religion is conform to true reason of state, and the contrary doctrine repugnant thereto ten points, controversed betwixt the catholics, and their aduersaries, are debated by way of state: and it is evidently shewed, that the doctrine of catholics, leadeth to all virtue, and is therefore most conue●ient for state, and that the doctrine of their aduersaries, either withdraweth from virtue, or inciteth to 'vice, and consequently is most pernicious to all states. Finally, 〈◇〉 bad fruit of lutheranism and Caluinisme in Common wealth, is shewed by the experience thereof, sufficiently acknowledged by Luther, Caluin, and other● their fellowes. Chap. 35.  
Three objections are answered. The first, concerning the bad lives of some catholics. The second touching the good lives of some Lutherans, and Caluinists. And the third concerning their exhortations to virtue, and by occasion hereof, it is amply proved, that the mortification or chastisement of the flesh, is necessary to good life. Also that the worst, and most vicious Catholiks, are commonly thos● which become Lutherans, or Caluinists. Lastly that the exhortations, which Luther, and Caluin, used to induce men to virtue, and to withdraw them from 'vice, were ridiculous in them, being wholly repugnant to their religion, and by the was they are fitly compared to Epicurus,& his followers, as well for their doctrine, a● for their manner in the delivery of it. Chap. 36.  
The conclusion of this treatise, divided in to two chapters. And first, in this, 〈◇〉 brief recapitulation of the whole, with certain considerations resulting thereon concerning our union with God, christian perfection,& felicity, worthy to be we●● pondered of every christian man: And next, certain doubts are cleared, touching christian perfection:& how far it may extend itself in this life. Chap. 37.  
An objection of our aduersaries concerning christian perfection, is fully answered, whereby their doctrine of imputative iustice is confuted, with an application o● all the former discourse to common wealth, by the consideration of 4. notable effect● of charity, by the which it is proved, that the catholic Roman Religion only, giveth true felicity to common wealth. Chap. 38.    

THE SECOND PART OF A TREATISE CONCERNING POLICY AND RELIGION.  

THE necessity OF RELIGION, FOR THE conservation and perfection of the worlde, is proved by the reduction, and return of all creatures to their beginning and first cause, that is to say, God their Creator. CHAP. I.  
1 such is the sympathy, and correspondence betwixt the body, and the partes thereof, that whatsoever is convenient, and necessary for the whole, is also necessary for every parte, for with the whole, the partes are jointly conserved, or destroyed; therefore whereas I am now to show the fruit, dignity, and necessity of religion in commōwelths, kingdoms,& states( which are but partes of the world) I think it not amiss first to show, that religion is so necessary, for the conservation of the whole world, that the same could not stand without it; whereby two things will manifestly appear, the one, that religion is consequently necessary for the conservation of all commonwealths; and the other, that the politics, who reduce religion to a bare name, and matter of opinion, or fantasy( contenting themselves with the show, and apparance thereof in the states, where they govern) do, as much as in them lieth tend to the destruction, not only of commonwealth, but also of the whole world.  
2 This will easily be made manifest to any man, that hath had but any taste of Philosophy, which teacheth that the world, and all things therein being produced by one first cause, do not only continually depend thereon, but also are finally reduced thereto, and could not otherwise subsist, and be conserved; which I will prove to be the especial effect of religion.  
First therefore I will treat of the reduction of all things to almighty God, their first cause and beginning: And after I will declare, how the same is wrought, and performed; Let us hear then, the doctrine of some of the most ancient, and best philosophers.  

Diogenes, Laertius Proaem. in vitas Philosopho. Marsilius Ficin. comment. in conuivium Plato. oratio 2. c. 1. Ibid. Mercuri. de potestate& sapient. c. 3. Aristotle 12. metaph. c. 12.  3 The Pithagorians who were the first that were called Philosophers( because their master Pithagoras being demanded what he was or what he professed, answered, that he was Philosophus, a lover of wisdom) taught that all things are measured, and governed by almighty God with a certain Trinity, in respect of their beginning, their midst, and their end, for that all things proceed from God, return unto him, and are perfected in him: for which cause also Orpheus, Mercurius Trismegistus and Plato call him, principium, medium,& finem vniuersi; The beginning, midst, and end of the world, because as all creatures, are procreated, moved, and governed by him, so also they are referred to him, as to their end, and finally haue their consummation in him, and by him.  
4 Therefore Aristotle compareth almighty God, to the General of an army, or master of a family, and the world to the army, or family, because all things in the world proceeding from God, their first cause, are also finally referred to him: as all things( saith he) in an army haue their relation to the general, or in a family to the head thereof. Plato also affirmeth, 
Plato in Timaeo.  that God is the beginning, and end of all things, of some things ymmediately, and of others by the means of man, which how yt is effected, shalbe declared after a while. hereupon Iamblicus( one of the chief platonics) saith, 
Iambli: apud Marsilium Ficin. in compendio in Timaeum. ca. 6. Proclus in element Thelog. Dionys. lib. d● divin. nom●nib. ca. 4.  that yf all things had not a marvelous revolution to God( from whom, and in whom they haue their being) in nihilum repentè corruerent; they would soddaynely fal● to nothing, which Proclus also confirmeth, saying, that all things haue a perpetual recourse, and as yt were a refluxe to the fountain from whence they first flow, that is to say, to God.  
5 Dionysius Areopagita a Christian philosopher, and most learned divine saith to the same purpose, that every thing in the world, ex optimo est,& in optimum conuertitur: is of the best( that is to say, hath beginning and being of God) and doth turn again to the best; which i● also conform to our holly scriptures teaching expressly that, vniuers●● propter semetipsum operatus est dominus, 
proverb. 16.  our Lord made all things for himself, and that all things, are ex ipso, per ipsum,& in ipso, of him, by him and in him, 
Rom. 11.  which last is red in the greek {αβγδ}, in ipsum, that 〈◇〉 to say into him, signifying thereby the relation, and recourse that all things haue to God, 
Apocal. 1. Boet. de consola. philoso li. 3. metro. 9.  in which respect he is also called in the apocalypse, α.& ω. the beginning, and end, and being as Boetius saith.  Principium, rector, Dux, semita, terminus idem. 
The beginning, the governor, the guide, the way, and the last end whereto al things tend: such being his infinite bounty, and love towards his creatures, that he not only conserveth those things which he hath created but also converteth, and turneth them to himself.  
6 For( as Dionysius Areopagita saith) the love of God prooceeding from him, and extending itself to all, and every one of his creatures, 
Dionys. lib. divin. nom. ca. 4.  maketh as it were a circled returning, and drawing with it all things unto him, whereby he doth not only conserve his creatures, but also consummat, and perfitt them. For then may any thing be truly said to haue consummation, and perfection, when being returned to the beginning, from whence it was first deduced, it can go no further, as we see it fall out in a circled which is ended, and perfited, when the line is reduced to the same point from whence it was first drawn; whereto Boetius may seem to allude, when he saith thus.  
Repetunt proprios quaeque recursus,  
Redituque suo singula gaudent;  
Nec manet ulli traditus ordo, 
Boëtius de consol. lib. 3. metro. 2.   
Nisi quod fini iunxerit ortum,  
Stabilemque sui fecerit orbem.  
The sense is, that all things do naturally desire to return to their beginning, and nothing doth consummat the course, and order that nature hath assigned it, until it hath made à circuit, or circled, and ended where it began.  
7 This being so, let us now see, how this is accomplished, in the whole world, that is to say, how the world, and all things therein, are reduced to their beginning. This is most truly, and evidently performed by the means of man, being Microcosmus, a little world, 
Mercuri. Tris: ad Asclepium ca. 3. Mar. 16.  and participating of the nature as well of all heavenly, as of all earthly things: in which respect, he is called in the scripture, omnis creatura, every creature, as S. Gregory noteth upon the words of our saviour, predicate evangelium omni creaturae, preach the gospel to every creature, because saith S. Gregory, Omnis creaturae aliquid habet homo, &c. Man hath something of every creature, for he hath being common with stones, 
S. Gregor. in Marc. 16. Ho. 29.  sense with bruit beasts, and understanding with Angels.  
8 Thus saith he, besides that it is also further to be understood, that God gave unto man a participation, not only with all creatures in heaven, and earth, but also with himself, making him to his own image and likeness, to the end he might be a means betwixt him and his other creatures, to unite them and the whole world with him their creator, for nothing is more agreeable to reason, nor more usual, or familiar to nature, then to conjoin two extremes by the mean of some thing tempered, 
Cicero libr. de vniuersit.  and composed of the nature of both. Omnia dvo, &c. All twoo things( saith Cicero) do require some mean to serve them for a bond, or knot to unite them: for even as in a building or house the roof cannot be connected with the foundation, but by the help and mean of some thing in the midst( as of walls, or pillars which may extend to both) so in natural things, there can be no connexion of extremes, but by some thing, which having participation of their nature, may, as it were, touch them both and join them together.  
9 And this is evidently seen as well in all natural societies, as in the natural coniunction of all other things. In the economical society, wee see, that the wife obeying her husband, and commanding her children, and seruants, is, as it were, the bond of the family, being partaker of the condition of both, the highest and lowest. And in civil society, wee see the like, wherein the king is united with his subiects by magistrates, communicating in commandement with him, and in obedience with them. Also in man himself, reason doth not otherwise perform her function, or do her office in the government of the body, but by the faculty, and power of sense, which hath part of both: And the like may be observed in the motion, and progress of nature, which doth not pass from the extreme heat of summer, to the extremity of winters cold, but by the temperature of spring and autumn, which connecting the one with the other, doth accomplish the course of the whole year.  
10 Finally the same may be also in some sort noted in the blessed trinity, wherein the Father, and the son, are united with perpetual communication of the holy Ghost, proceeding from them both. It is therefore most requisite, that the same reason, and manner of connexion, which is seen, not only in creatures, but also in God their creator, should haue place in the whole world, that is to say, that man, whom God hath ordained to bee his lieutenant upon earth, should haue a kind of middle condition betwixt the highest, and the lowest nature, to the end that being conjoined with both, he might be a mean to unite, and conjoin them both. This he doth principally by the means of religion, as may appear by the very etymology therof, for( whether we define religion to be the science of serving God, 
Plut. in vita Pauli Aemi. Cicero l. 2. de not. Deorum. D. Tho. 22. q. 81. ar. 5. c. Aug. de vera relic. Lactantius lib. 4. ca. 28.  as plutarch calleth it, or Iustice towards God whereby true worship is given him, as Cicero defineth it, or a virtue whereby we do due honour, and worship to God, as our deuynes say) the name of religion is derived of the effect thereof, to wit, a relegando, of tying together( according to S. Augustine) because saith he, it tieth and uniteth our souls with God our indeficient beginning, which Lactantius also affirmeth saying, that religion taketh that name a vinculo pietatis, from the bond of piety, because God doth tie us unto him thereby whiles we serve him as our lord, and obey him, as our father. 
lib. 2. de natur dear.  Thus saith Lactantius rejecting the derivation of Cicero who in his book, de natura deorum deduceth it a relegendo, from reading again, though nevertheless else where he seemeth to allude to the other etymology, speaking of the goods of Lentulus, which he saith were religioni religata, meaning thereby that they were consecrated to the Gods. 
Cicero orat pro domo sua.   
11 But whatsoever is to be thought of the nature, or etymology of the word religion( whereof there haue been diuers opinions) there is no doubt, but that the especial effect thereof, is, the union of man with God, and the reduction of all other creatures by his means to the service of their creator; for although almighty God taking vpon him our humane nature, did thereby unite himself with al mankind in general, yet the application of this general union to every man in particular, is principally wrought by the means of religion, as shall appear in the next chapter.   

In what maner all creatures are reduced to God their Creator by religion, and by the way, the beginning, effect, utility, and end of religion, is evidently declared out of the best philosophers:& consequently it is proved, that religion is so natural to man, that it can not be extuinguished, except mankind be exterminated, and the whole worlde dissolved: whereby the necessity of religion, the providence of God, and the blindness, and impiety of the politic, is evidently showed. CHAP. II.  
1 THe force, and effect of religion to unite man with God, was curiously observed, and exactly taught by the most ancient, and best Philosophers, as first by Mercurius Trismegistus, who teaching that all things visible, and subject to our senses, were created by almighty God, for the use, 
Mercur. ad Asclep. c. 4.&. 6.  and service of man, addeth that God made man to his own image,& as well of an eternal, as of a mortal nature, to the end, he might discharge two functions according to his diverse natures, the one in the government of the earth,& the other in the contemplation, and service of God whereby man,( whom he calleth magnum miraculum, 
Ibid. ca. 3.  a great miracle) may arrive, saith he, to such a combination, and society with God, that he may be of a divine nature, and as it were a God.  

Arist. ethic. lib. 10. cap. 7.  2 Aristotle in like sort teacheth, that there are two functions of the understanding of man, whereof the one consisteth principally in the contemplation of God, and of celestial things, the other in action. By the first, man uniteth himself with God, by the second, he communicateth with other creatures; and this contemplation, whereof Aristotle speaketh, is nothing else but religion, or a necessary part thereof, 
Arist. ethic. li. 10. ca. 8.  as it is evident, for that Aristotle placing the felicity of man therein, requireth thereto not only the knowledge of God( without the which there can be no contemplation of him) but also the love, and worship of him, and all perfection of virtue; and therefore concluding his disputation of the felicity of man, 
Ibid.  he saith, that the contemplative man is most happy, both because he is most virtuous, and also because he is most like to God, and best beloved of him, and cherished, rewarded, and benifited by him. And as for the worship of God, seeing Aristotle also in his ethics requireth of every man that he honour, and worship God, 
lib. 8. c. 14.  so much as he possibly may, which no man( saith he) can do so much as he ought, there is no doubt, but that he holdeth the same to be most requisite in his contemplative man, whom he affirmeth to be the greatest lover, and friend of God, and best beloved of him, as I haue declared. So that it is manifest, that the contemplation( whereto Aristotle ascribeth the amity, and unity of man with God) is either religion, 
Plato in Timaeo 3.& de leg. li. 4.  or a necessary part therof.  
3 Plato teaching that al things on earth were made for the behoof, and service of man, and man himself for the service of God, assigneth no other end thereof, but only that man may be united with him, and therefore he saieth, that we must not contemplate God, only to know him, but much more to worship, and love him, to the end we may contract a strait amity, and friendship with him, for those( saith he) which know God, 
Vide Iauell. in Epiteme in Ethic. Pla ton Tract. 4. c. 2.  are not grateful unto him, except they love him, and those which both know,& love him, are not acceptable unto him, for their adjudge, but for their love, for a man may know God, and bee his enemy, and blaspheme him, which he cannot do, and love him. Thus teacheth he, who also requireth that this love of God in man, be not a superficial, and a light affection, but a most fervent, and pure love, correspondent to his infinite beauty, bounty, and goodness, that is to say, a love sine modo aut termino, without measure or end, due to God alone for himself, 
Plato in Phaedone& Simposio. Idem in Timaeo. in Alcibiade. 2. 4. de leg. in Eutiphron. Vide Iauell. ubi supra c. 1. 2.&. sequent. & to all creatures for God; by which love man may be so linked& cōioyned with God, that they may become, as it were, both one; whereto Plato also requireth the worship and service of God, consisting in adoration, ●●●ess, prayers, sacrifices, oblations, piety, modesty and humility, all which concurring are nothing else but religion.  
4 To Plato I will add only two of his followeres, to wit Porphyrius, and Iamblicus, who teaching that man is joined with God by religion, do withall, notably show, and explicat, the reason, beginning, force, effect, utility, and end thereof: whereto I wish the politics to be attentive, to the end they may learn of the very paynims, that religion is not a matter of fantasy or human device, but that it floweth from the very fountain of nature itself. Porphyrius attributing the combination, and connexion of man with God, to the only force, 
Vide Marsil, Ficinum prologo in Timaeo. ca. 6.  and effect of religion, doth use notable reasons to teach and persuade the excellency, and necessity thereof. Whereof the first is, that whereas God is all in all, and man but( as it were) a part of all, it is necessary that man do convert, and turn himself unto God, to the end he may be conserved by him, and receive health both of body, and soul, seing the part cannot haue conservation or health but from the whole. The second is, that seing all human things are subject to mutation& change of good, and bad success, it is therefore necessary that God who guideth, and governeth the affairs of men, be adored and served by them. The third reason is, that we may by the adoration, and worship of him be combined, and joined with him, wherein( saith Porphyry consisteth all the force, and fruit of adoration in this life. The fourth and last is, that seing we are the children of God, but separated and as it were banished from him in this exile, and prison of the world, it is convenient that we worship, and serve him here with all piety, to the end that being delivered hence, we may return to him, for otherwise we shall for ever be like to orphans, that are deprived of their Parents.  
5 Thus saith Porphyrius, who also teacheth that there groweth such a familiarity, and union betwixt God, and man by the means of religion, when it is accompanied with purity and sanctity of life, 
Porphyrius de Sacrificijs ca. ult.  that he calleth the true religious, and contemplative man, a divine man, and the incontaminat temple of God: and saith further, that having God in himself, he hath an assured pledge of life everlasting, & totus translatus ad Deum specifics familiaris euadit, and being wholly as it were in the possession of God, becometh his familiar, or favourite; thus saith he.  
6 Iamblicus an other famous Platonik, deriving religion, and the first instinct thereof, 
Vide Marsil. Ficinum ubi supra.  from no other roote, but from almighty God, affirmeth that God having created man to his own likeness, doth draw, and reduce him to himself; for seing, that nature, saith he, flowing from God, imparteth to diverse inferior things a certain sympathy, and conveniency with the superior, whereby they haue always an inclination and disposition to follow the course therof( as wee see by experience in those things wherein the sun, and moon do predominat) much more doth the father, and creator of souls, imprint in them a certain force, or instinct, which continually moveth, and draweth them to him, 
Iamblic. de mysterijs Aegyptior.§. 1.  which natural instinct Iamblicus calleth tactum quemdam divinitatis, a certain touch of divinity, better, and more certain then any human knowledge, and hereupon groweth the natural propension, and inclination in man to the adoration, and worship of God, that is to say, to religion, and Gods grateful acceptancie thereof at mans hand, when it is duly performed.  
7. Thus teacheth Iamblicus, and the like, or rather the very same in effect is taught by Proclus, Plotinus, and other Platonicks, who speak of these things so deuinely, and so like contemplative Christians( as shall farther appear hereafter) that the politics, and Atheists of our times, may be ashamed of their blindness, seing that pretendinge, as they do, to weigh all things in the balance of reason, and seeming to themselves far wiser, and of clearer sight then other men, yet cannot see that, which these Philosophers saw to be conform to reason, to wit, that God made man to his own image, giuing him a reasonable soul, capable of the knowledge of him, imprinting therein the instinct of religion, that is to say, a natural inclination to adore, worship, and serve him, whereby man may be conjoined with him, and attain to the greatest felicity which may be had in this life. And this I shal not need to confirm with the testimonies of our scriptures, and Christian Fathers, for that no true Christian man is either ignorant, or doubtful of it, whereof nevertheless I shal haue occasion to say somewhat hereafter, and therefore I will only show now for the present, how it followeth upon this coniunction of man with God, that the whole world is reduced to God, and combined with him, by the benefit of mans religion.  
8 For although all creatures, may truly& properly be said to return or to be reduced to their Creator, partly because they serve him, to what use soever it pleaseth him to ordain; and partly because they glorify him, in giving manifest testimony of his infinite bounty, wisdom, omnipotency, and other his divine perfections expressed in them: nevertheless not only their return, and reduction to him, but also their combination with him, is most evidently and excellently, wrought and performed by the religion of man, especially three ways. The first, by a certain consequence of the subordination that all earthly creatures haue to man, and man to God. For as in a kingdom governed by a kings lieutenant, or deputy, when the subiects do obey the lieutenant, and he the king, all the people is united with the king, by the means of the lieutenants obedience: so also, when all creatures inferior to man serve him,& he serveth& worshippeth God, they are all connected, and combined with God by the religion of man.  
9 The second way is; That for as much as by the consideration of Gods ineffable wisdom, omnipotency, and bounty in the creation, and disposition of all his creatures, man is induced, not only to know God, but also to honour, praise, and serve him, all creatures may also be said to honour, praise, and serve God in man, and by man, whereto the three children in the furnace invited them, saying, Benedicite omnia opera domini domino, &c. All the works of our lord praise ye our lord, &c. which they do most properly by the religion of man. For( as Euthymius saith) Laus qua ego deum laudo propterilla, 
Euthim.  eorum quoque laus efficitur &c. The praise which I give to God for them, becometh theirs, when I take occasion by them to praise God.  
10 The third consideration is yet more particular, because man doth not only use the service, or help of al creatures, for the service of God, but also doth by religion particularly offer, and dedicate them, unto him for the most part, either vowing, or consecrating them to his honour, or applyinge them to some holy use for his service, in sacrifices, oblations, tithes, first fruits, ceremonies, in the building, or ornament of temples, and churches, and in other acts of religion: And as for such creatures as are not fitt, for any religious act, or holy use( as noisome beasts, serpents, poisons, and such like) such do also glorify God by the means of mans religion, by the which their natures are many times tempered, and corrected, and made either harmless, or else beneficial to the seruants of God, for his greater glory, according to the promise of our saviour, to such, as should believe in him. Serpentes tellent,& si mortiferum quid biberint, &c. 
Marci. 16.  They shall take away serpentes, and yf they drink any poisoned thing, it shall not hurt them.  
11 finally all creatures what soever in heaven, earth, or hell become at one time or other obedient, or pliable to mans will by the means of religion, for the service, and glory of God. Moyses by religion turned the riuers of egypt into blood, 
Exod. cap. 7. Cap. 8.& 9. Ib d. cap. 14. Exod. 17. Psal. 113. Iosue. 10. 4. Reg. 1. Ibid. c. 2. cap. 4.  killed the fish therein, destroyed the egyptians with frogs, flies, plague, thunder, lightning, and fiery hail, made the sea give place, and passage to the children of Israell, and turned the ston, and rock into streams of water. Iosue stayed the course of the sun, and moon a whole day together. Elias commanded fire to come from heaven, to devour the captains, and soldiers of king Ochosias. Elizeus purified the poisoned fountain of Hiericho, revived the dead, and changed the taste, and nature, of bitter, and pestiferous herbs. The three children repressed the force of fire,& walked securely in the burning furnace. 
Dan. 3. Ibid. cap. 14. Ion. 2. 2. Cor. 11.  Daniel remained safe in the dungeon amongst the hungry lions. jonas having been in the belly of the whale three daies, and S. paul in the bottom of the sea a day, and a night were restored to land alive; To conclude, by religion the seruants of God command revels, triumph over all infernal powers, and draw the very Angels, and celestial spirites to their help and assistance, when the service and glory of God requireth it; so that by the religion of man, all things good, and bad, glorify and serve God. In which respect S. John in the apocalypse saith that he heard, 
Apoc. 5.  Omnem creaturam &c. every creature which is in heaven, upon earth, and under the earth, and in the sea, say unto him which sate in the throne, and to the lamb, benedicto& honor,& gloria,& potestas in saecula saeculorum, blessing, and honour, and glory, and power for ever and ever.  
12 Thus then we see, how the circled( as I may term it) of the world is consummat, and perfected by mans religion, whereby all things, are reduced to their first beginning, that is to say, to almighty God their creator, for whose service they were created: wherein appeareth the infinite wisdom, and goodness of God, his providence in mans affairs, and the admirable force, and effect of religion, which may therefore be termed the indissoluble bond of the world, or a divine knot, or lynke, whereby man, and all other creatures, are tied, and knit to their creator: which knot, whosoever seek to dissolve( as our politykes do) they consequently conspire the dissolution, and destruction of the whole world. To conclude, it is most evident by all the precedent discourse, that religion is so natural to man, and so far from being a matter of conceit, or opinion, or an humane invention( as the politics esteem it to be) that except humane nature be utterly extirped, and mankind exterminated, religion cannot be extinguished.   

It is objected, that the philosohers which haue been alleged in the former chapters, were Idolaters, and that therfore their testimonies, for matters of Christian religion are impertinent, and not to be used by Christians. The objection is answered; and it is proved, that the religion whereof the philosophers treat, was true religion, consisting in the worship of one God, whom they acknowleged to be the author of nature. Also, that philosophy is the handmaid of our deuinitie, and to be used for the confirmation thereof, with certain considerations proving the necessity of religion, and the ignorance, and blindness of politiques. CHAP. III.  
1 but some perhaps will say unto me, that these Philosophers,( upon whose authority I haue hitherto relied) treat not of true religion, for that they never knew it, but rather of the idolatry which possessed the world in their times, or of some other devise of their own, seeing that the ancient Philosophers before Christ( as Mercurius Trismegistus, Plato and Aristotle) rejected the religion of the Iewes, and the other more modern since Christs time( as Porphyrius, Iamblicus, Proclus and Plotinus) contemned and utterly condemned, the Christian religion, whereupon it may seem to follow, that their testimonies, which I haue produced, are to no purpose for the confirmation of true religion.  
2 For the satisfaction of this scruple, and the better explication of al this question concerning religion, it is to be understood, that the philosophers treating of the worship, and honour of God consisting in religion, did understand, that worship and service of God, which man is bound by the law of nature, and taught by the light of reason to yield him alone, whom they knew, and acknowledged to be the first cause of all causes, and the author of nature, and of all natural things, as I haue sufficiently declared in the first part of this treatise, 
In the preface.  and therfore need not to repeat it here: only I will add that there was none of them so simplo, or senseless, but that he despised the false gods that were worshipped in those times, as jupiter, juno, Venus, Mars, Mercury, and the rest, whom they knew to be most wicked men, in so much, that Socrates was put to death by the Athenians for impugning them, and denying the multitude of gods.  
3 nevertheless, for as much as they knew, and confessed God, 
Rom. 1.  and did not glorify him( as the Apostle saith) but trusted wholly to their own wisdom, puffed up with pride of their knowledge, being( as S. jerome calleth them) base bondslaves of popular praise, men( for the most part) most sensual, and impure of life:( as I haue sufficiently shewed in my first part) for this cause, I say, they were justly given over by almighty God into a reprobat sense, in so much that thinking themselves wise( as the Apostle saith) they became such fools, 
Rom. 1.  that they not only worshipped the common gods, which they themselves derided, but also did accomodat their books, and writings in many things, to the common opinion of the people, least otherwise they might incur the penalty of the laws, as Socrates had donne,& hereupon it grew, that( as S. Augustine affirmeth) they professed, 
Augustin li. d● v●●a religion● ca. 1.  and practised publickelie one religion with the people, and taught privately in their schools an other, consisting in the contemplation, and worship of the author of nature, which being considered purely in itself, as void of all idolatry and superstition, was true religion, and may in some sort, be said to be the same that ours is, with this difference, that in them, it was only natural, and therfore imperfect, and in us it is not only natural, but also enriched, and perfected by Gods grace, for grace doth not abolish nature, but reform, and repair it, illuminat, and strengthen it, enrich, and adorn it, and finally bringeth it to that perfect felicity, and happiness whereto God hath ordained it.  
4 So that natural religion, which the Philosophers knew,& taught, was true religion, and may be called both theirs, and ours, differing only in them and us, as an infant differeth from himself afterwards, when he becometh a man. For, if we consider the progress, that religion hath made in mankind from the beginning, and creation of man, it may be said, that being considered in itself after his fall, it was born weak, and naked, and received first clothing, and growth in the law of nature, wherein it passed a kind of infancy, and after grew to more strength, and stature in the law of Moyses, as in a kind of youth, and now lastly being augmented, and illuminated with the faith of our saviour Christ, and infinite gifts, and graces of the holy Ghost, it is grown to perfection.  
5 Therefore seeing the religion, which the philosophers taught, and believed, was not only true religion, but also the same which we profess( though not in such perfection) two things follow thereon: the one that we may with great reason use,& transfer their doctrine concerning religion, to the confirmation of ours. For( as Clemens Alexandrinus saith) philosophy was given by almighty God to the gentiles, 
Clem. Alex. ●●rom li. 6.  as their proper testament, to serve for the foundation of Christian philosophy, or rather as he saith in an other place) to serve it for a hand maid. 
Clem. Alex. li. 1. storm. Gen. 16.  In which respect he compareth the philosophy of the gentiles to Agar, and our Theology to Sara, to whom Abraham said of Agar. Ancilla tua in manu tua est, utere ea, vt libet. Thy handmaid is in thy own power, use her as it pleaseth thee. 
Gregor. nisin vita Moysis. Deut. cap: 21 v: 12.  And Gregorius Nissenus alluding to the law of the old testament which commanded, that no jew should marry any foreign woman, whom he should take prisoner, except he did first shave her head, and pare her nails) compareth philosophy to the captive woman, whom he saith the Christian may marry, so that he cut of her superfluous, and extravagant opinions, and conform her to Christian philosophy, that is to say, to the law of Christ. And to the same purpose also, one of our latter divines saith notably thus. 
Hugo de S. Victore in exordio supper Ecclsia Hierarch.  Philisophis datum est adeo Philosophari propter nos &c. God ordained that the Philosophers should teach their philosophy for us, to the end that they might cultiuate, and till the barrayn fields of mens minds,& sow notable seeds of doctrine, which we might afterwards reap, when it should be ripened with the sun, and heat of our faith.  
Thus he, following S. Augustin, who saith, that all those things which the philosophers taught, consonant to our faith, ought to be taken from them as from usurpers, or unjust possessors, and to be applied to our use, as cyprian( saith he) Lactantius, Victorinus, Hilarius and others haue done.  
The other thing which I conclude vpon the Philosophers doctrine is, that those which measure all their belief concerning matter of religion with only reason, cannot with any show of reason deny those poyntes of Christian catholic doctrine, which the most famous Philosophers were forced by the very light of nature, and reason to confess: As that there is one God, the author of nature, and of natural things, that he made man to his own image, and for his own service, and that therefore he gave him a reasonable soul, capable of the knowledge of him, and endued with an instinct of religion, by the which he might not only worship, honour, and serve him, but also be most happily united with him even in this life, as I haue partly showed already, and will do much more amply hereafter.  
6 Seeing thē, that the Philosophers do teach, not only these points ●ast mentyoned, but also the final reduction, of all creatures to their beginning, that is to say, to God their creator, and seeing also I haue proved the same to be most fully, and evidently performed by the means of mans religion, yea, and that God is glorified in man, and all other creatures thereby, it must needs follow, as I haue noted before, that religion is most natural, and necessary, not only for man, but also for the whole world, and that whosoever derogateth from it, doth injury both to God, and to all his creatures and seeketh as much as in him lieth, to break the indissoluble bond, with the which God, and they are connected, and the world perfitted, and conserved.  
7 And to all this, I will yet add for the conclusion of this chapter, two other considerations of mans infinite obligation, to worship, and serve God. The one is, the incomprehensible excellency of his divine nature: For yf men do worthily honour, and reverence a king, or prince, for the only dignity of his person, though they be not his subiects, what honour, worship, and service is due to him, that is king of kings, and lord of lords, not by election, or succession, but by nature, in whom all the several excellencies, and perfections of all creatures are jointly, infinitely, and incomparablie supereminent, as in their first cause, being infinite in power, wisdom, iustice, bounty, beauty, knowledge, verity, nobility, majesty, felicity? In which respect the beastly epicureans themselves, though they denied the divine providence in the affairs of men, 
Cicero de natura deorum.  confessed nevertheless and acknowledged the necessity of religion, for the reverence, and worship of God, in respect of the most admirable, and ineffable perfections of his divine nature, as appeareth in Cicero in his books de natura deorum.  
8 The other consideration is grounded on our Christian faith, teaching our duty, and obligation to the service of God, in respect o● our creation, conservation, and redemption, yea and of the eternal● reward due by his promise for his service, and eternal punishment threatened for the contempt thereof. But of these poyntes I shall no● need to say any thing now in particular, both because our Christia● doctrine is of itself most evident in that behalf, and also because there will be many occasions offered to speak thereof in this discourse▪   

To show the necessity of religion in common wealth, it is clearly proved, as we● by the philosophers, as by divines, that the end, and true felicity of euer● man in this life, and of common wealthe, consisteth in religion. And finalli● it is declared, how temporal commodities may serve, and avail to th● felicity of common wealth. CHAP. IIII.  
1 having shewed in the former chapters as well the necessity as the admirable force, and effect of religion, generally i● the whole world, I will now show the same particularli● in common wealth, which may appear not only by th● general consequence,& inference that may be made from the whole to every part( as that religion being necessary for the whole world, must needs be necessary for common wealth, which is a part thereof) but much more in respect of the special force, fruit, and office of religion, in common wealth; which I will deduce from the consideration, and proof, of an infallible, and irrefragable verity, to wit, that the chief end, and felicity whereto common wealth is naturally ordained, consisteth in religion, that is to say, in the due worship, and service of God: which being declared, and proved, will serve for a most solid, and sure foundation to the building of this whole treatise, and by necessary consequence, draw after it diverse important considerations, and conclusions, which I will after prosecute for the more clear understanding of all that which belongeth to common wealth.  
2 Now then, to finde out the true end and felicity of common wealth, 
Aristot. li. 7. polit.  it shalbe convenient to weigh the force of an argument of Aristotle discussing, and resolving the same question, who sheweth evidently in few words, that the end, and felicity of every particular man, and common wealth, is all one; his Argument is this. Seeing, that every particular man in the city, and all the citizens are of one, and the self same nature, and that the felicity of all the city, or common wealth, doth grow of the felicity, or happiness of every particular citizen: it must needs follow, that the felicity of every particular man, and of the whole common wealth is all one, as the power( saith he) to laugh is one, and the self same in every man, and in all mankind. Thus reasoneth Aristotle, and his argument is demonstratyue, whereby it appeareth, that to show the true end and felicity of common wealth, it shalbe convenient to declare, what is the end, and true felicity of every man in this life.  
And although the same is in parte performed already in the two former chapters, where it appeareth by the opinions of the best philosophers, that God made man to noe other end, but for his own service, that is to say, to the end to worship, honour, and serve him by true religion, and to be thereby most happily united with him( where vpon it followeth that both the end, and also the felicity of man in this life consisteth in religion) though, I say, this appeareth already, yet because I handled not the same of purpose to show the end, and felicity of man, but only touched it, by the way, upon an other occasion, I will now more amply treat therof, as of a matter most important, and necessary to the whole subject of this treatise.  
3 First then I will begin with the doctrine of the Philosophers Aristotle and the peripatetics, being most curious, and subtle searchers of nature, observed, that as in all things that haue substance, some are more excellent then other, and one substance( to wit God) most excellent of all other, whereto all other are referred, as to their end( which therefore hath no relation to any other thing) so also in the actions of men, some are better, and more noble then others, and one action the best, and most worthy of all the rest, to the which, they all ought to be referred, 
Aristotle. Ethic. li. 10. ca. 6.& 7.  as to their end, and in this action these philosophers placed the felicity of man, determininge, that whosoever arriveth to the perfect exercise of that action, is as happy as man can be in this life. And for as much as reason taught them that this best action of man, must needs proceed from the worthiest, and best part of man, and that nothing is more worthy, and noble in him, then his understanding, and again no action of the understanding better then the contemplation of God, 
Ibid.  they concluded by a necessary consequence, that mans felicity in this life, consisteth in the contemplation of God, 
Chap. 2. nu. 2. chap. 2. Idem ibid. cap. 8.  to the perfection whereof they required not only the worship, but also the love of God, and practise of all virtue: as I haue shewed before in the second chapter out of Aristotle, who holdeth his contemplative, or wise man, to be most happy, because he is most virtuous, and in favour with God, and cherished, and benifited by him. Besides that, 
Idem ibid. li 8. c. 14.  I haue also declared in the same place, that Aristotle requireth in his contemplative man, the worship of God in the highest degree, which concurring with the love of God, and the true exercise of virtue, is nothing else but religion: whereby it appeareth, that the contemplation whereto Aristotle, and the peripatetics his followers ascribed the end, and felicity of man, doth principally consist in religion.  

Cicero li. 4. de sinib.  4 The like may be justly affirmed of the opinion of the stoics, who placed the end, and happiness of man, in a conformity of mans life to the rule, and lawe of nature, by the exact exercise, and practise of the moral virtues, whereof the chief is religion, which as I haue declared is, iustitia erga Deum, iustice towards God, whereby his due honour is duly rendered unto him. Besides that, nothing is more conform to nature, then that the author of nature be duly worshipped, honoured, and served, which evidently appeareth to be the opinion of the stoics, by their doctrine of Gods particular providence in the government of the world, 
Seneca. lib. 4 de benef. c. 6.  and of the affairs of men, as is manifest in Senica the famous stoic, who in that respect not only condemneth, and detesteth the ingratitude of Atheists towards God, in that they acknowledged to haue received all their particular benefits, of nature, 
Idem de provid. c. 1.& 4.& 5.  and not of him, but also requireth a most perfect, and sincere obedience in man, and a resignation of his will, to the will of God, in the patient suffering,& willing acceptance, of all the calamities that it shall please God to lay upon him in this life, 
Cap. 2. nu. 23.& chap. 25. nu. 27.& 28.  as I haue amply shewed in Senecas own words, in the first part of this treatise: so that there can be no doubt, but that the felicity of man, which he, and other stoics attributed to the exercise of virtue, according to the prescript of nature, did in their opinion consist in the worship, love, and service of God the author of nature, that is to say, in religion, which is the principal virtue,& most natural to man, as may appear by the natural instinct thereof most evident in all men.  
5 And as for Plato, and his followers, it is manifest by that which I haue signified at large in the second chapter, that he, and all they, 
Chap. 2. nu. 3.4.5.6.& 7  taught expressly, that the end, whereto man is ordained, is religion, seeing they affirmed that he was created by almighty God to his image, and likeness, and for his service, that is to say, to love, honour, and worship him, and by that means to be united with him, which they accounted the only felicity of man in this life, and that the same should be consummated in the life to come, by the perfect vision and fruition ●f God; as though they should say with S. paul. 
1. Cor. 13.  Nunc videmus per specu●um in aenigmate, tunc fancy ad faciem, &c. Now we see as it were through a glass, in obscurity, then we shall see face, to face, now we know in part, ●hen we shall know as we are known.  
6 To this perfect felicity of the life to come, Plato requireth the other felicity of this life, as the high way that leadeth thereto, and consisteth, ●s he teacheth, in a religious wisdom: in which respect, he accounteth the special office,& duty of a Philosopher, or wise man, to be, 
Plato de Rep. li. 6.& 7.& in Epinom.  to search forth the reasons, and causes of all things, that he may thereby ascend to the knowledge of the divine reason, whereby they were made( that ●s to say, of the divine nature, or God himself) and that knowing him, he may worship, and serve him, and so finally come to enjoy him; whereto he requireth much more virtue, and piety in a wise man, or ●hilosopher, then science, or knowledge, though he think the same also very requisite, to the end, that God( the master of all science, and ●he author of all things that are known) may be thereby the better ●nowne by him, and the more sincerely honoured, and served.  
● Thus teacheth Plato in his Epinomis. Where he also affirmeth, that religion is the greatest of all virtues, and that the negligence, or con●empt thereof, is the cause, or mother of all unhappy, and miserable ignorance: whereby it appeareth, that whereas Plato attributeth mans felicity sometimes to wisdom, he meaneth nothing else but a religious wisdom, consisting both in the true knowledge of God, as also in the adoration, worship, and service of him. In which respect Lactantius saith of religion, 
Lactantius lib. de vera sapient.  and wisdom thus. Non potest ne● religio a sapientia &c. neither can religion be separated from wisdom, no● wisdom from religion, because God is not only to be known, and loved( which belongeth to wisdom) but also to be honoured, and served( which belongeth t● religion) but wisdom goeth before, and religion followeth, for first we know God, and then we honour, and worshipp him: so that these two names signifi● one force, the first consisting in sense, and understanding, and the other in act▪ Thus far Lactantius: which may also be confirmed out of our holy scriptures, wherein it appeareth, that true wisdom concurreth ever with religion, or rather consisteth therein, that is to say, in the fear, love, and worship of God, and in the observation of his commandments, as 〈◇〉 haue amply proved in the first part of this treatise.  
8 The like also I wish to be noted as well in Plato, as in the Platonicks and other Philosophers, when they ascribe mans felicity, some times to th● knowledge of God, sometimes to a similitude, or likeness of God i● man, and sometimes to the coniunction of man with God, seeing the● understand the knowledge of God to be a part, or rather the ground o● religion, and the other two, to be the effects thereof: for the knowledge of God is, as it were, the roote from whence religion, and all the fruit thereof do spring, 
Sap. 15.  in which respect the book of wisdom saith: Scir● justitiam& virtutem tuam Domine, immortalitatis radix est: To know thy iustice and power, 
Ad As●lep. 〈◇〉.&. 6.  o lord, is the roote of immortality. In which sense, Mercurius Trismegistus saith, that the only felicity of man is, cognitio maiestatis divinae the knowledge of the divine majesty; understanding the knowledge o● God in perfection, that is to say, with all the fruit, and effect thereo● because in the roote, is contained the virtue, and perfection of al● the three.  

Ibidem. ca. 4.&. 6.  9 This is evident in Mercurius himself, who ascribing the felicity o● man, to his coniunction with God, requireth thereto, not only th● knowledge and worship of God, but also perfect piety, virtue, and contempt of riches, 
I● d.  and of all other things, yea of the body itself,& this h● calleth as in deed it is) perfect religion, and mensuram hoins, the measure, or rule, according to the which man ought to frame his life; And therefore the Platonicks do also affirm, that by the means of religion( which some of them call adoration) man is not only made like to God but also conjoined with him: wherein they place both the force of religion, and also the felicity of man, as appeareth by that which I haue cited in the second chapter out of Plato, Iamblicus, and Porphyrius: 
Chap. 2. Iamblicus de misterijs egypt. in fine.  Besides that, Iamblicus also saith, that only true adoration doth make souls happy, and restore them to their country, that is to say, to heaven, and that, no man can attain to perfect happiness, but by the means thereof.  
10 Hereby we see, that howsoever the best Philosophers may seem in words to differ, and dissent one from an other, concerning the end, or felicity of man, yet in sense and substance, they do all notably agree. For, whereas some of them do assign mans felicity to contemplation, some to the knowledge of God, some to wisdom, some to virtue, some to the adoration or worship of God, they all understand either religion, or such a part thereof, as cannot be perfect, but when it is joined with the whole.  
11. And this manner of speech is very usual also in the holy scriptures themselves, concerning aswell mans justification, as his felicity, both which are atributed sometimes to the knowledge of God: as when our saviour said praying to his Father: haec est vita eterna &c: 
joan. 17.  this is life everlasting that they may know thee, the only true God, and Iesus Christ whom thou hast sent: And sometimes again to the fear of God, as in the psalmist: 
Psalm. 111.  Beatus vir qui timet dominum; happy is the man who feareth God: And sometimes to hope in God, as. Beatus homo, qui sperat in te: blessed is the man, that trusteth in thee: 
Psalm. 83. joan. 20.  sometimes to faith, or belief in God, as: Beati qui non viderunt,& crediderunt: blessed are those which haue not seen,& believed:& otherwhiles to the observation of gods commandements, as: 
Psalm. 1.  Beatus vir qui non abijt in consilio impiorum, &c. happy is the man, that hath not gone in the council of the wicked, but his will is in the law of our lord &c. And this I say, is most usual in the scripture, for that the knowledge, fear, and love of God, faith, hope, charity, and the observation of his commandements( which are all requisite, to true, and perfect religion) do always, and must of necessity concur, whensoever mans happiness or justification, is ascribed to any of them.  
12 Therefore the Apostle teacheth, that, he which saith he knoweth God, 
1. joan. 2.  and doth not keep his commandements, is a liar, and that, he which loveth not, doth not know God. And the Preacher saith: 
Eccles. 2.  qui timent dominum non incredi●iles erunt &c. those which fear God, will not be incredulous to his worde, they will search what is his will, and pleasure, they will sanctify their souls, and ●eepe his commandements: And after again for conclusion of his whole ●iscourse, he saith: finem loquendi pariter omnes audiamus, deum time, 
Ibid. c. ult.  & ●andata eius obserua, hoc est enim Omnis homo: let us all hear the end, or conclusion ●f all speech, fear God, and keep his commandements, for this is every man: thus saith the Preacher, giuing us to understand that the perfection, or end of every man, consisteth in the fear of God, and the observation of his commandments, that is to say, in religion, and that when man dischargeth his duty in that behalf, he doth execute, and accomplish the proper office, whereto human nature was ordained.  
13 This may farther appear by that, which our holy scriptures also teach, concerning the creation of man to the image of God, as the prec pts given him in paradise, the misery which followed upon his transgression thereof, the laws, and commandments imposed upon him both in the old testament, and the new, penalties both temporal, and eternal threatened, like rewards promised, examples of Gods severe iustice upon offenders, and of his great benefits bestowed upon his servants: all which, as also the whole course of the holy scriptures, and Christian doctrine, do denounce nothing else to man, but that he is th● creature, and natural bondslave of God, and that therefore the end, and proper office, or function, whereto God ordained him, is religion. hereupon Lactantius saith: 
Lactan. lib. 4. cap. 28.  Hac conditione, &c. We are created or made with th● condition, or to this end, that we may yeld due honour, and service to God our treator: And again in an other place. Yf any man( saith he) should ask a man that is truly wise, 
Ibid. li. 3. ca. 9.  to what end, or purpose he was created, he would answe● readily, and without all doubt, that he was created to worship God, who mad● us to the end we may serve him. Thus saith he, of the end, whereto man was ordained, and the same also he affirmeth of mans felicitye in thi● life: and therefore having confuted the opinions of many of the philosophers, concerning mans chief good, or felicity, he concludeth. Summum igitur hoins bonum, in sola religione est: therefore the chief good, or happiness of man, is only in religion.  

Ambros. de office. li. 2. ca. 5.  14 And S. Ambrose also confirmeth the same, by the authority of th● holy scriptures saying. Scriptura diuina, &c. The divine scripture placeth th● happiness and felicity of mans life, in the knowledge of God, and in the fruit o● operation, 
Aug. de civit Dei. lib. 14. cap. 26.& lib. 19. cap. 4.  and quibbling, that is to say in faith, and good works. And although S. Augustine do reprove some of the philosophers, for holding that man may be happy in this life, and therefore teacheth, that there i● no true beatitude here, either by moral virtue, or by friendship, or by a civil, 
Ibib. cap. 5.& 8.  and sociable life, and much less by riches, honours, and dignities( in respect of the continual conflict that the best, and the wisest moral men haue, partly with sensuality, and vicious inclinations,& partly with the ordinary dangers, cares, fears, detriments, sickness, and afflictions incident to the lives and states of all mortal men) yet he doth not deny all kind of happiness in this life, 
Ibid. ca. 20. ( especially that, whereof ou● holy scriptures often make mention) but that felicity which some of the Philosophers taught, namely the epicureans, peripatetics, and stoics, of whom the first ascribed felicity to sensual pleasure, and the other two, to virtue, though with some difference: all which I say, he impugned for two respects, the one because they were persuaded that man was the only worker, and cause of his own happiness, whereas, saith he, 
Idem. epi. 52.  non facit beatum hominem, nisi qui fecit hominem. None maketh man happy, but he which mademan. The other reason was, because they taught that man might be absolutely,& perfectly happy even in this life, which he proveth cannot possiblely be, for the reasons touched before, affirming nevertheless that man may, by the gift,& grace of God, 
Idem. de civitat. l●b 19. c. 10.  arrive here to a kind of felicity, though in comparison of the perfect beatitude, which we are to enjoy in the next life, it is no better then misery:& therefore he saith: Hic dicimur beati, quando pacem habemus, 
Ibid.  quantulacunquè hic haberi potest in vita bona. We are here called blessed, or happy, when we haue as much peace,& contentment, as may be had here in a good, or godly life.  
15 So that S. Augustine denieth not all kind of happiness in this life, but teacheth two things concerning the same: the one that no felicity of man dependeth on man alone, or proceedeth from himself( be it either from his soul, or from his body, or from both) but that it is the gift of God, and dependeth on his grace, and assistance: the other is, that there is no perfect happiness, or beatitude in this world, but that the felicity, which by Gods grace, and gift we may enjoy here, is unperfect, and to be consummated, and perfited in the next life.  
16 And so we are to understand all the beatitude, or happiness, which in the holy scriptures and fathers, is ascribed to mortal men, in which sense. S. Augustine himself saith: Omnis vitae bonae,& beatae via, 
Aug. de vera religi. c. 1. Ambros. de office. lib. 2. cap. 5.  in vera religione constituta est; All the way& course, of good and happy life, consisteth in true religion. And S. Ambr. Certum est virtute sola vitam praestari beatam, per quam vitam, vita acquiritur aeterna. It is certain that only virtue giveth, or maketh the happy life, by the which the eternal and everlasting life is obainted. Thus he.  
17 Therefore I conclude that he may worthily be called happy in this world, who living religiously in the fear,& love of God, dwelleth as the psalmist saith, in adiutorio altissimi &c. In the help of the highest, 
Psal. 90.  and in the protection of the God of heaven, by whose grace,& favour, he enjoyeth such peace of soul,& conscience here, that he not only saileth securely amid the storms of this tempestuous life, triumphing over all the miseries thereof, but also arryueth in the end at the port of eternal felicity. But what manner of happiness this is, which may be had here, 
Chap. 18.19.20.& 21. & what true pleasure,& delectation there is therein, I will declare amply hereafter, when I shall treat of Christian religion, and will now conclude this chapter with he consideration of what is the felicity of common wealth.  
18 Seing then it is manifest by all this precedent discourse, that the end, and felicity of man in this life, consisteth in religion, it must needs follow, according to the argument of Aristotle before alleged, that the end, and felicity of commonwealth consisteth also therein, which S. Augustine confirmeth, 
Aug. ep. 52. ad Macedonium.  saying: Non aliunde beata civitas, aliunde homo, cum aliud civitas non sit, quam concors hominum multitudo. The common welth is not happy for one cause, or reason, and man for an other, seeing that common welth is nothing else, but a multitude of men agreeing together: Thus he.  

Aris●otle. Ethic li. ●0 c. 7.& 8. Idem Polit li. 7.  19 Therefore Aristotle having in his ethics ascribed the end, and felicity of man, to the contemplation of God( which as I haue shewed before is an act of religion) he also assigneth the same end, and felicity in his politics to common wealth: And although he affirmeth, that there are two kindes of felicities, the one speculative, consisting in contemplation, and the other practical, consisting in the exercise of al the moral virtues, and calleth this latter political felicity( because the common wealth may then be worthily called happy, when it flourisheth with the perfect practise of al virtue:) nevertheless he teacheth, that this practical felicity is subordinate to the speculative, as to the end whereto it is naturally ordained, and that therefore, all political actions, ought no less to be referred to contemplation, then labour to repose, business to ease, and war to peace: In which respect he admonisheth the lawmaker, or institutor of the common wealth, to frame his laws, and the manners of the prince, and subiects, rather to contemplation, then to action, by the example of nature itself, which being most careful of those things that are most noble, and excellent, hath always far greater care of the end, then of the means that led, or help thereto.  

Idem li. 4. polit.  20 And for this cause, he assigneth priesthood for the first office in the common wealth, as most important, and principally tending to the obtaining of the end, whereto common wealth is ordained.  

Plato 1. de rep.  Plato also teacheth the same most expressly in his book of common wealth, in his laws, and in his Epinomis, in al which, it is evident, that he assigneth no other end of common wealth, 
Marsil. Fic●n in Arg●m. in epinem.  but the contemplation, and worship of God: And therefore he laboureth principally to make his common wealth happy by a religious wisdom, consisting partly in the speculation, or contemplation of God, and partly in the worship of him: In the coniunction whereof,( which is nothing else but religion) he placeth the felicity of man, and of common wealth: and the reason is, for that the especial effect of religion( as I haue declared sufficiently in the second chapter) is to unite man with God, whereupon it also followeth, that the felicity of man, and common wealth, consisteth therein.  
21 For who can deny but that man, and consequently all common wealths, are then most happy, and fortunate, when they are most united with God, the fountain, and only author of true happiness, vpon whose will, they, and all their felicity depend: Which the royal prophet signifieth notably, who having described the temporal prosperity, which wicked men sometimes enjoy by the permission of God( as that their children are comely, faire, and well decked, their barns and cellars, full of provision, 
Psal. 143.  their sheep, and their cattle fruitful, their beefes fat, and not so much as a decaying, or ruinous wall or hedge, in their terrytoryes, nor any tumult, or clamour in their streets,) He addeth, beatum dixerunt populum &c: Men call the people happy who haue these things, but happy is the people, or common wealth, cuius dominus Deus eius, whose lord is their God, that is to say, who living in the fear, and service of God, haue him for their lord, and protector.  
22 Thus saith the royal prophet, teaching notably that no people, or common wealth, be they never so prosperous for a time, can be truly counted happy, being out of the favour of almighty God, whereof I shall haue occasion to say some what more hereafter. And nevertheless I wish it here to be understood by the way, that I do not hereby wholly exclude temporal commodities, from the felicity of common wealth: but that I signify wherein this felicity principally consisteth, acknowledging with Aristotle and other philosophers, that the goods of fortune( as they term wealth, power, honours,& prosperity) are necessary to the happy state of common wealth, so that they be taken, and used only as instruments, or helps thereto, and not as felicity itself, or as any essential partes, or causes thereof: being rather in dead, the true causes of al misery, if they be not principally referred to the service and honour of God, yea, and used with great moderation.  
23 Therefore Aristotle and Plato, 
Aristot li. 5. politic. Plato 4. de repub. Plutar. de doctrina principis.  require the goods of fortune to the happiness of common wealth in a mediocrity, teaching, that superfluity of riches, is no less pernicious to the public good, then to the private weal of man: In so much, that Plato being earnestly requested by the Cyrenians to give them laws, refused to do it, by reason of their excessive wealth and prosperity, which he thought would make them indisciplinable, and not fit to be governed. And what he farther ordained in his own common wealth, concerning the goods of fortune, and temporal commodities, yt shalbe declared in the ninth chapter, where I will also show by examples, what damage, and destruction followeth to states, by the abundance of riches, and temporal prosperity, by reason of the great corruption and 'vice, that commonly groweth thereof.  
24 This is also signified in the holy scriptures, concerning the people of sodom, whose iniquity( saith the prophet) was. Superbia, saturitas panis, 
Ezech. 16.  abundantia& otium. Pride, saturity or fullness of bread, and meate, abundance, and ease: giuing to understand, that their sin, and consequently their ruin, grew of their wealth, plenty, and prosperity: And Moyses also ascribeth the fall of the Iewes to the same cause. 
Deut. 32.  Incrassatus est dilectus, saith he, & recalcitrauit: incrassatus, impinguatus, dilatatus dereliquit Deum factorem suum &c. My beloved people wax fat, and then they began to kick, for when they grew once to be full, well fed, fatted, and dilated, or amplified, they abandoned God their maker. Thus prophesied Moyses of the future fall of the Iewes, by the means of their overmuch ease, wealth, and prosperity, which so enwrapped, and snared them in pleasures,& worldly delights, that as the prophet Abacuc saith, 
Abac. 1.  they forgot their God, and sacrificed to the very nets which entangled them, making idols of their wealth, and contentments, and placing their end, and felicity therein.  
25 So far are temporal commodities from being any essential part, or cause of mans felicity, that they rather draw him many times to all infelicity, and misery: as shall farther appear in the next chapter, wherein I will discover the supposed, and false happiness of wicked men, who contemning religion, and the service of God, frame to themselves, a kind of felicity in sensuality, honours, and pleasures. Where as I will make it manifest, that be they never so wealthy, potent, and prosperous, they haue never any contentment, and peace of mind, but are always most miserable. And hereof I will yield only five, or six reasons, whereby also, the vanity of worldly wealth, dignity, and pleasure, shall suficiently appear.   

That the felicity which wicked men place in sensuality, riches, honours, and thirdly delights, is no felicity, but misery: and that there is no true contentment, or happiness but in God. And by the way, the vanity of the world, and thirdly men, is evidently showed. CHAP. V.  
1 H The first reason, why wicked men, neither haue any true felicity in their worldly pleasures, but infelicity, and misery, is, the continual contradiction of their own passions, and concucupiscences, which do miserable tear, and distracted them inwardly, with such a perpetual combat, and civil war, that they can never haue any repose and true contentment of mind: whereupon S. james saith, vnde bella,& lights in vobis? &c. whence grow wars, and strifes within you? do they not grow of your own concucupiscences, which make war in your bodies? Thus saith he: whereof the reason is, for that mens passions are so different, and diuers, that many times they contradict one an other, for what the flesh desireth, regard of honour sometimes admitteth not, and that which both honour, and the flesh requireth, respect of profit otherwhiles rejecteth: much like as when a sick man is pestered with contrary humors, or with a could stomach, and a hote liver, which two as they torment, and afflict the patient, so also one of them, hindereth the cure of the other. And therefore whiles passionat men, eagerly hunt after the accomplishment of all their desires, and find themselves hindered with their mutual contradiction, and conflict, they haue such a babilonicall confusion, and perpetual garboil in the city( as I may say) of their own breasts, that the saying of the Prophet david may justly be applied unto them. Praecipita Domine, divide linguas eorum, 
Psal. 54.  quoniam vidi iniquitatem,& contradictionem in civitate. Cast them down headlong o lord, divide their tongues, for I haue seen iniquity, and contradiction in the city. Thus saith the royal prophet, giving to understand, that where is iniquity, there is contradiction, and disquiet of mind.  
2 The second reason of the infelicity of the wicked, is the anguish and torment of mind, that accompanieth every passion or 'vice, which will easily appear, if for example sake, we consider the nature and condition of some three, or four of them. And first to begin with covetousness, how restless, and insatiable is the hunger and thirst, that the covetous, and avaricious man hath after riches, who the more he hath, the more he desireth: and as Valerius saith; Not possessing his wealth, but being possessed by it, 
Valer. Max. li. 9. cap. 4.  is a miserable slave of his own money, to whom a man cannot wish a greater harm, then that he may live long to torment himself, who though he desire all, yea and haue all that he desireth, yet in effect hath nothing. For as the prodigal man wanteth many things, so the avaricious man wanteth all things, not enjoying that which he hath, and thirsting after all things else: whereof the preacher saith thus. 
Eccles. c. 6.  Est& aliud malum quod vidi sub sole, &c. There is an other evil, or mischief which I haue seen, or noted under the sin, and the same very frequent, or common amongst men, to calicut: a man to whom God giveth riches, and substance, and honour, and he wanteth nothing of all that his soul desireth, and yet God doth not give him power to eat therof, but some stranger shall devour it, this is vanity, and great misery. Thus saith the preacher.  
3 In like manner the ambitious man insatiably gaping after honours, and dignities, is vexed with envy at every other mans prosperity, not receiving, saith Seneca, so much contentment by seeing many men behind him, as disgust by seeing any one before him, whereby he is drawn in to many dangerous practices, 
S. August. li. 8. confess. c. 6.  and attempts: and as S. Augustine saith. Per multa,& magna pericula, ad plura,& maiora pervenit: by many, and great dangers, he passeth to more, and greater, until at length he run headlong to his own ruin, whereof wee see daily experience, besides infinite examples of ancient times, needless to be alleged.  
4. But who can express how hypocritical, base, and ridiculous is the passion of ambition, for though the ambitious man desire nothing more, then honour, yet he would seem most of all to contemn it and commonly so contradicteth himself in his own actions, tha● every man discovereth his humour. And whereas he seeketh to commande all men, he is forced to be every mans slave, crouching, an● creeping to every one, fawning, and flattering, bribing, dissembling and committing infinite indignities, to rise to dignity. And therefore S. Barnard fitly calleth ambition, 
D. Ber. ep. 126. Psal. 4.  negotium ambulans in tenebris, as th● Psalmist saith, a business working in the dark. For the filthy 'vice of ambition( saith he) lieth low, but looketh up to the highest, and yet woul● not itself be seen: it is the mother of hypocrisy, it lurketh in corners, louet● darkness, and cannot endure the light. And no marvel: for if it be on● discovered, it becometh ridiculous: And so falleth it out to be true, whic● the Apostle saith: 
Philip. 3.  Gloria in confusione eorum, qui terrena sapiunt: their glor● is their confusion, who seek after earthly things. Thus saith S. Barnard i● substance, of ambition, which also in an other place he calleth a subtle evil, 
D. B●r. in Psal. 90. ser. 6.  a secret poison, a privy plague, a forger of lies, and deceits, th● mother of envy, the fountain of 'vice, the nurse of sin, the moth that eatet● and consumeth sanctity, and piety, the blinder of hartes, and finally such a pestilent passion, that it engendereth, and breedeth sickness of the ver● medicines, and remedies, that are applied to the cure of it, corrupting and abusing all things, even the holiest, to the furtherance of her designments.  
5. Furthermore, who can express the folly of the ambitious man who never knoweth when he is well, and ventereth his life, and stat● many times, either he knoweth not for what, or for that which in effect he hath already: 
Pl●tar. in Pyrrho.  the which Plutark representeth notably in Pyrrh● king of Epyrus, who having greatly enlarged his dominions with th● conquest of the great kingdom of macedon, began also to designs with himself the conquest of Italy, and having communicated hi● deliberation with his great counsellor Cineas, he demanded his aduise● whereto Cineas answered, that he greatly desired to know what he ment to do when he had conquered Italy? Mary quoth Pyrrhus, the kingdom of Sicily is then near at hand, and deserveth to be had in consideration, as well for the fertility, as for the riches, and power of the island. Well quoth Cineas, and when you haue gotten Sicily, what will you then do? Then quoth Pyrrhus afric is not far of, where there are diuers goodly kingdoms, which partly by the famed of my former conquests, and partly by the valour of my souldyars, may easily be subdued. I grant it, quoth Cineas, but when all afric is yours, what mean you to do then? When Pyrrhus, saw that he urged him still with that question, mary then, quoth he, thou, and I willbe merry, and make good cheer. Whereto Cineas replied, if this saith he, shalbe the end of your adventures, and labours, what hindereth you from doing the same now? Will not your kingdoms of Epyrus and Macedony suffice you to be merry, and make good cheer? And if you had Italy, Sicily, afric, and all the world, could you, and I be merrier then we are, or make better cheer, then we do? Will you therefore venture your kingdoms, person, life, honour, and all you haue, to purchase that which you haue already? Thus said Cineas to Pyrrhus, reprehending his immoderate ambition, who knew not when he was well, neither yet what he would haue, seeing in conclusion he desired no more, then that which he had already, which in the end cost him dear: for following his own ambitious, and unbridled appetite, to amplify his dominions, as he got much, so he lost much, being able to conserve nothing any time, and at length having entred the town of Argos, by force, he was killed with a brickbat, thrown down by a woman from the top of a house.  
6. Therefore I conclude as well of ambitious, as of avaricious, and covetous men, that they may well be said to be those, of whom the Psalmist speaketh, when he saith. Errauerunt, &c. 
Psal. 106.  They wandred up and down in the dry desert, and found not the way to the city where they desired to dwell, but for very hunger and thirst, faynted and gave up the ghost.  
7. And what shall I say of the intemperate man, whose belly, 
Philipp. 3.  as the Apostle saith, is his God, who breatheth, and belcheth out, nothing but surfeit, and sin? Who eateth not to live and served God, but liveth, yea, and serveth God to eat, referring all things spiritual, and temporal, to the belly: more like a beast that is fed for the shambles, then a reasonable creature: and what benefit reapeth he thereof in the end, but infinite diseasses, and either untimely death in his youth, or a loathsome life in his age, loaden with dropsies, tormented with gouts, and consumed with cattarres, whereby he payeth the penalty of his own excesses: In which respect, the proverb saith truly, that more die by surfeit, then by the sword.  
8 Seneca describeth notably the infelicity of the riotous glutton in this maner. From riot saith he, and excess in diett, proceedeth paleness of face, 
Seneca ep. 95.  trembling of the sinews soaked in wine, and leanness of body caused by surfetts, more miserable then that which followeth of famine. Thence proceed the vnstaied, and staggering steps of men, pining away in pain, and realing as though they were drunk. Thereof groweth the dropsy dispersed throughout all the skin, the swelling of the belly accustomend to receive more then it can well contain. Thence followeth the ouerflowinge of the gull, discoulored countenance, consumptions, rotting inwardly, crooked fingers, with stiff joints, numbness of the arteries, and shaking palsies. What should I speak of the giddiness of the head, of the torments of the eyes, and ears, of conuulsions caused by enflamed brains? Or yet of the passages, by which we purge, tainted with inward soars, and ulcers, besides innumerable sorts of fevers, some entering with violence, others creeping in by easy infection, others assailing with horror and trembling of all the members? What should I reck on up infinite other diseases, that are punishments of riot, from the which those are free, who suffer not themselves to be transported with sensual pleasures, and delights.  
9 Thus saith he. Whereto is to be added, a Christian consideration of the eternal pain, due by the iustice of God, to the works of darkness, as the Apostle termeth the sins of intemperance, 
Rom. 13.  to wit, drunkenness, and frequent feasting, and bankettinge. Abijciamus( saith he) opera tenebrarum, &c. Let us cast of the works of darkness, let us put on the armor of light, let us walk honestly, as in the day light, not in banqueting, and drunkenness, not in bedding and lasciviousness, not in contention, and emulation, but put upon you our lord Iesus Christ, and do not pamper your flesh, according to your desires. Thus saith the Apostle, who also in an other place recknoneth commessationes,& ebrietates, that is to say, frequent banqueting, and drunkenness amongst the works of the flesh, 
gull. 5.  concluding, Qui talia agunt, regnum Dei non consequentur. They which do these, and like things, shall not attain unto the kingdom of God.  
10. moreover, who can sufficiently express the miserable state of a sensual, and dissolute man, who giuing himself over to beastly lust, becometh no better then equus, 
Psal. 31.  & mulus, quibus non est intellectus, a horse, and a mule which haue no understanding? In which respect, the prophet Hieremy saith of such men. Equi amatores& emissarij facti sunt, &c. 
Hiere. c. 5.  They became like to stallions, or stoned horses, when they are in love, for every one of them went n●ying after his neighbours wife. Thus saith the prophet, describing very aptly the insatiable, and beastly passion of sensual, and lascivious men, who also as we see by experience, haue commonly sour sauce to their sweet meate: for besides innumerable inconveniences, which they daily incur( as loss of reputation, danger of punishment by law, quarrels, brawls, murders, and mischiefs) they bear the pennance of their incontinency, by such horrible, and filthy diseases, that many of them rot alive, and are no less loathsome to themselves, then to all other men.  
11. And who is so miserable, or so mad, and frantic, as he that is surprised with the passion of love, wherewith he wrestleth, and languisheth day and night, consuming himself with needless cares, frantic fears or jealousies, framed in the forge of his own idle conceits, and yet he contenteth, and pleaseth himself with his own torment, saying with Phaedria in Terence. Nunc me miserum sentio,& taedet,& amore ardeo,& prudens, 
Terent. in eunuch. act. 2. scen. 1.  ●ciens, vitus, vidensque pereo, nec quid agā scio. I now find myself to be miserable, I am deanery and cloyed, I burn in love, and perish, witting, growing, living and seeing my r●yn, and yet know not what to do?  
12. again, is there any more miserable then the envious man, who as a poet saith. Alterius rebus macrescit opinis: groweth lean with other mens fat, 
Horat ad Lollium. epi. 1. Virgil. de liuore.  & ●●●oena semper est, and is alwaise a punishment to himself? In respect whereof we may well say with Horace.  Inuidia Siculi non inuenere tyranni maius tormentum. 
The tyrants of sicily never invented a greater torment then envy. And the like may also be said of anger, which is nothing else, but brevis f●●●! saith the poet a short madness, for it depriveth the soul of iudgement, it distempereth, and wasteth the body, it maketh a man untractable, and ●rksome more like a furious beast, or a mad man, or a person possessed with a spirit then a man of reason, and understanding. In somuch, that( as Plu●●●●) noteth he spareth neither God nor man, but sweareth, blasphemeth, nurseth, raileth, revileth, killeth, murdereth, and committeth all mischief.  
13. Therefore what felicity, quiet, or peace of mind can he be said to haue that is tyrannised by these passions, whereof any one were sufficient to make a man miserable, and much more all of them, and commonly they all predominate, and reign in wicked men: In which respect the prophet saith most truly; Impius quasi mere feruens, 
Esai. 57.  quod quiescere non potest. The wicked man is like to a swelling sea, which cannot rest.  
14 And therefore plutarch affirmeth with reason, that 'vice sufficeth of itself to make a man miserable( as I haue noted in my first part of this treatise.) And Cicero teacheth, that sin is the greatest punishment, that God doth lay upon man in this life for sin; 
C●c ro de Harus. resp.  Tu cum furiales, &c. When thou saith he to Clodius, furiously criest out in the assemblies of the people, ouerthrowest houses, burnest the temples of the gods, makest no difference between thy wife, and thy sister, carest not what woman thou corruptest, when thou ragest, and reuilest, then dost thou pay the penalty ordained by the gods for the wickedness of men: for the body, in respect of the frailty thereof, is subject to many casualties, but the darts of the gods, do strike the mindes of wicked men: and therefore when thou art drawn by thy eyes into all deceit,& mischief, thou art more miserable, then if thou hadst no eyes at al: Thus saith Cicero. And the like saith plutarch of Tigellinus, one of Neros fauourits: which may also be confirmed out of the Apostle, 
Rom. 1.  who saith, that God gave over the old Philosophers to a reprobat sense, permiittng them to fall into all 'vice and wickedness in punishment of their pride, and ingratitude to him: For sin is a just punishment of sin, not only in respect of the eternal damnation, whereto it draweth men, but also for the torment of conscience, vexation, and anguish of mind, wherewith it is accompanied: As I haue amply declared in the first part of this treatise, and therfore omit to speak further thereof in this place.  
15 An other reason of the unquiet, and peacelesse mind of the wicked is, that their appitites commonly are so inordinate, and their wills so unbridled, that they can endure no restraint, or check thereof in any thing whatsoever. In so much, that though they haue never so much contentment in al other things, yet if in some one, they see themselves crossed, or loose the least part of their pleasures, they so torment themselves, that they take no pleasure in any thing else: much like to little children of a froward, and cursed nature, who if they be broken of their wills, or if, of many of their puppets, some one be taken from them, they cry out mainelie, and cast away all the rest, and so do passionate men sometimes for very trifles. Whereof we haue a notable example in the holy scripture, in Aman, who abounding in honour, wealth, and pleasure, and seeing Mardocheus, the poor jew let him pass without doing him reverence, 
H●st●r. 5.  was so vexed therewith, that he assembled his wife, children, and friends, and after he had made them an ample relation of all his good fortunes, his riches, his magnificence, and greatness, and of his familiarity with his king Assuerus, and Hester the queen, he added that he should account all that nothing, so long as Mardochaeus the jew, should sit before the palace gate, and not do him reverence as others did: and thereupon seeking to haue his will also therein, and to be revenged of poor Mardochaeus, he was hanged on the gallows, which he had prepared for him.  
16 lo then how impotent,& exorbitant wicked men are in their passions, and how miserable they are thereby, for seing no man is so potent on earth, that he can haue his will in all things, but wanteth it, and is crossed many times in his designments,& desires, those must needs be most afflicted therewith, who never use to restrain their own wills, or passions, but always give full scope thereto, as wicked men commonly do. Besides that almighty God so disposeth out of his iustice, for their just punishment, that some secret disgusts do commonly ouerway their public pleasures,& therefore that which the prophet said of the great A●yrian king, may welbe applied unto every wicked man, be he never so glorious and prosperous: Mittet, saith he, 
Isai. 10.  dominator dominus in pinguibus eius tenuitatem,& subtus gloriam eius succensa ardebit combustio ignis. Our lord the Ruler will extenuat his fat, and under his glory shalbe kindled a burning flamme of fire.  
17 Lastly such is the very nature, and condition of the pleasures, and prosperity of this world, that no true happiness, or contentment, can possibly be had therein, whereof I may make the worldlings themselves iudges, if they will but ponder, and duly consider their own experience, concerning the contentment they haue, or can haue, in honour, riches, or any earthly delights, which are so far from giving any true repose, and satisfaction to the mind of man, that even when they are possessed,& had in the highest degree, they either kindle a greater desire of themselves( which breedeth a continual thirst, and torment) or else they cloy,& weary their possessors,& force them to seek solace in other things.  
18 Xerxes, saith Cicero, flowing in all abundance of wordly wealth, honour, power, and pleasure, was so far from being content therewith, that he offered great rewards to whosoever could invent any new pleasure, and when it was found, he was not satisfied; Neque enim, saith Cicero, unquam finem invenit libide. For mans lust could never yet find any end.  
19 Besides that, if we regard the uncertainty of all worldly prosperity, and contentments, yea with what danger to all, and utter ruin to many they are purchased, possessed, and conserved, we may easily judge, how little true felicity there can be therein. whereupon Valerius saith admirably well. Caduca,& fragilia, puerilibusque consentanea crepundijs sunt ista, &c. These things wherein consist the force, wealth, and pleasure of man, are transitory, frail, and like to childrens puppets, they abound sometimes upon a sudden, and are again as suddenly lost, they take no roote, nor assured rest in any place, or person, but being tossed to and fro, with every puff, or blast of fortune, hoist men up on heigh when they flow, and afterwards ebbing again, either leave them destitute on d● ground, or drowne them in the depth of misery, and therefore they ought not to b● esteemed, or yet to be called goods, especially seing that, besides the mischeefs whic● they draw upon us, they redouble in us a painful thirst of themselves.  
20. Thus saith he, most truly, yea and this might be the better born● with in them, if they were not also the means to corrupt our mindes and to replenish us, with all kind of 'vice, and sin. And therefore th● Apostle saith: 
2. Tim 6. Eccles. 11.  Qui volunt fieri divites, incidunt in laqueum diaboli: They whic● will be rich, fall into the snare of the devil. And the preacher: Si dives fueris, non eris immunis à peccato: if thou be rich, thou shalt not be free from sin. I● which respect our saviour compared riches to thorns, 
Matth 7. Ma●. 4. luke. 8. Matth. 19. Mar. 10. luke. 18. Prou. 10.  and said also that it was, as hard for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven, as for 〈◇〉 camel to pass through a needles eye.  
21. This was wisely considered by Salomon when he prayed to almighty God, to give him neither riches, nor poverty, but only things competent, and necessary for his maintenance, lest perhaps by plenty, an● abundance, he might forget and deny God, or by poverty be forced t● steal, and blaspheme him. And although he was advanced by almighty God to the greatest honour, wealth, and glory that ever mortal ma● had, and became a very mirror of human power and prosperity, ye● how little true felicity, and happiness he found therein, we may learn● partly by the example of his foul fall from God by reason thereof, an● partly by his own testimony. Who saith thus. I magnified my works and built houses, I planted vineards, I made gardens, and orchards, an● furnished them with all kind of trees. 
Eccl. 2.  I made fish pounds to water m wood of young trees. I had slaves and handmaids, and a great family droves of cattle, and great flocks of sheep, more then all that ever wer● before me in jerusalem. I stored, and heaped up silver, and gold, and th● substance, and wealth of kings, and provinces: I had musicans bot● men, and women, and all the delicacies of the sons of men: I ha● bowls, and goblets for wine, and exceeded all my predecessors in riches and wisdom, and I denied nothing to my eyes, that they desired, neither did I restrain my hart from the use, and fruition of all the pleasure, an● delectation, that could be reaped of all that which I had prepared, persuading myself, that it was my part( that is to say my felicity) to us● and enjoy the fruits of mine own labour. But when I seriously considered all the works which my hands had wrought, and all the labour● where in I had bestowed so much vain toil, and pain, I saw vanity and affliction of mind in all, and that nothing is permanent under th● sume. Thus saith the wisest, and most fortunate king of the world tha● ever was, or is ever like to be, who speaking of his own experience deserveth to be believed.  
22. Therefore, I may justly say with the Psalmist, to all such as put their felicity in worldly pleasures. filii hominum, usquequo gravi cord, 
Psalm. 4.  vt quid diligitis vanitatem,& quaeritis mendacium? O ye sons of men, how long shall your hartes be heavy, and dull? why do you love vanity, and seek after lies? That is to say, why do you set your affection upon the goods, and pleasures of the world, which are nothing else but vanity, and lies, being not only vain, and frivolous, short, transitory, and much sooner lost then had, but also false, and fraudulent, like to the cup of Babylon guilt on the out side, and full of poison within, appearinge and seeming to be profitable, pleasant, and glorious, but being indeed always dangerous, and many times most pernicious. whereupon Pyndarus the greek poet, 
Plutarc.  was wont to say, that every good in this world, is accompanied with two evils, and every contentment seconded with a thousand sorrows, and those far more irksome, and doleful, then the pleasures delightful: For, more are wee grieved with loss, then contented with gain, more afflicted with sickness, then delighted with health, more offended with injury, then pleased with honour, and which is worst of all, extrema gaudij, 
Pro. 30.  saith Salomon, luctus occupat, forrow ever succeedeth ioy. In which respect the Philosopher Hermes, or Mercurius Trismegistus, had great reason to give to God, as he said, ingentes gratias, exceeding great thankes, that whilst he meditated upon the nature of the true good, God did infuse into him this certain iudgement, that mundus est congeries malorum, the world is nothing else, but a heap of evils.  
23. Therefore I conclude with a certain contemplative man, 
ludovic. Granat. Dux pec. lib. 1 part. 3.  who saith of the world, much to this effect. What else is the world but a magazine of woes and sorrows, a school of vanities, a market of deceits, a labyrinth of errors, a dungeon of darkness, a way beset with theeues, a tempesteous sea, a garden full of weeds, and poisonful herbs, a fountain of cares, a sweet, and pleasant poison, and a delectable frenzy? what good is there in the world, that is not false, and counterfeit? what evil, that is not truly evil? it killeth thee, to betray thee: it flattereth thee, to deceive thee: it exalteth thee, to cast thee down again: it maketh thee merry, to redouble thy sorrow: all the ease, and comfort it giveth, is mixed with labour, and pain: the security it promiseth, is without foundation: the hopes vain: the joys false, and feigned: and the sorrows true, and insupportable: in so much, t'has( as S. Barnard saith) if it were not for the hope that wee haue here of the other life, there would be little difference betwixt the world, and hell.  
24. This being so, I leave it to the consideration of any prudent, an● unpassionate man, what peace of mind, or true happiness, evil men ca● haue in the pleasures and contentments of this world, or rather ho● miserable they are, even in the very height of their supposed felicity seeing it is not only accompanied with much misery, but also dot● wholly alienate them from almighty God, who( as I haue proved) i● the fountain of all happiness, our chief, and only good, our beginning and our end, 
D. Bern. ser. de miseria human.  in whom only we may haue true repose. For( as S. Bernar● saith) he made all things, he hath all things, and he is all things: Quodcumque bonum cupis, quodcumque pulchrum quaeris, &c. What good soever thou desires● what beautiful, or faire thing soever thou seekest, what soever sweet, or delectable thing thou requirest, thou shalt find, and enjoy it all in him, &c. If thou desire power, he is power, if thou desire fortitude, he is fortitude, if iustice, he is iust●ce, if wisdom, he is the fountain of wisdom, if charity, he is charity, if bea●ty, he is beauty itself, if honour, glory, peace, and contentment of mind, he 〈◇〉 true glory, the highest honour, eternal peace, the chief good, and all good Thus he.  
25. And therefore, even as wee see, that the mariners compass bein● touched, or rubbed with the load ston( which hath a natural sympath● with the north pole) can never rest, or repose, until it look directl● northward, and that then it stayeth, and fixeth itself without any farther motion, or trepidation: even so mans soul( being made to the image of God, and to the only end to serve him, and by the means thereo● to be united with him) hath such a natural inclination, and instinc● ever moving it to the end, whereto it was created, that it cannot hau● any perfect repose, until it be united with him, and in the mean tim● it ever laboureth, and can never be fully satisfied with worldly things which as S. Bernard saith very well, 
Bernar. declamatio. in verba evangel. Ecce nos reliquimus, &c.  may occupy, and possess the soul of ma● but never fill, or satisfy it: for nothing, saith he, that is less then Go● can fill that which is capable of God. And he addeth farther, that therefore every man doth naturally desire. Summum bonum, the cheef● good( that is to say God) and that no man can haue rest, until he a●riue to it. But wicked men( saith he) do miserable err, and wander, wh● finding not the next way, 
Psal. 11.  ambulant in circuitu( as the psalmist saith go round about, whiles they hunt after the lesser goods, desiring always th● chief good, and never obtaining it, though it be nearer them, &c. And 〈◇〉 little after, vis pervenire, saith he, incipe transilire, &c. Wilt thou attai● unto the chief good, begin to leap over the lesser goods, for otherwise th● shalt be miserable entangled, and detained with the desire, and love of earthl● things.  
26. Thus saith S. Bernard: showing how it falleth out, that although all men do naturally tend to felicity( which is God) yet most men do not obtain it, because they err in the way, or means that leadeth unto it, pursuinge continually the lesser goods, in steede of the chief good, and thirsting after apparent goods( yea very trifles, and toys) in steede of the true good; Like one that running a race for a prise of inestimable value, followeth every butterfly that crosseth his way, till at length he fall into some deep ditch, where he is drowned in dirt, and looseth both the prise, and his life: for so do worldly men, who having the incomparable joys of heaven, and God himself proposed unto them, for reward of their good course in the race of this life, run at random( as I may say) after every butterfly of worldly pleasure, till at length they fall headlong into the pit of eternal perdition.  
27. And yet nevertheless, they might enjoy both the temporal goods of this world, and the eternal, if they would not abuse the first, but use them only as a means to the latter, that is to say, for the service, and honour of God, for the which they were principally ordained: whereas they putting their only felicity in their worldly wealth, loose their true felicity, living in a continual oblivion of their end, and of their duty to God their creator. For even as we see that hogs and swine( when their keeper doth cast down from the three store of accornes to feed them do never so much as lift up their heads, or eyes to haue any cogitation of him, but grunting, and grumling one against an other, attend only to their feeding: even so these worldlings, notwithstanding the continual benefits, which almighty God doth most bountifully power down upon them, do never so much as elevate their eyes, or mindes from the earth, and delights of this world to think upon him, and much less to be thankful unto him, but grumling one against an other, and thinking all the world to little for themselves, attend only to their present pleasures, fatting themselves as hogs, and swine do for the slaughter, that is to say, daily increasing, and heaping damnation upon themselves. And though they know well that they must die, and cannot be ignorant, if they be Christians, that then they are to yeld a straight account of their life past, and of every idle word, yet they live as rechles, and careless thereof, as if they were sure to live for ever: and which is more, are content for very toys, and vain trifles, not only to venture, and loose the eternal joys, but also to purchase to themselves eternal pain.  
28. Therefore I conclude this point, concerning mans felicity, with the saying of the Psalmist. Beatus vir cuius nomen Domini spes eius,& non respexit in vanitates, 
Psal. 39.  & insanias falsas. Blessed is the man, whose hope is the name of our lord, and hath not regarded, and esteemed vanities, and false madness, that is to say, worldly wealth, honours, and pleasures, which so bewitch men with false shows of transitory delights, that they deprive them of the true felicity of everlasting joys, whereunto God created them, and draw them to the endless infelicity, and misery of eternal pain, prepared for the divell, and his Angels.   

That civil society is subordinat to religious, or ecclesiastical society: that is to say to the Church. And by that occasion it is declared, how much religion hath benne honoured, and respected in profane common welths: and the eminent dignity of the Church of Christ is touched by the way. Also certain conclusions are drawn out of all precedent chapters, and some grounds laid, for the better examination of false religions, to wit of paganism, mahometism, judaism, lutheranism, and Caluinisme. CHAP. VI.  

Plato. dialogo. 1 de rep. vide Marsil. F●cinum in Argumento dial. 1. de rep.  1. having hitherto proved, that religion is the end of common wealth, I think it convenient, as well for the further confirmation thereof, as also for the better explication of this whole question, to show how common wealth serveth, or is referred to religion, as the mean, or way to the end. Whereby it will evidently appear, that religion is not ordained for common wealth, but common wealth for religion: and that whereas man is naturally inclined, both to religion, and also to civil society, his inclination to the latter, is subordinat to the former, that is to say, that he is by nature, inclined to live in common wealth, to the end he may the better perform the acts of religion.  
2. The reason of this may well be gathered out of Plato, who teacheth, that men are assembled, and do live together in civil society, to the end, that all mankind may give that due worship to God, which every man oweth him, and one man alone can not sufficiently perform, nor yet many together, except they live in civil society. To which purpose it is to be considered, that the worship which is due to God from man, cannot be so complete, and perfect in one man, or in a few, as in many for as Salomon saith. 
provver. 14.  In multitudine populi, dignitas regis. The honour of the king, is in the multitude of his people:) And if it be requisite, that many shall concur to the worship of God, then it is also necessary, that they live in order, and be governed by magistrates, and laws, for otherwaise their multitude would breed confusion: and where many are united with one communion of laws, and magistrates, there is civil society. Therfore seeing many men, can not duly worship God, and perform the acts of religion, except they live in civil society( which is common wealth: ●it followeth that common wealth is most requisite, and necessary, to the perfection of religion.  
3 moreover, whereas the office, and acts of civility, and religion, are distinct, and different, the one from the other, and yet are exercised in one multitude, and community of men, there must needs be also in the same community, distinct and different orders, proper to the nature, as well of religion, as of civility: that is to say, as man is, in respect of civil society, governed, and guided for the good of common wealth by laws, and magistrates, ordained to that end: so also he must, in regard of religion be directed by other different magistrates and laws, convenient to the office, and end of religion: in which respect Cicero saith. 
Cicero lib. 2. de leg.  Sine iis qui sacris publicè praesint, priuatae religioni satisfieri non posse. Men cannot satisfy their private religion, or devotion, except there be some, that haue public charge of the things that belong to religion. And this cannot be imagined, but in a society, proper to religion, that in one community of men, we find two societies, whereto nature hath ordained us, the one civil, or political, and the other religious: whereof the former is called common wealth, and the other, is now by Christians properly termed the Church: both of them evidently distinguished, the one from the other, by different magistrates, and laws in all common wealths.  
4 Now then forasmuch as the religious society, or the Church, hath the service of God, and divine things for her proper and peculiar end, and that the civil society, or common wealth doth of her own nature, and condition, respect only human and temporal matters, it must needs follow, that the religious society is far more perfect, and worthy, then the civil, yea, and that the civil society is subordinat unto the religious, such being the course of nature, always to proceed by the inferior to the superior, and by the less perfect, to the more perfect, as by the mean to the end, and this is most evident in all things, which are of one kind.  
5 The Elements are aswell in dignity, as place, superior one to an other: The orbs, and spheres in like sort are subordinat to the highest, and moved by it: The sciences are all, as it were, subject to Metaphisick, which therefore, Aristotle calleth the godesse of sciences, 
A●ist●● l●b. 1. me●aphys.  and( to omit multitudes of examples in a matter evident) the same may be noted in the societies, inferior to common wealth: for, human nature is lead, as it were, by degrees and passeth from the lower, to the higher, or more worthy: as from the society of the master, and the seruant, to the family: from the family, to the town, or corporation: and from thence, to some kind of common wealth, as to the more perfect, for the more ease, and better commodity of man: And therefore by the like reason, human nature resteth not there, but tending ever to the best, and to her proper end, it passeth from all sorts of common wealth, and civil societies, to the religious, or ecclesiastical society, as to the highest, and most perfect, whereby man( who was ordained for the worship, and service of God) may discharge his duty towards him, and attain to eternal felicity.  

Caesar comment. de bello Gallico l. 6.  6 Thus then we see, not only that religion is the end of common wealth, but also that the religious society, or the Church, is far more excellent, and worthy, then any civil society, by the same law of nature, that the soul is superior to the body, reason to sense, heaven to the earth, and divine things to human.  
7 The force of this natural law, and the transcendent dignity of religion, hath benne always most manifest, even in the common wealths of the gentiles. For, although true religion, could not haue any place, and much less any command amongst them,( whiles they were drowned in the depth of idolatry) yet their natural propension to true religion, appeared evidently in the honour and respect, that they bore to their error, and superstition; as( to omit other manifest arguments, and proofs thereof) it was evident in the great authority, and dignity of the priesthood, which was exercised in the different religions of diuers countries; whereof I think good to lay down some examples.  
8 We red in the Commentaries of Caesar, that certain priestes called druids( because they dwelled most in the woods) were of such authority amongst the Brittaynes in our country, and the Gaules now called Frenchmen, that they were, not only exempt from all kind of taxes, or impositions, service in war, and all other greueances, but also had in their hands the education, and instruction of all the youth and the decision of all civil and criminal causes, and other controversies, either public, or private, punishing such as refused to stand to their iudgement, with deprivation of all participation of their sacrifices: which was held for the most grievous penalty that might be, and he which incurred it, was reputed to be so wicked, and infamous, that no man would converse with him, or speak to him: and such was the power of these druids, that they made war, sometimes amongst themselves, for the office of chief priest, when it was vacant.  
9 Also amongst the egyptians, priesthood was of such high estimation, that no man could be king, except he were priest: And in diverse partes of Greece, as Plutarcke affirmeth, 
●aptista Fulgos. lib. 1. Strabo.  priesthood was held equal in dignity, with princely estate, or kingly majesty. In Aethtopia, the kingly authority was so subject to the priestly power, that when the priest denounced to the king, that it was the will of God, that he should kill himself, he never refused to do it: in so much, that for many descentes, and generations, the kings of Aethiopia killed themselves, by the sentence, or decree of the priests, preferring the reverence, and respect of religion, before the love of their lives.  
10 And who can sufficiently express, the great care, and respect, the Romans had of religion? Of whom Cicero saith: Nec Numero Hispanos, 
Cicero de Harusp. resp.  nec rebore Gallos, &c. we do not surmount the Spaniards in number, nor the French in strength, nor the Africans in craft, nor the Greekes in the sciences, but we go beyond all nations in religion, and piety. Thus he. And this is evident throughout all the course of their common wealth, and empire. 
Onuphrius de Romana Repub.  Romulus their first king, thought it unfit, that any other but himself, should haue the care, and charge of the temples of the gods, and of their sacrifices, and ceremonies. Which custom, passed also from him as hereditary, to the kings his successors. Numa, who succeeded him, 
Plutarc. in Numa. Titus livius Dec. 1. lib. 1.  did not only think himself greatly honoured, with the title of chief bishop, but also ordained all that majestical form of ceremonies, sacrifices, priestly, and pontifical dignities, which the Romans ever after most curiously observed. And such was the privilege, and dignity of their priesthood, that Iupiters priest was( as Plutarcke witnesseth) Viuum, sacrumque perfugij simulachrum: 
Plutarc. in quaest. Rom. q. 111.  A living and holly image of refuge, that is to say, his very person, was a sanctuary. For, whosoever did fall down at his feet, he was that day free from stripes or other punishment, and if he were already tied, or bound, he was presently loosed.  
11 The chief bishop( who was called, Pontifex Maximus, and had the chief charge of all things belonging to religion) was subject to no man, nor accountable for his doings to any: and which is more, the supreme authority of the common wealth restend in him,& the inferior bishops, as Cicero witnesseth, saying that it was most notably, 
Cicero ord● pro domo sua.  and deuinely ordained, by the ancient Romans, that the Bishops should haue the chief command in matters, that pertained aswell to the common welth, as to the religion of the gods.  
Thus saith Cicero, whereof there may be alleged diuers examples, bu● two, or three shall suffice. Metellus being chief bishop, forbade Posth●mius the Consul,( who was also a priest) to go to afric with his Army, to the end he might attend, to his priestly charge, as occasion shoul● require: 
Valer. Maxim. li. 1. c. 1.  wherein the consul obeyed him, and so the chief dignity of the common welth yielded, saith Valerius, to religion. Cn. Tremellius the Tribune of the people, was fined, because he had so little respect to Aemilius Lepidus, the chief Bishop, 
Lucius Florus epito. lib. 47.  as to contend injuriously with him: whereuppo● Florus observeth; that sacrorum magistratuum ius potentius fuit. The authority of the sacred, or holly magistrates, was more potent, then the authority of the Tribunes, who where held equal with the consuls, and instituted of purpose by the people to counterpoise them.  
12 I might add hereto the sovereign, and supreeme authority of the augurs, over all temporal magistrates in all matters of the common wealth, were it not that I shall treat of it at large, in the eight chapter, where I shall haue occasion to lay down some examples thereof, and namely of the two consuls. 
Chap. 8. nu. 1. 2. 3.  P. Claudius and Lucius Iunius condemned to death, for disobaying the augurs. For such was the reverend regard of the romans to religion, that the violation, and contempt thereof, was not only always ignominious, but also sometimes capital to the greatest princes, and supreme magistrates of the common wealth; In which respect, 
Valerius Maxim. li. 1. c. 1.  Valerius Maximus, saith. Omnia post religionem ponenda semper nostra civitas duxit, &c. Our city hath always thought, that religion is to be preferred before all things, yea even in men of the highest dignity, and majesty: and therfore our Empire, hath alwaise most willingly submitted itself, and obeyed in matters of religion, esteeming, that it should in time attain to the sovereignty of human government, if it did well, and constantly, serve the divine power. Thus saith Valerius, of the time of the roman consuls, and common wealth.  
13 And what respect was had to religion afterwards, it may appear sufficiently, 
B●●●●●a Fulg●●. lib. 1. c. 1.  by that which wee red of the time of the Emperour Alexander severus: As that there was an appellation from him to the bishops, and that they reversed his sentences, when they saw cause: And( to omit other arguments of this matter) there is in Nicephorus, 
Niceph. eccl. hi●●. l●b. 1●. c. 22.  extant a letter of julian the Apostata to Arsacius, an Idolatrous bishop, or high priest in Galatia, wherein he admonisheth him, to be ever mindful of his own dignity, and that therefore, he should not go to visit the gouernours of the province, but very seldom, nor suffer any priest to go forth to meet them, when they should come to the city, nor to be seen in the theatres, nor to haunt taverns, nor that any soldier, of what condition soever he were, should go before any priest in the temple, for as soon, saith he, as any temporal magistrat doth set his foot within the door of the temple, he becometh a private man, for thou hast the chief authority or command, in the temple, as thou knowest, and so also the divine decrees do require.  
14 Thus wrote the Emperour julian: Whereby we may see, what conceit the pagan Emperours themselves held, of the gravity, and dignity of priesthood, and consequently of the excellency of religion. The like may also be observed amongst the Turkes, where such honour, 
Munster. in Cosmographia. pag. 47  and respect is born to the clergy, that whereas, all other sorts of men, of what dignity, or degree soever they be, are counted no better then slaves to their Emperour: the priests are counted free men, and never pay, either tax, or tribute, and the chief bishop, 
Melanchton. in praefat. Alcoran. Cispin in tractatu de Mahomete. thevet Cosmogra. li. 17. c. 7. Leonclauius in pandect. hist. Turc. ca. 34. Postel. de la iustice des Tu●cs.  or patriarch( who is called Muphtij) is of such absolute authority, that no man what soever( not the Emperour himself) intermeddleth in the affairs belonging to his charge, where as he nevertheless assisteth, when he thinketh good, in all the counsels of state. And although the other ordinary counsellors of the Emperour( who are commonly four in number) may be, and are oft-times changed: yet he can never be changed, or excluded: yea, and if he contradict any decree of the counsel, or law of the Emperour, and affirm it to be contrary to the Alcoran, or law of Mahomet, it is presently annulled, and held to be of no force. Finally such is the respect that the Emperour beareth him, that as oft as the Muphtij cometh unto him, he riseth out of his seat, and laying his hand upon his breast, boweth his head down to the ground to do him reverence. Thus much I haue thought good to note by the way, concerning the high esteem that Infidels of all sorts, haue had of religion, and priesthood.  
15 Seeing then superstition, and idolatry hath had such power to captivat the minds of men by reason of the natural instinct, and inclination that all men haue to religion, what may be thought of the force, and power of true religion, accompanied with the light and power of Gods grace? Shall it not be much more potent to move men to embrace, esteem, and honour it above all earthly things? And shall not the priesthood, and prelacy belonging thereto, be more worthily respected, and reverenced, then an earthly power? This appeareth evidently in the law of God, given to the Iewes by Moyses in the old testament, 
Deuter. 17.  where it was ordained, that it should be death to disobey the commandments of the high priest, and almighty God also said to the Prophet jeremy. Ecce 〈◇〉 te hody, &c. 
Ieremi. 1.  Behold I haue constituted and ordained thee this day above ●ations, and kingdoms, that thou mayst pluck up, and destroy, and dissipat, and build, and plant, &c.  
16 What marvel then, that the priesthood of our Christian church( which is the kingdom of Christ, 
Isai. 49.& 60. Agga 2 Hieron. in Agga.  and the pillar of truth, as the apostle calleth it( whereof the prophets also foaretold, that it should in glori● exceed the synagogue of the Iewes, which was but a figure of it wha● marvel, I say, that in authority and honour, it excelleth all earthli● power, 
S. Ignatius ep. ad Smyruen. S. Chrisost. Ho. 4.& 5. de ve●b. Esaiae vidi dominum& li. 3. de sacerdotio.  and principality? In which respect the holy martyr, S. Ignati● disciple to S. John the evangelist, said of our Christian priesthood that it i● Summa omnium honorum, qui in hominibus consistunt: The chief of all honour● which are in men. And S. chrysostom calleth it Principatum ipso regno, &c. 〈◇〉 principality more venerable, and greater, then the kingdom of itself, because th● princely power, doth not exceed the bounds of the earth, wher● as the power of the Christian priest, extendeth itself to th● heauens: and the Prince saith he, hath authority only over the bod● but the priest hath power over the soul. Thus reasoneth S. Chri●stome in his excellent treatise, which he wrote of the dignity of prie●hood.  
17 This then being so, it cannot be doubted, but that our Christia● Church, wherein this pristhood is exercised, is that religious, and eccl●siastical society whereto all other societies are by the law, and course 〈◇〉 nature subordinat, and subject, which will be more clear then th● sun hereafter, when I shall treat purposely of Christian religion, a● of the catholic Church in particular: for here I speak but of religi● in general.  
18 nevertheless, for the conclusion of this point, I will say furth● here concerning the dignity of our Church, that if wee consider t● excellent institution of it,( as that it is a most exact, and exquisite Mona●chie notably tempered of all kind of common wealths) and wa●g● withall the divine wisdom of the lawmaker, that is to say, our Sauio● Christ. the equity, and sanctity of his laws: the terror of the iudg●ments and penalties extending to the eternal punishment of body, a● soul: the inestimable worth of the heavenly, and everlasting reward the dignity, and gravity of the magistrates: the authority of the supre● Senat, or parliament:( I mean the general councils:) the vener●ble majesty of the head, 
Matth. 16.  and his ample power to bind, and lose: t● bounds of his dominion propagated from the east, to the west, t● stability, and perpetuity thereof, which hellgates shall not ouerco●( having already continued in a perpetual succession, 
Ibid.  of more then T● hu●dr●d, and forty bishops from the Apostle Saint Peter not with stand● the envy and hatred of heretics, and the violent impugnation most wicked, and potent Emperours.) And if with all we consid● the holly inspiration of the divine spirit, which moveth, and gouer●eth all this mystical body, the gifts, graces, and miracles, wherewith it ●s adorned, the admirable force, and virtue of the Sacraments: the profound wisdom, and knowledge of Doctors: the Mellifluous eloquence of preachers: the immaculat chastity of virgins, the invincible forti●ud of Martyrs: the innocent life of confessors: and the most sweet sa●our of all virtues, that redoundeth of these heavenly flowers: finally, if we ponder also, the communion that this Ecclesiastical society hath with the heavenly hierarchy( whereby we become, cives sanctorum, 
Ephes. 2. & domestici Dei, fellow citizens with saints, and household seruants of God.) We cannot doubt, but that it is the lady, and mistress of all societies, the queen of Common wealths, and Empresse of all kingdoms, and Em●ires. In which respect, it his honoured,& adorned in the holly scriptures, with most excellent titles, of the house of God, the gate of heaven, 
Gen. 28. Psal. 86. Isai. c. 60.  the city ●f God, and such like: whereof also almighty God, said by the Prophet. ●onam te in superbiam saeculorum, &c. I will place thee for a pride( that is to ●aie, for an honour, and glory) to worlds, or ages, a ioy to generation, and genera●on, and thou shalt suck the milk of nations, and shalt be fed with the Papp ●f kings, &c.  
●9 And again: filii eorum, qui te humiliauerunt, curui venient, &c. 
Ibid.  The children of those, which humbled thee, shall come crouching unto thee, and shall ●dore the foot steps of thy feet, and thy gates shalbe open continually, they shall ●●t be shut day, or nigth, to the end, that strength of nations, and their kings, may and brought unto thee: for the nation, and kingdom, which shall not serve thee, shall ●erish. And in an other place: Erunt reges nutricij tui. Kings shalbe thy foster fa●hers, and queens thy nurses, they shall adore thee, 
Idem. c. 49.  with their face bowed down upon the earth, and shall lick the dust of thy feet, and thou shalt know, that I am ●y lord. Thus said the prophet foretelling the dignity, majesty, and ●lorie which now wee see, in the Christian Church, whereof I ●hall haue occasion to speak amply hereafter, in the third part of this ●reatise.  
●0 This therefore, is the society, whereto every man is by nature ●nstituted, and ordained: This is the huge, and immense ocean, to ●hich all the springs and riuers, as I may say, of human, and civil so●ieties, of families, cities, and common wealths, of kingdoms, empires, and states, do naturally direct their course. This, I say, is that eternal kingdom, and monarchy of our saviour Christ, which being spread ●uer the whole world, doth not only remain alwaise, one, and the self same( retaining her authority, and dignity in all Chri●tian common wealths, though never so different in their form, nature, and institution) but also comprehendeth them all, and as it were fostreth them like a loving mother in her bosom, linketh, and combineth them in a spiritual union one with an other, adorneth, and perfetteth them, and finally( if they serve not from her) bringeth them to true felicity, conjoining them, and every part of them with God, by the means of true religion, which is found only in her, and is the end, for the which all common wealths, and every particular man is ordained.  
21 And now to conclude this question concerning religion in general, thou hast seen, good Reader, that I haue hitherto treated of the necessity of religion, in common wealth, in respect first of the whole world, secondly of every man in particular, and lastly of common wealth itself: and therefore I think good, before I pass further, to draw certain conclusions out of the premises, whereby the ignorance, error, and impiety of the pollitikes, may be the more manifest.  

Chap. 2.& 3.  22 Seeing then, that religion floweth,( as I haue proved) from the fountain of nature itself, and is the bond, or link, wherewith man and all other creatures subject to him, are tied, and linked with their creator, and that the virtue and force thereof is such, that not only all human things do by the help thereof, remain in the protection of almighty God, but also man himself is thereby united with him, and becomm●th a most happy, yea divine creature( first here in this life, by grace, and after in the next by everlasting glory:) what man can be so wicked, or senseless, as to think, that any human, or worldly thing, may be preferred before it, or yet compared with it? Who is so blind, that he seeth not the absurdity of those, which think it to be a human devise, consisting only in the opinion of men? What else may be thought that they pretend, but the destruction of man, the subversion of the whole world, and the ruin of nature itself? For if there were no religion, or if all men should contemn it as they do) what connexion could there be of man, and of the world with God? What m●anes, or way to true felicity? Should not the world, by the breach of the common bond, fall to confusion, and man be overwhelmed with remediless misery? 
Chap. 4. per totum.   
23 Furthermore, seeing I haue also proved that religion is the end not only of man, but also of common wealth, and that all true political felicity, consisteth principally therein: what else do they which overthrow, or deface religion but subvert common wealth and deprive it of all true happiness, and consequently draw it to infelicity, and utter desolation? And lastly seeing the end, whereto any thing is ordained, is far more noble,& worthy, then the means that leadeth to the end: it is most evident, that religion, being the end of common wealth, is far more worthy, and excellent, then all human policy: and that the axiom of the law is most true to wit, summa ratio est, quae pro religione facit, it is the chief, and highest reason, which makes for religion? Where upon it followeth, that religion is the very rule, whereby all policy is to be directed, and the touch ston, wherewith it is to be tried: and that when policy is correspondent to the rule of religion, then it may truly be counted good, and true policy because it is conform to the end, whereto it was ordained: and when it deflecteth, or dissenteth from it, then it is bad, and false policy, as disagreeing from the true end, whereto all true policy tendeth. As for example, the health of man, is the end of physic: and therefore whatsoever is wholesome, and good for mans health, the same is medicinable, and agreeable to the rule of physic: and on the other side, whatsoever is unwholesome, or hurtful to health, the same is contrary to the true rule of physic.  
24 Therefore whereas politics do accomodat all religion to state( as though state or policy were the end, and rule of religion) who seeth not that they are as absurd therein, as the physician, that should not seek principally the health of his patient, but the commendation of his medicine, or art, and would labour to wrest his patients complexion, and disease to the nature, and operation of his medicine, and not apply the medicine to the complexion of the patient, or to the nature of the disease? O are they not as wise as the shoemaker, who would seek to fitt the foot to the shoe, and not the shoe to the foot? Or as the carpenter, who would frame his squire, and rule to his timber, and not his timber to his rule? Co●ld any thing be more preposterous, absurd, or ridiculous? No truly; and yet so do the politics, in the states where they govern framing religion to the rule of their state, that is to say, the end to the mean; the sick mans health, to the medicine; the squire, to the timber; and the foot to the shoe.  
25 Now then to proceed to the declaration of what religion it is, which is the end of common wealth, and consequently most convenient for state, thow shalt understand, good Reader, that forasmuch as diuers religions partly haue been, and partly are professed in diverse common wealths as paganism● amongst the Greekes, and Romaines in times past: Mah●m tisme amongst the Turkes, and Persians, and Af●icans at this day: Iuda●●me amongst the Iewes in sundry partes of the world: christianism amongst the christians, and lastlie● the different sects of Christians, who haue separated themselves from the catholic Church in diu●● 〈…〉 of christendom at this present) I will therefore treat severally of all these, and finally prove, that the religion, which doth unite man, and common wealth with God, and beatify both, is the Christian faith: And that of those religions, which differentlie profess the faith of Christ at this day, the ancient catholic Roman religion, is not only the true religion, but also most political, that is to say, most agreeable to true reason of state: And finally that the doctrine of the sectaries, professing the name, and faith of Christ, namely of Lutherans and Caluinists, is no less contrary to true reason of state, then to the verity of our holy scriptures.  
26 To this purpose, I think good, first to lay down, two infallible grounds, and positions, whereby I mean to examine the religions above mentioned, and to perform in part, that which I haue undertaken. The one is, that no false religion can be the end of common wealth, nor unite the same with God, nor yet benefit, and much less beatify it. This may appear, by the very natural instinct, that wee haue to religion: For, seeing that the religion, which is the end of man, and of common wealth, is the same whereto nature moveth and inclineth us, it must needs be, a good, and true religion; it being evident, and granted by all men, that as all natural inclinations( such I mean as are conform to the law of nature) are good and true, 
S. Tho. 22. q. 26. ar. 6 c.  so also all those things, whereto they move, and incline us, are true, and good in like manner: For bonum& verum, 
Aristot. M●●aphy.  that is to say, good and true are inseparable, seeing what soever is good, the same is true, and what soever is true, it is also good:& if nature should incline us to any thing that were evil, or false, it should both err itself, and also induce us to error: which were most absurd to say, for thereupon it must needs follow, that God the author of nature, and truth itself, should be the author of evil and falsity, which all philosophers deny with our divines: 
Cicero de legib. li. 1.  and therefore Cicero saith of nature, that natura deuce errari nullo modo potest: If we follow nature we cannot err, whereupon it followeth, that the religion whereto nature inclineth us, must needs be a good, and true religion: for if it were false, it could neither be good, nor yet natural, and much less the end whereto nature moveth man, and common wealth.  
27 Furthermore a false religion cannot be the means to unite man and common wealth with God, who being verity itself, and also most just, hateth, and punisheth nothing more then falsity, especially in those things which concern his worship, and service. And therefore our saviour Christ said, that those which worship, and adore God, ought to adore him, in spiritu& veritate, in spirit and truth: were upon it also followeth that all false religion, is most pernicious to common wealth, both because it divideth the same from God( upon whom dependeth all the good and felicity thereof:) as also for that it draweth his wrath and vengeance upon it, no less then upon particular men: as shall appear by manifest examples hereafter in the third part of this treatise: and thus much for the first ground.  
29 The second position or ground shalbe: that the religion, which consisteth either in the worship of a false god, or yet in precepts, customs, or belief inducinge to 'vice, and corruption of manners, must needs be a false religion, and destroy common wealth. For as in the first,( I mean the worship of a false god it impugneth the author of nature( who as I said before is verity itself) so in the latter( to wit in the induction to 'vice) it impugneth the lawe of nature. which leadeth to all virtue: in which respect the stoics, teaching, that the felicity of man, and common wealth, consisteth in virtue, taught also, that to live verteously, 
Cicero de Fini●. li. 4.  is nothing else, but to live according to the rule, and law of nature. And therefore the religion which leadeth, and induceth to 'vice, must needs be against nature, and consequently against reason, and true policy, that is to say, not only false but also pernicious to state: False, because all truth is conform to nature. pernicious to state, because state, or common wealth standeth by virtue,& is ruinated by 'vice, as I will evidently prove hereafter. And in the mean time, 
Chap. 9. per totum.  having laid these two infallible grounds, I will thereby examine the religions aforesaid, and first begin with paganism, as it was professed by the Romans, who in their kind, were most religious, or rather superstitious, and placed a great part of their policy, in the exact observation of their religion: which nevertheless I will manifestly show, to haue been both false, and contrary to true reason of state, and consequently pernicious to their common wealth.   

The absurdity of paganism, is showed in the religion of the ancient romans, and that the same was no less contrary to true reason of state then to true religio: not only for the vanity of their gods, and the impiety of their sacrifices, and ridiculous ceremonies: but also for the bad effects of 'vice, and all kind of lewdness, which it produced in their common welth. CHAP. VII.  
1 BEing here to decipher as well the impiety and vanity of paganism, as the damage that ensued thereof to the Roman common wealth, I cannot but first make reflection on the imbecility, and vanity of man, when he is voided of gods grace, seing that so wise a people, as the romans were, and as it seem●●h, so well disposed, and inclined to virtue, were nevertheless so blind, and withall so impious, as to embrace for some hundreds of yeares, such an absurd, ridiculous, and sacrilegious religion as they did, and with such notable detriment to their common wealth, as did, and must needs grow thereof. Which no man can deny, that duly considereth the multitude, turpitude, and abjection of their gods, honoured with such detestable sacrifices, rites and ceremonies, that their belief, and the practise of their whole religion, could not possibly produce in time, any other effect in their common wealth, then contempt of God, and of religion, that is to say, Atheysme, and extreme dissolution of life, and manners, to the utter overthrow of their state.  
2 That this may evidently appear, I will first treat of their gods: Secondly of their sacrifices: And lastly of the effects of their whole religion. And first for their gods, and goddesses, what could be more contemptible then many of them, whose names, and functions, did rather deserve derision, then devotion, and might move men rather to contemn them, then to reverence them: As Hercules {αβγδ} scarre-flee( whose divine office, was to drive flies away: And the goddesse called Cloacina, 
Lactant. li. 1. cap. 20. ovid fast. 4. Lactant. de falsa relic. li. 1. ca. 20.  because she was found in a sink: And the rusty goddesse, name Rubigo, to whom they worthily sacrificed a dog: And the dumb goddesse, called Muta: Also the dungehill god Sterquilinus: And their sweeping goddesse Deuerra, who with her besom( together with two other gods called Pilumnus and Intercido, the one armed with a pestle, and the other with an axe) defended women newly brought a bed, from the great god of the woods, called Siluanus: whereof the ceremony was most ridiculous: for three men being sent about the house in the night, the first strooke the threshould of the door with an axe, 
D. Aug. de civit. Dei. li. 6. c. 9.  the second with a pestle, and the third with a besom, and so shee that lay in childbed, was held to be secure from the god Siluanus, who, as they feared, would otherwise haue entred into the house, and donne her some great harm.  
3 But what should I say of an infinite number of trifling gods, whom they worshipped, assigning a particular god, almost for every thing? As, 
Id●m ibid. cap. 7.  Forculus for the god of the door; or gate: Limentinus the god of the threshould: and Cardea the goddesse of the hinges: so that they had two gods and a goddesse, appointed to keep one door, which one dog would haue kept much better. And what a number of gods had they about a married coople? 
S. August. Ibid. c. 9.  first the god Iugatinus, to join them together: then the god Domiducus to bring the bride home, then the god Domitius, and the goddesse Manturna, to keep her at home, besides Venus, and Priapus, and a great many of beastly gods, and goddesses, to assist them for procreation: whose names I forbear to relate, because they import nothing but matter of lust, and lasciviousness.  
In like maner, they had a goddesse of meate, called Edulica: an other of drink, called Potina: and for corn they had so many, as it would be tedious to tell their names: for besides Ceres, and Proserpina, who had the chief charged thereof, there was a god, or a goddesse for the ear of the corn, an other for the stalk, an other for the joints, or knots, an other for the blade, an other for the grain, an other for the husks, 
Ibid. li. 4. c. 8.  an other for the blouth of it, an other for the groweth, an other for the ripeninge, and to be brief, they had in like sort, for every other trifle some trifling god, or goddesse. And yet if their folly had stayed there, it had been more tolerable: but who can express sufficiently their madness, in that they did not only assign a god, as I haue said, for every toy, but also made gods of the very diseases, passions, vices, and sins of men: which as S. Augustin saith very well, could not be called Numina, said crimina colentiu, not the gods, but the crimes of those that worshipped them: For besides the goddesse Febris, that is to say, the Ague, 
Cicero de leg. lib. 2.  and Fortuna mala& detestata, bad,& detestable fortune to the which they dedicated temples and ordained sacrifices they had also a god called Pallor, paleness, and an other called Pauor, fear, also a goddesse of sloth, which they called Murcia: and, least covetousness might want some divine patrons, to protect and nourish it, they made gold, silver, brass and money gods, 
Arnobius li. 4. contrae gentes. D. Aug. de civit. li. 7. cap. 21. Lactant. de falsa relic. lib. 1. ca. ●1.  yea and worshipped pleasure, and lust, under the names of Volupia and Libentina: and which is more beastly, they adored the very privy parts of man in the ceremonies of Bacchus,& were also no less absurd, in their worship of their god Prya●us. whereof I omit to recount the particulars, and occasion not to offend chast ears, but he that list to see it, may red Lactantius, in his book, de falsa religione.  
● But what should I say of all the rest of their gods and goddesses, such I mean as had been men,& women? As their great god jupiter, Saturne, Mars, Venus, Berecinthia( called the mother of all the gods) Hercules, and diuers others, were they not all of thē, true patterns of impiety,& wickedness?  
6 jupiter having expelled his father, Saturne, out of his kingdom, married his own sister, juno,& was also so dissolute of life, 
ludovic. vives in Comment. in li. 4. S. A●gust. de civit. Dei. c. 10.  that he gave occasion to the poets to fain of him, those monstrous tales of his excessive lust, where with their poems are replenished,& therefore no marvel, if his daughter Venus( who was also a principal goddesse of the Romans) were as Euemerus declareth the first that set up a bordell or stews,& taught ●he grecian women, and specially them of Cyprus, to make gain of their own bodies: whereupon grew the custom of the Cypriots, where● justin writeth, 
justin. li. 22.  to wit, to prostitute their maides at the sea cost for so● dayes before their marriage, to pay their offering to Venus for their ch●stity, all the rest of their lives.  
7 And what may we think of Saturne Iupiters father? do not Hesiod● and Diodorus testify, 
ludovic. vives ubi supra ex Hesiodo Euem●ro& Diodoro.  that he was also a very wicked man, and that he d●priued his own father of his kingdom, as he himself was after depr●ued of his by jupiter his son? In like sort do not all authors agree, th● Mars the great God, and protector of the Roman Empire, was taken adultery with Venus? Which ministered to the poets ample matter, f● their further fictions? Also Berecinthia or Cibele, called the mother of t● gods, was not shee stark mad with the love of Atis, as shalbe declare more particularly after a while?  
8 And what need I speak severally of every one of the gods? Seeing ●merus a Siciliā, 
Vide ludovic. vivem in Comment. in li. 6. S. Aug. de civit. Dei, ca. 7 Euseb. de praeparat. evang li. 2. ca. 4.  who wrote their history,( which he collected with gre● industry, out of the ancient records of their temples) declareth thē all to ha● been so impious, and beastly, that he was held by some in those times, 〈◇〉 no better thē an Atheist,& an enemy of the gods, for writing the tru●& yet his history was generally called, Sacra historia, the holy history.  
9 But perhaps some may think, that the Romans having received th● gods, and their ceremonies from Greece, were deceived by the comm● opinion of the Grecians, who had adored them for gods long before, a● that their own proper gods( such I mean as they themselves deified) w● of more worth, or of better famed at least: Which nevertheless, was 〈◇〉 thing so, 
Titus livius decade. 1. li. 1. Plutarc. in vita Romuli. Vide ludovic. vivem ubi supra. in li. 5. c. 23. Lactant. lib. 1. cap. 20. Plutar. in Romulo. Vide ludovic. vivem ubi supra in li. 4. c 8. La●tant. ubi supra.  as may appear by their deification of Romulus their first fo●der, who was a parricide of his own brother, a breaker of leagues,& laws, human,& divine, and such a tyrant, that the Senators whom had made, killed him in the senate: and yet nevertheless, though th● thought him unworthy to live, they held him worthy of divine honour,& by a decree of the senat, made him a god. So also, Tiberinus of) ba, a notable thief, and robber, being by the just iudgement of G● drowned in the river Albula( which hath been ever since called Ty● was made a god by Romulus. So also, Flora, a common strompet, was re●ued,& declared for a goddesse by the Romans,& honoured with an ima● and with such beastly feasts, called Floralia, that I am ashamed to spe● of the particularities thereof, which may be seen in Lactantius.  
10 This Flora was also called Larentia, and was nurse to Romulus, hau● been so incontinent, that she was called Lupa( which in those daies not only signify a shee wolf, but also a common quean) whereupp● grew the fable, that Romulus, and Remus were nourished by a shee wo●  
11 But besides this Larentia, there was also an other of the same name,& ●uality,& honoured, by the Romans for a goddesse, upon this occasion, 
Plutar. in Romulo. S. Aug. de civit. Dei. li. 6. c. 7.  as ●lutarke writeth. A priest of Hercules, saith he, being idle, and disposed to ●ort himself, invited his god to play at dice with him, upon condition, ●hat if the god did win, the priest should make him a great banquet in ●is temple, and seek him out the fairest woman that could be found,& ●f the priest did win, the god should bestow upon him somewhat of ●reat value, fitt for a god to give. This bargain being made, or at least ●euised in his own brain, he cast the dice, first for himself, and after ●or the god, and acknowledging himself in the end to haue lost his ●ager, he prepared a sumptuous bankett, and sought out Larentia( being famous for her beauty at that time) whom he hired to lye in the ●emple all night, which shee did, and they say, shee was admonished by Hercules, that shee should make choice of one to be her friend, whom ●hee should meet first in the morning, at her going out of the temple, ●nd so it fell out, that it was one Tarrutius, a very old man, exceeding ●ich, and without children, who led her home to his house, and within 〈◇〉 while died, and made her his heir of all his goods, and possessions, ●hich shee left after her death, to the common wealth, in recompense ●hereof, shee was made a goddesse, and the feasts called Larentinalia ●ere ordained for her honour, and service.  
●2 Whereby we may see, what manner of gods the Romans had, as well ●f their own choice, as by tradition from the Grecians: and if we consider withall, with what ceremonies, feasts,& sacrifices these gods were ●onored, and served, we shall find some of them, so ridiculous,& others ●o impure, beastly, and impious, that wee may both wonder at the blind●es of the Romans, and also easily conceive, what bad effects their religion must needs work in their common wealth.  
●● As concerning their foolish and ridiculous ceremonies, I shall not ●eede to produce any other witness, then the grave philosopher Seneca, 
Seneca apud Aug. de civit. Dei lib. 6. ca. 10.  ●ho having derided the egyptian rites, addeth: Huic tamen furori, &c. Yet ●is madness lasteth but a while: It is tolerable to be mad once a year. ●ut if you come to the capitol of Rome, and see what passeth there, you ●ilbe ashamed to see such public folly,& fury all the year long: one stā●eth there to tell jupiter what a clock it is: an other to make all the other ●ods obey him: one is his seargeant,& an other is his ointer: some there ●re, whose office is to dress the heads of juno, and Minerua, standing far ●rom their temples, and images, and only counterfeiting to do it, with a ●aine motion of their hands,& arms, whiles others hold the looking ●lasse: some also invite the gods to their law dayes: some present them memorials, and inform them of their causes: and the old Arche●●ntalon, being already so described, that he is clean out of date, and no longer fitt for the stage, playeth his part every day in the capitol before the gods, as though they would take pleasure to behold him, whom men deride and comtemne. All kind of tradesman are there idle as though they were entertained to work for the gods: yet, they may be born with, for that they offer them not any vile, or infamous, but only superfluous service. But what say you of the women that sit in the capitol, and think that jupiter is enamoured of them,& yet are not afraid of Iunos frowninge looks? Thus saith Seneca: who being himself a Painym, worthly scorneth( as you see) the childish superstition of the Romans, and their ridiculous religion.  
14 But what? Was not also the solemn ceremony of the Lectisternia most vain, frivolous, and irreligious? When to pacify the wrath of the gods, in time of great plague, and pestilence, they made them great banquets in their temples, and prepared beds for the gods and goddesses? Whereof livy declareth the origen, 
Liu. lib. 5. Dec. 1. an. urbis. 356.  saying that there was a great plague in Rome, a little before it was taken by the Gaules, and that for the remedy thereof, the Romans had recourse to the books of the Sybils, where they found( as it seemed to them) that they should appease the gods with banquets for eight dayes together, and make three festival beds in the temples, for Apollo and Latona, Hercules, and Diana, Mercury and Neptunes: by which means saith livy, the wrath of the gods was pacified, and no marvel if their choler were assuaged after so much good cheer, and so good entertainment for so many dayes together.  
15 But what could be either more vain, or more impious, yea, and dishonourable to their gods themselves, then their stage plays, instituted specially for their honour, to be used in their greatest solemnities? Wherein nothing else was represented, but their dissensions, quarrels, wars, thefts, and adulteries,& nothing heard but contumelies, railing, and reuilinge speeches against them, as though the gods( if they had been any thing at all) could haue been delighted with their own shane, and reproach, or could haue thought themselves to be honoured by their dishonour?  
16 Such were the plays called Megalesia, dedicated to the honour of Berecinthia, the mother of the gods, and celebrated the twelfte of april: the occasion whereof, I think good to relate, as also the story of the great goddesse Berecinthia, not much unlike to a comedy, seeing I speak now of stage plays.  
17 This Berecinthia, being called also Cibele, and Idea, was daughter to Minos, one of the most ancient kings of Phrigia, who upon a prophesy ( which seemed to threathē him some great harm by her) exposed her, 
Diodorus Sicul. li. 4. Bibliothecae. Vide ludovic. vivem. Comment. in li 1. de civit. Dei. ca. 4  as soon as shee was born, to be devoured of wild beasts, upon the mountain called Cibelius, whereupon she was afterward called Cibele, but being found there by a sheppards wife,& brought up by her, as her own daughter, shee grew in time, to be a woman of a very rare beauty,& falling in love with a young man called Atys, had a child by him. Afterwards her father, having heard the great famed of her beauty, and discovering with all that shee was his daughter, sent for her home, and when he under stood that shee was corrupted by Atys, he caused both him, and her nurse to be killed, whereupon she fell stark mad with sorrow, and love of her Atys, and ran out of her fathers house, wandring about the country with a tabber,& pipe, and her hair about her ears, until shee died. And within a while after, it chanced, that all Phrigia, being greatly afflicted with famine and pestilence, the oracle commanded the phrygians, for remedy thereof, to worship Atys, and Cibele: which they did first upon the hill called Berecinthius, where upon shee was called Berecinthia: and after upon mount Ida, and therefore shee was called Idea, and out of an erroneous conceit of the people, that shee was mother to jupiter, juno, Neptune, and Pluto, shee was called at length the mother of the gods. This mad gadding goddesse, was as madly served, by as mad ministers as herself: for her priests( who because they used to drink of the river Gallus in Phrigia, were called Galli) became frantic, and mad, as oft as they drunk thereof: and with knives, cut their own faces, and other partes of their bodies, running up, and down, and biting one, an other in honour of their goddesse, to express both her madness, and their own. But to declare how shee came to be honoured of the Romans, it is to be understood, that many yeares, after that she was thus deified, and adored in Phrigia, it chanced in the second war of Carthage, that the Decemuiri of the Romans, found a prophecy in the books of the sibyls, 
livius dec. 3. li. 9.  which as it seemed to them) promised the Romans great victories, and expulsion of their enimyes out of Italy, in case they procured that the mother of the gods should be brought to Rome from Phrigia: whereupon ambassadors were sent to demand it of king Attalus, who then reigned there, and they were commanded by the way, to pass by the oracle of Delphos, to inquire what hope they might haue of good speed●● the oracle told them, that they should obtain their demand, and admonished them, to haue a special care, that the most virtuous man in all the city of Rome, should be sent to meet, and receive her. The ambassadors went from Delphos to Phrigia, and easily obtain their request of Attalus, who directed them to the mountain of Ida, where this great goddesse had her habitation. And there no doubt they expected to find some great matter, or rather some great majesty in the mother of the gods, who they understood should drive their enemies out of Italy, and repair their wrecked common wealth, yea and should not be received, or entertained by any other, but by the very best man in the city of Rome.  
18 But when they came thither, they found nothing else, but a huge great ston, called in that country the mother of the gods, which they took up with great honour, and reverence, and carried to Rome, advertising first the Senat of their return, where upon Scipio Nasica.( who was esteemed at that time the most virtuous man in the city) and all the matrons of Rome, were sent to receive this great ston goddesse, in the name of the senate, and of the people: which was performed the twelfth of april, with very great pomp, and solemnity, in the consulat of Scipio Africanus, and Publius Licinius: and thirteen yeares after, Iunius Brutus dedicated a temple to her, and instituted the plays called Megalesia, in honour of that dedication, which plays were such, as they must needs haue irritated the gods to the destruction of Romans if they had not been all as stony, stupid, and senseless, as their mother, for not only the players used all kind of reproachful tants, and jests, towards Berecinthia, and her lover Atis, but also all the streets, and every house in Rome, during those feasts sounded fotrh nothing else but their shane, and infamy: besides that the most honest, and civil citizens of Rome, 
Heredian. in Comodo.  used all that time, to go desguised from house, to house, and to speak most dishonestly, and filthily, all that they could devise.  
19 Therefore to conclude this story, what could be either more ridiculous, or more impious in the Romans, and their religion, then to deify, whom they defamed, and dishonoured, and to defame, and dishonour those, whom they deified? The like also may be said of their other stage plays, whereof we haue sufficient examples in Terence, and Plautus, wherein their gods are described to be theeues, ravishers of women, adulterers, and most wicked men, which is so notorious to every boy in grammar schools, that I shall not need to say any more thereof in this place. Neither yet do I think good to speak of their most impure, and beastly ceremonies in their feasts, called Saturnalia, dedicated to Saturne, 
S. Aug. li. 2. de civit. Dei ca. 6. Num. 9.  and Fugalia, instituted in the honour of the goddesse of mirth, which( as S. Augustin saith) might truly be called Fugalia pudoris& honestatis, driuers away of honesty, and shamefastness. And no less beastly were their Floralia, whereof I haue said some what before: and their feasts dedicated to Liber, or Bacchus, of which there were two sorts: the one called Bacchanalia, 
livius. Doc. 4. li. 9.  celebrated at the first only by women in the day time, who having tippled well until they were drunk, ran up and down, as though they had been surprised with some divine fury: but afterwards men also concurred in the celebration of the feast in the night, until at length, such horrible impiety was practised therein, of adulteries, incest, sodomy, witchcrafts, murders, subornation of false witnesses, and diuers other mischiefs, that, the same being discovered by a Spanish woman, there were seven thousand men, and women, 
Ibid●m.  either put to death, or banished, or forced to flee, and the Bacchanalia utterly abolished.  
20 But the other sort of Bacchus feasts, called Sacra liberi patris, the feasts of the father liber, were never suppressed, though they were replenished with all kind of beastly impurity: and celebrated, not in secret, or private houses, but publicly in towns, and abroad in the country in the high ways, for a whole month together: wherein such filthy,& lascivious spectacles were represented,& such beastly ceremonies practised, that I am ashamed to think thereof, and much more should be to relate the particulars, which could not but incense,& kindle in the beholders, unquenchable flames of lust: though nevertheless, the most chast matrons were many times compelled to play their partes therein, and as S. Augustin saith, to do that in public, which common wickedness, 
Augustin. de civit. Dei. li. 7. ca. 21.  should not be suffered to do in the presence of matrons.  
21 And therefore omitting to speak further, of the feasts, and ceremonies of that kind, I will conclude with their inhuman, horrible, and abominable rites, consisting in their bloody ceremonies, and sacrifices of men, which Seneca reproved, and abhorred in them, saying: 
Seneca, apud S. Aug. de civit. Dei. li. 6. c. 10.  Se ipsi in templis contrucidant, &c. They kill themselves in their temples, and pray to their gods, with their woundes, in such sort, that no man can make any doubt but that they were stark mad. And if there were but few of them, it might be born with all: but their best defence, or excuse from madness, is their multitude of mad men. Thus saith he. And Arnobius testifieth that the custom of sacrificinge men, was used amongst the Romans, even to his time, saying that the Romans were then wont to sacrifice Greekes, 
Arnobius contra gentes.  and Gaules, of either nation a man, and woman: Hodieque saith he, ab ipsis Latia●is jupiter homicidio colitur, &c. and even at this day, jupiter latialis is worshipped by them with the murder of men, and satiated with the blood of malefactors, which is a sacrifice fitt for the son of Saturne. Thus far Ar●obius. Whereby it is evident, that although such sacrifices of men, having always before, been mose usual amongst the Romans, Greekes, Carthaginenses and Gaules, were first prohibited by a decree of the Senate, about a hundred yeares before our saviour was born, 
Plinius li. 36. anno urbis 657. S●eton. in Augusto. Lactant. de falsa religio. li. 1. c. 21. Eusebius.  and afterwards again, by an other decree of Augustus Caesar: yet nevertheless they ceased not of a long time after, as it appeareth also by the testimony of Lactantius, and Eusebius, who witness; that men were sacrificed to jupiter Latiali● until the year of our lord 300. which was about the thirteenth year of the Emperour Dioclesian.  
22 This shall suffice for their gods, and sacrifices, though much more might be added, which I omit for brevities sake. And now to say somewhat of the effects thereof, who can be so absurd to think, that such a religion could either be a true religion, or yet profitable to the common wealth, seeing it must needs breed in the professors thereof not only extreme corruption of manners, but also contempt of all religion, and very atheism? For first to speak of the corruption of manners: who seeth not, that the more religious, and devout the people should be to such wicked, and beastly gods as these, the more wicked,& beastly they should become themselves? Seing it is natural to every one, to desire and endeavour to imitate the divine nature, which we truly aclowledge to be most happy, and most perfect: and cannot with any reason imagine any other way, or means, to attain to perfect felicity, and immortality, but by being like to almighty God, who is the fountain of beatitude, and the true pattern of all perfection.  
23 And this the crafty serpent, and ancient enemy of mankind, knew so well, that he took an especial occasion thereby, to persuade our first father Adam, 
Genes. 3.  to transgress the commandments of God. Eritis( saith he) sicut dei: you shalbe as it were gods. And by the same means also Lucifer himself fell: 
Isay. 14.  Ascendam( saith he) & similis ero altissimo: I will ascend, and be like to the highest. Therefore it is no marvel, if every one desireth to be like the God, he adoreth, and serveth: seing it cannot be thought, that there is any evil, or imperfection at all in the divine nature, or that God doth any thing either unjustly, 
Lucian in Menippo.  or unadvisedly Which Lucian, an Atheistical pagan, noteth very well of such as professed paganism in his time, alleging himself for example, saying, that when he was a boy, and heard out of Homer, and Hesiodus, not only the seditions, and warres of the gods, but also their rapes, adulteries, and thefts: he began even then to be greatly affencted towards those vices, persuading himself, that if they had been evil, 
Chap. 8. nu. 26. Aug. de civit. li. 2. cap. 27.  the gods would never haue used them, as I haue declared in Lucians own words, in my first part, upon the occasion of an absurd law of Aristotle.  
24 Therefore S. Augustin, speaking of those gods of the Romans, and of the effect that their example must needs work in the common wealth, saith, Haec ignominiosa deorum facta &c. Those ignominious acts of the Gods whether they were shamefully,& wickedly feigned, or more shamefully,& wickedly committed, were publicly represented to the eyes,& ears of the people, who seeing such things to be pleasing to the Gods,& committed by them, easily believed that they might both be offered to their service, and also imitated. Thus saith he.  
25 Furthermore this religion of the Romans, did not only seem to promise to the professors thereof, a similitude, or likeness of God, but also divinity itself, by the means of 'vice, for what else could the common people conceive, but that divinity was the due reward of 'vice& wickedness, seeing that most wicked men,& women,( name●ie Saturne, jupiter, Mars, Bacchus, Hercules, Romulus, Tiberinus, Venus, Lau●entia, Flora,& such other,( as had benne tyrannts, adulterers, theeues, common wickedness,& strumpets) were honoured as Gods& goddesses, whiles on the other side Coriolanus, Camillus, Scipio, Cato, Brutus,& other Romans, famous for their virtue, were neither Deified after their ●eaths, nor yet could whiles they lived, long continue in the grace, and ●avour of the people, but were some of them banished, others other●aise disgraced,& some of them forced to bereave themselves of ●heir lives; yf then a good,& virtuous life, might seem to merit ●eification, who would not think that these virtuous men, had better ●eserued to be made Gods, then those notable villains, whose filthy 〈◇〉 beastly sacrifices,& detestable feasts, gave sufficient testimony ●euen to the most ignorant) of their turpitude, and impiety? who ●hen was imbued with paganism, and had not reason, rather to make noise to satisfy his lust, and loose the bridle to all 'vice, with jupiter, ●●no, Venus, and the rest of those gods, and so hope in the end to be, ●ade a god; then to live vertuousslie with Camillus, Scipio, Cato, and ●ther such, and reap no other benefit, thereby in the end, but danger, 〈◇〉 least of banishment, or disgrace?  
●6 moreover, was not the dedication, and deification of the vices, ●nd sins themselves, a wonderful provocation to 'vice, and sin? ●speciallie seeing that the corruption of human nature is such, that 〈◇〉 doth not commonly so much seek a just cause to sin( which yt ●an never haue) as some apparent pretence thereof, covered with ●●me cloak of virtue. And what better colour could any man haue 〈◇〉 commit notable villainies, then not only to do grateful service to ●●me god, or other, but also to do a divine act, I mean some sin, ●●at was held to be a God? Who would trouble himself, to restrain ●●s lust, and concupiscence; to bridle his affections, and to conquer his passions, and to haue no God for his patron, when by satisfying hi● lust, and taking his pleasure, he might hope to haue the protection o● two goddesses, Volupia, and Libentina? for by those names were pleasure, and lust deified, as I haue signified before. Could any man haue a better pretence, or a greater occasion to sin, then to serve these goddesses, to be like them, to be grateful to them, yea, and to do an ac● that was reputed to be divine? Where upon it must needs follow● that the more religious those were, who professed that religion, the more impious, and wicked they were, and that the common wealth according to their religion, was then most religious, when it flowe● with all intemperance, 'vice, and wickedness.  
27 But here perhaps you will demand of me, whether the Roman were in deed so vicious, and wicked, as I presume by their religion they were, 
D. August. de civit. dei. li. 5. c. 15.  specially seeing that S. Augustin, greatly commendeth them for their virtue, and thinketh that in respect thereof, God gave them the empire of the world. Whereto I answer, that although some o● them did now, and then some notable acts of moral virtue, yea, an● that a kind of civil iustice, flourished in their common wealth( for th● which S. Augustin affirmeth that God rewarded them with tempora● dominion, as I haue signified in the first part of this treatise) nevertheless it cannot be denied, but that they were generally most wicked, a● may appear by the testimony of Cicero, 
Cicero apud Aug. de civit. dei. lib. 2. cap. 21.  who pitifully lamenteth th● utter decay of virtue, and the general corruption of manners in h●● dayes, imputing thereto, the fall, and overthrow of their commo● wealth. Nostris vitiis saith he, non casu aliquo remp. verbo retinemus, reipsa ve● iampridem amisimus. We retain our common wealth only in name, and ha●● long since lost it in deed by our vices, and not by any casuality, or chance. Sal●● also confesseth the same, 
sallust. apud D. August. ibidem. ca. 18  complaininge exceedingly of the coueteou●nes, riot, cruelty, discord, and all kind of wickedness in his time. An● although he seem to attribute it in some part, to the overthrow o● Carthage,( the fear whereof, while it stood, was, as he thought, som● bridle unto them) yet it is manifest enough, by their own historie● that before that time, they were generally most wicked, as may appear by the feasts called Bacchanalia, 
livius Dec. 4. li. 9.  suppressed at length for the abominable impiety which was exercised therein, by an incredible number o● men, and women: insomuch that above seven thousand, were executed or banished for the same, in the year 568. after the foundation o● Rome, as I haue declared before: And this happened, forty yeares before the destruction of Carthage, 
Num. 19.  which was razed in the year 608.  
28 And again, above one hundred yeares before the prohibition o● the Bacchanalia, there was discovered a horrible conspiracy, amongst the very matrons of Rome, to poison the city, 
livius Dec. 1. li. 8. Eutrop. li. 2.  for the which three hundred, and twenty of them, were executed, after they had poisoned a great number of men of all sorts, and qualities; Whereby it may easily be gathered, how malign, and impious the people were generally at those daies, seeing that the feminine sex, naturally endowed with modesty, mildness, pitty, and compassion, was seized with this furious, and extravagant impiety, cruelty, and thirst of human blood, without any other cause, then the malignity of their own natures. And this passed, whiles the Romans were held to be most virtuous, to wit, in the year, after the foundation of Rome, long before they had extended their dominion out of Italy. Besides that, 
An. urb. 423  if we consider the tyrannicall oppression of the people by the nobility, presently after the expulsion of the kings, the continual seditions, where with the common wealth was perpetually garboiled, from that time, unto the Monarchy of Augustus Caesar, their detestable ingratitude towards the worthiest patrons, protectors, and propagators of their common wealth, as Coriolanus Camillus, both the Scipij, Cicero, and diuers others, 
Plutarc. in their lives.  and finally the insatiable ambition, and horrible cruelty, of diverse of their gouuernours, namely of the Decemuiri, Appius Clodius, and his fellowes, of Marius, Sylla, Carbo, Cinna, 
livius Dec. 1. li. 3.  and lastly of the Triumuiri( of all which I omit to relate the particularities here, because I shall do it hereafter at large, upon an other occasion) if, I say, we consider all this, 
Chap. 11. sub fin.  we shall evidently see, that all kind of wickedness reigned amongst them in the highest degree, from the very beginning of their common wealth. So that though they excelled other nations in some virtues, pertaininge to the government of their state, and especially in a kind of civil iu●tice, and exact military discipline, yet they were otherwise most vicious, and wicked: whereby yt well appeared that the political ver●ues, wherein they surpassed other people, were no true virtues, proceeding of no other ground, but of vain glory, and an extreme desire of honour, joined with a great love to their common wealth, 
Chap. 13. nu. 5.  as I shall haue occasion to signify farther hereafter.  
●9 In the mean time thou seest good reader, that I haue evidently proved in this chapter, two things: the one that their religion was ●o abominable, that the practise of it could not but make them most ●orrupt, vicious, and wicked:& the other, that the same was manifest ●n them by the effect, to wit, by their notorious corruption of manners ●ice, and all kind of iniquity: which will yet be much more evident, when I shal haue proved that their religion could not but produce also in them mere atheism( that is to say, contempt of God, and of all religion) and consequently redouble their wickedness, and impiety.  
30 But because this chapter is already grown long, I will remit the discourse thereof to the next, wherein I will first discover the superstitious vaintie and absurdity of their divinations( which were also a par● of their religion) and then will show how pernicious the same were t● their state, and lastly I will treat of atheism, and prove that the same must needs grow of their religion, to the inestimable damage o● their common wealth.   

That the profession of the Augurs, and soothsayers amongst the Romans, an● all their manner of divination, was frivolous, vain, and most pernitio● to their common wealth: Also that their religion could not but breed● atheism in very many of the professors of yt, and was also in that respect contrary to reason of state: to which purpose yt is declared, how Atheism● destroyeth common wealth. CHAP. 8.  
1 AMongst the ridiculous toys, and superstitious vanitie● belonging to the religion of the Romans, none was ethe● more frivolous, or prejudicial to their state, then thei● soothsaying, or maner of divination, to know future events by the flight of eagles, by the voice of birds, by the feedin● of certain chickens, which were kept in cages, by the falling of thunderbolts, by shooting of stars, by looking upon the entrails o● the beasts which they sacrificed, and by diuers other foolish observations, reduced to an art, or science, professed by those that wer● called augurs, and Aruspices: of whom the latter made their conjecture by the entrails of beasts, by thunder bolts, and by all kind o● strange and prodigious events, and the former, to wit, the Augur●● deuined by birds.  
And to these diviners, there was such respect born, and so muc● credit given, that all the chief actions in the common wealth, depended vpon their resolution: in so much, that nothing of moment was resolved, or executed, but they were first consulted with. For whe● the Consuls, or other officers were to be chosen, or the magistrate● to go to their provinces, and charges, or war to be denounced, o● peace made, or a battle fought, or any such important matter to b● executed: if then the Augurs, or soothsayers, opposed them selue● upon pretence, that either the chickens would not eat, or that som● crow had not favourably chanted, or that some thunderbolt had no● fallen aright, or perhaps( as once it fell out) some mouse had gnawe● the gold of the temple, or finally that some strange, or vncoue● matter had happened: then, I say, neither the election of officers was held for good, nor the gouernours were to go to their provinces, nor the magistrates to undertake their charges, nor war to be denounced, nor peace to be made, nor yet battle to be given, though the enemy were never so weak.  
2 Here upon Cicero saith, that the authority, and power of the Augurs, 
Cicero de leg. li. 2.  was such, that they could ratify or annullat the election of the highest officers, dimisse, or dissolve assemblies, deprive magistrates of their offices, ordain, or forbid the senat to treat with the people, yea, and that, nihil domi, nihil foris, per magistratum gestum &c. nothing was done by any magistrate, at home, or abroad, which could be ratified without their authority. 
livius Dec. 1. lib. 4.  And hereof the experience was seen many times. As when the first tribunes of the souldiers were chosen, to wit, Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, Lucius Atilius, and T. Caecilius, these were by the decree of the Augurs, forced within a while to renounce their office. The like also happened to the two consuls Scipio, 
Cicero de diuinatio. li. 2.  and Figulus, and to omit diuers other examples, which might be alleged in this kind. P. Claudius the consul was condemned, and executed, because he went to sea contrary to the opinion, 
Valer. maxi. li. 1. c. 4.  and resolution of the soothsayers; insomuch, that Lucius Iunius his companion, as well in office, as in his navigation, killed himself, to avoid the ignominy of like punishment.  
3 But who seeth not the absurdity of this? For, if there were any force, or power in birds, beasts, or senseless things to foreshow, and pronosticate the uncertain event of mens actions, it must needs be said, that the same proceeded, either of some natural property in them, or of some divine institution, and operation above nature. But that this cannot be ascribed to any natural cause, it is evident enough; seeing that those, who were most addicted to these divinations, found so little probability, or ground of natural reason, to maintain the reputation thereof, that they referred them wholly to a divine operation. In which respect, there was amongst the Romans a solemn priesthood, and college of Augurs, who were called. specifics optimi maximi sacerdotes interpretes& internuncij: The priestes, interpreters, and messengers of the greatest, and best God jupiter, and Diuorum augurs, the Augurs of the gods: who, as Seneca testifieth, 
Seneca natural. q li. 2. 45.& 46.  taught that the birds were moved by a divine instinct to foreshow, good, or bad success: and that the thunderbolts were cast out of the clouds by a special providence, and disposition of the gods, to signify future events, good, or bad. But how ridiculous this their opinion, and doctrine was, it may appear diuers ways. 
Cice●o li. 2. de diuinatione.   
4 First by the fabulous origen, and beginning thereof which Cicero recounteth, according to the opinion, and tradition, of the greatest, and ancientests divines, to wit, the Hetrusci or Tuscans, who derived it from one called Tages, who they say was ploughed up out of a furrow by chance, as one was tilling, and ploughing the ground in Hetruria. And this Tages, say they, being like a child in bigness, and shape, but like an old man for wit, and iudgement, taught all the art of divination, or soothsaying to the people of that country, whereat Cicero, scoffeth in good earnest, and with great reason.  
5 But what beginning soever it had( which was most like to be some illusion of wicked spirits) the very maner of their divination, sufficiently bewrayeth the vanity thereof, seeing that( to omit many other impertinent toys,) they kept always, chickens in a cage, and when they would know the success, or event of any thing, they let them out, and gave them certain liquid sops to feed on, and if they refused to eat, 
Idem ibid. li. 1.& 2.  it was taken for an ill sign, and if they fled away, it was much worse, but if they did eat greedily, it was held for a very good pronostication, and specially if any of the sops fell out of their mouths upon the ground, which was called, tripudium solistimum, and counted for the best, and most fortunat presage, that might be.  
6 But who seeth not the foolery of this? For what wonder was it to see hungry chickens, eat hungerly, or that some part of the liquid sops, fell from their mouths upon the ground, when they took more then they could swallow at once, as commonly they would do, when they were hungry? Where upon it must needs follow, that the divination could not but be very good, 
Idem li 1. de diuinatione.  if it were taken, when the chickens were fasting, and therefore Flaminius, answered well to the Augurs, when they forbade him to fight with Hannibal, because the chickens would not eat: then( saith he) I see well wee must fight only when they are hungry, and not when they are full.  
7 The like folly Seneca noteth in their observation of thunderbolts, whereof they said, there were three kindes: The first of those which jupiter cast alone, and those were taken for very good signs: the second were such as he cast with the counsel of twelve gods, and those were very ominous and unfortunate: and the third were those, which certain superior gods cast down of their own accord, and that kind of thunderbolt was held to be most pernicious, and to portend some greater desaster, where upon Seneca saith, quid tam imperitum es● &c. 
Seneca, natu●al. quastio. li. 2. c. 42& 43.  What is so foolish as to beleeue, that jupiter, some time with his thunderbolt striketh trees, pillars, yea, and his own images, and leaveth wicked men untouched: or that he hath not wit, or iudgment enough, to cast his bolts himself, but that he must haue the aduise of other gods: or else that those thunderbolts should be counted fortunate, which he casteth alone, and those desastrous and unlucky which he casteth with counsel, and aduise? Thus saith Seneca. Who nevertheless, though he reject this kind of divination, referring it only to the invention and devise of men, yet draweth out of it, a notable moral lesson for princes, whom he admonisheth by the example of jupiter, to do good always by themselves alone, and whensoever they are to hurt any, to take the aduise of many, Hoc descant reges, saith he. Let kings learn this, that Iupiters own iudgement sufficeth not, 
Ibidem.  when he is to strike any thing with his thunderbolt. Thus saith he drawing like the good bee, the wholesome hony of a good document, out of the venomous herb of vain superstition. But to proceed.  
8 The contrariety& repugnance of their divinations, sheweth also evidently that there was no divine operation in them, but that they were most fond, and frivolous: For whereas the Greekes, and other nations, had their Augurs, and soothsayers, as well as the Romans, their manner of divination, was far different, and many times very contrary, as Cicero declareth. The Romans held, that the thunderbolts which fell on the left hand were the best, where as other nations, 
Cicero li. 2. de divinat.  accounted the same for the worst, and most unfortunate, esteenning those to be the best, which fell on the right side: And the very same difference, and contrariety of opinions, may also be observed amongst them, concerning the flying, and chanting of birds: and what marvel? Seeing that many times in some one consultation, the pronostications were clean repugnant, one to an other, 
Idem ibid.  as when two beasts were sacrificed at once, or one after an other, the entrails of the one, were very faire promising great good,& the other very foul, threatening great evil. As it fell out before the conflict, wherein the famous. M. Marcellus was slain,& Crispinus his fellow consul mortally wounded, 
livi. Dec. 1. lib. 10.  by the soldiers of Hannibal. In the war also, which the consul Lucius Papirius made with the samnites, it happened that the chickens would not eat( which signified that he should not fight) and yet at the same time a crow gave a sign of battle.  
9 But what need I allege other reasons to prove the vanity of divinations, seeing that experience did sufficiently show by the untruth thereof, that they were either altogether casual, or else that they proceeded from the father of lies, as it appeared in the foresaid war, which Papirius had with the samnites, wherein the augur being consulted concerning the issue of the battle, belied his chickens, denouncing unto Papirius, tripudium solistimum( that is to say, telling him that the chickens had eaten so greedily, that the sops fell out of their mouths which was counted the best sign that might be) when nevertheless they had eaten nothing at all, 
livi. li. 1. Dec. 1. & yet Papirius, giuing battle had a notable victory. And king Deiotarus, who, as Cicero testifieth, would do nothing without the consent, 
Cicero de divinat. li. 2. & counsel of the Augurs, had all the favourable presages, that could be wished, when he went to assist Pompey in the civil warres, as also Pompey himself, was assured of the victory by all the Augurs,& soothsayers of Rome,& yet they were both overthrown,& Deiotarus lost his kingdone,& afterwards Pompey his life.  
10 Also a principal soothsayer, pronosticated to Iulius Caesar very ill success if he passed into afric before winter, 
Idem ibid.  which nevertheless he did with very good fortune to himself,& great damage to his enemies. And before the famous battle at Cannae, betwixt Hannibal, and the Romans, 
Arnob. contra gentes.  the soothsayers promised victory to Paulus Aemilius the consul, who nevertheless lost his life,& almost all his army, with the greatest disgrace, and detriment to the common wealth, that the Romans ever received. 
Idem. ibid.  And M. Attilius Regulus, not with standing the favourable predictions of the soothsayers,& Augurs, was overthrown, taken prisoner, cruelly tormented,& murdered by the Carthaginians. Finally many other examples may be alleged, to show that many times the divinations of the Augurs& soothsayers, either had no success, or else fell out clean contrary to their predictions: so that it may well be said, that when they proved true, it was either by chance, or else because almighty God for a just punishment of the superstition of the Romans, suffered them to be deluded by the devill, who being author of these divinations, did sometimes, for continuance,& increase o● their authority, more cunningly insinuat himself into them: foreshowing such presages, as might be verified, with the events, which he foresaw, were most like to follow: whereby he drew them also very oft, into great calamities, as may appear by the examples alleged, And as for the means how the devill may foresee, 
Chap. 36. nu. 8.  or know things to come, I haue sufficiently declared them, in the first part of this treatise.  
11 This then being so, let us consider a little what benefit the common wealth of the Romans, might reap by these divinations. Can any man with reason imagine, that it could be profitable, or convenient to their state, that their most important consultations, and affairs of peace and war, should depend, not upon the mature counsel, and deliberation of wise men, and opportunities of time, and place, but upon such vain toys, and trifles, as these were, and upon mere chance? For seeing there was not any divine operation in these pronostications( as it is evident) what else may be imagined therein, but either casuality, and chance, for the most parte, or else otherwhiles some diabolical illusion, as I haue said, which could never tend to any good, but to misery, ruin, and destruction in the end? And therefore truly, if we consider how seriously foolish, or rather how solemlie mad, the wise Romans, and Greekes were, to govern their greatest affairs by things so uncertain, and casual, we cannot but see, and aclowledge, how weak, and vain al human wit, and understanding is, without the light of Gods grace: especially, seeing that the wiser sort, as well of the Romans, as Greekes, saw the vanity of those divinations, and yet thought them convenient to be continued in their common wealths.  
Cicero and Seneca rejected, and derided them, as you haue heard, 
Cicero lib. 1. de divinat.  and the Philosophers Xenophanes, Dicaearchus, Cratippus, and Panaetius( as Cicero testifieth) did the like: and the wise Cato was wont to say, he meruelled that two soothsayers, did not laugh one upon an other, when they met, to think how they cozened the world. Therfore would a man think it possible, that any of these should think it necessary for the common wealth, to retain the use of these divinations, which they held to be so ridiculous? nevertheless Cicero, after he had sheewed the vanity of them, by many notable arguments, concludeth, that, 
Idem l. 2. de divinat.  ad magnas tamen reip. vtili●●ates, retinendum ius augurum,& collegij autoritas: yet in respect of the great profit of the common welth, the right, and power of the Augurs, and the authority of their college, is to be maintained. and in his laws he ordaineth thus. 
Li. 2. de leg.  Auguribus qui non paruerit, capital esto. He which doth not obey the Augurs, let him be punished with death. And therefore speaking also of the consul P. Claudius, who was condemned, and executed, because he disobeyed the Augurs, he saith. Parendum fuit religioni, 
Idem de divinat. li. 2.  nec patrius mos tam pertinaciter repudiandus. He should haue obeied religion, neither was the custom of his country to be so obstinatlie refused. Thus saith he.  
But what trow you might be the great profit, and public commodities for the which Cicero, and the rest of the Romans, thought the use of these divinations necessary? marry forsooth, because they were persuaded, that it might redound to the prejudice, and discredit of all their religion, yf this custom( which had been religiously, and generally observed for so many hundreds of yeares) should be abrogated. Which reason might haue been of some consideration, if these grave wise men had not thought, and known, that the same was altogether vain, superstitious, and consequently irreligious. Yea, but say you these men perhaps were Atheists, and believed that there was no God, and therefore holding that religion was necessary for the common wealth, only for reason of state, they had reason to permit and tolerate some such vanities, as were crept in to their religion, and generally received, rathe● then to abolish them, with the disgrace of their whole religion. Whereto I answer that albeit this reason might pass amongst Atheists in some cases,( as when the permission of such vanities could not draw with i● any great detriment, or inconvenience to the state) yet in this case, thei● folly could not be excused: for that, retaining as they did, all the use,& practise of their faiyned religion, for the benefit of their states, they permitted nevertheless, and used such things, as were contrary to all reason of state, and pernicious to their common wealth: as it was, to suffer thei● most weighty, and important matters to be governed, as I haue said, by chance, and, as it were, by dice-play, or drawing of cuts. seeing that th● crying of a Crow, or the flying of an Eagle, or the falling of a thunderbolt, on the right side, or on the least, or the sacrificing of a beast, with faire, or foul entrails, or such other like things, where on the deuiners grounded their predictions, were no less casual, even in Cicero his own opinion, then the chance of the dice, or of lots or of cuts, or such like.  
13 Therefore when the Romans suffered their affairs to be guided by such casualties, they were as wisely occupied, as a certain prince, who, as I haue heard, used for his sport, and recreation, to determine of the suits of his subiects, by playing at cross, and pile, with his fauourits, to resolve which memorial should be granted, and which denied: though to say truly, the folly and fault of the Romans, was far greater, then his, in respect that it redownded to the damage, not so much of particular persons, as of the whole common wealth, and state: which was set thereby, as a man may say, vpon six& seven: whereas it is a known rule of state, and was punctuallie practised by Tiberius Caesar, 
Chap. 32. num. 11. ( as Cornelias Tacitus witnesseth) Non omittere caput rerum nec se in casum dare. Not to omit the first occasions or oportunityes of things, nor to expose himself, or his actions to chance, as I haue declared in the first part of his treatise, where I haue also largely shewed how unfit it is for a wise man, to leave any thing to chance, which may be assured by wisdom, and counsel.  
14 What reason then had Cicero to think, that it could be profitable to the common wealth, that the election of magistrates, the resolution of peace, or war, the giving of battle, and the execution of other important designments, should depend vpon the casual crying of a Crow, or the flight of an eagle, 
livius Dec. 1. li. 1.  or such like? Had it been any profit to the Rom● common wealth, that Lucius Papirius, of whom I haue spoken before being ready to give battle to the samnites, and requested by his son to forbear, because the chickens of the Augurs would not eat, had it, I say, been good, or convenient for the common wealth, that he should haue forborn that battle, wherein he slay above thirty thousand enemies and took ninety seven ensigns, 
Cicero de divinat. l. 2.  and three thousand eight hundred& twenty prisoners? Or had it been good for Caesar, to haue stayed his journey to afric all winter, as the soothsayer advised him: whereby his enemies might haue joined all their forces, and strength, which he by his diligent passage prevented, to their overthrow,& his own great honour, and benefit? Or was it any profit to the common wealth, that Pompey being most superstitious in observing the divinations of Augurs, 
Idem Ibid.  and soothsayers, was by their favourable predictions, and promises of victory, encouraged, as I haue signified before, to give battle to Caesar, by whom both he, and the common wealth. were utterly overthrown? Wherein we may well note the special providence of God, who out of his iustice permitted that this superstition of soothsaying, and deuininge( wherewith the Roman common wealth, had been so many hundreth yeares infected) hold amongst many other causes, concur to the utter ruin thereof: and that Pompey, who superstitiouslie observed all kind of divinations, was overcome, and ruined by Caesar, who utterly despised, and contemned them. For so hateful are those superstitious, vanities to almighty God, that he destroyed the nations, which dwelled in the land of promise, partly for the same, 
Deut. 18.  as he signified to his own people in Deuteronomy, saying, Quando ingressus fueris terram, &c. When thou shalt be entred in to the land, which thy lord thy God will give thee, beware that thou dost not follow the abominations of those nations, and let there be none found in thee, who shall go about to purge, or purifye his son, or daughter by fire, or consult with soothsayers, or observe dreams, or divinations by birds &c. for thy lord doth abhor all these abominations, and will destroy all those nations for the same, at thy entrance.  
15 Thus said almighty God to the children of Israel, signifying, how execrable all those kinds of divinations are in his sight:& therefore no marvel, if the Romans paid some part of the penalty thereof, even by the means of the same, it being most conform to the iustice of God, to punish sinners, by the sins whereby they offend him. So that we see, that the religion of the Romans also in this point of their divinations, was not only most hateful to God, void of all verity, and full of superstitious vanities, and folly: but also most prejudicial to their state.  
16 Now it resteth, that I show, how their religion also produced atheism, and consequently bread, in that respect, irreparable damage to their common wealth. Therefore whereas it appeareth, by the discourse of the precedent chapter, that all the religion of the Romans, was not only vain, friuilous, and ridiculous, but also absurd, and impious: it is now further to be considered, that although in some of the simplo sort of the common people, it wrought perhaps no other effect, then superstition, and corruption of manners( their simplicity, and credulity moving them to the first, and the example of the vicious lives of their Gods, leading them to the latter) yet in the wiser and more considerat sort of men, it could not but breed an extreme contempt of their Gods, and aversion from all religion. whereupon grew those poetical fictions of the wars of the Gods, 
Homer. l. 20 Idem li. 5.& Pangassis apud Arnobium contra gentes l. 4,  not amongst themselves,( which Homer describeth at large) but also with men, and how they were wounded by them, as juno and Pluto, by Hercules: Venus and Mars, by Diomedes. Also here jupiter transformed himself into a swan, into a bull, to a dragon, to a golden shouwer, and to the shape of a man, to satisfy his lust with leda, Europa, Proserpina( who was his own daughter) Danae, and Alemena, all which,& diuers others, he corrupted by such devises, as the poets feigned: who if they had not contemned both those Gods, and all their religion, never would, nor durst haue invented, and published such things of them, and so reproached,& reviled them in their poems, as not only the satirical and comical poets did, but also other of the gravest, as Homer, Hesiodus and Euripides. whereupon nevertheless it followed, that the common people turned the same to religion, or, as it may more truly be said, to a superstitious devotion, conceiving that they honoured their Gods, by mocking and reviling them. For whereas the simplo people are wont to frame a conceit of other men, according to the simplicity of their own good nature, and meaning, and therefore cannot imagine, but that those, whom they admire for their wisdom, are also to be admired, and imitated for their virtue, and religion: it is no marvel, though the common sort of balsams referred to the honour of their Gods, all that which they understood was written of them by the poets, who were held for the learnedst, and wisest men for many yeares.  
17 hereupon it grew, that Timotheus the musician, singing the praises of Minerua at Athens, thought he praised and honoured her greatly, in saying that she was mad, furious, and out of her wits. And in like sort the plays instituted in honour of the Gods, and to pacify their wrath, were full of contumelious and opprobrious speeches against them( as I haue declared before): whereby it appeareth that the vanity, and absurdity of paganism, did breed in the Wiser sort of men, nothing else but impiety, which became in time, the religion of the simplo, in such sort, that scurrility was held for sanctity, derision of the Gods, for devotion, and their greatest contempt and dishonour, for their greatest honour, and service.  
18 But what do I speak of contempt of the gods, growing of paganism, seeing it is manifest, that it bread in very many mere atheism. Which was well observed by Plutarck in the egyptians, whereby he also condemned at unawares the religion both of the Greekes and the Romans, which he professed himself. The egyptians( saith he) worshipping those beasts( to wit the dog, the Cat, the ox, the ram, the stork, the Shornebud, the Crocodill, and other such like) did not only expose all religion to contempt,& derision, but also engender in the minds of men, a certain vehement opinion, which drew the simpler, and weaker sort of men to mere superstition, and drove the wiser headlong to beastly cogitations,& conceits full of impiety, and atheism. Thus saith he of the Religion of the egyptians, and reproving in an other place, the general and common superstition of those times, he saith, that, 
Plutarch. de superstition.  the ignorance, or want of true knowledge of God, meeting with a rude, and hard nature, engendereth therein impiety, and atheism: and falling into a more mildred, and facile condition, as into a more fertile ground, breedeth superstition, and that thereof also springeth atheism, which not only taketh roote therein, but also excuseth, and defendeth itself there by: for that the ridiculous acts, affections, passions, and witchcrafts of the superstitious, move many to think it better to beleeue, that there are no Gods, then such Gods, as take pleasure in such things. Had it not benne better, saith he, that the old Gaules, should never haue had any opinion, or conceit of God, then to think, as they did, that he was delighted with the slaughter and sacrifice of men? And had it not been less hurtful to the Carthaginienses, to haue received their laws of Diagoras, and Critias( two notable Atheists) then of those who ordained that they should sacrifice their own children to Saturne? Thus saith plutarch, taxing the abuses, no less usual, and familiar to the Romans and Greekes( though he name them not) then to the Gaules, or other barbarous people: seeing their superstition( I mean of the Greekes, and Romans,) was most ridiculous, absurd, and impious, aswell for the inhuman sacrifices of men, as other beastly, and abominable ceremonies, 
Chap. 7, nu. 21.  as may appear by that which I haue signified before, concerning the religion of the Romans, which nevertheless was far more moderate in all kind of impiety, then that of the Greekes.  
19 Therefore it is no marvel, if an infinite number of Atheists, did spring in time of paganism, out of these two fountains, whereof Plutarck speaketh, to wit, ignorance of the true God, and the execrable superstition, of false, frivolous, and impious religion. Wherein it is to be noted, that I take Atheists, not only for those, who deny that there is a God, but also for such, as deny the particular providence of God in the affairs of men: who are no less to be counted Atheists, then the other. For he which holdeth that God is the first cause, and mover of the heauens,& consequently of all things else:& yet doth not aclowledge him for his own creator, conservator& judge, he may truly be called an Atheist, that is to say a man without a God: for though he beleeue that there is one beginning, and one first cause( that is to say, one author of nature, or one God) yet he believeth not in him, but granteth a God to the heauens, and none to himself: confessing that there is one only God, but dening that he is his God, and so he is truly a theos, without a God, that is to say, an Atheist. Besides that, denying the providence of God, 
Cicero de natur. Deorum li. 1.  and the communication of his grace, he denieth that which is most proper to the divine nature, and so consequntly denieth God, as Cicero concludeth very well in his book de natura Deorum.  
20 Thus then we see, what fruit the religion of the Romans must needs yeld, to wit, extreme corruption of manners, and mere atheism, and therefore now I will show, how prejudicial, and pernicious such a religion is to common wealth, to the end, that we may know the three by the fruit, the mother by the child, and the cause by the effect. And because corruption of manners springeth as well from atheism, as from false religeon: I will first declare how atheism destroyeth common wealth, and after speak of the other.  
21 Is it possible, that the religion, which' causeth the contempt of God, and atheism, should be good for common wealth? No truly. For if religion be necessary for the establishment of state,( as I haue proved, and all men confess it to be) then the religion, which destroyeth religion, must needs be pernicious to state. laws are not onle convenient, but also most necessary, and profitable to common wealth, yet the law that should overthrow both itself, and all other laws, would also overthrow, and destroy common wealth. For such a law, or religion might well be compared to a candle, fixed to some principal post of a house, which consuming itself, burneth the whole house in the end.  
22 This will be euedent, if we consider what a one an Atheist is in a common wealth, who having neither bridle of conscience, nor fear of God, hath commonly no respect at all, either to his word, or to his promise, or to his oath, or to any laws, human, or divine, when he may with security, satisfy his own desire, and pleasure: persuading himself, that the soul death with the body, and that consequently, it shall neither be rewarded, nor punished, for any thing donne in this life: as the holy Ghost signifieth notably in the book of wisdom, describing the opinion,& humour of Atheists in these words. 
Sap. 2.  Wicked men having bad thoughts, or cogitations say with in themselves, the time of our life is short and tedious, and there is no ease, or pleasure in the end of man, neither hath any man been known to haue returned from hell for we were born, or created of nothing, and hereafter we shalbe, as though we had never been born: for our body shal be dead ashes, and our spirit shalbe dispersed like the thin air. Therefore come, and let us enjoy the goods which we haue, and use the creature without delay, as in our youth: let us fill ourselves with precious wine, and ointments, let us not loose the flower of our time, let us crown ourselves with roses before they whither, let there be no meadow, or pleasant field, which our riot shal not pass over. Let us leave every where signs of our mirth, for this is our part, this is our lot. Let us oppress the poor just man, let us not spare the widow, nor the ancient man, nor bear respect to the hoary hairs of old age, let our strength be the law of our injustice, &c.  
23 Thus saith the wise man, in the person of Atheists, and how truly, it may appear by the doctrine of Epicurus, and his disciple Mecrodorus( which I declared in my first part) who taught, that a wise man, 
Plutar. contra Colatem. Epicureum.  should not bind himself to the observation of laws, for respect of conscience, or fear of God, but only to avoid punishment: and that he should in all things prefer his private commodity, and pleasure, before the public good: whereupon it followeth, that whereas atheism infecteth the common wealth, there is no more civil society amongst the parts, and members thereof, then amongst brute beasts. For whiles every one seeketh his own private good, without respect of the public, all become for the most part treacherous,& perfidious, one towards an other: whereby there is neither any true friendship amongst them, nor care of covenant, or promise, nor respect of fidelity, nor regard of oath, nor consequently any common wealth.  
24 And to the end, that this may the more evidently appear, let us consider the necessity of oaths in common wealth: such being the weakness, and imbecility of all humane credit, that it needeth to be corroborated,& fortified in many cases, with the authority of some thing, that is esteemed more firm& holy then itself. hereupon the Apostle saith, that men use to swear, per maiorem se, 
Hebr. 6.  by one that is greater then themselves, that is to say, by almighty God: for, the corruption of mans nature is such, and the secrets of his hart so alostruse and hidden, that in matter doubtful, one man seemeth not to deserve credit of an other, except God, the just judge, who seeth the harts of every one, and punisheth all falsehood, be called to witness, And therefore S. chrysostom saith. 
S. Chrysost. in act. Apost. ca. 3. Ho. 9.  soldan est fidei iussio, ubi mores fidem non habent. An oath is a surety where mans manners haue no credit. And this may also be confirmed by the frequent, and overcommon custom of swearing in common conversation, wherein men aclowledge their own want of credit, thinking that they cannot other wise be believed, except they swear.  

Domin. Soto de just.& iur● l. 8. quaest. 1. art. 5.  25 There fore Dominicus Soto doth teach with great reason, that if we had remained still in the state of innocency, there should haue been no use, or need of oaths: which may also appear, by the custom tha● stil passeth amongst men, seeing that commonly oaths are not exacted of such, as are known to be of sincere conscience, and entire credit. And the same, 
Idem ib●d. artic. 10. Plutarch. in problemat. Roman. quaest. 44.  as Soto affirmeth, was also exactly observed in the law of nature and plutarch testifieth, that amongst the Romans, noble men were no● put to their oaths, but only in steede of torment, as when they were suspected, and charged with some great delict, in which case, as bondmen, or slaves were tormented, so were they forced to purge themselves by oath, whose bare affirmation was otherwise held to be of sufficient weight, and authority: whereby it appeareth, that the use of oaths hat● grown in common wealth of the imbecility of human fidelity, o● credit.  

D, Tho 22. q. 89. ar. 1. Cor. Soto de jure& justit. l. 8. q. 1. ar. 1.  26 Further more the force of an oath is such, that it hath the authority of law, which the very etymology of the latin word declareth: fo●( as S. Thomas giveth to understand) soldan a jure dicitur. An oath is so called( in latin) of law, because it was first introduced, or admitted as 〈◇〉 law, and is with all holiness, and reverence to be used, and observed, an● therefore some of the old lawmakers, 
Plato de leg. Dialog. 12.  used no other law to decide causes, and controversies, but an oath, as Plato testifieth of Radamanthus.  
27 And such is the authority, yea,& necessity of oaths, that they confirm, and perfect all laws of nature, nations, and civil: for though th● law of nature requireth that every man obey his lawful prince, and defend his country, yet princes do commonly bind their subiects thereunto by oath, to fortify thereby their natural obligation. And allthoug● the law of nations bind princes, as well enemies as friends, to obseru● leagues, confederacies, and covenants made amongst themselves, yet th● same seemeth not to suffice, except it be confirmed by oath. Also the ciui● law hath such need,& use thereof, that commonly it decideth no caus● with out it, and holdeth it for the consummation, and end of suits and controversies, 
Hebrae. 6.  as the Apostle observeth, saying: Omnis controuersia finis ad confirmationem est soldan. The end of every controversy, for the confirmation thereof, is an oath.  
28 Thus then we see, that Atheists, who contemn, and deny the authority of others do overthrow common wealth two ways: For first they take away that whereby law, 
Plato 12. de leg. ( which Plato calleth the Anchor and soul of the common welth) is fortified, and confirmed: Secondly they destroy all human fidelity, and credit, which being of itself weak, and insufficient( as I haue declared) is strenghned, and as it were vphoulden by the force and authority of oaths, so that if oaths were not in use ●nd force, common wealth could not stand. For seeing that fidelity, as Cicero saith, is the foundation of Iustice, and Iustice the nerves, as it were, 
Cicero de officijs li. 1.  ●nd sinews, which do compact and unite the political body in itself, ●t must needs follow, that, where there is no fidelity amongst men, there can be no iustice, and consequently no common wealth, 
Chap. 31. nu. 18.& sequ.  as I haue amply ●eclared in my first part, treating of the fidelity that is necessary, aswell ●mongst the subiects themselves, as betwixt the prince, and them. Where I haue also shewed by many examples, how severely almighty ●od punisheth perfidiousness, and perjury in men; and therefore I think 〈◇〉 needless to repeat the same in this place, and only wish to be no●ed, that the laws of all countries, do worthily ordain very rigo●ous punishment for perjury, as most pernicious to common wealth.  
●9 The egyptians punished it by death, 
Alexand. ab Alexandro dieb. genial.  and amongst the Indians the ●ngers, and toes of perjured persons, were cut of. Amongst the Romans ●hey were for a time cast down headlong from a rock, and afterward 〈◇〉 was ordained, that they should live in coutinuall infamy, and shane, which is worse then death) and therefore Cicero saith in his laws: Per●rij paena diuina, exitium: humana, dedecus. The divine punishment for perjury, 〈◇〉 destrution, the human is ignominy, or shane. Which is also the ordinary ●enaltie thereof at this time in all Christian countries.  
●0 Therefore no marvel if Atheists( who reject, and despise the sa●red authority of oaths, and thereby supplant al human fidelity,) were ●euerelie punished amongst the Painimes, 
Plutarch.  whensoever they were discovered, as may appear in Plutark, testifiyng, that many cities, and common earths in Greece, made laws against all epicureans, 
Plato 11. de lege.  who were held ●r notable Atheists. And Plato in his book of laws, teaching that ●ere●are two kind of Atheists, ordaineth severe punishments for them ●euiding the first kind into two sorts of men: the one of those, who ●nough they held that there is no God at al, yet are so subtle, and craf●e, that they dissemble their opinion, being nevertheless most wicked 〈◇〉 life, and manners: whom he thinketh worthy not of one, but of many deaths: The other sort of Atheists, is of those, who though they think there is no divinity, yea, and publicly speak and profess it, ye● are of so good disposition by nature, that they live well, and virtuously and for such he ordaineth five yeares imprisonment, and if they amend not therewith, that then they shalbe punished with death. The secon● kind of Atheists, are such, as though they beleeue, there is a God, ye● deny his providence here on earth, and for such he assigneth perpetual imprisonment, in such sort, that no free man, may ever haue access● unto hem, ordaining also, that when they die, their bodies shalbe carie● out of the confines of the country, and left unburied.  
31 Hereby we may see, how odious Atheists were to the balsams, i● times past, and that worthily: seing that, contemning God, as they do they disolue, and break the bands, not only of religion, but also of a human laws, when they can do it with their commodity, and security: Whereby they seek( as much as in them lieth) to extirpate, an● destroy al common wealth,& therefore deserve to be held, for no other then monsters of nature,& public enemies to mankind. For although some of them, being perhaps by nature inclined to virtue, are not altogether so pernicious to common wealth, as those, whose atheism is accompanied with a vicious,& malign inclination of nature yet the be● or rather the least evil of them, groweth in time most corrupt in manners, and consequently most pernicious to common wealth.  
32 For as atheism groweth of the extremity of 'vice,( wherevppo● the scripture saith, 
Pro. 18.  Impius cum profundum venerit, contemnit. The wicke● man, when he cometh to the depth of sin, contemneth) so also on the other side, extremity of 'vice, and sin, groweth of atheism( be the Atheist 〈◇〉 the first, or of his own nature, never so well disposed) for being g●uen over by almighty God, to a reprobate sense, he slideth from 'vice, 〈◇〉 'vice, and from sin to sin, until he fall headlong at last to the ver● depth' and extremity of sin, and therefore the psalmist saith of al Atheists. 
P●al. 13.  Corrupti sunt,& abominabiles facti sunt in iniquitatibus. They are corrupted, and become abominable in al iniquity.  
33 Seeing then I haue already declared how daungerous, and pestif●rous atheism( on of the children of paganism) is to common welt● I will now show the like effect, of the corruption of manners, bein● the issue and ofspringe of both, whereby it will euedently appear, th●● the religion of the Romans, being such, that it must needs fill their common wealth with 'vice, could not but be most damageable thereto.   

That the corruption of manners, and the 'vice which grew of paganism could not but be very prejudicial to the Roman common welth, to which end, the necessity of virtue for the conservation of state, and the damage that followeth of 'vice is declared, with diuers political observations, and rules out of Plato to the same purpost: And to the end it may appear, how the Roman common welth could stand, and increase, to so great an empire, as it did, with the exercise of that religion, it is signified, that as God out of his providence did conserve, and increase their estate, to the end, that he might build his Church in time upon the ruyns of their empire: so also he punished the same most severely from time to time, for their impious religion, which appeareth in this chapter, from the foundation of Rome, until the expulsion of their Kings. CHAP. IX.  
1. THE damage, and destruction, that 'vice bringeth to all states where it reigneth, will be the more evident. Yf we consider the nature, and condition of common wealth, and the effects that virtue worketh therein. For seeing nothing is more requisite to common wealth, then that the common& public good be preferred before the private commodity of any one( which the very name of common welth doth sufficiently declare)& again seeing virtue doth whol●ye tend to a common good, and 'vice, or wickedness to some private commodity or pleasure, with the prejudice& damage of the weal public it followeth necessary, that nothing is more available to common wealth then virtue, nor any thing more prejudicial there to, then wickedness or 'vice: and therefore Aristotle teacheth, 
Aristot. politic. lib. 1.  that the true reason of civil society, or common wealth, consisteth principally, in recte vivendi communione, in the communion of those that live well and virtuously, and that it was not only ordained: vt simul homines vivant, that men might live together, said vt honest agant, but also that they may do virtuously.  
2 This willbe the more manifest, if we compare virtue, with 'vice, and consider them in men, as they are members of the common wealth. Therefore whereas all moral virtue, is reduced to four heads, to wit, Prudence Iustice, Fortttude, and Temperance: experience teacheth that the prudent,& wise man, is not only profitable to himself, but also to others, yea, and to the whole common wealth: the just man doing wrong to no man but giving to every one his own( which is the office of Iustice) is beneficial to all men: the valiant man defendeth not only himself,& his friends, when occasion serveth, but also his country: the tēperate man, being modest, meek,& peaceable towards al,& cōmaunding his own passions in al occasions, is grateful to all men, and most sociable,& therefore most fitt for civil society. So that, where all, or most men are wise& prudent, just, valiant and temperat, every one loving, comforting,& helping an other: then must needs be, the best, and most flourishing common wealth: but when on the contrary side, sin, and wickedness reigneth in all, or most men where, I say, magistrates, and subiects are generally imprudent, unjust cowardly, avaricious, ambitious, riotous, and lascivious, every one cozening, and deceiving his neighbour, robbing, and spoiling, and seekin● in all things his own particular gain, or pleasure, with the injury o● others, there the common wealth being most wicked, is with all mo●● miserable, or rather no common wealth at all.  
3 Further more who knoweth not, that wickedness,& 'vice, is, as I ma● term it, an internal disease, or pestilence, which corrupting the common wealth, doth consequently overthrow it, no less thē external force For even as it may little avail us to arm ourselves from top to to, t● resist the attempts of our enemies, or to deck, or trim our person with rich jewels, and sumptuous clothes, except we haue also care o● our inward healths: so it little helpeth any city, or common wealth, t● be never so strongly fortified against foreign force, and invasion, or e●ternallie beautified, and adorned with gorgeous buildings, trophies, an● triumphant arkes, if it be not also preserved from the inward sickness o● 'vice, and iniquity: which the comical poet expresseth elegantly, speaking of a city, which seemed to be very strong, being, with all replenished with 'vice: 

Plautus in Persa.  Si incolae benè morati, pulchrum arbitror  
Perfidia& peculatus ex urbe,& auaritia si exulant,  
Quarta inuidia, quinta ambitio, sexta obtrectatio,  
Septimum periurium, octaua indiligentia,  
Nona iniuria, decimum, quod pessimum aggressis scelus.  
Haec nisi ind aberunt, centuplex murus rebus seruandis parvus est.   
That is to say, if the people be well mannered, and virtuous, if perfidiousness, fraud, extortion, covetousness, envy, ambition, detraction, perjury, idleness, injuries, and lastly if all kind of pernicious wickedness be banished out of the town, or city, I think it notable well fortified, bu● otherwise, a hundred walls willbe to little to preserve it. Thus saith he.  
4 For this cause, all those which haue either written of common wealth or instituted any, 
Diodor. sicul. li. c.  haue endeavoured nothing more by their laws, then t● exclude from thence all kind of 'vice, and to shake away, and prevent a● occasion thereof. Wherefore Zaleucus made a notable law, to forbid a● company, and fellowship with wicked men, which law I wish were i● force, and ure in Christian common wealths: seenig experience teacheth, that 'vice is no less contagious then the plague, and that many towardly men, and of virtuous disposition, are only with evil company most perniciouslie corrupted: for, Qui tetigerit picē, inquinabitur ab ea. He which toucheth pitch, shalbe defiled with it.  
5 For the same cause, Aristotle forbiddeth, 
Aristot. li. 7. politic. ca. 17 Chap. 8. num. 13.  in his written common wealth, not only unhonest and wanton talk, but also lascivious pictures( as I haue declared before in the first part of this treatise):& to the same end, and purpose, laws were ordained in times past in all good common wealths, against other occasions of 'vice, and sin, as against excess in apparel, diett, play, and al kind of delicacy, by which the gate is opened, and matter ministered to all wickedness, and as Valerius saith, very Well: Animi,& corporis vires expugnantur, The force, and strength, aswell of body, 
Valer. Max. lib. 9. c. 1.  as of mind, is beaten down, in so much, saith he, that, it is hard to say, whether is more pernicious to the common welth, to be taken by the enemy, or to be possessed by pleasure and delicacy. And therefore King Cyrus, having with great difficulty, conquered the Lidians, who were a most warlike, and valiant people, drew them by little and little, from labour, and the exercise of arms, to lameness, sports, and pleasures, loose, and delicious life, and by that means, saith the story: That industrious, potent, and strong nation, growing within a while effeminat, both in body, and mind, utterly lost their old virtue, prowesse, 
justin. li. 1.  and glory.  
6 This was well considered by Licurgus the lawmaker of the Lacedemonians, who therefore provided by his laws, to take away the matter, 
Idem li. 1.& Plutar. in Licurgo. & occasions of 'vice in his common wealth: for he forbade all use of gold and silver, and equally divided the lands of the country amongst the people, he prohibited banquets in private houses, prescribed the maner, and charges, of public feasts: allowed to young men but one garment for the whole year, not permitting one to be better apparelled thē an other, and ordaining that the youth of the city, should be at a certain age transported in to the country,& there accustomend to continual labour, and exercise, and to sleep vpon the bare ground, and not to return in to the city, until they were men.  
7 These, and other such laws, Licurgus ordained to the end, to shut up all the passage, and entrance to 'vice, 
Plutar. in Licurgo& Lisandro. & wickedness in the common wealth of the Lacedemonians: and so long as they lived in that discipline, they flourished no less in moral virtue, then in arms, and dominion over other partes of Greece: until at length, having overcome, and spoiled the Athenians, they brought in to Lacedemonia, the delicacy of Athens, together with the riches, and wealth thereof. For with the possession of riches, entred avarice, and covetousness: and of the use thereof, grew riot, and excess, of avarice, followed usury, cozenage, and deceit, perjury, injuries, rapine, all kind of injustice, and lastly tumult, and sedition. Of riot, and excess, followed drunkenness, surfeit, sickness, diseases, idleness, debt, poverty, effeminate manners, and finally all dissolution, and wickedness: whereby that notable common wealth, fell to utter ruin,& decay within few yeares.  
8 The like may be observed in livij of the Campam, a people in Italy, whose chief city was Capua, held for power,& magnificence, to be● equal with Rome, 
Liu. dec. 1. li. 7. and. ab urb. cod. 412  or Carthage, before the great wars betwixt the Romans, and the samnites. But such was the abundant fertility of their territory, and so great their own delicacy, by the occasion thereof that they grew in time, to be idle,& effeminate,& had neither power, nor courage to defend themselves against the samnites, their neighbours, in somuch, that they were fain, to give themselves,& their whole state to the Romans, vpon condition, to defend them. And afterwards, when the Roman army, was sen● to Capua, 
Ibid. an. 413.  to winter there, it was within a while so corrupted whith the pleasures, and delicacies of the city, and country, that it became indisciplinable, 
Idem dec. 3. li. 3. an. ab ur. cond. 539.  and fell to conspiracies, and rebellion. And again afterwards when Hannibal possessed it in the the time of his wars with the Romans, one winter in Capua weakened his army, more thē all his former wars. For as livi saith, Quos nulla mali vicerat vis, perdidere nimia bona,& voluptates immodicae. Superfluity of welth, and immoderate pleasures, ouerthrew them, whom no force of enemy, nor misery could overcome: in somuch that afterwards, Hannibal rather stood by the famed of his former victories, then by hi● present prows. Thus saith livi.  

Valer. Max. li. 9. ca. 1.  9 But far more shameful, and miserable, was the calamity, and fall o● the Volsinians in Tuscan by the same occasion, of whom Valerius Maximu● recounteth, that they maintained themselves many yeares in great reputation, both of virtue, and valour: until at length they opened the gat● to all kind of pleasure,& consequently to 'vice, whereby they fell in to the greatest,& most ignominious servitude, that hath been red, or heard of For they grew to be so effeminate, that their own slaves, took courage against them,& first presumed to demand place, and voice in their senate: and after took vpon them to govern the common wealth: married their maisters daughters:& ordained that no wills, oa testaments should be made without their consents,& approbation: forbade all assemblies, bu● of themselves: made a lawe, not only that adultery should not be punished in them, but also that no maid should be married to a free man, but tha● some of them should abuse her first, and finally banished their masters▪ who craving aid of the Romans, were after much misery, which they had sustained, restored to their former states,& their slaves suppressed, 
Orosius li. 4. c. 5. an. urb. cond. 480. & punished, according to their deserts.  
10 I omit infinite other examples of ancient times, to speak of one in the last age, to wit, of the lamentable overthrow, and conquest of the Hungarians, who having flourished a long time in war, and peace, and falling at length into excess of drunkenness, and pleasure, and of the vices that accompany the same: did so far degenerat, from their former virtue, that their nobility, and people would not leave their banqueting, and drinking, to attend to their own defence, against Soliman the great turk: who therefore very easily subdued them, and brought them to that miserable servitude, wherein the most part of them haue lived ever since. whereupon a noble man of that country, and court, at the same time, said pleasantly( as Surius reporteth) that he believed, 
Sur. comm●● an. 1541.  there was never so mighty, rich, and potent a kingdom so merrily lost, as Hungary was.  
11 Thus then we see, how pernicious to common wealth those vices are, which many hold either for virtues, or at least necessary supplements of human felicity, I mean riotous, and delicious life, and excess of all kind of pleasure. What then shall we think of other vices, which all men hold for wickedness, as fraud,& deceit, peiurie, murders, rapyns, and all kind of injustice? Shall not they utterly destroy, common wealth? For, let us conceive a company of men, consisting of cosenoers, perjured persons, theeues, robbers, parricids, murderers, extortioners, adulterers, and suchlike, who haue no other respect, but every man to his own particular commodity, or pleasure, can there be any civil society amongst thē, more then amongst as many bears,& tigers, or cats, and dogs?  
12 This is so evident to common sense, that it needeth no further proof: therefore I think good to conclude this chapter with certain political conditions, which Plato, requireth to the perfect establishment, and felicity of all states, whereby we may see the force,& effect of virtue, and 'vice in common wealth.  
13 First he requireth, that all the members of the common wealth, as well magistrates, as subiects, do seek, and possess, three kindes of goods, to wit, of fortune, of the body, and of the mind, in due, 
Plato Ep. 8. ad Dionis amicos.  and ordinate manner: that is to say, that they prefer the goods of the mind( which are religion, virtue, and knowledge) before all others:& then that they esteem the goods of the body( to wit, beauty, strength, health, and suchlike) so far forth only, as they may serve to advance the goods of the mind: and lastly, that no other acounte be made of the goods of fortune which are honour, dignity, and wealth, then as ministers, and seruan●● to both the other, that is to say, so far forth, as they may be auaileabl● to the conservation or increase, first of the goods of the mind,& secondly of the goods of the body:& what law soever, saith Plato doth effectuate this, it is a good and perfect law, and maketh a happy state.  
14 An other condition is, that the citizens content themselves with moderate liberty, and the magistrates with moderate command, an● authority: For, servitude, and liberty, saith Plato, are both of them good, and necessary for the common wealth, 
Ep. 8. ad amicos Dioni. Li. 3. de legib  so long as they are conserved i● due measure: but if they grow to excess, they are dangerous, and many times pestiferous to state. For overgreat servitude, incenseth the minde● of the subiects against the prince, and state: and to much liberty, breedeth insolency, and contempt of the laws, and of the prince.  

Li. 4. de legib  15 Also that they be contented with moderate wealth, as neither to be over rich, nor too poor, because great inconveniences grow to comm● wealth, as well by excess of riches, as by the extremity of poverty: for o● the first groweth pride, ambition, effeminacie, and riot: and of the latter, proceedeth theft, robbery, discord,& seditions, which overthrow common wealths.  

Li. 5. de legib  16 That they do not apply themselves to usury, and unlawful gains, which are of their own nature infamous, and unworthy of mans generosity, yea, and dangerous to common wealth: for that they corrup● mens manners, making them covetous, deceitful,& perfidious. besides that usury impoverisheth, and in time, beggereth the common wealth▪ drawing the substance, and riches thereof, in to the hands of a few, to the general damage, and discontent of all men, whereupon arise tumults, seditions, rebellions,  

Ep. 8. ad Dionis amicos. De leg. li. 8.  17 That every citizen, or member of the common wealth, prefer th● public, and common good, before his own particular: for nothing i● more contrary to reason of state, and common wealth, or sooner subverteth it, then private commodity, procured with public damage.  

Li. 4. de rep.  18 That every man persuade himself, that four virtues are most necessary for the happy direction of his life, in respect as well of his particular, 
Ibidem.  as of the public good. Those virtues are Prudence, Temperance Fortitude, and Iustice. And although Plato teach, that all these virtues are necessary in every member of the common wealth, yet he requireth tha● some of them be more eminent in some men, then in others: as Prudenc● in magistrates, and Fortitude in soldiers, and that there be a perfect mixture of Fortitude, 
Li. 3. de rep.  and Temperance in every man, to the end, that being balanced with an equal temperature of both, 
Li. 1. de leg.  he may neither fear to much or dare to much; but that by Fortitude, he may first overcome himself ●hich Plato teacheth to be the chief victory) and after repel both pri●●te,& public injuries, and by Temperance may abstain from doing in●●ry, and that as Fortitude may move him to honest, virtuous, and noble ●●ploits, so Temperance may withhold him from vicious, wicked, and ●●se actions.  
●● And further he thinketh, the virtue of Temperance( as well in diet, as 〈◇〉 other pleasures of the body) so important for the good of common ●elth, that he affirmeth riotous, and lascivious life to be a special cause 〈◇〉 the destruction of kingdoms, and states, 
Li. 3. de leg.  because it consumeth both and bodies,& substance of men, and maketh them effeminate. And there ●re he forbiddeth the use of wine to magistrates, to Iudges, 
Li. 2. de leg.  when they and to give sentence, to soldiers in the camp, to slaves, and to women; ●lowing it to none, but only at public feasts, and with great mode●tion. And further he ordaineth punishment for the sins of the flesh, 〈◇〉 for adultery, fornication, incest, sodomy, and such like, 
Li. 8. de leg.  giving nota●e rules of continency, and chastity, 
Chap. 30.  whereof I shall haue occasion to ●eake hear after.  
●● moreover he calleth the virtue of civil Iustice the solid, and sound ●undation of common wealth, and the principal prop, and stay, of state, 
Li. 4. de rep.  ●r that by the means thereof, God is duly honoured,& the prince obei●,& every one hath his due: virtue is rewarded, 'vice punished, amity ●●nserued, fraud and injury abolished, and every on liveth in his voca●●on, according to the rule, and law of nature, referring all his actions, ra●●er to the public, then to his own private good, whereby the common ●elth, must needs flourish, in great peace, and tranquillitie.  
●● And therefore Plato adviseth, that every member in the common ●elth, do labour perfectly to understand, and know his duty in his de●●ee, and vocation: to which purpose he describeth the office, or duty of 〈◇〉 sorts of men( as of private persons, magistrates,& princes) in diuers parts 〈◇〉 his works, thus in substance.  
●● That private men ought so readily, and willingly to obey the ordi●●nces, and commandments of the magistras, that it may appear, they and moved thereto only by their own virtue, and not by compulsion, 〈◇〉 necessity of the law.  
●● That magistrates ought always to haue in mind, that they are not ●●rdes, but ministers of the law, and tutors, or public guardians of the ●ommon wealth. For the state( saith he) cannot stand long, 
Li. 4. de legib  where the law is ●●verned by the magistrates, and not the magistrates by the law.  

In Gorgia  24 Also that they endeavour to enrich the common wealth, rather wi●● the goods of the mind, then with the goods of fortune: that every o● of thē attended seriously to his own charged, 
Ep. ad Dionis omicos.  without intermedlinge● the offices of other men,& all of them specially respect, the public goo●  
25 That evil men be not admitted to public offices, for he( saith P●●to) who cannot govern himself, 
Li. 1. de rep. Li. 3 de leg. Li. 1 de rep.  is not fitt to govern others. And lastly that o●fices be not bestowed upon them, that ambitiouslie seek them, or ha●● not sufficient wisdom, experience, and other talents well to dischar●● them.  
26 In the prince, Plato requireth these conditions following. That 〈◇〉 labour as much to excel all other men in iustice, 
Plato ad Dionem ep. 4  verity, magnificenc● temperance, clemency, prudence,& religion, as indignity,& authority.  
27 That he show himself in deed such a one, as he would seem 〈◇〉 be, 
Ibidem.  that is to say, that he be truly virtuous,& not virtuous only in she● and appearance.  
28 That he always remember,& well consider, that all mens eyes a●● fixed vpon him, and that therefore neither his vices, nor defects, be th●● never so little, 
Ibidem.  can be long hide, nor that he can with mean virtue, satis●● the expectation of all men.  
29 That he assure himself, that the benevolence and love of his su●ierts, 
Ibidem.  is most necessary as well for the good government of them, as f●● his own security, and that the same can never be got or conserved, b●● by humanity, and clemency.  
30 That he seek to join perfect prudence, and wisdom, with the s●uerainty of his power. 
Ep. 2. ad Dionisium.  For, as wisdom is weak, or lame without p●wer: so power is pernicious without wisdom, And therefore Plato do●● not only aduise princes, to haue always wise men about them, but al●● exhorteth wise men to attend upon princes,& to assist them with the●● counfell: for, happy, saith he, is the familiarity, or friendship that groweth b●twixt wise and potent men. But more happy is the union of wisdom● and power in one man, and therefore most happy is that commo● wealth, 
Derep. dial. 5  where the prince is both wise, and potent, or as Plato speaketh where philosophers reign, or kings become philosophers.  

Li. 7. de rep.  31 Furthermore he requireth, that the prince labour to almighty Go● whose place, and person he representeth amongst men, and this simi●●tude or likeness, he saith cannot otherways be had, but by iustice joined w●●● prudence, 
In Theate.  and sanctity of life. And therefore he adviseth princes, first to compose themselves, 
Li. 9. de rep.  according to the model of the divine iustice, innocenc● and other divine virtues: and then to frame their families, and subiect● according to the same rule, and pattern. And furthermore he propose● unto them, 
In Gorgia,& in phaedome.  the consideration of the rigorous and severe iudgement of ●od, which they are to pass after their death,& that they are to be pu●ished for their sins, far more grievously then private men.  
●● Also, that they understand, and consider well, the necessity of Gods ●elpe,& assistance, for the government of their states, 
Li. 7. de rep.  seing that no man ●n without it, well govern himself, and much less a common wealth, ●hich consisteth of so many and different members, and partes, and is ●biect to so many casualties.  
●● That like to good pilots, they never withdraw their eye, 
li. de civili, vel de reg.  nor their ●and, from the stern. For as in a ship, so also in common wealth, ●●r state, a little negligence may some times overthrow it.  
●● That they permit nothing in their states, 
Li. 4. de leg.  which may breed corruption of manners, although never so great increase of power ●r wealth, may in the opinion of men, be like to follow thereof, ●or as in mans body, so also in common wealth, the internal corrup●●on doth easily overthrow it, though it flourish never so much exter●ally for the time.  
●● Finally, that the scope of all their actions,& government, 
Ibid.  be to pro●●re, partly by good laws,& partly by their own example, that all ver●●e may flourish in their common wealths, 
Ibid.  and that their subiects do not ●uermuch esteem the temporal and false prosperity of this transitory ●●fe. And not so much to desire, and endeavour, that the state may long and, as that, so long as it standeth, it may be truly virtuous, 
In epinomide.  and religious, for, Hic finis legum est, saith Plato, &c. This is the end of all good laws, and 〈◇〉 common welth, that we may attain to perfect happiness, Dei cultu,& vitae pu●●tate, by the worship of God, and purity of life.  
●● Thus much I haue thought good to collect only out of Plato, con●erning the necessity of perfect virtue,& religion in the common wealth, ●or the happy state,& government thereof: whereby it may appear, how ●reiudiciall, and pernicious, the religion of the Romans must needs be ●nto their state, seeing that it could not but produce, 
Chap. 7.& 8  and engender there ●n atheism, and all kind of 'vice, and wickedness, as I haue largely proved ●efore in the two last chapters.  
●● But now, for as much, as there may arise here, no small doubt, how it ●ame to pass, that the Roman common wealth grew to so great an empire, ●s it did, with the continual use of their religion, if it were so pernicious ●o their state, as I haue here affirmed it to be: I must therefore for the sa●●sfaction thereof put thee( good veader) in mind of two things, 
Chap. 17.  which 〈◇〉 haue amply proved in my first part. The one is, that the providence of God ●isposeth of princes states, 
Dan. 2. &( as I alleged out of daniel the Prophet) changeth times,& ages, translateth,& ordained kingdoms at his pleasure, where of I also shewed the experience, as well in the accomplishment of Nabuchodonosors vision, 
Chap. 17. nu 10.& sequ.  and Daniels prophesy, of the four Empires( to wit, the assyrians, Medians, Greekes and Romans, which were to succeed one an other) as also in declaring the causes, why almighty God, giveth dominion, 
Nu. 21,& sequent.  and kingdom, rather to one man, then to an other, and for what sins he punisheth princes, and common wealths, and subverteth their states.  
38 The other point, which I proved, and wish here to be remembered, is, 
Chap. 36. nu. 23.  that almighty God, doth some times absolutely, determine to destroy a prince, or state( as when he said of the people of Iuda, that though Moyses, and Samuel should pray for them, yet would he not spare them so also otherwhiles, 
Ierem. 15.  he determineth, as absolutely to conserve a state for a time( as when he promised to jehu, that his posterity should succeed him in his kingdom to the fourth generation) in both which cases, 
4. Reg. 10.  〈◇〉 shewed, that no endeavour of man, by good, or bad policy, could vphol● or ouertrow the state contrary to the will of God; yea, and that in th● latter case( I mean when God doth absolutely determine to conseru● the state) he serveth himself, even of the bad pollicyes of wicked princes, 
Chap. 36. num. 27.  to produce the effect, which he designeth: though never the less i● the mean time, he punisheth the same otherwise, both in the prince,& in the state, with wars, plagues, famins, and other afflictions, and in th● end( the time of his praeordination being expired) he poureth upo● them, the extremity of his wrath, and vengeance, to their utter subversion.  
39 This I emplified in the kingdom of Israell, and will now also mak● manifest in the Roman common wealth, and empire, which notwithstanding the bad effects, that their absurd, and impious religion produce●( to wit atheism in very many, and extremity of 'vice in the most par● was to grow, and stand so long, as almighty god had determined to uphold it, and as it was foretold by the Prophet Daniel, to wit, until a ston● should be cut out of a hill without hands, 
Dan. 2.  that is to say, until our saviour Christ should be born of the Virgin Mary) without the help of man● yea, and should haue planted the seat of his empire, and kingdom upon the ruyns thereof: though in the mean time, God executed his iustice upon them for their Idolatry, and sin, in such sort, that the continual course of wars famine, pestilence, seditions,& mutations, wher● with they were miserable, and perpetually afflicted, might haue vtterl● ruined their state sundry times, if God had not preserved it for the en● aforesaid, as in his wisdom he had preordained.  
40 And that this may appear, let us consider the punishment that God laid vpon them, from time to time, even from the very foundation of their city, first under their Kings, secondly under their Consuls, Dictators, Decemuiri, and other magistrates, and lastly under their Emperors, unto the time of Constantine the great, when Christian religion was generally received: though nevertheless it is to be considered, that for the first three hundreth, or four hundreth yeares after the foundation of Rome, their best histories are so brief, or rather barren of matter, by reason of the great antiquity, and rudeness of those times, that livi, 
livi. Dec. 1.  and other Historiographers, complain greatly thereof. And therefore it is no marvel, 
Dionisi. Halicar. antiq. Roman. li. 1.  that we find no mention for many yeares, of diuers great punishments of God, which appeared to be very ordinary afterwards, when their histories were written with more diligence, and greater particularity: and yet we may easily gather, by those generalities, which are mentioned, how continuate were their calamities, and miseries, even in their very begininges.  
41 First then, for the times of their Kings( who were but seven in all) it is to be understood, that when the two bastard brethren, 
livius Dec. 1. li. 1.  Romulus and Remus( sons of the vestal virgin Rhea Siluia) had killed their great uncle Amulius, restored their grandfather Numitor to his kingdom of Alba, 
Plutar. in vita Romul. An. urbis Romae 1.  and laid the foundation of Rome: Romulus not brooking the company,& fellowship of his brother Remus in his new intended kingdom, imbrued his hands in his blood: and to the end he might the better people his new city, he offered by public proclamation, free access, and habitation to all the malefactors, that would repair thither, from any place whatsoever, whereby it was replenished with in four, or five yeares, with theeues, murderers, outlaws, and the outcasts of all Italy, and then partly by force, and partly by fraud, he spoiled the Sabins, 
An. urb. 5.  and other his neighbours of their daughters, contrary to all laws human,& divine, having invited them together with their parents, to certain public feasts, celebrated in Rome, in honour of their Gods. Where upon he had bloody wars some yeares with the Ceninenses, Antennates, Crustumiami, and the Sabyns, of whom he overcame the three first, but the last, to wit, the Sabins entred Rome, besieged, and took the capitol, gave battle to Romulus, greuiouslie wounded him, and slay a great part of his army, when the daughters of the Sabins, which were married to the Romans, interposed themselves betwixt the two armies,& procured them to come to composition: whereby it was agreed, that the Romans and Sabins, should join not only in amity, but also in the society, and fellowship of one common wealth, and that Tatius the King of the Sabins, should reign jointly in Rome with Romulus.  

Plutarc. in Romulo.  42 But within a while Tatius was slain( not without the privity, and consent of Romulus, as it was thought) and shortly after( as Plutark testifieth,) there fell a prodigious rain of blood in Rome, pronosticating, as it seemed, a most cruel famine, and strange plague, which presently followed, 
An. urbis 16  and killed great numbers of men, and women suddenly to the astonishment of all men: and during this plague, the Camerini also made war vpon the Romans, and after them the Vesentes, though Romulus had the victory in both: 
Idem ibid.  whereby he grew so insolent, and proud, that he became an insuportable tyrant, which moved the senators in the end, to conspire his death, 
Ann. ur. 37.  and to kill him in the senate,& to institute a new form of government of ten men, who ruled by turns, every own five daies, 
Ann. ur. 38.  which also gave so little repose, and contentment to the people, that it lasted but a year,  

livius Dec. 1. li. 1. Pl●tarc. in Numa.  43 After this Numa Pompilius was chosen king, who though he reigned forty three yeares in continual peace yet being most superstitious, and faning to haue familiarity with a certain nymph, or godesse called Ageria, introduced infinite superstitions into the Roman common wealth, devising all that form of religion, which they observed ever after: and thereby infected them with a spiritual plague, far wors then any temporal, seeing it exposeth them to the continual wrath of God, which never ceased to scourge,& afflict them after his daies. In so much, that whereas he ordained, that the temple of Ianus should be always shut in time of peace, it could never after, for the space of six hundred yeares be closed, but only once. And during the reign of the kings his successors who were but five in number( to wit Tullus, Hostilius, Ancus Martinus, tarqvinius Priscus, Seruius Tullus, and tarqvinius superbus) the Roman state was perpetually garboyled with no less then a civil war: seeing that sight was with their near neighbors, yea their allies, and kinsmen, I mean the cities so near adjoining unto them, that they contracted marriages,& kindred with them.  
44 This may appear by the war betwixt the Albans& the Romans, under Tullus Hostilius, wherein vpon agreement of both armies, the decision of their quarrel, being remitted to a combat betwixt three brethren, 
livius Dec. 1. ●i. 1.  called horatii on the Romans part, and three other brethren called Curiatij on the part of the the Albans, and the victory falling to the Romans, for that one of the horatii( his two brethren being slain) killed al the Curiatij, the victor Horatius returning triumphantly to Rome, slay his own sister publicly in the street, because shee wept for the death of one of the curiatij, to whom shee was fianced,& promised in marriage whereby, I say, it may appear, how civil,& domestical these their wars were, which continued always more or less, for the space of two hundreth forty four yeares, to wit, until the expulsion of the kings. 
Eutrop. li. 1.  In al which time, they could never dilate their dominion fully sixteen mile from Rome, so that their warres were ever at their own gates( and consequently accompanied with continual effusion of their blood, extreme cares, fears, and sorrow for the loss of parents, children, brethren, knisfolke, and friends) which yet had been more tolerable, if ambition amongst themselves,& the unfortunate end of their kings, had not ministered further matter to the increase of their domestical calamities. 
Plutarc. in vita Numae.   
45 For of the five Kings, which succeeded Numa, three came to the government by intrusion, and all five as Plutark testifieth, died either violently, or at least in banishment: 
Ann. ur 113. livius Dec. 1. li. 1.  though others affirm it only of four of them, that is to say of Tullus Hostilius, tarqvinius Priscus, Seruius Tullus, and tarqvinius Superbus, of whom Tullus Hostilius in a time of great plague was burnt in his own palace, which was set on fire from heaven with a thunderbolt. 
Ann. ur 175  tarqvinius Priscus being made by his predecessor Anius Martius, tutor to his children, and having afterwars defrauded them of the kingdom, 
Ann. ur. 219  was killed by a sheaphard in reuenge thereof. Seruius Tullius having cunningly intruded himself into the government, was in the end deprived thereof, and also of his life by his son in law tarqvinius Superbus, with the consent of his own daughter Tullia, who caused her chariot to be driven over her Fathers dead body, as it lay cast forth in the market place, and finally tarqvinius being the fourth of the aforenamed,& the last king of the Romans, was for his tyranny, and his sons( who ravished Lucretia) expelled the city, 
An. ur. 244.  and died after in exile in Tusculum, within twelve miles of Rome. And such was the hatred, that as well the people, as the senate had conceived against kingly authority, for the tyranny of their former kings, that they utterly abolished the same, and instituted two consuls.  
46 But what? did they enjoy thereby any more happiness, peace, or rest then before? Nothing at all: for, such was their misery afterwards,& so continual the intercourse, or counterchange of external wars, civil seditions, plague, famins, and other strange kinds of calamities, that the punishment of God was most evident vpon them. And therefore seing the Roman histories are from this time forward, more particular, clear, and abondant of matter, then in the former ages under the kings, and still the further they go, the more particular, and plentiful: and that I find also such a perpetual connexion, and concatenation of calamities, throughout the whole state of the Romans until the time of Constantine, the great, that I may by the relation thereof, with some little addition of circumstances, now, and then, give thee( good reader) a perfect epitome, of all the Roman history, and imagining that I shall do therein a work grateful, unto thee, whether thou hast red the Roman histoires or noe,( for if thou hast red them, thou mayst perhaps be content to renew the memory of them, by a brief survey of the substance of the whole, and if thou hast not red them, I make account thou wilt be glad to see in two, or three chapters, the sum of the most notable and remarkable matters, which the Historiographers of the Romans telate in large volumes, for the space of above eight hundreth yeares) upon this conceit, I say, I am content for thy pleasure, and profit, to take the pain to give thee an abridgement of the histories of the Romans during that time.  
47 nevertheless, I think good to auertise thee, that if thou be not so much delighted with historical matters, and desirest to take a shorter course, then to red these three chapters following, thou shalt find the conclusion thereof, in the fourth chapter, from this( which is the thirteenth of this book) wherein thou shalt see, not only the inferences, that I mean to draw out of the whole, but also the substance of the same briefly touched, to present unto thee, the course of the divine providence, in conserving, increasing, and advancing the Roman common wealth, on the one side, and his iustice on the other side, in scourging, and afflicting it from time, to time, with such continual, and exemplar punishments, as the like perhaps hath not been red, or heard of in any state, that hath still stood,& been conserved, and much less in any that hath been so much amplyfyed, and increased, as the roman empire was.   

A continuation of the same matter, to show the severity of Gods iustice in punishing the Romans, from the expulsion of the kings, until the first liquor of Carthage, with a perfect Epitome, or abridgement, of the Roman history during that time. CHAP. X.  
1. THE very first year of the consuls was no less, unfortunate to them, then to the common wealth. For Iunius Brutus, who expelled the tyrant, and was one of the first two consuls, put to death two of his own sons, and two of his wives brethren for conspiring the reduction, and restitution of the tyrant. He also deprived Lucius tarqvinius Collatinus his companion in the consulat, 
livius Dec. 1. li. 2. An. urb. 245  and forced him to depart out of the city, only because his name was tarqvinius, whereas he himself was nephew to the tyrant( to wit his own sisters son) and in stead of Lucius tarqvinius, was chosen P. Valerius Publicola: finally Iunius Brutus being slain the same year in battle, by Aruns tarqvinius, the tyrants son( whom he also slay) Spurius Lucrecius succeeded him in his office, and died within a few dayes, in whose place Marcus Horatius was chosen.  
2 So that there were five consuls in one year, of whom one was killed in battle, an other deprived, and the third died in his consulat. Besides that the same year, there began an other most cruel war, betwixt the Romans,& the tyrant tarqvinius, 
livi. ibid.  who was supported by Porsenna King of the Clusins in Hetruria,( now called Tuscan)& by the Satyns, which war continued at the very gates of Rome three yeares, with so great danger to the Romans, that livij saith, Non unquam alias ante tantus terror Senatum in●asit: The senate was never before that time seized with so great fear.  
● And in this war passed the famous acts of Horatius Cocles, and Mutius Scaeuola, of whom the first defended the entrance of a draw bridge, against all Porsenna his army, 
Idem ibid.  until the bridge was cut down behind him ●nd then he lept into the water, and swam to land. The other, to wit, Mutius Scaeuola, entered into the camp of Porsenna, killed his secretary in ●teede of him, and being taken,& threatened with torment, put his own hand voluntary in to the fire, and there held it until it was consumed, to show how little he feared torments, or death itself, protesting also, ●hat three hundred young Romans had vowed to attempt the death of Por●enna in like manner. 
An. urb. 248  whereupon Porsenna being strooken with admira●ion of his vallours dismissed him, and made peace with the Romans: for ●ssurance whereof, many hostages were given him, amongst whom were ●iuers maides of account, and namely the famous Claelia, under whose conduct all the other maids escaped away over the river of tiber through ●he enemies army, and although she was restored to Porsenna upon his demand, yet for the great admiration he had of her courage, and other good partes, he not only dismissed her again, but also at her request, dischardged al the bardlesse youths that were amongst the ostages, for the which the Romans honoured her with an image, representing her on horseback. And thus ended their war with king Porsenna. Presently after, there ensued no less dangerous, and bloody warres with the Sabins, Aequi, Volsci, and the Arunci,& though the Romans, had diuers victories, 
Idem ibid.  ●et they bought them with much more blood on their own part, and especially in their war, with the Arunci, 
An. urb. 252  who miserable spoiled all the Roman territory, overthrew their army, and almost killed one of their Consuls. Besides that certain towns that were colonies of the Romans, rebelled against them, and yielded to their enemies.  

Ibidem.  4 And thus continued their dangers, fears,& troubles, until the sam● were redoubled by a new league of thirty principal cities against them, in favour of their former king tarqvinius, in so much, that they were forced to make a dictatory, 
An. urb. 253. ( that is to say, one sovereign governor for th● space of six months) which they never did, but in some extreme danger of their state. And though in this war also the Romans had the victory in the end, yet they had so little repose thereby, that they were fain in respect of new dangers, 
An. urb. 260  to make a new dictatory within a while,& in the mean time, the people also being consumed with poverty, an● oppressed with debts, grew to be tumultuous above measure. For, whereas they had until that time, served in all the former wars vpon their own charges, and by reason of the continuance thereof, and the ordinary plagues, and famins had been forced to borrow much money of the noble men, or senators, and not being able to pay either the usury, or the principal, were miserablie afflicted with imprisoments, gives, and fetters, yea and some with whipping,& torments( their bodies being adiudged by the magistrates to their creditors for satisfaction of their debts) they assembled themselves on the holy hill three miles from Rome or as some writ upon mount Auentin, 
Idem ibid.  within Rome,& there fortified themselves. And although Menenius Agrippa, being sent unto them from the senate, pacified them with a fable, which he  told thē( of a muteny& conspiracy of all the partes of mans body against the belly, whereby the whole body pined away) yet the senate was fain to grant them, five Tribunes, to be chosen out of the people themselves, to serve them for a counterpeyse against the Consuls,& to defend thē against the Senators who oppressed thē, whereupon there grew afterwards many great inconveniences,& continual troubles in the common wealth, as shall appear hereafter.  

An. urb. 261  5. This sedition being appeased, there followed the very next year, an other much worse, acconpanied also with an extreme famine, in which sedition, the people banished the worthy Martius Coriolanus, notwithstanding his great service donne to the common wealth, 
Ibid. & his famous victories: who fled to the Volscians,& being made by thē their captain general, besieged Rome with a great army, whereby the Romans were so terrified, that first they sent the priests of the city,& afterwards Veturia his mother,& Volumnia his wife, with a great multitude of matrons, and other women to appease him, by whom he was entreated at last to raise his siege.  
6 And before two yeares were fully past( the wars still continuing with the Volsci, Aequi, and Hernici) there arose new seditions, not only betwixt the senators, and the people, 
Ann. ur 263  but also betwixt the two Consuls Proculus Virginius,& Sp. Cassius, of whom the latter aspired to a tyranny, by the proposition of a law called Agraria, 
Idem ibid. ( for the division of lauds amongst the people)& was notwithstanding afterwards condemned,& executed. And yet nevertheless new tumults grew every year for a long time, by the means of the Tribunes, feeding the humour of the people, 
An. 269. & irritating them against the Senat, with the proposition of that law:& though some times they were forced to intermit their domestical divisions,& animosities, 
An. 270. Ibid.  to attend to their defence against the foreign enemies( as in the consu●ate of Lucius Aemilius,& Coeso Fabius) yet within two yeares after, their seditions so revived, that livij saith. Non sergeant-major discordia domi,& bellum foris ●trocius fuit: The discord at home was no less, then it was cannon-shot to be, and the war abroad far more cruel.  
● In these wars, which they had some yeares with the Volsci, Aequi, and ●ejentes, first their consul Marcus Fabius,& after three hundred, 
An. 274. An. 277. Ibidem. & six Fabij ●al of one family having obtained of the Senate to be employed in that war were al in one battle slain by the Vejentes, assisted by the Hetrusci, who made war at the very gates of Rome: and having taken the mount ●aniculus, so spoiled the country round abount, that the Romans were almost ●amished, until their consul Sp. servilius,& A. Virginius after much loss,& diuers foils, slay the greatest part of their enemies, 
An. ur. 278. & put the rest to light. This war was no sooner ended,& their famine relieved, but the Tribunes began again to make new stirs, propounding the law A●raria, aboue-mencioned,& irritating the people, not only against all the ●enatours in general, but also against every on of them in particular: in ●o much that they caused T. Menenius, who had benne Consul, to be ●rongfullie condemned,& accused also Sp. servilius, consul the year be●ore, who hardly escaped. 
Ann. ur. 279   
● This domestical storm being somewhat appeased, there arose an o●her the same year from abroad, by a new war of the Vejentes, Sabini, ●olsci,& Aequi,& presently after, the next year, the discord,& seditions, 
and ur 280 Ibidem.  ●etwixt the Tribunes,& the Consuls,& betwixt the people,& the senate, ●rew to such violence, that the officers of the Consuls were abused the en●gnes of Iustice broken, the Consuls themselves forced to save themselves by ●ight,& the senat constrained in the end, after 2 yeares tumultuous contē●●ō, to exclude themselves from the election of the Tribunes,& to grant the ●●me wholly to the people, to the end they might provide for the defence of ●he common wealth, against the Volsci,& Aequi, who renewed their former ●arrs, wherein the Romans received a most shameful overthrow, 
An. ur. 283.  under the Consul Appius Claudius.  
9 And such was the intercourse of war abroad,& sedition at home, that if I should undertake to make particular relation thereof, I should do nothing else, but writ the whole story of the Romans; seing tha● whensoever there was any little peace, or repose, the same was( saith livij) semper solicita certamine patrum, 
Ibidem.  & plebis. always full of care, and trouble, by reason of the contention betwixt the Senate, and the people, an● as dionysius Halicarnassus, 
Dionisi. Halicar. antiq. Roman.  saith, Sic in orbem redibant vicissitudines, &c. Su●● was the course, and counterchange of war, and sedition, that they went round, 〈◇〉 it were in a wheele, in so much, that peace bred sedition,& war brought the● again to compositien; which was also( as Eutropius,& Orosius note) so intermixed with frequent pestilence, 
Oros. l. 2 c. 12 Eutrop. li. 1.  that their truces, which were very rar●( saith Orosius) were made either by reason of some great plague, or accompanied with it, whereby infinite numbers perished, as in the consulate of Q. servilius, 
An. ur. 288. Eutrop. ibid.  and Spurius Posthumus, when( as Eutropius saith) a grea● part of the people died of the plague. And again four yeares after, no● only the most part of the souldiarrs, and a great number of the commo● people, 
Ann. ur. 291  but also the two Consuls T. Ebutius, and P. servilius, and very many Senators, died in like maner of the same contagion: though durin● these times, they had also great wars, with their ancient enemies, yea,& with their own slaves, 
and ur 294 livius Dec. 1. li. 3.  and fugitives, who being conducted by Herdoni●● the Sabyn, assailed Rome, burnt the capitol, and killed Valerius the Consul whiles nevertheless the Tribunes of the people, continued their wonted fury( as livij witnesseth) in stirring the people to sedition, and incensing them against the Senate.  
10 And the next year after, as Eutropius and Orosius say,( though according to livij it should be two yeares after) the Aequi, 
Ann. ur 296 Idem ibid. & Volsci, discomfited a great army of Minutius the Consul, and besieged him within twelve miles of Rome, until Q. Cincinnatus( being fetched from the plough was made dictatory, who relieved him, when he was brought to great extremity: whiles also in the mean time they had benne miserable distracted, and divided in Rome, by their turbulent Tribunes, seeking to extinguish, or at least to diminish, the authority of the Consuls. Besides tha● they were terrified with most prodigious accidents of terrible earthquakes, strange noises, and horrible sights in the air, and showers of grea● pieces, or gobbets of flesh, whereof part was seized on by the birds, er● they fell to the ground, and the rest that fell lay many dayes uncorrupted: all with prodigious signs, and diuers others, which I omit( threatening as the divines denounced ruin to the common wealth for their seditions) being also seconded with famine, and continual danger of foreign wars, sufficed not nevertheless to temper, and intigate the mindes of the Tribunes, who propounded new laws in favour of themselves, 
Ann. ur 298  ●ncensing the people continually against the Senate,& Consuls. whereupon their tumults still increasing,& new contentions daily growing( concerning the validity of the new laws) to the manifest,& extreme danger of the common wealth: it was at last agreed, to sand ambassadors ●o Athens, to fetch a copy of Solons laws, 
An. 300. Ibidem.  and other ordinances of the Grecians, whereby they might reform theirs. And although during the ●bsence of their ambassadors( which was not above two yeares) they enjoyed some repose, as well from tumults at home, as wars abroad; yet ●heir affliction ceased not, for as livij saith: dvo simul mala ingentia exorta, 
Ibidem.  &c. two great mischiefs grew amongst them, at once, to wit, famine, ●nd pestilence, wherewith infinite numbers, not only of men, 
An. 301.  but also of ●atle were consumed, in so much, that. urbs, saith he, assiduis exhausta funeribus, multae& clarae lugubres domus, multiplici called faedatus annus, 
Ibid.  The city was exhausted with continual deaths, many noble houses where replenished with ●ourninge, and all that year was disgraceful, by reason of many calamities.  
●1 The next year, which was the three hundreth, and two, after the foundation of Rome, the ambassadors being returned from Greece, 
An. 302.  the Romans changed their form of government, choosing in steede of two Cō●suls, ten gouernours called Decemuiri to whose charged it was committed, both by the Senate,& people, as well to make new laws, 
Idem ibid.  as also to administer iustice, every one of them in his turn, every tenth day; who conspiring together the second year of their office, and binding themselves by oath to maintain one an other, oppressed the common wealth two yeares, and used great tyranny, committing all kind of injustice: 
An. 305.  in so much that one Virginius publicly slay his own daughter, to deliver her from Appius Claudius one of the Decemuiri, who, to the end he might deflower her, had not only caused a dependent of his own to claim her for his slave, but also had given sentence against her. whereupon there arose such a tumult of the people, and soldiers, 
Ibidem.  that the Decemuiri were forced to leave their office, and two Consuls were chosen after the old maner, and Appius Claudius being committed to prison, killed himself: an other of the Decemuiri died also in prison,& the rest were banished, and their goods confiscated.  
12 During this tyrannical Decemuirat, the Sabins, 
An. 306. Ibid.  and Aequi making war in the territory of the Romans, gave them two shameful overthrows, and put the city of Rome in no less danger, then fear.  
13 And if I should proceed in this manner, to recount particulerlie, al their domestical divisions,& other calamities ensuing thereof,( wherewith they were continually afflicted, whensoever they had any little truce, or surcease from foreign wars) I should occupy, and employ the whole volume of this treatise in the relation thereof,& therefore I wish it for the present to be noted, that from the time of this Decemuirat, to the very overthrow of their common wealth, by Iulius caesar( which was four hundreth yeares after) their civil tumults,& consequently their afflictions grew daily greater, by reason that the Senate, after the deposition of the Decemuiri, were forced, for the further satisfaction of the people, no● only to renew their former officers called Tribunes, but also to increase their number to ten: yea,& with in a while also to grant, that in stede of the two Consuls( who were chosen only out of the ancient nobility) there should be other magistrates, 
Ibidem.  called Tribunes of the soldiers, who should haue the authority of Consuls, and be chosen partly out of the plebeians, 
An. 310.  and partly out of the patricians.  
And so seditious, and furious commonly were the Tribunes of the people, in stirring thē up against the Senat, that the senators, were fain to seek some times, the most dangerous remedies that might be, to wit, the occasion of some great war, even at their own gates( I mean with their next neighbours not many miles from Rome) Adeo vel infoelix bellum, 
Dec. 1. li. 4.  saith livij, ignominiosae paci praeferebant. So far they were fain to prefer an unfortunate war, before an ignominious peace. Which nevertheless sufficed not mannie times, to quiet the turbulent humours of the people, and their Tribunes: in so much that otherwhiles, when they were most pressed by their enemies, 
Ibid.  they had, as livij saith, Plus belly domi, quam foris. More war at home, then abroad, whereby the senate was constrained to endure many indignities.  
14 This therefore being understood, to haue passed continually in the Roman state, not only before the election of the Tribuni militum,( which was in the year of three hundred and ten, after the foundation of Rome) but much more euerafter, I will henceforth for brevities sake, touch only their most notorious calamities, 
An. 310.  and afflictions, whereby it shall sufficiently appear, how severe, and continual was the scourge, and punishment of God vpon them for their wickedness.  
15 These Tribunes of the soldiers, being chosen, and composition made thereby for the present, betwixt the people, and the Senate,( to the end they might attend to the defence of their state against the Aequi, Volsci, and Vejentes) the said wars were no sooner ended with good success to the Romans, 
An. 315. Dec. 1. li. 4.  but succeeded the unfortunate Consulat of Proculus Geganius Macerinus, and L. Menenius Lanatus, notorious, saith livij, for the manifold calamities, dangers, famine, seditions, and almost perpetual loss of liberty, in so much ( saith he) that if there had been any external war at that time, Vix ope Deorum omnium res sisti potuisset. All the Gods could hardly haue conserved the ●●are. The occasion was, that there being so great a famine, that many drowned themselves in tiber, to avoid the torment of hunger, Sp. Melius, having at his own charges, greatly relieved the people with corn,& victual: aspired to make himself king, and had so far gained their good wills thereto, that the Senat was compelled to make Lucius Quintus dictatory, by whose means( with the help of Quintus Seruili●● Master of the horse) Sp. Melius was in the end slain, 
Ann. ur 316.  and the people pacified.  
●6 The year following began a most dangerous war, 
An. 317.  by the rebel●ion of the Fidenates: who were not above eighteen miles from Rome,& ●ad at the instance of the Veientes, rebelled against the Romans, and killed four of their ambassadors, which were sent unto them, to understand ●he cause of their defection. In so much, that the Senate( vc in trepidis rebus, saith livij, as their custom was in time of fear, and danger) made a dictatory, 
Idem ibid.  to wit Mamercus Aemilius, and though he overthrew his enemies, and had 〈◇〉 notable triumph, yet his victory was counterpeised, 
Eutrop. li. 1.  with such ●errible earthquakes, and plagues, that the Romans were in fear of ●tter desolation, as well to the city, as to the country: besides new wars presently after with the Fidenates, and Vejentes, 
An. 317.& 318.  who ●pproched with a great army to the walls of Rome, whereupon, ●repidatum, saith livij, non in agris magis, quam in urbe, 
An. 320. livius Dec. 1. li. 4.  There was ●o less fear in the city, then in the fields abroad. And therefore they made a new dictatory, to wit A. servilius, who repelled the enemy and took ●he city Fidenae.  
●7 And other wars arising the next year( whereupon they were also forced to make a new dictatory) there followed an other pestilence, 
An. 321. An. 322, An. 327.  which made great destruction both of men, and cattle, in the city, and country. And within four, or five yeares after, the Veientes made new wars, which were also accompanied with extreme drought, whereupon followed very great contagion,& death of men, and beasts: 
An. 329.  and shortly after, the Veientes gave an ignominious overthrow to the three Tribunes of the soldiers, who governed that year: 
Ibidem. An. 332.  and Rome itself was in such fear, that it kept watch, and ward upon the walls, and was, as livij saith, more like a camp, then a city: and within three yeares after the Consul Sempronius was also shamefully overthrown, by the Volsci. 
An. 337.  Not long after again, an other army of the Romans was defeated by the Lauricani, and Aequi, 
An. 342. An. 343.  and the wonted seditions growing daily greater at ●ome, passed also from the people in the city, to the soldiers in the cāpe who killed M. Posthumius their general; and presently after followed 〈◇〉 great pestilence, and famine, whereby the city was for a time left as 〈◇〉 were, desolat, and desert whiles the common sort perished, and the senators and others of wealth& account, went abroad to seek remedy against the hunger and contagion.  
18 And thus continued for some yeares this successive change of seditions, plagues, famine, and war( where in also the Romans amid som● victories, 
An. 350.  received many disgraces, and overthrows) until the great,& long siege of Vejentum, which dured ten yeares, winter, and summer, after seventeen yeares war, that it had made against the Romans: who though they took it in the end( to wit in the year three hundreth fifti● nine) under the conduct of M. furious Camillus, yet had been foiled, disgraced,& beaten by it, not only oft before, but also diuers times during th● siege; in which time also they were pestered with almost continual wars by other their neighbours, 
Idem Dec. 1. li. 5.  and with seditions at home more then ever, and finally with that notorious pestilence, which happened in the year three hundred fifty six, whereof I haue spoken in the seventh chapter, fo● remedy whereof, 
An. 356,  they made their first Lectisternium to pacify the wrath of their gods.  
19 And how pernicious their civil dissensions, and seditions in Rome i● self, were also to the common wealth, it appeared shortly after, whe● the famous furious Camillus, 
An. 364.  was wrongfully banished by the Tribunes o● the people: in punishment whereof, Plutark supposeth, that God sent th● Gaules to Rome, 
Plutarc. in Furio Camil An. 365.  who the next year after, overthrew Fabius Ambustus,& his whole army, not far from Rome, with great slaughter of the Romans, and entred the city, sacked, spoiled, and burnt it, killed a great numbe● of senators in their own houses, and put all to the sword, except suc● as fled to the Capitol, which they also besieged, though they were in th● end expelled,& overthrown by Camillus, who being banished( as I hau● declared) relieved, and repaired the wrack of his ungrateful country.  

An. 366.  20 This dangerous, and terrible tempest being overblown, new storms of wars presently arose from the Volsci, Aequi, Satrini,& Praenestini, o● whom some encamped themselves at the very gates of Rome, whereupon saith livij, 
livius Dec. 1. li. 6.  Ingens in urbe trepidatio: There was exceeding great fear, an● trembling in the city. And although the Romans overthrew,& conquered them all in the end, by the valour of furious Camillus, and T. Quintus Cincinnatus( whereby also they enlarged greatly their dominions in Italy) ye● they were in the mean time continually molested, and vexed with their wonted calamities: as some times with disgraces in warres, some times with plague and famine, and otherwhieles, or rather continually, 
An. 372.  with ●omesticall divisions, and tumults? partly by reason of the poverty of ●he people, laden, and oppressed with debts, and partly by the ambition, 
An. urb. 369  ●●rst of Marcus Manlius, who aspiret to make himself King, 
An. 379. 380. 381. 382. 383.  and after ●f Licinius Stolo and L. Sextius Tribunes of the people, who for five yeares ●ogeter, hindered the election of all other magistrates, but themselves ●nd forced the Senate in the end, to grant that one of the Consuls, should ●or ever after be a Dlebeian, and yet before this dissension could be ●ully composed, 
and ur. 388  the Gaules returned again with a huge army and came within four mieles of Rome, destroynig all the country roundabout, ●ut were within a while defeated by Turius Camillus.  
●1 Shortly after there grew a strange plague, of contagious diseases, 
livius Dec. 1. li. 7. An. urb. 390  ●hich continued some yeares, and destroyed infinite numbers of people, ●nd amongst the rest, there died Turius Camillus, three Tribunes of the people, a Censor, and an Aedil, for remedy whereof, they absurdly brought ●n use, their filthy staghe plays, to pacify the wrath of the Gods, as I haue ●ignified in the seventh chapter.  
●2 Within two yeares after or somewhat more, 
An. 393.  the earth opened un●o the very bowels thereof, in the midst of the greatest market place in Rome, and so remained some dayes, to the extreme terror of all men; ●heir divines concelled them to throw in what soever was most precious ●n the city, whereupon the matrons cast in all their jewels, 
Idem ibid.  but nothing availed, until Marcus Curtius being armed on horseback cast him●elfe into it, which being donne it closed within a while; and before the ●eare was fully ended, L. Genutius the Consul was overthrown& slain ●y the Hernici.  
●3 From this time forward, vntell the war of the samnites, that is to ●ay, for the space of twenty two yeares, 
Ibid.  the Romans were so contiunaly distressed, either with rebellions of their subiects, or defections of their ●reendes, and confederates, 
An. 395.  or new invasions of the Gaules( who gave thē ●n other bloody battle, at the very gates of Rome) or finally with their civil discord amongst themselves, that they were forced almost every ●eare, to make a dictatory, in respect some times as well of domestical, 
An. 405.  as of foreign dangers: and although they had many notable victories, yet ●hey received with all so many disgraces, with such loss of blood, 
An. 394. 395. 367,  and such spoil of their territories, and such oppression of the people, that ●t may truly be said, they lived all that while in continual affliction& misery the particularities whereof, where to long to recount,& therefore I will pass to the war of the samnites.  
24 In the year after the foundation of Rome four hundred& twelve, 
An. 412.  the Romans denounced war to the samnites in favour of the Campani who not being able to defend themselves against the samnites, 
Ibid.  gave t● the Romans, not only their city, Capua,( which was then hel● equal in greatness, or magnificence with Rome) but also themselves and their whole state, vpon condition that the Romans should defer● them.  
25 The Romans therefore undertaking this war in defence of the Ca●pani, as of their own subiects, had prosperous success, and notable v●ctories, for three, or four yeares, as well against the samnites, as the L●tins their neighbours, who breaking their ancient league, made warr● vpon them: in which time passed those famous acts of the two Consu●● T. Manlius Torquatus, 
An. 415.  and Publius Decius: of whom the first, to conserve th● authority, and integrity of military discipline, put to death his owns son, for accepting an importunate challenge of combat without his order, though he valiantly slay the enemy: and the other Consul Deciu● seeing his army put to the worse, 
livius Dec. 1. li. 8.  and like to be overthrown, vowed and with many ceremonies( which livy declareth) consecrated himself as a sacrifice to the gods, to obtain the victory, which his army obtained, though he himself was slain.  

An. 416.  26 But the next year after, one of their consuls being a Plebeian, an● the other though a Patrician, yet disgusted with the Senat( because i● would not grant him a triumph) conspired together in favour of the Tribunes, 
Idem Ibid.  and people, and making one of themselves dictatory, ordained suc● laws, that, as livy witnesseth, their common wealth received more detr●ment, by the malignity of their seditious Consuls, and dictatory at home● then good hap, or felicity by their victories abroad. And these warr● continuing yearly, they were also infested with strange plagues,& mortality, especially in the four hundred twenty and third year, after th● foundation of Rome, 
An. 423.  at what time, an incredible, and most horrible conspiracy of the matrons of Rome, to poison the city was detected, by on● of their women seruants, 
Ibidem.  after that very many principal men, and 〈◇〉 great number of the meaner sort, had been made away, dying strangely, and suddenly all after one manner: besides infinite others, wh● being more able to resist the force of the poison, languished miserablie, and pined away, until the matter being discovered( as I hau● said) and examined, three hundred and twenty matrons( as Or●●● and Eutropius witness) were condemned, 
Oro. l. 3 c. 10 Eutrop. li. 2  and executed for it: no other motive, or cause of their wicked act being ever discovered but only a fantastical, and malicious madness, which had surprise● them.  
27 A few yeares after this, the war with the samnites being renewed, ●he Roman army conducted by the two Consuls T. Veturius and Sp. ●osthumius, was driven to such a straite; 
An. 431. livius Dec. 1. li. 9.  that they were forced to save their lives, with loss of their honour, passing under the yoke( as it was termed) that is to say, under three launces set up in gal●ows wise, spoiled of their arms, and clothes, with such conditions also of peace, as it pleased their enemies to impose vpon them: for the assurance whereof, six hundred Roman Gentlemen were left for hostages. And this the samnites held for a greater victory, then ●f they had put them all to the sword, as they might haue done, if they would.  
●8 And from this time forward, they had continually for many yeares, very cruel and bloody wars, partly with the samnites, and partly with other their neighbours, and though they had diuers● notable victories, yet they bought them many times so dear, that they had small cause to rejoice thereat: partly by reason of their own losses, and partly for the frequent plagues which occurred. In so much, that Eutropius speaking of these times saith thus; It is to be understood, that the peace, 
Eutrop. li. 2.  and repose ●f the Romans, was ever interrupted with external warrs, and the wars again with infectious, and contagious plagues, so that they were on every side miserablie molested. Thus saith he, vpon the occasion of a most grievous pestilence, which ensued a victory, that Quintus Fabius Maximus, 
An. 458. livius Dec. 1. lib. 10.  had ●gainst the samnites, and Gaules, though with the loss of seven thou●and Romans, and of his fellow Consul P. Decius, son to the other P. Decius, who vowed, and dedicated himself, as a sacrifice to the Gods, 
Num. 25.  in a battle against the Latins( as I haue signified before) whose example his son also followed in this battle, and with his death purchased the victory for the Romans, as they were persuaded.  
29 The same year, this plague, and war was also accompanied with many prodigious events, as that it rained earth, and many were slain in the army of the Romans with thunderbolts: besides that the Gaules al●o intercepted, and slay a whole legion of the Romans, 
An. 461. livius Dec. 1. li 10. For the remedy of this Esculapius was fetched from Epidaurus.  whereof not one man escaped, and the wars with the samnites, stil continuinge with great ●osse on both parts( though the Romans commonly had the victory) there fell within three yeares after such a plague in Rome, and such a murrain, and destruction of cattle in the country, for three yeares together, that( as livy witnesseth) it was portento similis, like a monstrous wonder. And during the same time, the samnites also overthrew the Consul Q. Fabius Gurges, who saved himself by flight, having lost three thousand of his soldiers, 
An. 463. Eutrop. li. 2.  though within a while( after forty nyn● yeares warres, and many bloody battailes as Eutropius witnesseth) the● subdued the samnites,& destroyed their chief city called Samnum: An● about the same time, also grew such a sedition in Rome, that the people took arms, and rebelled, requiring that plebeians might be admitte● to mary with the nobility.  
30 Presently after, there followed new wars with the Sabins,& the● with the Lucani, 
An. 470.  Brutij, Toscani, and Galli, with whom the samnites, had mad● league, with intent to rebel: and the Romans thinking to withdraw th● Gaules from them, sent ambassadors unto them, whom the Gaules killed, and shortly after discomfited also an army of the Romans, and sle● their general Cecilius the Praetor, 
Epitome T. livius li. 12.  seven colonels, and many noble men besides twenty eight thousand common soldiers, as Orosius testifieth. 
Oro. l. 3. c. 22   
31 The next year after, they began an other war with the Tarantins, who had also assailed, and spoiled a navy, of theirs, killed thei● Captanes, 
Eutrop. li. 2. Oros li. 4. c, 1 An 471.  and their most serviceable soldiers, sold the rest, and abused also their ambassadors, who were sent to complain of the injury And this war so pressed them, that they were fain to arm their Inletarij, who being of the poorest sort, were such as had benne before exempted from war, to the end they might stay at home, and attend t● procreation for increase of the common wealth.  

Epi. Liu. l. 12  32 By the occasion of this war, the Tarentins called Pyrrhus King of Madonie, and Epyrus, into Italy, to assist them against the Romans, betwixt whom there passed three cruel, and bloody battailes, whereof the romans lost the first, after a whole daies fight, under the Consul, Leuin●● though the slaughter of their enemies was so great, that Pyrrhus said, Th●● such an other victory, 
Ibid. li. 13.  would sand him home without soldiers. The Romans lo●● in that battle fourteen thousand, 
An. 473. Plutarc. in Pyrrho.  eight hundred& fourscore foot men, and two hundred forty six horse, besides eight hundred and two horse and foot, which were taken prisoners, and those which escaped b● flight, were strangely terrified, with horrible,& prodigious thunder an● thirty four of them killed with thunderbolts, and twenty two le●● half dead, in so much, that it seemed the very heauens fought against them.  

An. 474.  33 The Romans won the second battle, and slay twenty thousan● of their enemies, with the loss of five thousand of their part. In the thi●● battle, 
Idem ibid. An. 475.  the famous Consul Fabricius( who discovered to Pyrrhus the treason of his physician which had offered to poison him) overthrew him. And then Pyrrhus being called into Sicily to assist Agathocles king thereof departed for a time, and returning again afterwards, 
livi. li. 14. in Epito. An. 479. Eutrop. li. 2. An. 477.  was overthrown by the Consul M. Curius Dentatus, and forced to leave Italy, fifteen yeares, after his first arrival there, as Eutropius testifieth.  
34 And in the mean time also, the Romans were cruelly infested, in the second consulat of Fabius Gurges, with a very strange plague, which killed the children in their mothers wombs, and young cattle in like sort in their dames bellies, so that it was feared( as Orosius witnesseth) that the succession, and offspring both of men, and beasts, 
Oros. li. 4. c. 2  would haue utterly failed,  
35 There followed shortly after, new warres with the Tarentyns, 
Id● ibid. ca 3 An. 482.  who rebelled with the help of the Carthaginensis, not withstanding that the said Carthaginenses, where then in league, with the Romans. But the Romans overthrew thē both, which the Carthaginenses revenged afterwards with many yeares war, as shalbe declared after a while.  
36 The next year after this war with the Tarentins, 
An. 483. Idem Ibid.  a whole legion of the Romans, having cruelly murdered all these people of Regium( to whose succour they were sent) and possessing themselves of the town, were besieged by the rest of the Roman forces, taken, and sent to Rome, where they were al put to death, so that the Romans themselves killed so many of their own souldiers, that if they had been slain by the enemy, it would haue been held for a public, and common calamity.  
37 presently after, followed many prodigious signs, 
An. 484.  and amongst the rest, a marvelous eruption of fire out of the ground, which burned for three daies together, consuming the corn, and trees near about it, and the year following, there passed a most bloody fight, betwixt the Picentes, and the Romans, notwithstanding that when they were ready to join battle, there was vpon a sudden, such a horrible earthquake, with such a roringe noise( which issued out of the earth) that as( Orosius and Eut opius do witness) it might well be thought, that the earth itself trembled,& mourned, for the abundance of human blood, 
Oros. l. 4. c. 4 Eutrop. l. 2. An. 485.  that was presently to be  shed in that battle, wherein nevertheless, the Romans had the better.  
38 The very next year after, there were other no less prodigious signs, as to omit diverse others, abundance of blood flowed out of the earth pretending no doubt, the bloody wars, which presently followed. 
Idem Ibid.  First with the Salentini and Brundusini, and shortly after with the Carthaginenses. Besides that the Romans were also about the same time, miserable afflicted with two yeares pestilence, which did so depopulate the city, and country, that afterwards, when it ceased, they made a sense, 
Circ. an. 487 Oros. l. 4. c. 5.  saith Orosius, not so much to see how many were dead, as how many remained alive.  
39 But seing we are now come to the first wars of Carthage, and that this chapter is already grown long, I will prosecute the rest in the chapter following, and touch only the most important matters, to avoid prolixity.   

The epitome of the Roman history is continued, and the exemplar punishment of God upon the Romans, further observed, from the beginning of the first war of Carthage, until the ouerthrow of their common welth,& the birth of our saviour Christ, under Augustus Caesar, the first Roman Emperour. CHAP. XI.  
1. THE Romans having passed,( as I may term it) an essay of their war with the Carthaginienses in Italy, by the occasion of the Tarentins,( as I haue already signified) began afterwards to play their main prise in Sicily, in the consulat of Appius Claudius Pulcher, 
An. 483.  and Quintus Fuluius Flaccus, in the four hundreth eighty third year after Rome was built, as Eutropius affirmeth, though according to Glareanus( whose exact chronology I rather follow) it was the year four hundreth eighty eight. 
Eutrop. li. 2. Oros. l. 4. c. 7 An. 488.  The occasion was, that the Mamertini, a people of Sicily, whose chief city was Messina, craved the aid of the Romans against Hieron King of Syracusa, assisted by the Carthaginienses, whom the Romans overthrew in two great battailes, and the war extending itself, 
An. 493.  first into Sardinia, and within four, or five yeares, from land to sea, the Romans were forced, to build, and furnish a navy, of on hundred and thirty ships, 
Eutrop. li. 2.  which they did with incredible speed, to wit in threescoore dayes, but Cornelius Asina the Consul, who had the charged thereof, was taken prisoner,& slain by the elder Annibal, with the pretence of a false treaty of peace, which was presently after revenged by the other Consul C. Duillius, with the slaughter of three thousand men, and with an other overthrow, which Caius Florus, and Lucius Cornelius gave them also by sea, 
An. 494.  the year following.  
2 But this their good fortune, began presently to be checked, with a most dangerous conspiracy of three thousand slaves, confederat with so many sailors, 
Idem ibid.  who had surprised Rome( which by reason of these great wars was destitute of al gard) if the consul had not in time discovered,& prevented it. Whereby it may appear, how much the Romans were pressed, and grieved with this war, notwithstanding their good fortune therein, seeing that Rome itself was drawn so dry of soldiers to defend it, that so few slaves durst attempt to surprise it.  
3 And within two yeares after, M. Attilius Regulus the Consul, 
An. 496.  having passed into Africke, and slain in battle eighteen thousand of the Carthaginienses, and taken by composition fourscore and two cities, 
Oros li. 4. c. 9. Eutrop. li. 2.  was taken prisoner himself by them, with the help and conduct of Xantippus King of Lacedemony, at what time also thirty two thousand of the Roman army were slain, and five hundreth principal men taken prisoners.  
4 This is that M. Attilius Regulus, 
Cicero 2. de finib.& li. 3. officio.& de senectute. Valer. Max. li. 1. ca. 1. li. 2 cap. 4.  whose memory is so highly celebrated by Cicero, and other Roman authors, for returning to Carthage, to discharged his oath, whereby he was bound, either to procure the liberty of the Carthaginians that were prisoners, or else to return himself to prison, which later condition he willingly performed, having himself dissuaded the senat to deliver the other, for the which he was cruelly slain at his return.  
5 And albeit this great disgrace of Attilius Regulus, was presently after recompensed, 
Eutrop. li. 2 Oros. l. 4. c. 9.  with two great overthrows given to the Carthaginienses by sea, wherein they lost 134. ships, and 44. thousand men, and afterwards also 20000. were slain by the Consul Metellus by land, 
An 498.  yet the two Consuls Aemilius Paulus, and Seruius Fuluius, returning into Italy with their victorious navy of three hundred sail, loaden with the spoil of the Carthaginienses, made a miserable shipwreck, and lost two hundred and twenty of their ships, and hardly saved the rest, with casting ouerbord all their goods. And the like fortune had two other Consuls Cn. Seruillius Caepio, and Sempronius Blaesus shortly after, 
An. 500.  who having also made a prosperous voyage by sea, and got a great spoil of the Carthaginienses, were in their return cast vpon the rocks, and lost a hundred and fifty ships of great burden, whereupon Orosius saith very well. 
Oros. l. 4. c. 9  Apud Romanos numquam diuturna felicitas erat &c. The Romans were never long together fortunate, but every good success of theirs, was presently ouerwhelmed with a heap of woes.  
9 This appeared to be true at this time, whereof I now treat, for, the prosperous scccesse, whereof I haue spoken, 
Idem ibid. cap. 10 Eutrop. li. 2. An. 503.  was seconded with diuers disgraces, and calamities, as with the overthrow of an other Attilius Regulus surnamed Caius and Manlius Volso, both of thē Consuls, with their navy of two hundred sail, and four legions in it, and of an other navy of a hundred and thirty sail the year following, 
An. 504.  under the Consul Claudius, who hardly escaped with thirty ships, the rest being either taken, or drowned, with eight thousand soldiers slain, and twenty thousand taken, besides that Caius or Lucius Iunius the other Consul, 
Ibidem.  lost also his whole fleet by shipwreck the same year.  

An. 505. Idem ibid.  7 And the year following, a fleet of the Carthaginienses passed in to Italy, and spoiled diuers parts thereof,& thus continued these wars wit● hard variety of fortune, and inestimable losses to both parties, vntil● Luctatius the Consul, had a notable victory some four, or five yeares after in Sicily, where he overthrew Hanno, the general of the Carthaginienses, 
An. 511. Eu●rop. li. 2.  slay fourteen thousand soldiers, and took thirty two thousan● prisoners, whereby the Carthaginienses were so broken, and discouraged, that they were forced to demand peace, 
Oros. l. 4. c. 10& 11. An. 512.  which was granted them, and so ended the first punic war, after it had lasted twenty thre● yeares.  
8 But was the ioy of this victory, and peace( think you) clear to the Romans, without their wonted counterchange of calamity? No truly, fo● the very next year after, 
An 513. Eutrop. li. 2.  as they were preparing for their triumph, there was such an inundation of the Riuier of Tiber, and it lasted so long, tha● it destroyed al the lower part of the city, and presently after, a fire als● which took in the higher partes of the city,( no man knew how) consumed not only innumerable houses, and the temples of the Gods, bu● also a great number of men, and such store of riches, and wealth, that, a● Oresiu● saith. 
O●●s. l. 4. c. 11  Many foreign victories could not recompense the loss that the Roman● received thereby,  

An. 513.  9 In this mean while, there arose new troubles of wars from the Falisi, the Gaules, and the Sardinians, who rebelled by the solicitation of the Carthaginiens●s, 
Id●m ibid. c●●. 12 Eutrop. li. 2. An 514.  which wars lasted some five, or six yeares, with so little gain to the Romans, especially against the Gaules, that though they ha● the victory, yet their loss was so great with al, that the Consul Valer●● could not obtain the honour of triumph: but in the end, all those tumults being appeased, and the Carthaginienses upon humble suite, by diuers embassages pardonned, there was such an universal peace, that the Temple of Ianus was shut up the first time, after Numa Pompilius, that i● to say, 
An. 518. Oro●. 4 c. 12  after four hundreth& threescore yeares of continual war, besides the other afflictions of plagues, domestical divisions, and other miseries, wherewith they had been many times brought almost to vtte● d●solation, as I haue signified before,  
10 This peace continued only one year, which being ended, there arose new quarrels, and cruel warres with the Illirici, for killing certain ambassadors of the Romans,& presently after with the Gaules, in punishment( as O●osius and Eutropius note) of a most inhuman sacrifice, 
Oros l. 4. c 13 Eutrop. li. 3.  which the Romans made of two Gaules, a man, and a woman, whom they butted alive together, with a grecian woman, after which there followed with in a while, such an inundation of the Gaules, aswell of those which dwelled in Italy, as also of the others beyond the Alpes, 
Oros. ibidem  that the Romans were for●ed to arm eight hundred thousand men, under the conduct of their two ●onsuls, Publius Valerius Flaccus, and Caius Attilius Regulus, 
An. 527.  of which huge ●ost, fourscore thousand were slain by the Gaules, with the Consul Attilius, and all the rest put to flight; though nevertheless afterwards, 
Eutrop. li. 3.  ●he Romans overthrew them in three battailes under diverse Consuls,& ●●stlie killed their King Viridomarus, and took Millan, the chief city of ●he Gaules, called Cisalpini. But how much blood these three victories cost ●hem, it may easily be imagined,& ere that war was fully ended, 
An. 532.  they ●ere forced to prepare for an other against the Istri, whom also they sub●ued ere long, but multo Romanorum sanguine, 
Oros. ubi sup An. 533.  with much blood of the Ro●ans, as Orosius witnesseth.  
●● But now, who can sufficiently express the miseries, and calamities, ●hat fell presently vpon them by the second punic war, 
An. 535.  when Han●iball, seeking occasion to break peace with them, besieged the city of ●aguntum in spain, which was their confederat, and so faithful unto ●hem that having endured extreme famine some moneths,& seeing no ●ossibilitie of succour, refused Hannibals offer of capitulation, and burnt ●heir city, with all their goods, and themselves. 
T. livi. Dec. 3. li. 1.  And war being there●ppon denounced by the Romans, against Carthage, Hannibal marched to●ards Italy, with a hundred thousand footmen, as some writ, and ●wentie thousand horse, leaving also his brother Asdrubal, 
Vide Plutar. in vita Hannibal.  with great ●orces in spain. And passing the Alpes with incredible difficulty, and ●peede, to wit, in fifteen dayes( notwithstanding that he was forced to ●pen his way through the main rocks, with great industry, dissolving ●hem with vinager, and fire) he descended into the champian country a●out Turin in piedmont, where encountering with the Consul Scipio, he o●erthrew him, and killed almost all his army, and Scipio himself being greueously wounded, 
An. 536.  escaped hardly by the valorous help of young Sci●io his son.  
●2. And shortly after this, 
livius Dec. 3. li. 1.  Annibal gave an other overthrow to Sem●ronius the other Consul, by the river called Trebbia, with no less loss,& disgrace to the Romans, then in the former, for the consul lost the greatest part of his army, and hardly saved his own life by flight. And though Hannibal being wounded in that battle,& so distressed afterwards with ●he extreme could of the winter, that he lost one of his eyes, 
An. 537. Idem Ibid. li. 2.  and great number of his soldiers, yet he gave an other battale in the beginning of the spring to Flaminius, the Consul, whom he killed, with twenty five thousand Romans, and took six thousand prisoners, near to the lake called Thrasimenus, not far from Perugia in Tuscan.  

An. 538. Idem ibid. Plutar. in Hannibal.  13 After this again followed the famous battle at Cannae, where Hannibal slay the consul Paulus Aemilius,& forty four thousand foot, three thousand, five hundred horse, twenty of the most principal personages o● Rome, who had been Consuls,& thirty Senators, with three hundred other men of mark, either slain, or taken:& the other consul Terentius Varro, saved himself by flight, with only fifty horse. And finally, such was the slaughter of principal men, that Hannibal, sent to Carthage,( as Orosi●● witnesseth) three bushels of gold rings, 
Oro. l. 4 c. 16  taken from the hands of the Roman gentlemen which were slain,& such was the astonishment,& frigh● of the Romans by this overthrow, that if Hanniball had followed his victory,& gone directly to Rome, he had by al likelihood surprised it, an● utterly overthrown the Roman state. 
Oros. ibidem  For al Campania, or rather as Orosi●● saith, almost al Italy, yielded to him,& the Senators themselves were in such despair, that many of them deliberated to leave Italy, and had donne it, but that young Scipio being then a colonel, 
T. livi. Dec. 3. li. 2.  drew his sword, and proteste● that he would kill whosoever should consent unto it,& procured in th● end, that they all took an oath with him to defend their country.  
14 Furthermore, such was the want of soldiers, for the maintenannc● of the war, that Iunius Decius being made dictatory, was fain to follow● the example of Romulus, 
Oro. l. 4. c. 16  and to grant impunity to al malefactors, tha● would come, and serve in that war, whereby he shortly assembled si● thousand men, and further made up four legions of tag,& rag, giuing liberty to such slaves as were thought most serviceable, taking arms ou● of the very temples to furnish them, and the common treasure was so exhausted, that the Romans were forced to supply with new contributions.  

livius Dec. 3. li. 2. Idem Ibid. li. 7. An. 542. An. 546.  15 And though both before and after this, Hannibal received some overthrows, namely by Fabius Maximus, before the battle of Cannae, and afterwards by M. Claudius Marcellus, yet he gave many more, as to Semprenius Gracchus, to Centenius Penula, to Gneus Fuluius the Praetor, whom he put to flight, and slay fifteen thousand of his men. And lastly to the two Consuls Crispinus, and the afore said Marcellus, both whom he slay by a train. And coming once within three mile of Rome, to the great terror of the Romans, 
An. 543.  he presented them battle twice, and as they were ready to fight, there fell both times such a terrible storm of rain, and hail, that both the armies were forced to return into their camps, in so much that Hannibal himself ascribing it to the will, and work of God, retired himself, 
Oro. l. 4. c. 17  saying. That God did not give him some times the will, and some times the power to assail Rome: wherein I note by the way, that which I wish to be observed throughout al this discourse, concerning the Romā, to wit, on the one side the severe iustice of almighty God, in punishing ●hem for their horrible idolatry, and impiety: and on the other side, his marvelous providence, in preseruinge, and augmenting their state, to so great an empire, as after he gave thē, to the end it might serve for a foundation to the biulding of his Church.  
●6 But to conclude concerning Hanniball, he remained in Italy for the space of sixteen yeares, to the incredible affliction, and molestation of the Romans, for as polybius testifieth, he gave order to his soldiers, 
Polib. li 3.  that ●hey should spare neither man, woman, nor child, but put all to fire, and sword, which they executed with al rigour, and destroyed nineteen no●able, and famous cities, and killed also in that time, above two hundred ●housand of al sorts of people, as may appear by the censes made before ●nd after.  
●7 And this continued, until at length Scipio( who was called afterwards Africanus) having overcome Hanno, and Asdrubal in spain, and ●ubdued it wholly from the Pyrené mountaines, unto the Ocean sea, 
Oros. l. 4 c. 18& 19.  was made Consul, and passed by order of the senat into afric, thereby to draw Hanniball out of Italy to the defence of his own country, and such was his success, that Hanniball after fourteen yeares war, which he had made in Italy, was forced to return to Carthage, to defend it, and was shortly after overthrown by Scipio, 
An. 549. livius Dec. 3. li. 8.  whereupon the Carthaginien●es, craved peace, and obtained it with hard conditions, as that their navy of five hundred sail should be burnt, which was performed, and so ended the second punic war, and Scipio remained with the honourable title of Africanus.  
●8 And yet I cannot omit to note, that in this mean time, the Romans had also great losses, and disgraces otherwere, as by the Gaules who killed Lucius Posthumius the designed Consul, and all his army of twenty five thousand men, the year after their overthrow at Cannae. 
An. 539. Oro. l. 4. c. 18  Besides that the too Scipioes father, and uncle to Africanus, were slain in spain by Asdru●al. Hannibals brother, who afterwards passing into Italy, to the succour of his brother Hannibal, 
Ibidem.  was killed himself in battle with sixty three thousand Africans, Spaniards, and Gaules, by the two Consuls, Caius, Clodius Nero, and M. livius Salinator.  
19 Also the Romans were forced during these their afflictions, and miseries in Italy, to maintain warres in macedon, against Philip king thereof, and in Sardinia, and sicily, where there passed also in this time, 
Num. 19.  the surprise of Syracusa, by M. Claudius Marcellus, who was afterwards slain by Hannibal( as I haue already declared) and this siege of Syracusa, 
Plutarc. in Marcel.  was famous by the notable endeavours of the great Geometrician Archimedes, who with his admirable engines, defended the city a long time against Marcellus, so that it is hard to say, whether the Romans were more to b● pitied for their distressed, and miserable state, or to be admired for thei● courage, and power in that they were able to sustain, and pass through so great, and continual calamities, and doubtless they could never ha●● done it, if God had not, as I haue said, very particularly protected, an● assisted them, for the erection of their monarchy, to the which his divine majesty began now at this time( I mean at the end of the second war of Carthage) to open a great gate: propagating greatly the●● dominion in diuers parts, and yet so, that their scourge, and punishme●● ever accompanied, or speedily seconded their good success, and e●crease of empire, as shall appear throughout all the ensuing di●course.  
20 Now then, a few moneths after the end of the second war of Ca●thage, 
An. 554.  first the Consul Seruius Sulpicius Galba, and shortly after T. Quint●● Flaminius, were sent into macedon, where, with many cruel battaile● and great loss of his own souldiarrs, 
An. 556.  Flaminius constrained Philip th● King to crave peace, which he granted him with hard conditions, 〈◇〉 to render all his galleis to the Romans, 
Oro. l. 4 c. 20 Eutrop. l. 4.  except fifty,& to pay them fou● thousand weight of silver, for ten yeares space. And by this means 〈◇〉 delivered also the Grecians from the oppression of King Philip, and rest●red them to their ancient liberty, 
Pl●tarc. in Quia Flam An 557.  for the which he gained great honour and famed in Greece, and had afterwards a glorious triumph in Rome f●● his victory.  
21. But this good fortune was counterpoysed with the great disgrac●● that an other M. Claudius Marcellus, received presently after of the B●● Toscan, 
An. 558.  who overthrew him, and killed a great part of his army, though afterwards they were also utterly vanquished by him, and by his fello● Consul L. furious. 
Oro. l. 4 c. 20  And about the same time, Sempronius Tuditanus was di●comfited in spain, and slain with al his Army, besides that Rome it selfe itself● and diuers partes of italy, 
An. 561.  were greatly infested with frequent eart●quakes, and inundations, especially in the year five hundred sixty on● at what time Bozius affirmeth,( according to the opinion of diverse, as 〈◇〉 saith) that the great deluge happened, 
Boz de novo& ant. Ital. I●●m natur. hi● li. 3. c. 5. Forius ibid. num. 91.  whereof Pliny speaketh, whi●● drowned twenty three towns in a part of the Roman territory calle● Pontinum, and that Rome was greatly endamaged the same year, w●● twelve several inundations.  
22 The year before, to wit five hundred and threescore, began t●● Sirian war, 
An. 560.  by reason that Hannibal, understanding that the Romans soug●● to haue him delivered into their hands, fled from afric to A●●●● King of Syria,& persuaded him to pass out of Asia, into Europe, to make war vpon the Romans, 
Oro. l. 4 c. 20  and Antiochus after diuers bloody battailes( in one of the which the Consul M. Accilius Glabrio put to flight, and slay forty thousand of his soldiers) was finally overcome both by sea, 
An. 563.  and by land, by L. Cornelius Scipio, with the help of his brother Scipio Africanus who was content to be his lieutenant general in that war. For which victories Lucius Scipio had the title of Asiaticus, as his brother had of Africanus.  
23 And during this war, the Romans had also other warres, with the Ligures in Italy, and with the Celtiberians, and other people in spain, but not with like good success. For Publius Digitius the Praetor, 
Idem ibid.  lost almost al his army in spain,& Lucius Aemilius the Proconsul, was not only slain himself, by the Lusitanians, but also all his army cut in pieces. And Lucius Bebius, passing towards spain, was also killed by the way, with his whole army, by the Ligures, in such sort, that there remained not one man of them alive, to carry the news to Rome, 
An. 568.  where it was first understood from Marsilia, and Quintus Martius, the Consul thinking to be revenged of the Ligures, for the slaughter of Lucius Bebius, was put to flight, with the loss of four thousand men, and hardly saved himself, and the rest of his army.  
24 At this time also was detected, the beastly, and abominable abuses of the Bacchanalia, 
Num. 19. ( which as I haue declared in the seventh chapter) were certain feasts celebrated in the night, by men, and women, in honour of the God Bacchus, wherein Adulteries, Incest, sodomy, 
livius Dec. 4. li. 9. An. 568.  Murders, and al kind of mischief, were partly executed, and partly contrived, and of this confraternitie were discovered above seven thousand in Rome, of whom very many both men, and women were put to death, and the rest fled.  
25 And here I cannot forbear to put thee in mind good Reader, of an other calamity, wherewith( as I haue declared before) the Romans were continually vexed, more or less, though I haue not spoken thereof in these latter times, to wit their domestical divisions, which at this time, whereof I now treat, grew to such extreme malignity, 
An. 567. L●●●us Dec. 4. li. 8.  that the famous Sci●io Afr●canus well-being his great merits, was falsely accused, to haue defrauded the common wealth, and forced by the malice of calumniators, to led a banished life, at Linternum, where he died three yeares after, to wit, the same year, 
An 571. Idem ibid.  that Hannibal his competitor in martiall glory poisoned himself, fearing that Prusia King of Bithinia, would deliver him to the Romans. And in like manner, 
V●ler. Man. li. 5.  the other Scipio his brother, called Asiaticus, was condemned to prison vpon pretence, that he also had defrauded the common wealth, for his own private commodity  

An. 572. livius Dec. 4. li. 9. Idem ibidem li. 10. An. 574.  26 The next year after the death of Scipio Africanus, and Hannibal, thei● fell in Rome a prodigious rain of blood two dayes together, besides diuers other fearful presages of some future calamity, which as it seemet● foreshowed a most cruel plague that presently followed, as well in Rome, as over all Italy,& lasted above three yeares, in which time it almost dispeopled the city, and country, and amongst others, died the Consul Ca●● Calpurnius Piso, and many worthy, and notable men, to the great damage of the common wealth. 
Eutrop. l. 4. An 574. Oro. l. 4 c 20 An. 575. livius Dec. 4. li. 10.  nevertheless it may be observed here, that a● almighty God punished the Romans at home at this time, so he dilated,& amplified their empire abroad, namely in spain where Fuluius the Praet●● overthrew in battle 23. thousand men,& took 4000. of thē prisoners, Lucius Postumius defeated 40 thousand, and Gracchus the Praetor took 200. tounes, and cities, and slay 22. thousand Celtiberians.  
27 With in a few yeares after succeeded one of the greatest wars that the Romans ever had for the time it lasted, to wit the second war of Macedony against king Perseus, who gave the Romans many great overthrows, both by land, 
An. 586. livius Dec. 5. li. 4.& 5. Oro. l. 4 c. 20 & sea, slay great numbers of them, sold many of thē for slaves,& kept many in captivity, and seruitud in Macedony, though in the end he was subdued with incredible facility,& speed, by Paulus Aemilius, who led him, and his children prisoners to Rome, and triumphed there most magnificently, having not only made Macedonia a province of the Romans, but also much increased their treasure by the spoil thereof, in somuch, 
Plutarc. in vi●a Pauli Aemil.  that the people had no need to pay any tribute( as in former times they were wont to do) until the consulat of Hircius,& Pansa, in the beginning of the reign of Augustus Caesar, which was about a 100 yeares after.  
28 And now vpon this occasion I can not forbear good Reader, for thy further satisfaction to represent unto thee the form of a Roman triumph,& to exemplify the same in the triumph of this Paulus Aemilius, which lasted three dayes with no less pomp, and magnificence, then variety of grateful shows and spectacles in this manner.  

Plutarc. ibid  29 The first day, there were led through the city, 200 fifty carts, or wanes, loadden with most excellent images,& pictures of all sorts, brought from Macedony, which were so many, that al that day was spent in their passage. The second day there passed in like manner al the richest,& fairest armor of the Macedonians, notably well furbished, together with their bucklers, shilds, targets, sword, pikes, quiuers of arrows, Thracian hatchets,& other weapons, tied loosely together, in such sort that they made a horrible noise with their motion,& the shock of one of them against an other, thereby to represent the terror,& horror of war, as well to the ear as to the eye. And after followed also the same day, seven hun●red fifty vessels, every one capable of three talents, wherein was carried ●n admirable quantity of coined money,& silver medals, by 3. thousand ●●ē, that is to say four to every vessel, which they bore vpon their shoul●ers, besides that others carried in their hands, silver cupps, goblets, ●owles, basins, and ewers, no less remarkable for their sundry strange ●●shions, then for their quantity, and greatness.  
●0 The third day early in the morning, there passed al the trumpets of ●he army, sounding after the manner of war. And after them a hundred 〈◇〉 twenty bulls, with their horns gilded,& gardlands vpon their heads, ●ere led, by as many gallant young men to be sacrificed, and others bare ●he bowls, and cups of silver, and gold, which were used in sacrifice, and ●resently after followed three hundreth, and eight men, bearing seauen●e seven great vessels full of gold coin,( four men to every vessel) in ●he same manner that the silver was carried the day before, and after this ●here was carried a cup, dedicated by Paulus Aemilius, to the gods, ●hich cost ten talents of gold, being richly set with gems,& pre●●ous stones; and next after went all the rich plate of gold, that King Per●●s had taken from Antigenus Seleucus, and other princes, and was wont ●o use in his most sumptuous banquets.  
●● Then followed the chariot,& armor of King Perseus, together with ●is royal crown, and after went his children, led prisoners, being two ●oyes, and a girl, but so young, that they had no apprehension of their ●wne misery, and therefore moved the beholders to greater compas●●on: with them went also a multitude of their officers, schole-masters, ●nd seruants, all of them turning on every side towards the people, as ●hey went, and holding up their hands to them in form of suppliants, ●hich they also made the kings children to do.  
●● After them followed King Perseus himself on horseback, revested in ●is royal robes but so dismayed, and astonished with the consideration ●f his own misery, that he seemed to haue lost his wits, being accom●anied with a doleful troope of his chief nobility, counsellors, freen●es,& favourits, holding down their heads,& yet casting other whiles ●uch pitiful glansing looks vpon their King, that they seemed more to ●ament his fortune, then their own. And after al this, there were carried ●oure hundred crowns of gold, which had been sent, and presented by ●euerall cities to Aemilius to congratulate his victory, who followed ●he same himself vpon a most sumpteous chariot apparelled in pur●ie, embroidered with gold, carrying in his right hand a bough of bays, ●●t laurel,& seconded with al his army, crwoned with garlands of bays, who being divided into squadrons, followed his chariot, singing h●● praise with all ioy, and exultation, whereto the people applauded wit● incredible contentement.  
33 Thus ended the triumph of Paulus Aemilius in whom Plutarck obse●ueth notably the inconstancy of al human felicity, 
Plutar. ibid.  in that his triumphant glory, was checked with the death of his two sons, of whom the one died five dayes before his triumph, and the other three daye● after, which nevertheless he bore with admirable constancy,& patience● assembling the people after the burial of his second son, and vsin● unto them a most prudent, and magnanimous speech, wherein he admonished them of the frailty, and instability of all human things, signifying unto them, that from the beginning of his Macedonian war, he ha● greatly suspected the extraordinary success, first of his prosperous passage into Macedony, and after of the incredible speed of his victory, having taken the king, and his children prisoners within fifteen daies, after his arrival there, in which respect he ever feared, as he said, som● frown, or check of fortune, which might obscure the glory of his conquests, with some public disgrace, but now seeing, that the disaster was fallen only vpon himself, and his own family, he hoped that the felicity of his victory would remain clear, stable, and assured to the common wealth, which he would hold for a sufficient comfort, and recompense of his private calamity. Thus saith this wise, and magnanimiou● Roman, which I could not omit to touch by the way, to serve for a hole some document, of the small trust that ought to be reposed in human● happiness.  
34 And now to proceed. After this immediately followed a most dangerous war with the Celtiberians in spain, 
An. 603.  which was so terrible to th● Romans, that no man durst undertake to go thither, either as a soldier or as ambassador, 
Idem ibid.  until at length, young Scipio, who afterwards raze● Carthage, offered himself to the enterprise, and happily performed it whiles nevertheless in the mean time, Sergius Galba the praetor, lost hi● whole army in a battle with the Lusitanians, and very hardly escape● himself with a few.  

An. 605.  35 Then followed the third, and last war with the Carthaginienses, vp●● breach of covenants on their part, whereupon the Romans beseege● Carthage, which was twenty miles about, and defended itself four● yeares with great bloodshed on both partes, 
Oros. ibid. c. 22.& 23. Eutrop. li. 4.  and great disgrace to th● two Roman Consuls L. Censorius, and M. Manlius, whom the Carthaginienses defeated. But the fourth year Scipio,( who was therefore called Africanus, no less then the former) partly burned it, and partly razed it, an● the very same year the Romans also took and destroyed the famous cit●e of Corinth; And during all these great warres in Macedony, Syria, spain, ●●d afric, they had also diverse other with the Etolians, Histrians, Gallo●●rians, or galatians,& the Illirians, al which warres so far from home, ●ith what great pain,& difficulty, extreme charges and oppression to ●●e common wealth, and continual loss of blood they were sustained a●idst so many great overthrows, and disgraces, as I haue signified, any ●an may easily judge.  
●● nevertheless these former times may seem very tolerable in respect ●f those, which are to follow, for presently vpon the destruction of Car●●age, I mean the very same year in the consulat of Lucius Cornelius, 
An. 908. Oros. l. 5. c. 4. Eutrop. li. 4.  and Mumius, one Viriatus, a Lusitanian, or Portugues( as now we call them) ●eing basely born, first began to rob vpon the high ways, and after ●●sembling other theeues, infested whole provinces, and within a while ●ew so strong, that he was able to make war vpon the Romans,& pre●●med to bear the ensigns of the Consuls of Rome, overthrew Caius Ve●●us the praetor, and killed almost al his army, and then discomfited Cai●● Plautius in many battailes, and shamefully disgraced Claudius Vnima●●s, with the slaughter of al his army, wherein consisted the greatest force ●f the Romans at that time. finally he continued to molest, and trouble ●●e Roman empire, for fourteen yeares together, 
Florus li. 3.  until at length he was ●●ine by his own soldiers, having killed in war above threescore ●●ousand Romans, as Florus testifieth.  
●● Also at the same time, Appius Claudius the Consul, received a great ●●sgrace by the Gaules, with the loss of ten thousand of his soldiers, 
An. 611. Oros. l 5 c. 4. Eutrop. lib. 4. An. 612. Idem ibid.  ●●d the next year following, Rome was visited in the old manner, with ●●most strange,& horrible plague, which made such destruction of people ●●erein, that there were not men enough alive, to bury the dead, nor ●eires to be found to enherit ample, and great patrimonies, and finally ●●e stinch of the dead bodies,& the corruption of the air was such, that ●o man could endure of a long time to come near the city.  
●● The next year after, 
An. 617.  began the war with the city of Numantia in ●●aine, which resisted all the force of the Romans fourteen yeares, with ●nly four thousand men, and first overthrew the Consul Q. Pompeius, 
An. 613. Orosius& Eutrop. ibid. & ●fter C. Hostilius Mancinus, forcing them to make two dishonourable, and ●●amefull pieces, though Mancinus had in his army thirty thousand men, ●nd albeit the senate allowed the first peace, yet they refused to admit ●●e latter,& therefore caused their consul Mancinus to be delivered to the ●●umantins naked, with his hands bound behind him, who was left so by ●●e Romans before the town of Numancia, a whole day together, and yet the numantines would not receive him. In conclusion the town being a●terwards long besieged by Scipio Africanus, 
Oros. lib. 5. ca. 6. & the inhabitants finding t●●●selues not able longer to resist, they burnt themselves, and their town● in such sort, that no one of them could be taken prisoner, to be carried 〈◇〉 triumph to Rome. About the same time Lepidus the proconsul, received shameful overthrow of the Vaccei, a people in spain,& lost 6000. Rom●● in punishment as it may be thought of the injust war, which he ma●● vpon the Vaccei, against the express order of the Senat: But this disgra●● was recompensed in an other part of spain; with the victory of Brut●● who slay in battle 50. thousand Gallitians,& took 6. thousand prisone●  

An. 619. Orosius li. 5. c. 5. Eutrop. li. 4.  39 In the mean time there arose in Sicily a great rebellion of seauent● thousand slaves, who foiled diuers great armies of the Romans,& by the● example, many thousands also of slaves took arms in diverse other pr●uinces, who in the end were either killed, or crucified. And in Rome the● grew the famous sedition, of Tiberius Gracchus Tribune of the people, w●● to be revenged of the senat, for that it charged him to be some cause 〈◇〉 the shameful peace made with the numantines, stirred up the people 〈◇〉 sedition, with the proposition of new laws for the equal division of t●● legacy, 
An. 622. Oros. l. 5. c. 8.  which Attalus the king of Pergamus, had given to the comm●● wealth of Rome, in which sedition Tiberius Gracchus was slain with tw● thousand of the people, that took arms in his defence.  

An. 623. Oros. li. 5. ca. 10. Eutrop. li. 4.  40 And presently after this, the Consul P. Licinius Crassus, being assist●● with the forces of the kings Nicomedes of Bithinia, Mithridates of Pontus, 〈◇〉 armoniac, Ariaratus of Capadocia, and Philomenus of Paphlagonia, was oue● thrown,& a great part of his army slain by Aristonicus brother to t●● king Attalus in Asia, and Crassus himself flying was killed by a Thracia● whom he chanced to stricke in the eye with his riding rod, whose dea● and disgrace was after revenged by the consul Perpenna,& Aristonicus t●ken,& sent to Rome, 
An. 624.  where he was strangled in prison. And the year fo●lowing the famous Scipio Africanus, 
An. 625. ( who destroyed Carthage) having be● forced to pled publicly for his honour, and life, in answer of certai●● calumniations imposed vpon him, by the malignity of his aduersari●● was found the next day in the morning dead in his bed, which Oros●● and Eutropius, 
Idem ibid.  do reckon amongst the other infelicities of the commo● wealth, and for an example of the great ingratitude of the Romans, and 〈◇〉 lamentable effect of their civil dissensions.  

Oros. l. 5. c. 11 Eutrop. li. 4.  41 About this time also there came flying into Africke, such innumer●ble swarms of Locusts, that they destroyed all the fruit of the earth, an● there followed such an universal pestilence in all those parts, that the● died thirty thousand Roman soldiers, who were in garrison at utica, an● there about for the guard of the country, 
An. 629.  besides a million and eighty ●●ousand of all sorts of people in afric.  
●2 Shortly after followed in Rome, the sedition of Caius Gracchus, 
An. 633. Oros. l. 5. c. 12 Eutropius li. 4. Orosius cap. 13.& 14.  brother 〈◇〉 Tiberius, who following his brothers example, made the like, or rather greater tumult,& was slain with above two hundred& fifty of the peo●●e, which took his part, besides that Opimius the consul did put to death, ●●r the same cause 3. thousand others, of whom many were innocent. ●bout the same time Metellus subdued the islands of Maiorica& Minorica: ●●neus Domitius slay 20000. Sauoyans, and Fabius the Consul, overthrew a ●uge army of Bituitus king of a part of France, in which battle 50000. ●aules were partly slain, and partly drowned.  
●3 Ere long after began the war of Iugurthina king of Numidia in afric, who having overthrown Aulus Posthumius, 
An. 645. An. 644. & his army of forty ●●ousand men, drew al afric from the obedience of the Romans,& being ●onfederat with Bocchus king of the Moores, 
Orosius eod. l. c. 15. Eutrop. ibid.  was after many bloody con●●cts with Caius Marius, put to flight, with his confederat Bocchus, who ●etrayed, and delivered him to the Romans.  
●4 This war was not ended, when the Cimbri, Tentones, Tigurini, and Ambroni people of Gallia( now called france)& of Germany, conspired together to assail Italy, to overthrow the Roman state: 
An. 649. Orosius ibid c. 16. Eutrop. li. 5. an. 653.  And being encoun●●ed by Caius Manlius the consul, killed him, his two sons,& a hundred ●wentie thousand of his men, in so much that there was but only ten ●●ft alive of all his army, which filled al Rome with no less sorrow then ●●eare. But in the end, the Consul C. Marius, having had two yeares doubt●●ll and bloody war with them, killed three hundred and forty thou●●nd of them, and took a hundred and forty thousand prisoners, besides ●n innumerable company of women, who fought no less then the men, 〈◇〉 rather then they would be taken alive, killed themselves,& their children.  
●5 But who can sufficiently express, the calamities, that presently follo●ed vpon this victory, 
An. 654.  when Caius Marius being returned triumphant to ●ome,& chosen Consul the sixth time, conspired with Saturninus the Tri●une of the people, and Glaucia the praetor, 
Oros. l 5. c. 17 Eutrop. li. 5.  against the worthy Metellus ●umidicus, whom they banished to the great discontent, and sorrow of al ●ood men, and after fell to variance amongst themselves, Marius taking ●art with the better sort against Saturninus, whereupon there grew a ●reat war in the city, and horrible slaughter of a great number of the people, and many principal senators, and amongst the rest, of Saturninus ●nd Glaucia, with diuers others their friends.  
●6 After this succeeded such prodigious things in diuers parts of Italy, 
An. 663.  ●hat all men were astonished therewith, and did easily pronosticat, some great misery to the common wealth: for to let pass many other things, 
Plinius natural. hist. li. 2. cap. 83.  two mountains in the territory of Modena ran one against th● other diuers times, with a terrible noise, and in the end retired to the● places again, whilst also in the mean time, great flames of fire, and ●boundance of smoke issued from betwixt them, and with this confli●● of these two hills, diuers villages, and great store of cattle, which we●● betwixt them, were overwhelmed, and destroyed in the sight of mani● Romans, and other passengers, who at the same time were traueiling tha● way. 
Oros. l. 5. c. 18 Eutrop. li. 5.  Also all kind of cattle, and beasts, as well domestical, as other fe●● mad, and ran howlinge, and roaring up,& down the fields,& wood●● not suffering any man to approach them. All which was seconded wit● a general league of the Picentes, 
Idem Ibid.  Vestini, Marsi, Peligni, Marrucini, Samnit●● and Lucani, who took arms to deliver themselves from the dominio● of the Romans. 
An. 664.  Pompey the Praetor being sent against them by the senat● was overthrown by the Picentes. L. Iulius Caesar, was likewise put to fligh● by the samnites, and his army cut in pieces. Rutilius the Consul was himself slain by the Marsi, with many noble men, and eight thousand romans. Caepio with his whole army, had the like success, by an ambushment of the Vestini, and Marsi, al which caused such lamentation,& fear● in Rome, that the senators, and all the citizens put on mourning apparel● and although in the end, 
Ibidem.  all those confederates were utterly vanquishe● by Marius, Silla, Cn. Pompeius, Porcius Cato, and other Roman Captaines, y●● the city of Rome was reduced to such penury and necessity, that the● were forced to take from the augurs, Bishops, and flamens, many house● and possessions, which they had about the capitol, and to sell them, t● buy corn for the public provision.  
47 And before this war was ended, began not only the wars, wit● the great King Mithridates, but also the civil wars betwixt Marius, an● Silla, whereof it would be to long to relate the occasion, with all the lamentable effects, but to say some what of both. It being understood i● Rome, that Mithridates King of Pontus, and armoniac the less, did not onli● make war upon Nicomedes king of Bithinia( who was confedera● with the Romans) but also had in one day caused a hundreth and fifty thousand Roman citizens to be killed in Asia, where they partli● dwelled, and partly negotiated, and traueyled as passengers, it was resolved by the senat, 
An. 66●.  that the Consul L Cornelius Silla, should go against Mithridates, and he being already on the way with his army, but somewha● detained in Campania, 
Oros. l. 5. c. 19 Eutrop. li. 5.  to end the foresaid war of the confederat●( whereof there was yet some relics there) he understood, that Marius in Rome practised to be made Consul, the seventh time, and to haue the honour and charge of the war against Mithridates, where oppon Sylla returned in fury with his army to Rome, and being resisted, and encountered by Marius, and his friends, put Marius to flight and then marched forward into Greece against Mithridates, Marius flying in the mean time, and being taken escaped out of prison, assembled a great number of fugitives, and joining himself with Cinna, who was then one of the Consuls, and with Sertorius, and Carbo, overthrew Plantius, 
An. 667.  and his whole army, and spoyled diuers cities, and committed horrible cruelties in their way towards Rome, and Pompey being in the mean time called by the senat to join with Cn. octavianus, the other consul, and having had an vnfortunat conflict with Sertorius, was killed with a thunderbolt, and all his army consumed with the plague.  
48 Marius, and Cinna entering Rome, filled the city with blood, 
Florus l. 86. an. 668. Oros. lib. 5. ca. 19. Eutropius li. 5.  and killed, saith Florus, all the nobility, delighting and recreating themselves with the horrible spectacle of the heads of the senators, which they caused to be brought into their banketts, and set up in diuers parts; and so barbarous was their cruelty, that it sufficed for the death of any many Marius did not offer him his hand to kiss, or give him good countenance, when he came to salute him, which the soldiers observed, as a sign, or watchword, for the slaughter of many noble men, whereupon those few senators which escaped fled into Greece, with Sillas wife, and children to crave his aid for the defence of the common wealth, whiles in the mean time, Marius( having made himself consul, the seventh time, with Cinna) died, and Cinna having also satiated himself with the blood not only of the good, and innocent, but also of the eight thousand fugitives( which came to Rome with Marius) was killed by his own soldiers.  
49 Silla having overthrown Archelaus captain of Mithridates, 
Orosius li. 6 c. 2.  in three battles, and killed in the first above a hundred thousand of his enimyes, with the loss of only thirteen souldiers of his own, and in the second battle, fifty thousand, and in the last the whole army of Archelaus, forced Mithridates, to crave peace, which he granted, to the end he might bend his forces, against young Marius son to the other, 
An. 672.  and Carbo who being then at Rome, and both of them consuls, sent forth their captaines to encounter Silla, and to hinder his passage, who vanquished them with great bloodshed, and when he came to Rome, he fought a- most cruel, and bloody battle with young Marius, wherein were slain on the part of Marius fourscore thousand men, 
Oros. li. 5. ca. 20. Strabo. li. 5.  and entering into the city he killed, three thousand, some say four thousand, which had yielded themselves unto him, vpon his promise of security. And so general was the slaughter which he made there, of good, and bad, innocent, and nocent, that nine thousand of his own friends were killed amongst the rest.  
50 Then followed the most infamous, and cruel proscriptions, or outlawries, 
Eutrop. li. 5.  that ever were heard of, for, above fourscore thousand men in Rome, and abroad, were proclaimed outlaws, their goods to be confiscate, 
Orosius li. 5. c. 21.  and themselves to be slain, which was also executed upon as many of them, as could be found, yea, and great slaughters were committed in diuers parts, and especially in Preneste, and Sulm●, in both which cities, all the citizens were condemned by Silla to be slain, as though they had been but one man, which was also performed, and the cities sacked by the soldiers, only because they had favoured Marius. In like manner, he utterly destroyed the chief city of the samnites, 
Flor. li. 89. Appian. li. 1.  and many other in their jurisdiction, and divided diverse parts of italy amongst a hundred ten thousand of his soldiers, partly killing, and partly expelling the ancient inhabitants.  
51 To conclude, yt is noted by the historiographers, that in the space of ten yeares, to wit, during these last two wars of the confederates, and this civil war, there were slain above one hundred fifty thousand Roman soldiers, 
Oros. ibid. ca. 22.  twenty four principal men, that had been consuls, six that had been praetors, threescore which had been Aedils, and almost two hundred senators, besides an infinite number of people throughout Italy.  
52 So that I think a greater misery of a country cannot be imagined, especially if yt be considered withall, that the fire of this civil war, was but, as yt were, raled up for a while in ashes, and shortly broke forth again into new flames, which burned many yeeres, for Silla having of his own free will, 
An. 675. Idem ibid.  to the wonder of all men deposed his dictatorshipp, and ended his daies in a private state, whereas he might easily haue made himself monarch( which no doubt he did not because the time, which God had prefixed for the erection of the monarchy was not yet expired) certain friends of Marius, namely the consul, Lepidus Brutus, and Sertorius, made new broils, and although the two former were in one summer suppressed( but with much bloodshed) yet the last, 
Idem c. 23. Eutrop. li. 6.  to wit Sertorius, held warres in spain against Metellus, and Pompey eighteen yeares, and gave them many great disgraces, and overthrows, until at last he was killed by his own men.  

An. 681.  53 In the mean time, there arose four other great wars, to wit, in Macedony, Dalmatia, Pamphilia, and the infamous war of the fugitives under Spartacus the Gladiator or fensor and his companions Chrisso, 
Oros. li. 5. c. 24. Eutrop. li. 6.  and Ti●●ma●, who being in prison in Capua with twenty one other of their profession, broke out, and assembled so many rogues, vagabonds, and malefactors, that first they put to flight Clodius the praetor, and spoyled his camp, and after procuring aid of the Gaules, and Germans, overthrew Gneus Lentulus the consul, and after that again defeated both the same Lentulus, and the other consul Lucius Gellius his companion, 
An. 682.  and in their fourth battle they killed Caius Cassius the proconsul, and discomfited, all his army, with no less terror to the Romans, 
Oros. li. 5. ca. 24. Eutrop. li. 6.  as the Historiographers report, then when Hannibal made his approach to Rome: and finally ranging up, and down Italy three yeares, they committed infinite cruelties, spoils, rapes, and all kind of mischief, until at last having given seven overthrows to the Romans, they were cut in pieces by M. Licinius Crassus, 
An. 684.  who in three battailes killed, and took prisoners, a hundred thousand of them, and their confederates, of whom thirty thousand were Gaules, and Germans.  
54 And yet whiles the Romans were thus miserablie vexed in Italy, they were fain to maintain those other great wars( whereof I spoken before) in spain, Macedony, Dalmatia, and Pamphilia, 
Oros. li. 5. ca. 23.  and ere the war in macedon was ended, Mithridates, also broken peace with them, and renewed his former wars, with redoubled forces to the great terror, and danger of the Roman state, all which nevertheless was after a few yeares prosperously ended, by M. Lucullus, Publius servilius, C. Scribonius, Lucius Lucullus, brother to Marcus. And finally by Gneus Pompeius, surnamed the great, of all which the two last left eternal memory of their prowess to all posterity; for L. Lucullus gave many notable overthrows to the two potent kings, Mithridates, and Tigranes, as well jointly, as severally. He put Mithridates to flight, 
Oros. l. 6. c. 2. Plutar. in vita Lucull.  and cut in pieces all his army at the city Cyzicam, and overthrew him again in Pontus, and slay sixty thousand of his soldiers, he discomfited also Tigranes king of the greater armoniac, and put to the sword a hundred thousand of his footmen, and almost all his horse, with the loss of only five of his own men, though he had not the twentieth part of his enimyes forces: finally he put them both to flight in armoniac, with an incredible slaughter of their huge army, and had undoubtedly subdued them both, and fully ended that war, if a great mutiny of his own soldiers had not hindered the prosecution of his victory.  
55 But what wanted on his part, was after supplied and performed by Gneus Pompeius, 
Idem in Pompeio.  who succeeding him in his charge, utterly vanquished them both, and deprived them of a great part of their states, and kingdoms, and made them tributorie for the rest to the Romans. Besides that he subdued also twenty other kings, and took above a thousand castells, and fortresses, nine hundred cities, and eight hundred sail o● ships, to the great glory of the Romans, and increase of their dominions over all Asia, 
Caesar in common. belly ga●l. li. 1. 3. 6. &c. Plut. in julio caesar. Eutrop. li. 6.  and many other countries( eastward, as also Iuliu● Caesar, had the like success in fifty battailes which he fought with the Gaules, helvetians, and Germans, of whom a million, and a hundreth ninety, and two thousand were slain by the Romans under his conduct.  
56 For now the time approaching, which almighty god had in his infinite wisdom and divine providence, appointed for their advauncement, to the monarchy of the world( according to the prediction of the prophets), 
Dan. 2.  he gave them a continual course of victorious conquests, fo● the propagation of their empire, 
An. 684.  fiffeteene yeares together, I mean, from the war of the fugitives, which ended in the year six hundred eighty four, unto the second consulat of Pompey, and Crassus, which was in the year six hundred nintye nine.  
57 Wherein nevertheless yt may be noted, that the execution of Gods iustice, was no less notorious in their punishment at home, then the effects of his providence in their prosperity abroad. For ere four yeares were fully past, after the warres of Spartacus, and the other fugitives, there broke forth the war of the pirates, who being but a few in the beginning of the civil wars betwixt Marius, 
An. 688.  and Silla, grew by little, and little, to such number, strength, and audacious pride, that they not only spoyled all passengers without exception, 
Plutarc. in Pompe●o.  but also took whole islands into their possession, and many towns, and cities upon the sea cost, to the number of four hundred, whereof they fortified many, having their Arsenals, and different nauyes, in different parts, mounting to the number of a above a thousand sail.  
58 And such were their riches, and pomp, that they had golden masts, oars of silver, 
Idem ibid.  and sails of purple, their insolency, and impiety was such, that they committed all kind of villainies in rapes, murders and sacrilege, having spoyled a hundred, and seventeen of the most principal, and famous temples of the gods, that were in those dayes. finally they made so little account of the power of the Romans, that they took their Praetors, and magistrates prisoners, and put them to ransom, abusing them, and all the Romans which fell into their hands, with great indignities, contempt& derision, to the incredible disgrace& detriment of the Roman state, whereupon Cneus Pompey being then of the greatest famed, and reputation in Rome, and newly returned from the Spanish wars, 
An. 68●.  was ●●osen general against them: and within three moneths utterly ouer●●●ew them.  
●● Within two, or three yeares after, Cicero being Consul, discovered 〈◇〉 conspiracy of Catelin, which was already grown to that ripeness, 
An. 691. Oros. l. 6 c. 6. Eutrop. l. 6. & ●●●ger to the common wealth, that Catelin being expelled out of Rome, by ●●●ero, gave battle to Caius Anthonius, the other Consul, who slay him, ●●d overthrew all his army.  
●● Furthermore the old disease of the Roman common wealth( I mean ●●eir domestical divisions, betwixt the Senate, and the people, yea and ●●●wixt the senators themselves) was now grown to be so exorbitant ●●●t all good order in the election of magistrates, and the exercise of Iu●●ce, was turned upside down: in so much, that neither virtue, nor wis●●me, nor great merits, 
An. 696. Plutarch. in Cicerone. Idem in Pompeio& Crass. An. 699. Idem in julio caesar.  towards the common wealth were respected in ●●●e man, as might appear by the banishment of Cicero, at the suite of ●●e wicked Clodius, and by the wounding of Cato, when he resisted the vi●●ent election of Pompey and Crassus to their second consulat, which they ●●ocured with the terror of armed men, and lastly by the league, which ●●mpey, and Crassus made with Iulius Caesar, dividing the provinces, and ●●blike charges amongst themselves, and their friends.  
●● And thus continued this fever, as I may term it, of dissension with ●ilie increase of doleful effects, and mortal signs, of a remediless ruin ●●eedelie to follow, 
An. 700. Idem Crass●  until the flamme of civil warres growing of Caesars ●●bition, ruined the common wealth, whereto the overthrow, and ●●ughter of Crassus, and his whole army by the Parthians, served for a la●entable preamble: besides that, 
An. 702. Eutrop. lib. 6 Oro. l. 6. c. 14  the casual burning of a great part of ●●me shortly after, was a pittiefull presage, or pronostication thereof.  
●● And now to come to the upshot, I mean the utter overthrow of the 〈◇〉 man common wealth, and change thereof into a monarchy, it is to be ●●derstood, that Iulius Caesar, returning from France, with his victorious ●●mie, and being vpon the suspicion of his ambitious designments, 
Plutarc. in julio Caesar. Oros. l. 6. c. 15 Eutrop. lib. 6 An 704.  pro●●bited by the senate to come to Rome, except he dismissed his forces( yea ●●d M. Antonius, and P. Cassius, tribunes of the people, being also, for the ●●uour they bore him, suspended from their offices, and fled to him from ●●me) he marched forward with his army, pretending only to restore ●is friends the tribunes to their offices, wherewith the senate was so ●errified, that they departed from Rome towards Greece, recommending ●●e protection of themselves, and the common wealth to Pompey, 
An. 705.  where●ppon Caesar arriving at Rome, made himself dictatory, and possessing him●elfe of the public treasure, which he took by force( because it was denied to be delivered him) departed thence shortly after to make was against Pompey, who was not only himself in arms, but also had se● his captaines with forces to all parts of the Roman empire, for the co●seruation thereof. 
Ide Autores ubi supra.  But Caesar after many bloody victories, which 〈◇〉 gained against Pompeis friends in diverse partes, addressed his forces ●gainst Pompey himself, with whom he fought two battailes, and bei●● overthrown in the first, 
An. 707. Plutarc. in Pompeio.  gained the latter, wherein he slay fifteen tho●sand soldiers, and forced Pompey, to abandon the field, who flying to ●lexandria in egypt, was there slain by the order of young King Pt●●●meus.  
63 And although Caesar found afterward great difficulty, and resistan●● as well by the same Ptolomeus in egypt, as also by Pompeys children 〈◇〉 spain, 
Oro. l 6. c. 16 Eutrop. li. 6.  and his other friends in Siria, and afric, yet he overcame th●● all in the end, contrary even to his own expectation. For first in a c●●flict with Achillas, captain of King Ptolomaeus, he was put to flight, a●● forced to escape away by sea, and to save his life by swimminge: and gain in his last battle with Pompeys children, at a town called Mu● in spain, he was brought to such an exigent, that his old soldiers ●●ganne to fly, and he himself was in great fear to be ouerthrow● and taken, in so much that he was once resolved to kill himself, wh● presently his enemies began to run away, and leave him both t●● field, and the victory, which he prosecuted, until he had slain Sex●●● Pompeius, Titus Labienus, and Accius Varus, with thirty thousand of th● soldiers. 
Idem ibid.   
64 This battle was fought just the same day four yeares, that P●●pey fled with the senat out of Rome. 
An. 709.  And Caesar returning thither short after, took vpon him the title of perpetual dictatory, and the absolute g●uerment of the common wealth. 
Plutarc. in julio caesar. Eutrop. li. 6. Orosius li. 6. c. 17. An. 710.  For the which he grew so odious to t●● senate, that Brutus, and Cassius with two hundreth sixty Senators, a●● Knights of Rome conspired to kill him, which they performed in the s●nat itself, giuing him twenty three wounds.  
65 And although the senators aspiring now to their former libert●● meant to shake of the yoke of servitude, and therefore began agai●● to take upon them the government of the common wealth, yet the ti●● being come, that God had ordained for the erection of the monarchy, 〈◇〉 their endeavour served to no other purpose, but to redouble their ow● calamities,& to produce those effects, which God had in his infinite wisdom praeordained. For whereas M. Antonius, being then one of the mo●● potent in the Roman state, 
Oros. ibid. ca. 18.  had, of his own private authority, assemble● an army to besiege Decius Brutus in Modena, for reuenge of private quarre● betwixt them, the senate sent not only the two Consuls Hircius, 
Eutropius li. 7. An. 711.  and Pan●● but also young octavianus Caesar, nephew, and heir to Iulius Caesar, with ●●all authority to repress the insolency of Antonius.  
●● And so it fell out by Gods special providence( no doubt) that though ●●tonius was defeated, and put to flight, yet the battle was so bloody 〈◇〉 both parts, that Hircius one of the Consuls was killed, 
Oros. l. 6. c 1● Eutrop. li. 7  and Pansa the ●●●er consul died shortly after of a wound, whereby the legions which ●●●ed under them both, came to the conduct of octavianus Caesar, who ha●●●g enherited no less his vncles ambition, then his goods, and being al●● desirous to reuenge his death, determined to avail himself of the ●●ortunitie offered him, and of the great forces, that he had then in his ●●nds. And for as much as Antonius was then fled to Lepidus( who had 〈◇〉 one of Iulius Caesars most confident friends, and by him placed in the ●●uerment of france) octavianus resolved to make friendship with them o, which he performed, and upon conference, they agreed not only 〈◇〉 divide the Roman empire amongst them, but also to proscribe, or out●●● almost all the Senat, selling the lives of their nearest kinsfolks, or ●●rest friends one to an other, to the end, 
Idem ibid. Pluta●c. in M. Antoni●.  that every one of them ●●ght be revenged on his enemies. And therefore Antonius yielded to the ●●scription of his own uncle, and Lepidus, of his brother, and octavianus 〈◇〉 his tutor, C. Toranius, and of Cicero his greatest friend, whom he used 〈◇〉 call father, in respect that he had been the special means of his ad●●ncement.  
●● And this being secretly determined amongst them, they came to ●●me with all their forces, and without resistance usurped the gouer●●nt of the common wealth, under the name of a Triumuirat, begin●●nge presently to put in execution their barbarous proscription, 
Plutarc. in M. Antonio. Petro Mexia in vit. Imper in Augusto.  or ●●tlawry, with greater cruelty, and bloodshed of the Roman nobility, ●●en had passed under Marius, or Silla: for, three hundred senators were ●●t to death, and their lands, and goods confiscat, and two thousand o●●er principal Romans, were also exposed to the like cruelty, and yet ne●●rtheles they commanded by public edict, that al men should rejoice ●●d show public signs of ioy, as Dio witnesseth. 
Dio in Aug.  Wherein I think ●od to note by the way, that, which I haue vpon diuers occasions re●●esented in the first part of this treatise, to wit the course of Gods se●●et,& just iudgement, in the execution of his iustice, vpon the senat by a ●ose error of the senators themselves, in that they gave so great power, 〈◇〉 authority, as they did, to octavianus Caesar, in whom they might with ●●eat reason suspect, and fear, that either the desire to reuenge his vn●es death, or else his ambition( seconded with the confidence of a strong party, by his vncles friends) might move him to seek, for the souerai●nety, if ever opportunity should be offered him.  
68 And whereas perhaps, they thought him sufficiently counterpe●sed, with their two Consuls, it may appear hereby how short is t●● sight of the wisest men some times, and how easily God dissipateth th● counsels,& designments, by accidents never dreamed of, as he did in t●● case, by the death of both the Consuls, whereby all their power, yea,& t● force of the senate, and common wealth, fell into the hands of Octau●●nus, contrary to their expectation, and turned to their utter ruin, and 〈◇〉 the establishment of his monarchy, though it pleased God to dispos● for the greater affliction, and just punishment of all the Roman state, th●● there passed first twelve yeares of most bloody and cruel civil war● which octavianus, and his two colleagues made in diuers parts: 〈◇〉 with Brutus, 
Oros. l. 6 c. 18 Eutrop. li. 17 Ibidem.  and Cassius, who were the chief conspirators against ●●lius Caesar: secondlie with Lucius Antonius, who being Consul in R●●● sought to overthrow their Triumuirat: thirdly with Sextus Pompeius, w●●● had possessed himself of Sicily: and lastly amongst themselves, in whi●● war Lepidus being abandoned by the most part of his soldiers, subm●●ted himself unto octavianus.  

An. 720.  69 About the same time as some suppose, a town called Pisaurum( a c●lonie of Antonius) was wholly swallowed up by the earth, near v●●● the place, 
Plutar. in Anton.  where Pesaro( called also in latin Pisaurum) now standeth, whi●● prodigious, and disastrous accident, was shortly after seconded with 〈◇〉 utter overthrow, and ruin of Antonius, whom octavianus defeated i●nauail battle at Actium, 
Idem ibidem Oro. l. 6. c. 19 Eutrop. li. 7.  and pursued to Alexandria in egypt,& th●● overthrew him again by land, whereupon both Antonius, and a● Cleopatra queen of egypt, killed themselves, and all egypt became ●biect to the Romans, who then began their empire, as it was foretold Zacharias the Prophet, 
Zachar. 6. Vide Riberā in 6. c. Zach.  when he said, that the pyde, and strong horses in 〈◇〉 fourth chariot,( signifying the Romans) went forth into the South, that is 〈◇〉 say, into egypt, giuing to understand the fourth monarchy( to wit t●● Roman empire) should then begin, when the kingdom of the Greci●●( that is to say all the successors of Alexander the great) should be vtte● overthrown, which was fully accomplished at this time, when Octa●●anus Caesar, made egypt a province of the Romans, by the overthrow, a●● death of the queen Cleopatra, who was the last that the Romans subdu● of all the successors of Alexander, whereby the empire of the Grecia● was utterly extinguished, and the monarchy of Augustus Caesar b●gan.  
70 For after this victory, octavianus returning triumphant to Ro●● was with the common consent, and universal applause of the senat, 
An. 725. Oro l. 6. c 20 Eutrop. li. 7.  saluted by the name of Augustus, which he ever after retained, and transmitted to his successors, remaining from that day forward sole emperour, and Monarck of the Roman empire, which he governed for thirty yeares, with such cruelty, and tyranny, that very many principal men were forced to kill themselves: and to the end he might the better discover practices against himself, he used to corrupt mens wives by adultery, as Suetonius testifieth,& finally divided a great part of Italy, 
Sueton. in August. c. 69  amongst his soldiers, with the destruction, or banishment of the inhabitants thereof, as Dion witnesseth. 
Dio in Aug. Virg. Eclog. 1  Whereto also the poet alludeth in his pastoral E●logue, representing the lamentable complaint of the husbandmen, that were expelled from their ancient dwellings.  
At nos hinc alij sitientes ibimus Afros,  
Pars Scithiam,& rapidum Cretae veniemus Oaxem  
Et penitus toto diuisos orb Britannos, &c.  
Impius haec tam culta noualia miles habebit?  
Barbarus has segetes. &c.  
71 And notwithstanding this cruelty of Augustus, almighty God did also lay his heavy hand vpon the Romans diverse ways, during the same time, partly by great inundations of Tiber, partly by fire( whereby a great part of the city of Rome was consumed) and partly by storms, and tempests, whereof Horace seemeth to speak, when he saith.  
Iam satis terris niuis, 
Horat. li. 1. Ode 2.  atque dirae  
Grandinis misit Pater,& rubente  
Dextera sacras iaculatus arces  
Terruit vrbem, &c.  
besides that the plague was so great in Rome, and throughout Italy, 
Solinus ca. 2  that the ground was generally left untilled for some time, whereupon also followed great famine: And finally in these first yeares of Augustus his reign( to wit the sixth of his monarchy which was the seven hundreth twenty and nine year after the foundation of Rome) a huge army of the Romans perished in Arabia, 
An. 729.  
Dio in Aug.  by a marvelous strange disease which took them in the heads, and suddenly killed them.  
72 And thus continued the scourge of God vpon the Romans, 
An. 751.  until it pleased his divine majesty, to take vpon him our humanity, and not only to be born in the Roman empire, but also to be registered for a citizen of Rome, and a subject of Augustus, whose latter daies were therefore blessed, with a special privilege of prosperity, and peace, our saviour ordaining out of his divine providence, that the same should be universal at the time of his birth: and therefore Augustus having then subdued the Asturians and Cantabrians in spain, 
Oros. lib. 6. ca. 21.& 22. Eutrop. li. 7.  and conquered many fierce, and warlike people in Germany, laid down arms, and shut up the temple of Ianus in sign of an universal peace, which continued for the space of twelve yeares. And no marvel if the author, giver, and prince of peace, vouchsafing to come into the world, brought with him both temporal, and spiritual peace, imparting the temporal to all nations in general, and the spiritual to his elected seruants, according to the heauēlie proclamation published at the time of his birth by the Angels, when they song; 
luke. 2.  Gloria in excelsis Deo,& in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis. Glory be to God on high, and in earth peace to men of good will.  
73 But seeing I am now come to the birth of our saviour Christ, and the establishment of the Roman Monarchy under Augustus Caesar, I think good to prosecute the rest of his reign, and of the pagan emperors his successors, in an other chapter.   

A prosecution of the same matter, with a continuation of the abridgement of the Roman history, from Augustus Caesar, until the empire of Constantine the great, the first Christian emperour. Also the extreme tyranny of the pagan Emperours, their pe●secutions of the Church, how long every one of them reigned, and in what manner, and year they died, and finally the horrible calamities, and miseries inflicted by Gods iustice vpon them, and the Roman empire during their reign. CAP. XII.  
1. thou hast hitherto seen, good Reader, the manifold afflictions, and calamities of the Romans, for the space of seven hundred, and fifty yeares, that is to say, from the first foundation of their city of Rome, until the birth of our saviour Christ, and the change of their government from a popular state, to a monarchy, under Augustus Caesar: wherein I doubt not, but thou hast observed the concurrence of Gods iustice in their continual punishment, and of his providence in the amplification of their dominion, and empire:& therefore now it resteth, that I procede to manifest unto thee, the course of Gods severe judgements vpon the Emperours and the empire, for the space of 300.& eighteen yeares, which passed from our saviours birth, to the time of Constantin the great, after the overthrow,& death of Licinius.  
2 And first to make an end of the reign of Augustus, I haue already declared, how cruel, and tyrannical he was, for thirty yeares,& although he became afterwards a most clement, and benign prince,& was therfore greatly honoured, and beloved of the people, and held for, 
sixth. Aureli. Victor in Augusto.  Pater patria, the father of his country, yea, and that our saviour, as I haue signified before, blessed him, and his empire with extraordinary peace for some yeares, yet it cannot be denied, but that as well the Romans his subiects, as also he himself in his own person, paid continually the penalty of their idolatry, and abominable impiety diverse ways.  
3 As first, for the Romans. Dio Nicaeus witnesseth, 
Dio Nieaeus in August. An. ur. 757. An. Domi. 7. Cassiodorus in Chron. Dio in Aug.  that they were much afflicted with earthquakes, in the year seven hundreth fifty seven, after the foundation of Rome, which was the seventh year of our saviour,& those earthquakes caused, as Cassiodorus in his chronicle affirmeth, great destruction of houses,& people in Rome, for eight dayes together: besides that Tiber made such an inundation, that al the lower parts of the city was navigable, for seven dayes. There was also great famine about the same time, and a miserable slaughter of Quintilius Varus, and his whole army in Germany, where with Augustus was so afflicted, that he ran his head against a wall, and cried out, Quintilius, restore me my legions: 
Eutrop. li. 7. Sextus Aur. Victor in Augusto. Dio in Aug. & whereas al men were surprised with such fear, that no man would be prest for a soldier to supply the loss, he caused every fift man, that was under the age of thirty five yeares, and every tenth man above that age, to be drawn out by lot, and to be spoiled of his goods, and made infamous,& put many to death for the same cause. Also he had in pay at the same time three and twenty several armies, to the great oppression of the people imposing vpon them great extraordinary taxes for the maintenance thereof. Besides, that Eutropius testifieth, 
Idem ibid.  
Eutrop. li. 7. An. ur. 760. An. Do. 10.  that there was never before that time, greater damage donne by casual fire in Rome, then in the year, seven hundreth and sixty, which was the tenth year after our saviours nativity: in so much, that Augustus was forced, to contribute largely out of his treasure, to the reparation of the damage:& in this mean while also, there was such a cruel famine throughout Italy, that great numbers of people were banished Rome, and forced to depart almost a hundreth miles from the city, for the ease, and relief thereof, and of the countries adjoining.  
4 Finally, the Dalmatians greueouslie infested al the sea cost of Italy, 
An. ur. 764. An. Do. 14.  from the year seven hundreth fifty eight, until the year seven hundreth sixty four, that is to say, until within two yeares before the death of Augustus, which was seconded, saith Solinus, with an extreme dearth, 
Solin. ca. 2. & penury of all things.  
Thus much for the calamity of the Romans in the last yeares of Augustus.  
5 And as for his own person, it is to be considered, that besides his continual affliction of a sickly body, 
Ibid. cap. 3.  he was most unfortunate both in his issue, 
Sueton. in Augusto.  and also in his end, according to the opinion of some) for although he had four wives, yet he had no other children, but only one daughter, called Iulia, who was also infamous for her dishonest,& lascivious life,& though shee was married thrice,& had sons by her second husband Agrippa, yet two of them died before Augustus, and the other called Agrippa, so much disliked him, that he banished him, and adopted for his son, and successor Tiberius, the son of his wife Liuia, and married his daughter Iulia to him. And Liuia understanding afterwards, that he was determined to recall Agrippa from banishment, 
Vide Sextum Aurelium Victorem in Augusto. An. ur. cond, 767. An. Dom. 17 & fearing least it might turn to the prejudice of Tiberius her son, hastened the end of Augustu● as some authors affirm, by poisoned figs in the fifty seventh year of his empire, whereof he had reigned twelve yeares in company of Lepid●● and Antonius, and forty four yeares alone. Thus much concerning Augustus.  
6 But now who can sufficiently express, the miserable state of the Romans, from his time until Constantin, through the extreme tyranny o● their emperours, I mean not in respect of the cruel persecutions raised by a eleven of them against the Christians,( for that some of those persecutors, were held by the balsams for good emperours, as trajan, Marc●● Aurelius, Decius, and Dioclesian) but in respect of their extreme cruelti● towards all men, and especially towards the senate, and men of the greatest virtue, for the which the Paynims themselves held them for mo●● barbarous, and cruel, as Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Vitellius, Domitian, Hadrian, Commodus, Septimius severus, Caracalla, Macrinus, Heliogabalus, Iulius Maximinus, Gallienus, Aurelianus, Carinus, Maximianus, Maxentius, Maximinus surnamed divinus, and Licinius.  
7 And to say somewhat briefly of the cruelty, and other enormitie● of every one of these. 
Dio in Tibe.  It is written of Tiberius, that he killed so many o● the senate, and other men of worth, that for lack of fitt men to employ in the offices, and charges of the common wealth, he was fain to continue the Praetor three yeares, and the Consuls six in their offices, which were wont to be annual, besides that he condemned whole families, suborned accusers, against many principal men, and assigned rewards fo● such as would accuse any man, 
Sueton. in Tiberio c. 61  and sometimes also for witnesses. All testimonies were admitted, all offences made capital, no day so holy, tha● it was free from the punishment, torment, and slaughter of men, whereof such particulars are declared by the historiographers, that it is lamentable to red, which I omit for brevities sake.  
8 And to speak a word, or two of his covetousness, and excessive rapins, he killed many rich men, only to haue the spoil of their wealth, he confiscated the goods of diuers princes in France, spain, Siria, and Greece, 
Sueton. in Tiberio c. 49  ●or such trifles, and with such an impudent manner of calumniation, that ●ome were charged with no greater fault, then that they had a great part ●f their wealth in ready money.  
● And whereas Veno the King of Parthia, 
Idem ibid.  being by them expelled from ●is kingdom, came to antioch, with exceeding great wealth, putting himself into the protection of the Romans, he caused him to be spoiled, ●eslaine. His life was also most vile,& vicious, in so much, that Dion saith, 
Dio in Tibe.  and was oppressed with the shane and infamy of his lust, and love of woven,& boyes, taking them by force from their parents, or friends, when and could not win them, by entreaty, or corrupt them with gifts. To ●onclude, finding himself to be most odious to al men, he left the em●ire of purpose to Caius Caligula, because he knew him to be monstrous 〈◇〉 all kind of wickedness, and cruelty, hoping thereby, either to extin●uish, or at least to qualify the ignominy of his own impiety, and ty●●nnie. Thus much touching Tiberius.  
●0 His successor Caius Caligula, exceeded him no less in secret murders, 
Sueton. in Caligula. ca. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32,  ●●en in the public slaughters of innocent men, and could not be satis●●ed, except he saw men tormented, boweled, and quartered, and so insa●●able was his thirst of blood, that he wished, that all the people of Ro●e, had but one head, that he might cut it of at one blow. And some ●●me when there wanted condemned men to be devoured of beasts( with ●he sight whereof he was much delighted) he caused his soldiers to take ●ome of the standards by,& beholders, 
Dio in Calig  to cast them to the beasts to con●●nue his sport.  
●● Furthermore, having levied a huge army of two hundred fifty thou●●nd men, he killed most of them within a while, 
Idem ibid. & having caused a great ●umber of the worthiest Romans to be slain, partly in secret,( sommoning ●hem afterwards to the Senate, as though they had been stil living) and ●artly publicly for feigned crimes, he determined at last, to destroy all the ●rincipal senators,& noble men,& so to remove from Rome to Alexan●ria,& had performed it, if he had not been prevented by his own death. also his rapins,& extortions, were such, that, as Dion saith, when he had ●onsumed al the money of Rome& Italy, he went into France, 
Ibidem.  of purpose to ●poile it, and spain, where( saith the same author) it was made a public ●rime to be rich. His impositions, tributes,& new devised exactions, were ●●numerable, whereof I omit the particularities, for brevities sake, as al●o his detestable incests, with his own sisters,& adulteries,& many other ●xecrable acts of his, related by Suetonius, Dion,& other grave authors, 
Sueton. c. 24. Dio in Calig  all ●hich, I say, I omit,& will conclude with his abominable,& Luciferian pride, 
Idem ibidem  in that he made himself a God, erecting a temple with his image in it, ordaining priests, and most costly sacrifices, to be offered there to himself, and feigning great familiarity with jupiter, he used to talk sometimes with his image, and sometimes falling out with him, he threatened to sand him away into Greece, and yet afterwards seeming to be pacified again, he would be content, that their images might stand together 〈◇〉 finally he grew to that excess of vanity, and extravagant impiety, folly, and madness, that he used to make love to the moon, when it was at the full, as though it had been a woman. And thus much concerning him.  

Dio. in Clau.  12 Claudius succeeded him, who being accustomend, saith Dion, to glut himself with the blood of men, committed many sudden, and rash murders, at the suggestion of the wicked Messalina his wife,& of his fauourits, who when they would haue the life of any man, used to terrify him with som● practise,& devise of a feigned conspiracy, whereby they drew him to yeel● to the death of whom soever they would:& such was their power sait● Victor and authority that, 
Victor in Claudio.  Stupris, exilio, caede& proscriptionibus omnia faedaban● They filled all things with fornications and adulteries, banishments, slaughters,& proscriptions, or outlawries.  

Dio in Nero.  13 Nero, as Dion testifieth, held virtue, riches, and nobility for no less th● public crimes, and therefore many rich, noble, and virtuous men, wer● either killed by his instruments, or forced to kill themselves. And Eutr●pius affirmeth of him, 
Eutrop. li. 7. in Nerone. Tacitus l. 16.  that, Infinitam partem Senatus interfecit,& bonis omnibus hostis fuit. He killed an infinite part of the Senate, and was enemy to all go●● men. And he did not content himself, saith Tacitus, with the death of many notable men, but sought in the end to destroy virtue itself in Ba●e● Soranus, and Thraseas Petus, and amongst others he caused the famous philosopher Seneca, his master, yea, and his own mother, to be slain, an● made her after to be opened in his own presence. 
Dio in Nero.  Besides that he desire● saith Dion, to see the destruction of the Roman empire, and of the citt●● of Rome, and therefore caused the city to be set on fire, whereby. I●numerabiles incendio perierunt. An infinite number of men perished. And i● the mean while he stood on the top of a tower to see it burn, singin● the destruction of burning troy, 
Tacitus l. 16  and such was the damage done by fire that of fourteen regions, saith Tacitus, whereinto Rome was divided only four were free, the rest either wholly consumed, or pitifully defaced, and afterwards he almost destroyed all the empire with exactions, t● repair the city, and such were his extortions, throughout the gr●●●e● part of his reign, 
Dio in Nero.  that Dion saith, Omnem terrarum orbem expilauit. He 〈◇〉 and peeled all the world,  
14 moreover, his custom was, to run up and down the streets in ●he night with his soldiers, ravishing women, and boyes, spoiling, striking, wounding or killing all those that he met, 
Idem.  neither could any man( saith the same author) be safe in his own house. Nerone in domos,& offi●inas insultante. For that Nero used to break into mens houses, and shops. And to conclude concerning him, he was so exorbitant in al kind of 'vice, and wickedness, that it appeared sufficiently in him, how detestable may be the effects of a vicious,& tyrannical nature, when it is joined with sovereignty. And therfore no marvel, if that he was the first, who general●y persecuted the Christians, and imbrued the city of Rome,& the Roman empire, with the blood of infinite martyrs,& amongst others the glorious Apostles S. Peter, and S. paul: which how it was punished in him, 
Baron. To. 1. An. Dom. 69  shall appear after a while, when I shall speak of the ends of all the Emperours, and the continuance of their reign, for here I touch nothing, but their tyrannical cruelty, or other impiety. And now to proceed.  
15 Galba, was infamous for his intemperance, covetousness, dissolute ●ife, and especially for the abominable sin of Sodomy, and his cruelty. 
Suetonius in Galba c. 12.& 22.  He dismanteled diuers cities in spain, and France, and put to death their gouernours, with their wives, and children, because in his rebellion against Nero, they did not yield unto him, at the very first. He made away many noble men, vpon very light suspicions, 
Idem c. 14.  without any trial of their cause,& having ordained that a great number of sea soldiers( who had in former time been sailors, or rowers) should be casht,& return to their old trade, he caused them to be decimated, that is to say, 
Idem ibid. Sex. Aurel. Victor in Gal. jo. Ba. Egnat in gull a. Sueton. in V●●●l. c. 14.  every tenth man of thē to be killed, because they made great instance to the contrary. Finally he suffered himself to be so wholly led,& governed by three favourits( who were extremely arrogant, covetous,& vicious,) that he was worthily hated of al men, no less for their avarice& cruelty, then for his own.  
16 Vitellius was, saith Suetonius, prove to the slaughter, and torment of every man, for every trifle, and killed many of the nobility( who had been his old friends, and companions) vario genere fraudis, with diuers kinds of deceit,& was so cruel, that he made men to be murdered in his presence, 
Idem i●●d.  saying that he would feed his eyes, and commanded two to be killed, for that they entreated him for the life of their Father: he caused a great number of the common people to be slain in a public feast, because they were clad in green, which colour was used by those, that were of a faction called Prasina, he being addicted to the contrary called Veneta.  
Finally, whosoever was but accused to be an astronomer, was presently executed, though it were not proved, and in this cruelty he continued dur●ng the short time, that he reigned, which shalbe declared hereafter.  

sixth. Aureli. Victor in Domitiano.  17 Domitian, as Victor testifieth, was more like a savage beast, then a man, for his cruelty towards all kind of men: and to maintain his extreme prodigality, he killed many of the richest, and principal men o● the Senat, only that he might haue their goods, of whom, some wer● made away by poison, others by other secret means,& many convict o● false crimes. 
Dio in Dom.  And he caused so many to be slain, one way, or other, tha● Dion saith, no man could tell the number of them. He confiscated the goods, aswell of the dead, as of the living, vpon every light accusation, or pretenc● of crimes, especially of matter of state, in so much that it sufficed, that th● least deed, 
Suetonius in Domitiano ca. 11.& 12.  or word in that kind, was but so much as objected against any man. He claimed many rich mens goods, after their death, as thei● heir, suborning witnesses to prove it: he caused many to be killed, an● others to be banished, only because they studied philosophy, or wer● more virtuous, and learned then other men. And finally, so intolerabl● was his pride, that he ordained by public edict, that in all writings wherein he should be mentioned, vpon any occasion, he should be called D●minus Deus. Lord God,& therefore no marvel, though he was withal a mo●● cruel persecutor of the Church,& raised the second persecution after Ner●  

Idem ibid. Spartian.& Dio in Adri.  18 Adrian( as Spartianus& Dio witness) killed a great number of principal personages for very trifles,& the most notable men of al arts,& sough● to extinguish the memory of Homer,& a little before his death, he banished, or killed, all most all his old friends, and those which he himself had advanced.  

Lamprid. in Commodo.  19 Commodus after his death, was called by a decree of the senat, Saeui● Domitiano, qui omnes occidit, more cruel then Domitian, who killed all men,& Carnifex Senatus, the butcher of the senat, for he killed an infinite number of all sorts of men, and women, some for their great nobility, som● for their wealth, some for their excellent learning, or other virtues, some for their beauty, 
Dio in come.  or cōlimes of their person, some for feigned conspiracies, or light suspicions, some for hire, selling mens lives to their enemies for money: and finally some times he killed one for an other, whiles also in the mean time he was otherways for his life abominably dissolute, spending al his time in banquets,& feasts with 300. concubines,& boys chosen for their beauty, aswell out of the nobility, as of the commonalty. And having in the end after infinite other slaughters, resolved to kill a great number of the chief, 
Herodianus in Commod.  and principal persons, that were stil living, he made a list of their names, for his better remembrance, which being found by Martia his concubine( who was one of the number that was contained in it moved her, and the rest to seek their own security, by his death, as shalbe declared hereafter. 
Num. 56.   
20 Septimius severus,( as Dio, 
Spartian.& Dio in Septim. severo.  and Spartianus do testify) killed very many ●f all sorts of men for feigned crimes, or very small occasions, and amongst ●●em, one and forty senators were put to death( saith Dion) without ●nie cause, either proved, or objected. Besides that he suffered his father 〈◇〉 law Plautianus, to make away a great number, as well of magistrates, as ●f private men, to haue the spoil of them, and farther to pill, and rob all ●he cities, and provinces of the empire. Finally severus murdered very ●anie noble men, Spaniards, Gaules, Romans, and whosoever he thought to and fitt to govern, fearing that the soldiers might prefer them before ●is children after his death, 
Idem in vita Pescennij.  in so much that he was compared with Ma●us, for his cruelty, and the last counsel that he gave to his children, ●hen he died, was, Locupletate milites caeteros omnes contemnite. Enrich your ●uldiars, and contemn all other men.  
●1 Antonius Caracalla his son, exceeded him in cruelty, in which respect he was called by a decree of the senat after his death, 
Iulius Capitolin. in Macrino. Dio& Spartian. in Caracalla.  Interfector sena●us,& populi. The murderer of the senat, and people. He killed his brother ●eta, in his mothers arms, and twenty thousand, saith Dio, or as Spartia●us saith, innumerable others, of his brothers friends and wellwillers, ●ome as they were at table, others in the baths, and where soever else ●hey were found, he made away by one means, or other, all those whom ●is father specially favoured, or loved, and amongst the rest, 
Herodian. in severo.  he put to death his fathers phisitians, because they would not consent to kill his father, as he earnestly requested thē to do: and after infinite other mur●hers of all sorts of men, being greatly offended with the people of A●exandria, because they misliked his cruelty, he invited many of thē to a bāket, and caused others to be shut up in houses, and all of thē to be slain, and to conclude, Dion saith of him, that, Romam bonis omnibus spoliauit, 
Dio in Caracalla.  & mutilauit, He lame Rome, and spoiled it of all good men.  
22 Macrinus, as Dion testifieth, put to death a great number of the senators, and noble men of Rome, for feigned crimes, 
Idem. in Macrino.  and made away all those whom he suspected, to mislike his election, he devised new, and strange punishments, tying men alive to dead men, to the end, they might languish with the horror, and stink of the dead carcases, and used to close some up with walls alive, and so to let them pine away, and perish, and Iulius Capitolinus calleth him. Hominem omnium vitiorum, superbum, 
jul. Capitolinus in Macrino.  & sanguinarium, &c. A man of all 'vice, proud, and bloody. And further saith, that his house was always full of blood, like a butchery, by reason of the continual slaughters of his seruants, in respect whereof, many would not call him Macrinum, but Macellinum, the Butcher.  
23 Heliogabalus his successor, was most hateful, and horrible for his cruelty, he used by the counsel of Magicians, to sacrifice children which were specially chosen throughout all italy, 
Iulius Capitolinus. Herodian. Lampridius in Heliogabalo.  for their nobilit● and beauty, and such as had both father, and mother living, and the● made his divinations by looking into their bowels. He banished all t●● senate, saith Lampridius, out of Rome, and killed many of them, and d●uers other notable men, he was more monstrous for all 'vice, and vill●nie, then any that ever was before, or after him, in so much, that whe●soeuer he removed out of Rome, he carried with him six hundreth ch●riots, and horse-litters full of strumpets, and boys, and all to little, say t●● historiographers, for his unsatiable lust, for that he never had the co●panie of any above once. He made many times assemblies of hoore● and bawds wherein he used to make solemn orations unto them, ca●ling them, commillitones, fellow-soldiers, and treated with them of 〈◇〉 the most beastly matters, and acts that could be imagined.  
24 Furthermore, such was his prodigality in the furniture of his pa●lace, 
Id●m ibid.  and person, costly banquets, yea, and his ordinary diett( nothing contenting him which was not of excessive price, and far fetched) th●● the revenue of the empire could not suffice for the same: for as La●pridius testifieth, every ordinary meal, stood him in two thousand fi●● hundred crownes( after our account) and many times he spent 〈◇〉 some one supper 75000. crownes.  
25 moreover he ordained such toys, that yt may be wondered, ho● the gravity, and majesty of the Roman empire, could brook, and e●dure them, 
Herodian. Lamprid.  for he erected a senat of women, to the end they might tre●● and consult, of their own business belonging to their apparel, and dre●sing, and decreed that such things, as are accustomend to be done in t●● day, should be done in the night, and therefore he used to go to bed 〈◇〉 the morning, and to rise at sun setting, and then was saluted wit● good morrow. I omit many other ridiculous acts of his, which might seem vncredible, but that they are testified by the gravest historiographers, and by this which I haue signified, may well appear the infelicity of the Romans, and of their empire, governed so childishlie by a boy for so Heliogabalus was, being but fourteen yeares old when he was chosen, and not fully eighteen when he was killed, of the manne● whereof I shall haue occasion to say more hereafter.  

Iulius Capitolin. Herodian. in Maximino.  26 Maximinus, was for his cruelty called Cyclops, Busiris, Scirron, Phala●●● and Tiphon, he spoiled, banished, and murdered many innocent, and worthy men, which had been consuls, and all the noble men that were about him, especially those, who knew any thing of his base birth, an● lineage. finally he killed all sorts of men without accuser, witness, o● judge, and so much thirsted after blood, that having put to death four● thousand in the three yeares that he reigned, yet he could not, 
Iulius Capitolin. in Maximino.  saith ●●●itolinus, be satisfied.  
●● Gallienus, was no less pernicious to the Roman empire, by his dis●ute, and wicked life, and his extreme negligence in government, ●●en the former were for their cruelty, and therefore Trebellius Pollio, 
Trebellius Pollio in Gallieno.  saith 〈◇〉 him, that he seemed to be born for nothing else, but for his belly, ●●d his pleasure, and that spending his whole time, both day, and night 〈◇〉 wine, and women, perdidit orbem terrarum, he destroyed the whole world. ●●us saith he; for that in the greatest troubles of the Roman empire ●hich in his time was extreamelie afflicted with the invasion of bar●●rous nations, and the usurpation of many tyrants) deseruit rempublicam, o Orosius, he forsook, and abandoned the common welth, 
Oros. c. 22.  and gave himself ●hollie to lust at Milan. Besides that, his cruelty was also such towards ●●s own soldiers, that he killed three thousand, 
Pollio in Gallieno.  and sometimes four ●●ousand of them in one day, which if yt had benne done by the enemy, ●●ould haue benne counted a great infelicity to the Roman empire.  
●● Aurelianus, is termed by Victor, and Eutropius, saews, and, sanguinarius, 
Vopiscus. sixth. Aurel. Victor. Eutrop. l. 10.  ●●uell, and bloody, he feigned crimes of conspiracies, against many se●●tours, and principal men, and put them to death for the same, besides ●anie others whom he also caused to be killed, for very small matters.  
●● Of Carinus, it is testified by Pomponius Laetus, and Vopiscus, that he was. 
Pomponius Laetus Vopiscus in Carino. sixth. Aur●l. victor.  ●●orum sanguine madefactus, totius ubique iuuentutis corruptor, homo omnium cō●●natis●imus &c. imbrued with the blood of good men, a corrupter of youth eue●● where, the most impure, and wicked man that lived, and one; saith Vopis●us, ●●at not only abused all young men, but also suffered himself to be abused co●tra●y to ●●e sex. He filled his palace with jesters, wickedness, ribalds, ruffians, and ●auds, he bore great respect to all wicked men, and made them banquets, ●nd feasts, and was every way so abominablie impious, that his father ●arus the emperour, with whom he reigned, hearing of his manner of ●●fe, swore that he was none of his, and determined to kill him: neuer●●eles when Carinus heard that his father was dead, he was, say the hi●●ories, far more beastly, and brutish in all kind of villainy, 
Pla●ius Vopiscus in Carina.  and what ●ecame of him in the end, shalbe declared hereafter.  
●0. To conclude the other four emperours, which remain of the one ●nd twenty above name,( to wit Maximianus, Maxentius, Maximinus sur●am●d I●u●u●, and Licinius, were no less cruel, and wicked, then most of ●he former, as I will declare more particularly after while: whereby ●t may appear, how miserable was the state of the empire pa●tlie by ●eason of th●ir monstrous cruelty, and wickedness, and partly by the af●li●tions that God also laid upon the Romans otherways from time to time, during the reigns, not only of these, but also of all the other E●perours, from Augustus Caesar, to Constantin the great.  
31 And to the end, that this may be the more evident, I will touch every one of them by name in order, as they reigned. And first I will speak of the seven first Emperours after Augustus, declaring briefly, ho● they came to the empire, how long they reigned, how they died, an● finally I will add thereto, what notable punishments God laid upon the Roman empire, during their government.  
32 Tiberius,( the first of the wicked, and tyrannical Emperours of whom I haue spoken before) was son in law to Augustus Caesar, as well b● the marriage of his daughter Iulia( then a widow, 
S●eton. in Tiberio. c. 7.& 15. An. Do. 39. Idem ibid. ca. 73.  by the death of Agrippa her former husband) as also because he was son to Liuia, wife t● Augustus, whom he succeeded in the empire by adoption. And having reigned, or rather tirannized, twenty three yeares, was poisoned, and a● some writ smothered by his own nephew Caius Caligula, whom fo● want of issue he had adopted for his son, and ordained for his successor, being great graundchild to Augustus, to wit, son to Agripin● daughter to Iulia, by Agrippa her former husband.  

Sueton. in Caligula c. 58.  33 This Caligula being most monstrous for his wickedness, and cruelt●( as I haue already declared) was slain by his own guards( who wer● called, the Praetorian souldiers) when he had reigned but three yeares, an● ten moneths, 
An. Do. 43.  and the senat being determined to extinguish all th● race of the Caesars, for the detestation of him, it chanced that his vncl● Claudius, 
Dio in Claudio. Eutrop. li. 8.  having for fear hide himself in a very secret place of the palace, was found by one of the praetorian souldiers, who came thither t● ransack, and spoil it, and was first by him saluted Emperour, and after by the rest of the soldiers, who also forced the senate to approve thei● election of him.  
34 This Claudius( one of the tirrannical emperours, mentioned by m before) was also descended of the family of Augustus Caesar by his mother Antonio, niece to Augustus, being daughter to his sister Octauia, and to M. Antonio the Triumuir. 
Sueton. Claudio. c 1. Idem c. 26. 39. 43.& 44.  His infamous reign dured fourteen yeares; and not long before his death, having killed the wicked Mestalina his wife, he married Agrippina, his own sisters daughter, being the widow of Domitius Nero, by whom shee had a son of the same name, and though Claudius, had a son of his own, called Britannicus, yet he adopted her son Nero for his successor, and within a while after was poisoned by her, 
An. 56. Ibid. c. 45.  who concealed his death, until shee had caused the soldiers to accept, and proclaim her son Nero Emperour, which the senat also approved.  
35 Nero( of whose barbarous, and incredible cruelty, I haue spoken ●●ready) having plagued the world, as many yeares, 
Dio& Sueton. in Nero. c. 49.  as his predecessor ●o wit fourteen) was worthily condemned by the senate as a public ●●emie to the common wealth, and being there vpon abandoned of all ●en, killed himself, with the help of one of his slaves, and in him en●●ed the race, and family of the Caesars, 
An. 70.  which had possessed the empire a●out ninety eight yeares.  
●● After Nero, succeeded Galba, whom I haue also numbered amongst ●●e wicked, and tyrannicall Emperours. He in Neroes time, 
Sueton. in Galb. c. 9.& 10. Ibid. c. 23. An. 71.  was his luie●●nant general in spain, and governor thereof, and rebelling against him, was first declared Emperour by his own soldiers, ●●d presently after Neroes death, confirmed by the Senat: and within seven monthes, killed by a conspiracy of Otho, who succeeded ●●m.  
This Otho, though I haue not reckoned him amongst the tyrannical ●mperours, yet was most infamous, for his wicked life, 
Plutarc. in Othone. Sueton. in Othone c. 2. 3.& 11. An. 71.  as having benne great favourite of Nero, and an instrument of his wickedness, and being ●●osen emperour by the praetorian soldiers, and shortly after overcome 〈◇〉 Vitellius, he slay himself, having reigned but three moneths, and ●●●e dayes.  
●● About the same time that Otho was chosen Emperour in Rome, ●itellius being general of an army in germany, 
Sueton. in Vitellio ca. 9  was also proclay●ed Emperour by his own soldiers, and having overthrown O●●o near to Rome, succeeded him in the empire, which nevertheless he ●●ioyed but eight months, and ten dayes; for Vespasian being also 〈◇〉 the same time chosen Emperour by his own army in judaea( where and was employed to appease a rebellion of the Iewes) sent some of ●is Captaines, 
Ibidem. c. 15.  with a great part of his forces to encounter Vitel●●us, who being overthrown, and taken prisoner, was drawn ●ith a halter about his neck along the streets, half naked, to a ●arket place, where after many outrages donne unto him by the people( for the hatred of his tyrannicall cruelty, 
Ibidem c. 17. An. 72.  and beastly im●ietie) he was killed, together with his brother, and cast into the ri●er Tiber.  
●● Thus ended the seven first Emperours after Augustus, and in ●●e mean while( I mean during their reigns) God laid his ●eauie hand upon the empire diverse ways. 
Euseb. in Chron Tacit. li. 1.  As in Tiberio his ●●me, Rome suffered exceeding great damage twice by fire, and ●y two inundations of tiber, and twice by famine.  
And in Fidenae, 
Dio. li. 58. Tacit. li. 4. Idem. li. 2.  fifty thousand men were partly slain, and partly ma●med, by the fall of an amphitheatre, besides, a horrible earthquake whic● in one night ruined thirteen cities in Asia.  

Idem. li. 12.  39 Also in the time of Claudius, Crebris terrae motibus, saith Tacit●● prorutae domus, &c. houses were overthrown in Rome by freque●● earthquakes, wherewith all men were so terrified, that whil● they hasted to seek some places of refuge, and security, very many of the weaker sort were oppressed, and styfled amid th● confused throng of the people, and in his time also was the great general famine over the whole world, 
A●to. 11.  which is spoken of in the acts of th● Apostles.  

Plin. li. 2. ca. 83. Dio. in Nerone.  40 In Neros reign, the earthquakes were so horrible, that as Pl●● testifieth, whole fields were removed out of their places, an● Dion affirmeth, that it seemed the whole earth would be shake● in pieces, and dissolved; In so much, saith he, that yt was though that the souls of those, whom Nero had murdered, did insult and 〈◇〉 against him. And in his time also, the Brittans being cruelly oppresse● rebelled against the Romans, and slay twenty thousand of them, an● of their confederates; besides most strange, and noisome tempests, wher●of Tacitus maketh mention, 
Tacit. li. 16.  and a most cruel plague in Rome, whic● plague saith he, Omne mortalium genus depopulabatur. Destroyed all kind 〈◇〉 mortal creatures.  

Sueton. in Galba. c. 18.  41 finally in the beginning of Galba his reign, a most prodigio●● earthquake, accompanied with a horrible roaring sound, shooke bo●● the city of Rome, and the Emperours palace, and in those fe● months, that Otho, and Vitellius reigned Rome received incredib●● damage, not only by a most pitiful inundation of tiber,( the greatest, 
Plutar. in vita Othon. Tacit. li. 17.  saith Plutark, that had ever been seen before) but also by extream● dearth, and famine, all which Tacitus lamentably describeth, besides t●● great bloodshed in Rome itself, betwixt Galba, and Otho, and muc● more afterwards both in Rome, 
Dio in Othone.  and abroad betwixt Vitellius, and Oth● who fought a most bloody battle, at Cremona, wherein were slai● forty thousand men on both sides, and the souldiers of Vitellius, haui●● the victory, miserablie spoiled, and ransacked all the country.  
42 And within a little more then three months after Othos death there passed two cruel, and bloody battailes betwixt Vitellius, an● Vespasian. First at Cremona, and after at Rome, in which battailes 〈◇〉 hundred thousand men were slain, and Cremona spoiled, and ruined, 
Idem in Vitellio.  and all this bloodshed happened within a year, and twenti● daies after the death of Nero, so that if we add these affliction of the Romans, to the continual tyranny of their Emperours, we shall ●●selie see, that they had not one day, or hour of ease, or repose, from ●●treame misery, until the reign of Vespasian, that is to say, for the ●ace of the first fifty five yeares after Augustus.  
●● And now to proceed with the rest of the Emperours in like ●anner. Although I do not number Vespasian, amongst the cruel ●●rants, yet his government was in some sort so tyrannical, that he ●ay also be counted an instrument of Gods iustice upon the Romans, 
Dio in Vespasiano.  〈◇〉 respect of his extreme covetousness, and the most grievous exac●●ons, and impositions, which he laid upon all men, inventing ta●●es and gabelles never used, or imagined before, and employing in ●●e greatest offices, and charges, the greatest extortioners, 
Sueton. in Vespasiano. ca. 16.  that he ●●ould find, whom he also used, as it was commonly said, Like sponges, ●●ling them whiles they were dry, and crushing out their haviour when they ●ere full, that is to say, spoiling them when they were rich. ●hereto also may be added the cruelty of his son Titus, 
Idem in Tito ca. 6.& 7.  who com●anding all under him, killed so many noble men upon light sus●itions, that he was held, as Suetonius affirmeth, for an other Nero. ●espasian reigned ten yeares, and died of a flux, leaving two son●es, Titus, and Domitian: and Titus, 
An. Do. 81. Ibidem &c. 8. 9. &c.  succeeding him in the gouer●●ent, notwithstanding his cruelty in his fathers time, proved to ●●e one of the best Emperours, that ever the Romans had, whose reign ●euertheles was so short( to wit only two yeares, and some mo●eths) that the ease which they had under him, seemed to serve, for ●o other purpose, but to make them feel the more the tyrannical ●rueltie of his brother Domitian. And although most authors agree, ●●at Titus died naturally, yet some writ, that there was great sus●●tion, and famed that his death was either procured, 
Dio in Tito. An. Do. ●3.  or hastened by ●●mitian.  
●4 But did the scourge of God upon the Romans cease during ●●ose two yeares, of the good government of, Titus? No truly. For 〈◇〉 that time, even in the very first year of his reign, the hill in ●ampania called Vesuuius in the kingdom of Naples, 
Dio in Tito.  cast forth such in●redible heaps of fiery ashes, and with such violence, that two nota●le cities name Pompeij, and Herculanum, were overwhelmed, and ●he Amphiater in Rome filled therewith, yea, and the ashes were also ●ast into Greece, Siria egypt, and afric. whereby it may be guessed ●hat damage the same did, not only in Rome, but also in those partes ●f Italy: besides that there presently followed such a pestilence, that ●ictor saith, the like was almost never seen before, and there was withall such trembling, 
sixth. Aureli. Victor in Tito.  and roaring of the earth, and such obscuri●●● and darkness at noon dayes, that men imagined, that the whole wor●● would perish, as Dion amply declareth.  
45 The year following there was such a fire in Rome, for three day● together, 
Dio in Tito Sueton. in Tito cap. 8.  that all the famous biuldings of Augustus, with his librar● and the baths of Agrippa, the theatre of Galba, the temples of Iupit●● Capitolin, Isis, Serapis, Neptune, and that of all the Gods, called Pa●theon, the stage of Pompey, and diuers other principal partes, and grea● ornaments of the city, were consumed therewith, whereby it may also be conjectured, how general and lamentable was the detriment, an● loss otherways throughout the whole city.  

Dio in Dom. An. Do. 98.  46 After Titus, succeeded the cruel Domitian, being his Brother and next heir, he reigned, or rather raged fifteen yeares, and five daye● and was killed by a conspiracy of his own seruants.  
47 His next successor Cocceius Nerua, being chosen by the Senate, w●● a notable Emperour, 
Idem in Neru. Baro. an 99.  and a great friend to Christians, and recalled fro● banishment, all those who were banished by Domitian, amongst who● was S. John the evangelist, but he reigned not above a year and a fe● moneths, 
An. Do. 100  and died his natural death, as none of the Emperours his pr●decessours had done before him, except Vespasian, and Titus, though the●● was great suspicion, as I haue signified before, that Titus was murdered b● Domitian.  

Dio in Neru.  48 After Nerua, followed trajan, whom he had adopted, and ordaine● to succeed him. This trajan, though he be counted a very good Emperour for his clemency, and iustice, yet he was otherways very vic●ous, and persecuted the Christians for a time. And albeit the Roma● bore not their wonted yoke of tyranny during his reign, yet he, an● they felt otherways the heavy hand of almighty God, as may appear● by the pitiful narration which Pliny maketh, 
Plini. l. 8. ep. ad Macrin.  at large, of the excessive damage donne in Rome, and in all the territory thereof, no● only by the inundations of Tiber, and other riuers, but also by most violent tempests, and storms, which caused a miserable desolation throughout the whole country.  

Plini. li. 36. cap. 15.  49 Also during the time of trajan, the wonted punishment of God, fell not only upon Rome by pestilence, and fire( kindled partly by thunderbolts, and partly by other casualties) but also upon the whole empire, by most terrible earthquakes, especially at Antioch, whiles trajan himself was there, 
Dio in Traiano.  where the greatest part of the city was destroyed, trees pulled up by the roots, and the very birds of the air fell down dead: and such were the lightnings, thunders, and fire that fell from the heauens, that many men were burnt, ●●d consumed therewith, and great fear conceived, that the ●hole worled would be set on fire. After which followed, an ex●●eame, and intolerable heat, and such a general dust raised eue●●e where, that men could not see one an other, and many were ●ifled therewith; besides that, the earthquakes were also, at the ●●me time, so general, that sundry cities in Greece, and diverse partes of ●sia were wholly subverted, infinite numbers of men killed, mountaines ●●nck into the ground, and riuers dried up.  
●● And shortly after this, 
Idem ibid.  the Iewes which then inhabited seue●●ll parts of the world, made great commotions all at once, where●●euer they dwelled as though they had been all seized with one fren●●y and especially throughout Africke, where they almost exterminated al ●●e inhabitants, in so much, that Adrian the Emperour, who succeeded ●raian, was forced to sand many new colonies thither, to supply the want ●f people in those partes: and they did the like also in egypt, and in ●he island of Cipirus, where they killed two hundreth thousand per●ons whereupon trajan sent great forces into all those partes, and or●ained, that all the Iewes inhabiting there, should be put to the sword, ●hich was executed most rigorouslie, with the slaughter of incredible ●umbers of them.  
●1 finally I hold it for no small infelicity of the Romans, at that ●yme, also that trajan, to entertain the people, and make them ●port, 
Dio in Traiano. ( according to the custom in those dayes) gave them ten ●housand gladiators, or fencers, to fight to death, and kill on an o●her in their presence. He reigned nineteen yeares, six months, and a half, and died naturally, as most authors af●irme, though as Dion testifieth, 
An. Do. 119.  he himself suspected that he was poisoned.  
●2 After the one and twenty yeares, of the good Emperours, Nerua, 
Aelius Spartian. in Adr. Dio in Adri.  and trajan, succeeded the cruel Adrian by adoption, or as some affirm, by the practise of Plotina, Traians wife, who concealing her husbands death some dayes, and showing to the Praetorian soldiers a counterfeit instrument, or writing of adoption( as though trajan had in his last sickness adopted Adrian for his son, and successor) procured his election, first by the acclamation of the soldiers, and after by the approbation of the senat: His cruelty, 
Num. 18.  and tyranny( whereof I haue spoken before) was accompanied with great famine, and pestilence, inundations, and earthquakes, whereby exceeding great damage was donne as well in Rome, as in diuers parts of the Roman empire. And in the end Adrian received also even in this life, some part of the punishment due to h●● cruelty, as well towards Christians, as towards all others, being most miserablie tormented in all his limbs, in such sort, that he sought by e●treatie, persuasions, and gifts, to move his favourits, and friends to ki●● him, 
Poro Mexia in Adriano. Baron. To. 2 An. Do. 140. Dio in Adri.  and when he could not obtain it at their hands, nor die of his torments, he resolved to forbear to eat, and so famished himself as som● writ, or, as Dio Nicaeus saith, used of purpose unwholesome meats, where upon he died, when he had reigned one and twenty yeares, and eleue● months.  
53 Adrian, adopted for his son, and successor, the famous, Antoni●● pus, so called for his great piety, as he well deserved, whose empire Go● blessed, no doubt, with great peace and prosperity, for the great fauou● that he shewed to Christrians, after many cruel persecutions, whic● they had suffered under his predecessors: for he forbade vpon greueou● pains, 
Eutrop. l. 10.  that no man should accuse them for their religion, which he acknowledged to be the worship of the immortal God, affirming also, that the great earthquakes, and such other calamities, wherewith th● empire was afflicted, proceeded of the iustice of God, for the injury donne to them, as may appear by the copy of the edict, related by Eutropius, 
Ibidem.  and therefore we may well suppose, that God rewarded him wit● greater felicity, then any pagan emperour, had either before, or after him, though nevertheless, besides the earthquakes, which he mentioned in his edict, 
sixth. Aurel. Victor Capitolin. in Antonino Pio. An. Do. 162.  we read of extreme dearth, and famine in Rome, great loss by fire, and inundations of Tiber. He reigned twenty two yeares, seven moneths, and six dayes, and died his natural death.  
54 There followed him, by his adoption, an other good emperour fo● his government, though he persecuted the Christians for some time, to wit, Marcus Aurelius, called the Philosopher, who made Lucius Verus his companion in the empire. But how severe the punishment of God, was vpon the Romans, in the time of Marcus Aurelius, it appeareth by that which Sextus Aurelius Victor, 
Epito. Sexti Aure. Vict. in Marco Ant.  a pagan author writeth briefly thereof. Ab armis, saith he, quies nunquam erat, &c. There was never any rest, or repose from arms, the wars throughout Italy, France, and all the east partes, were continual, besides earthquakes, with the subversion of cities, inundations of riuers, murrain amongst cattle, and fields destroyed with locusts, yea, and there is almost no kind of calamity, that can either be name, or imagined, which did not abound during his reign. 
Eutrop li. 10  Thus saith he. And Eutropius affirmeth, that the empire was so miserablie infested, and vexed with warres in all partes, that all the Roman armies, were overthrown, and that the plague was so violent every where, that the greater part of men,& almost al the soldiers died thereof. nevertheless he had a notable, and miraculous victory against nine ●●ndred thousand Marcomanni, Quadi, 
Chap. 15. Num. 2.  and other barbarous people in Ger●any, by the prayers of his Christian soldiers( as I haue declared in the 〈◇〉 chap. of the first part of this Treatise) and in respect of that victory, he ●ased his persecution of the Christians, and made edicts in their favour: ●is companion Lucius Verus, 
An. 172. An. 181.  died suddenly in the eleventh year of his ●igne, and he having reigned eighteen yeares, died his natural death.  
●● Though the reign of this emperour was most unfortunate, for in●●●it calamities, and miseries, which oppressed the empire in his time, yet and left behind him a greater plague to the world, then ever had benne in ●●s dayes, I mean his son Commodus, who besides the cruel persecuti●ns which he raised against Christians, used all barbarous cruelty to●ards all sorts of men, as I haue declared before; but after he had reig●ed twelve yeares, and eight moneths, 
Num. 16. Num. cod.  he was killed by his concubine, ●ho as I haue also signified before, finding by chance, her own name, ●ith a great number of others, 
Herodian. in Commodo.  of most principal personages designed ●or the slaughter, in a list written with his own hand, thought to pre●ent him with poison, which shee gave him,& seeing him after he had ●eceiued it, vomit so freely that she feared he would cast it up again, 
An. Do. 194.  ●he called in one, whose name was also in the list,& betwixt them both ●hey dispatched him.  
●6 Besides this cruel tyranny of Commodus, and the affliction ensuing ●hereon to the Roman empire, there was such horrible contagion, and ●estilence in his time, 
Dio in come. Herodian. in Commodo.  that( as Dio saith who was then living) he never ●new any so great, whereby there died in Rome two thousand in one ●ay. There was also in his reign so great dearth, and famine, that the people falling into fury, killed Cleander one of his greatest fauourits. Also a ●reat part of the city, and many principal ornaments thereof, were ●wise burnt during his reign. The first time by a thunderbolt, 
Idem ibid.  which fi●ed, and burnt the Capitol, the library, and all the houses about it: and the ●ater, by a casual fire, wherewith his own palace, the famous temples of Vesta, and of Peace, with no small part of the city, were consumed to the very ground, which every man held to be a just punishment of God for his wickedness, as Herodian testifieth.  
●7 But that which may be justly counted the greatest calamity of the Roman empire, both at the time whereof I now treat, and also continu●ly after until Constantins time, was the licentious liberty, and ambitious presumption of the soldiers, not only of those which were called prae●eriani milites, and were the guards of the Emperours) but also of the other legions, that were dispersed throughout the empire, for the defence thereof. For such was the insolency, first of the Emperours guards 〈◇〉 Rome, and after of the other soldiers abroad, by their example, that th●● took vpon them to make emperours, and change them at their pleasure whereby the emperors themselves, and al the empire was brought to miserable servitude.  
58 This appeared presently after Commodus, vpon whose death, the pr●torian soldiers made election of his successor, and choose the worth●● captain Pertinax, 
Herodianus in Pertinace An. 195. Iulius Capit.& Herodia. in Iuliano.  whom the senate partly for fear, and partly al● for the regard of his great merits, easily approved. But within less the● three moneths, to wit, eighty five dayes, they killed him, by the practi●● of one, who sought to make himself emperour, though he failed of h●● purpose. For the soldiers set the empire on sale, making proclamatio● that they would give it, to whosoever would give most: and whereas there were two competitors( to wit Sulpicianus, and Didius julianus, bot● which offered largely for it) they preferred julianus, partly because t●● other was father in law to Pertinax whom they had slain, and partly because julianus, gave them ready money, whereupon, they forced the senat to accept him.  
59 And the other legions abroad, taking also the like liberty to the● selves, at the same time, made emperours in diuers parts: for, the ordinar● legions, that were in Siria, made choice of the viceconsul Pescennius Nige● who governed there, 
Idem ibid.  and the legions in germany, choose Septimius Seuer●● who hasting with his forces to Rome, was admitted by the senate, an● julianus being abandoned of all men, 
An. Do. 195 Ibidem.  was killed in his palace, by the demonstrates order, before severus arrived, within less then seven moneths after his election: And severus shortly after overcame Piscinnius, the other emperour, though with so great bloodshed on both sides, that the ditches of water, where the battle was fought seemed to be all blood, 〈◇〉 again ere it were long, one Albinus was made Emperour in Britannie by his soldiers,& overthrown also, and slain by severus in no less bloody a battle at lions in France. Whereby it may be judged, how miserable were these times by insolency of the soldiers, which increasing daily, grew within a few yeares after, to be so great, that there were thirty emperours made by the armies, in diuers parts in the space of fifteen, or sixteen yeares, by means whereof, the empire was pitifully rent,& torn with civil wars, and oppressed with infinite calamities, and very many of the emperours themselves killed by the soldiers, which had chosen them, as shall farther appear hereafter.  
60 So that it is hard to say wether the Senat, and people were more tirannized by the emperours, or the emperors by the soldiers: but howsoever that was, it is evident, that both the Emperours, and soldiers, ●●e instruments of Gods iustice, not only one upon an other, but also ●●on all the Roman empire, and that the soldiers also executed Gods ●ice upon themselves, who to maintain their different elections of ●●perors in diuers places, came commonly in the end to spill each others ●od, with infinite spoil, damage, and debilitation of the Romā em●●●e, and this continued more or less, from the time of Commodus, until ●●●●tantin the great, as will evidently appear, by the further prosecu●●●● of this history.  
●● Therefore now to return to Septimius severus( of whose enormous ●●●eltie I treated before) he choose for his companion in the empire, 
Nu. 20.  his ●●●e Antonius Caracalla, and governed together with him eighteen ●●●res, and in that time besides his other exorbitant cruelties, he ex●●●mlie persecuted the Christians( which is counted the fift general ●●●secution after Nero) and though he had many victories, yet they cost 〈◇〉, and the empire so dear, 
Oros. li. 7. ca. 17.  that Orosius worthily attributeth the same Gods just punishment for his persecution of Christians: whereto may ●o be added his miserable end, being extremely tormented not only ●th the gout, and intolerable pains throughout all his body, but also ●th grief, and anguish of mind, having discovered his sons deter●●nation to poison him, after he had failed to kill him, with his sword, ●here upon he sought to poison himself, and being hindered by his ●●●uants, he killed himself by a voluntary surfeit, 
An. do. 213. sixth. Aurel. Victor in Septim. severo. polydore. Vergil. hist. Angl. li. 2.  eating such a quanti●● of gross meate, that his stomach was not able to digest it: which ●●pned in England at york, after he had appeased a great rebellion there, ●●d built( as Victor saith) a famous wall from sea to sea, in the north ●●rts, to hinder the incursions of the Scotissh, and Picts, though Polidore ●●rgil holdeth it for more certain, that the same wall was built two ●●ndreth yeres after severus his time, in the reign of Theodosius the Em●●rour, by certain capteins sent by AEtius with forces to assist the Britans ●●ainst the Picts and Scottish.  
●● Antonius Caracalla his son, 
Nu. 21. An 215. An. 219. Dio& Spartian. in Caracalla.  exceeding him in bloody cruel●●e, and all impiety, as I haue also declared before, reigned after him in company of his brother Geta, whom he slay within 〈◇〉 year, and when he had reigned alone five yeares, he was killed of his ●wne gard; and although he left a son called Antonius Heliogabalus, yet ●he soldiers choose for his successor Macrinus prefector captain of the ●ard of whose cruelty I haue already treated) and he presently made ●is own son Diadumenus, his companion in the empire: 
Nu. 22.  But within ●oureteene moneths after the election of Macrinus, the soldiers, who had chosen him, 
Iulius Capitolin. in Macrino. An. do. 220.  grew so weary of him for his tyranny, that they fo●sooke him, in favour of Heliogabalus afore said, son to Caracalla, bei●● not above fourteen yeares of age, by whose soldiers Macrinus, a● Diadumenus, his son, were both slain.  
63 I haue sufficiently declared before, how monstrous, this Helioga●●lus was, in cruelty, and all kind of 'vice, and therfore will only add he● concerning his end, 
Lamprid. Herodian. sixth. Aurelius Victor An. do. 224.  that when he had rioted, and reuelled rather th● reigned four yeares or as some say six) the praetorian soldiers, bei●● his own guard, slay him, and most ignominiouslie drew his bo●● throughout the streets in the dirt, and after threw him into the ri●●● Tiber, with stones about his neck, calling him insatiable bitch, in respe●● of his effeminat, and most dissolute life.  
64 And here I wish thee, good reader to note by the way, how ince●● the tyranny of the emperours were from Marcus Aurelius, until the dea●● of Heliogabalus: for although the good emperours Pertinax, and Didius ●●●lianus governed in this mean time, yet forasmuch as they were bo●● killed, and reigned not a full year betwixt them both, and two oth●● emperors chosen also in the mean time as I haue declared I count 〈◇〉 their reign for any interruption of the tyranny, 
Nu. 58.& 59.  and of the intollerab●● oppression of the common wealth under the five forenamed emperors, wit, Commodus, Septimi{us} sever. Caracalla, Macrinus,& Heliogab. which five m●● miserablie afflicted, and oppressed the empire, for the space of 42. yer●  
65. And although the soldiers, choose the good emperour Alexan●●● severus, 
Herodian. Lamprid. Anno 237. Iulius Capitolin. in Maximinis. sixth. Aurel. Victor in Alexandro severo.  to succeed the wicked Heliogabalus, yet so wicked also we●● they, that they could not endure his virtue, but killed him within thi●teene yeares, and choose an other, to wit, the monstrous tyrant Maxi●●nus, who imparted the imperial title, and dignity to his son call● also Maximinus. And in this mean time( I mean in the reign of A●●xander) the legions in the east choose one Taurinus, and declared him emperor so much against his will that he drowned himself in the riu●● Eufrates: and after Alexanders death, and the election of Maximinus in Ge●many, the legions also of Afrik made an other emperour, called Gordia● together with his son of the same name, which election being approve by the senat( for the hatred they bore to Maximinus, 
Iulius Capitolin. in Gordianis. An. do. 239.  in respect of 〈◇〉 cruelty) the younger Gordian was overcome and slain in battle, by 〈◇〉 captain of Maximinus, where upon his father hanged himself, for so●row, and fear, and Maximinus marched towards Rome, to be revenged o● the Romans, 
Idem in Maximo& Balbino.  for approving the election of Gordian, and therefore the sena● choose for their defence two other emperors, Pupienu●( who was called als● Maximus) and Balbinus, and as they marched with their forces to meet with Maximinus, God executed his iustice upon him, 
Herodian.& sixth. Aurel. Victor in Maximino. An. do. 240.  by the means of 〈◇〉 own soldiers, who being already grown to detest him for his ●●●eltie, killed him, and his young son, saying, that of so ill a race, there ●as not to be kept so much as a whelpe, and this was within three yeares ●●●er they had chosen him.  
●● And although the emperours guards at Rome( called as I haue said ●eteriani milites) seemed to allow for a while, the election of Pupienus, 
Pomponius Laetus. An. do. 242. Herodianus.  ●●d Balbinus, yet within two yeeres, they killed them both: besides that, ●●ey had also before that time, during the reign of Maximinus, misera●●e spoiled, sacked, and burnt Rome, in a sedition which fell out be●●ixt them, and the people, whereby the greatest part of the city was ●●rnt, as Herodian witnesseth.  
●● After they had killed Pupienus, and Balbinus, they choose young Gordiā, 
jul. Capitolinus,& Pomponius Laetus. An. 246. Oros. lib. 7. c. 20. An. 252 Iidē autores. Eutrop. li. 1●  ●●andchild to that other Gordian who hanged himself in Aphrick, and within three or four yeares after, suffered him to be killed, by one Philip, 〈◇〉 whom they had before granted the imperial title to reign with ●●rdian. And ere six yeares passed, they killed also Philip, and his son, ●hom his father had made his companion in the empire, whereas an o●●er army of soldiers, being sent against the goths( who at the same ●●me invaded the Roman empire) made emperour their general Marinus, ●●d within a while after, falling in dislike with him, killed him with 〈◇〉 less facility and levity, then they had chosen him.  
●● And here I cannot omit by the way to make mention of a most strā●●, punishment of God upon the Roman empire, 
Iulius Capitolin. in Gordiano.  in the reign of Gordian ●●oresaid, by a most terrible, and general earthquake, whereby the o opened in diuers places, and whole cities with their inhabitants, ●ere swallowed up. For the which great sacrifices were made, not only 〈◇〉 Rome, but also over all the world( as Capitolinus testifieth: and shortly ●●ter in the reign of the two Philips, Rome received great detriment by ●●re, 
Pero Mexia in Philippo.  and although Philip was at the later end of his reign a Christian ●r as some writ, dissembled to be so, to haue the help of the Christians ●gainst Decius) yet it is sure, that he was before, most wicked, and cruel, in 〈◇〉 much that he is numbered by some amongst the tyrants, yea, and compa●●d by Vopiscus for cruelty with Maximinus, 
Vopiscus in Aureliano.  whereof the particulars are ●ot known, because there is little written of his life, in which respect I ●ave not numbered him amongst the tyrannical emperours. But to proceed.  
●● The soldiers having slain the two Phillips, choose Decius empe●●ur, who declared also his own son for his companion in the em●●re. And the second year of his reign he was overthrown, 
Pomponius Laetus.  and his ●●nne slain, and his whole army cut in pieces by the goths and scythians, through the treason of Gallus a captain of his own, 
sixth. Aurel. Victor in Decio. An. do. 253. Oros. li. 7. ca. 21.  and being hardly p●●sued by his enemies, he wart with his horse into a deep ditch●● water, and mud, wherein he was drowned, and never no m●● seen, or heard of. A just punishment no doubt, for the great perfe●tion which he had raised against the Christians, and in his time a●● great hurt was done in Rome, by fire, in so much that the Amphithe●● was burnt.  
70 Decius being dead, the soldiers gave the imperial title to 〈◇〉 traitor Gallus, 
Idem ibidem. An. do. 256.  and his son Volusianus, and within two yea●● slay them both in favour of Aemilianus, who being sent by Gallus agai●●● the goths, and having given them a great overthrow, was by his so●●diars saluted emperour, 
sixth. Aurel. Victor in Virio Gallo. Eutrop. in Aemiliano li. 10.  and in this mean time also, Hostilianus Perpe●● being chosen emperour by the senate, died of the plague, and AEm●nus( who as Eutropius saith) being basely born, governed the empire basely, was within four moneths after his election, slain also by 〈◇〉 soldiers.  
71 But to speak a word, or two more of Gallus, who succeeded De●●●● it is to be understood, that the goths, who overthrew, De●●●● having first forced Gallus to make a shameful peace with them, 〈◇〉 condition to pay them a great yearly tribute, 
Pomponius Laetus, in Treboniano Gallo.  broken the peace prese●●lie after, and entred again into the confines of the empire, and ●●stroyed all Macedonia, Misia, Thessalia, and possessed themselves o● great part thereof, and of all Thracia, and the Persians did a● the like in Mesopotania, and Armonia, and remained in the possess● thereof.  
72 This affliction was also accompanied with a general, and most v●lent plague, which infested all the Roman empire, infecting the ve●● water every where, in so much that, Orosius saith, it destroyed both m●● and beasts, 
Oros. li. 7. c. 21.& 27. Eutrop. li. 10  and that there was neither province, city nor family, wh●●● was not almost consumed there with, and this no doubt was a just punishment of God, for the persecution of the Christians, continued Gallus after the death of Decius.  
73 Gallus being slain as I haue signified, and AEmilianus chosen em●●rour, 
Idem ibid. Eutrop. li. 10  by the soldiers of them both, certain other legions in the A●●● who were under the conduct of Valerian, disliking the election of AE●●lian, made choice of their general Valeriā to succeed Gallus in the gou●●ment of the empire, where upon the soldiers of AEmilian slay 〈◇〉 and passed to Valerian, 
An. do. 256 Aurel. Victor in Licinio Valeriano.  whose election also the senat admitted.  
74 This Valerian being, as Victor saith, a fool, a dullard, and altogeth●● unfit, either to counsel, or to execute, choose his son galen for 〈◇〉 companion in the empire, and within a few yeares was taken prisoner ●n war by Sapores king of Persia, 
Oros. lib. 7. c. 22.  who used to make him his foote●toole, when he mounted upon his horse, and in the end caused him to be flayed, and salted alive: which was, no doubt a just iudgement of God upon him, for his cruel persecution of the Christians, 
Pero Mexia Agato. orat. Constantini apud Eusebium. Trebellius Pollio. sixth. Aurel. Victor. Oros. li. 7. ca. 22. Pomponius Laetus. Zozimus.  which he ●till continued after Decius, and Gallus. And although galen his son ●aigned some fifteen yeares, yet the empire endured the greatest misery in his time, that ever was red, or heard of, partly by the licentious ●ibertie of the soldiers( whereby thirty several emperours were chosen in many partes of the empire) and partly by the invasion of the goths, scythians, and many other northern people, who destroyed a great part of France, and italy, and came as far as Rauenna: and partly by famins, and most horrible plagues, which in his time were universal, and so cruel as well in Rome, as in other parts, that five thousand died thereof some times in one day, and this saith Zozimus seemed to be some relief of the other extreme miseries, which were such, that those who were strooken with then plague, thought themselves happy to be rid thereby out of the world.  
75 For besides the former calamities, there was a most prodigious darkness, for many dayes together, 
Trebel. Pollio. Eusebius eccles. hist. li. 7.  and such horrible roaring noises heard out of the earth with such earth quakes, that the ground opened in many places, and swallowed up many houses, with the inhabitants, and the sea-water was found in ditches far within the land, yea and in some places, the sea itself broke in, and drowned many cities: all which being added to the continual spoils, sacks, and bloodshed, 
Pompon. Laetus in Galieno. Iornandes.  which happened every where throughout Galiens reign, by the civil wars of the thirty tyrants abovesaid, and the inundations of barbarous strangers, may manifest the severity of Gods just, and rigorous iudgement upon the Roman empire, and upon galen himself, who also having led a most brutish, and beastly life, 
An. Do. 270  for fifteen yeares( as I haue declared before) was killed in battle by Aureolus one of the usurping tyrants, and with galen were slain his brother Valerianus, and his own son Saloninus, both which were emperours also, and reigned with him, the former, two yeares, and the latter, a year before his death. Besides that, he had imparted also the imperial dignity, and title before to Od●natus, one of the thirty tyrants, who had possessed himself of all the east parts of the empire, and was afterwards trayterouslie slain, by a cousin germaine of his own. So that during these fifteen yeares reign of galen, there were five emperours which might be counted lawful: to wit, galen himself, his father Valerian, his brother Valerian, his son Saloninus, and Odenatus, though the last was first an usurper, and after emperour, by composition with galen.  
76 And at the time of Galiens death, Aureolus, who overthrew, and slay him, 
Trebellius Pollio in decem Tyrannis.  possessed Milan, and governed also all Sclauonia by his captaines. And in like manner one Tetricus, an other of the tyrants, had impatronized himself of all France, and of the greatest part of spain, and germany; And Zenobia widow of Odenatus, commanded all the east parts, with the name of empresse. And finally, the goths had in their possession, a great part of Thracia, Macedonia, and many provinces both in Europe, and Asia, which I signify the more particularly, to show the miserable distracted state of the Roman empire at that time.  
77 After the death of galen, the soldiers choose Claudius, the second emperour of that name, who was a notable captein, but a great enemy of the Christians, 
An. do. 272. Trebel. Pollio.  whom he persecuted, and within two yeeres died of the plague, which in his short reign was very violent,& universal, besides great famine, and the other calamities, that must needs accompany the continual wars he had with the goths, 
Eutrop li. 10 Pompon. Laetus.  and other barbarous nations, who also in his time invaded the empire, first with three hundreth twenty thousand men, and after with two hundred thousand, all whom he prosperously overthrew, and slay also Aureolus the tyrant, and recovered that part of the empire that was in his hands.  
78 He was no sooner dead, but the soldiers in italy, choose for emperour his brother Quintilius, 
Oros. lib. 7. ca. 22. Eutrop. li. 10 Vopiscus in Aureliano. An. do. 272.  who had governed there in his absence, and was presently admitted by the senat. But the victorious army of Claudius in germany, elected an other called Aurelianus, whose famed for his great valour, and prows was such, that Quintilius despaired to be able to hold the empire, and therefore within seventeen daies after his election, killed himself, as some say, or as others affirm, was slain by some of his soldiers, as Aurelianus also was in the end, through a practise of his own secretary, whom he had threatened. This Aurelianus reigned six yeres only, 
An. do. 278. nu. 28.  and during that time governed most cruelly, as I haue declared before, though in the mean while, he overthrew Zen●bia, Tetricus, and all the other tyrants, and recovered for the empire, all that which they had for some yeares usurped: nevertheless both he, and the whole empire, received not only great disgrace, but also incredible damage, by the eruptions of the Alnians and Marcomans into italy, which they spoyled, and destroyed pitifully, and gave the Romans such a bloody overthrow, 
Vepisc. in Aurelia. 10.  near to Placentia, vt pene solueretur impertum, that the empire, saith Vopiscus, was almost dissolved, and ruined.  
79 Aurelian being slain, Tacitus succeeded by election of the senat, after six moneths vacancy of the empire, 
Idem in Tacito.  for that the soldiers were then so courteous, as it chanced, that they remitted the choice of the emperour to the senate, and the senators were on the other side so respective of the soldiers, and so fearful to offend them, that they refused it, until at length, after many embassages and replies too and froo, they yielded to choose Tacitus; Whereby it may appear, in what servitude the senat was at that time, and how absolute was the command of the soldiers.  
80 But Tacitus died within less then six moneths, or as 
joan. Bapt. Egnat. in Tacito. An. do. 279.  some writ was slain by the soldiers, who also within two moneths after, killed 
Vopisc. in Floriano.  Florianus his brother, though they had chosen him emperour before, and the reason was, that the legions in the east, had elected at the same time Aurelius Probus, a man of rare, and singular valour.  
81 This Probus, though he was for the short time he reigned, 
Idem in Probo, Saturnino Bonoso& Proculo.  one of the most worthy and fortunate emperours in war, that ever the Roman empire had, having recovered France from the Germans, with the slaughter of 400. thousand of them, besides the suppression of three tyrants, Saturninus, Proculus and Bonosus, and many notable victories against diuers barbarous nations, 
An. do. 283. Pomponius Laetus.  yet was killed by his soldiers the fift year after his election. And in his time, Rome was miserablie ransacked by certain Gladiatours, who breaking prison to the number of fourscore, and assembling a great number of other lost companions, spoyled, and sacked the city, with the slaughter of many.  
82 After the death of Probus, the same soldiers, that slay him, 
Vopiscus in Probo,& Caro. An. do. 284. Idem in Caro& Numeriano. An eodem. Idem ●a Numeriano& Carino. Pomponius Laetus.  choose Carus who was perfect, or captain of the emperours guards) and he declared his two sons Numerianus, and Carinus, for his companions in the empire. Carus was within less then two yeares killed with a thunderbolt, and Numerianus, who governed in the east partes, was also shortly after slain by Arrius Aper, his father in law, hoping to make himself emperour, though he failed thereof: for the soldiers in place of Numerianus, elected Dioclesian, who slay Arrius Aper with his own hand in re●eng of Numerianus his death. 
Nu 29. An. do. 286.  And finally Carinus, who governed in the west partes, being a most vicious,& cruel tyrant( as I haue declared) was after diuers bloody conflicts, overthrown, and killed by Dioclesian, in a most cruel battle in France within less thē three yeares after his election.  
83 This Dioclesian, within two yeares after he was chosen emperour declared Maximian, surnamed Herculeus for his companion, in the empire, whom I placed amongst the tyrannicall emperours for that he was most cruel, and bloody as Victo●, and Eutropius do witness, 
Nu. 6.& 30. Sect. A●rel. Vist. in Galerio Maxim.  and executed not only his own tyrannicall assignments, but also the rigorous councils and projects of Dioclesian, who craftily dissembling his own cruelty, made him, and others the instruments, and ministers thereof.  
84 These two reigned both together twenty yeares. Dioclesian in the east parts, 
Oros. lib 7. ca. 25. Eutrop. li. 10 Pompon. Laetus in Diocletiano.  and Maximian in italy, and all the west parts, and for eighteen● yeares, they, and the whole empire, were miserablie afflicted, with continual, and most cruel wars, partly by the incursion of the scythians, goths, Sarmati, Alani, Carpi, Cati, Ouati, and other barbarous nations, and partly by the rebellion of the Quinquegentiani, in Aphrick, and the eruptions of the Almans into France: and partly also, by the inuasion● of Narseus king of Persia, and lastly by civil wars, with diuers usurping tyrants, who were made emperours by the soldiers, in sundri● partes of the empire, as Carausius in brittany, Achilleus in egypt, and julianus in italy, by which means, all the Roman empire, was for eighteen yeares together, as I haue said, pitifully distressed, vexed, and spoyled, though in the end, Dioclesian and Maximian, with the two Caesar( whom they choose to assist them, to wit, Constantius Chlorus, and Galeri●● Maximianus, surnamed Armentarius) subdued them all, and put the empire in peace.  

Oros. li. 7. ca. 25. Euseb. eccles. hist. li. 8. c. 1.2.3. &c. An. do. 304. Idem ibid. c. 26. Eutrop. li. 10 An. 307. sixth. Aurel. Victor in Dioclesiano.& Galerio Maximiano An. 316. sixth. Aurel. Vict. Eutrop. li. 11. An do. 306.  85 But in the mean time, God extended also his wrath upon the empire, by a terrible earth quake, where with many thousands of me● perished, and in conclusion, Dioclesian, and Maximian, having raised th● most cruel persecution against the Christians, that ever was in th● Church, renounced the empire of their own voluntary wills, and retired themselves to a private life, and yet nevertheless in the end, they bore the penalty of their cruelty, as well toward the Christians, a● towards all other.  
86 For Maximian, attempting afterwards to recover the empire, was taken, and strangled, at Marsels: and Dioclesian having received some yere● after, a threating message, or letter, from Constantin the great, poisone● himself for fear.  
87 These two left the government, and imperial title to the two Caesars, Constantius Chlorus, and Galerius Maximiamus surnamed Armentan●●( because he had ben a drouier) of whom the former, succeeding Maximian in the west parts, died within two yeeres after at york in brittany and the latter, to wit Galerius Maximianus succeeding Dioclesian, no less i● his persecution of the Christians, then in the government of the eas● parts, 
Euseb. eccles. hist. lib. Oros. lib. 7. ca. 28. Eutrop. li. 11.  felt and acknowledged the heavy hand of God upon himself for the same, being extreamelie tormented, not only with an ulcer in his privy partes, but also with such a horrible disease, proceeding of an inward putrefaction, that he cast abundance of stinking worms, ou● at his mouth, and having put to death many of his physicians, because ●●ey could not cure him, he conceived at last, that it was a punishment 〈◇〉 God for his persecution of the Christians, and therefore recalled all ●●s former edicts against them, made new in their favour, yea, and ●●mmended himself to their prayers, 
Idem ibid. An. do. 311.  and finding in the end no ease 〈◇〉 torment, he killed himself, as Orosius, and Eutropius, testify.  
●● And now to end this chapter, and matter, with the three last blou●●e tyrants, Maxentius Maximinus, and Licinius( of whom I made men●●on before amongst the tyrannical emperours:) it is to be understood, ●●at Constantius Chlorus, being as I haue signified, dead at York in Brittanny, 
Eutrop. li. 11.  ●●d his son Constantin( after surnamed the great) succeeding him in ●●e government of the west parts of the empire, by the election of the ●●uldiars, Galerius Armentarius, who stil governed in the east, gave the ●●●le, and dignity of Caesar, to his nephew Maximinus the same year, and ●●axentius, also son, 
Baron. an. 307.  or rather as Baronius saith, son in law to the em●●rour Maximian aforesaid( according to the inscription of an old coin ●●●elie found) being at the same time in Rome, declared himself empe●●ur, by favour of the praetorian soldiers, and became within a while, ●●e most wicked, and cruel tyrant, that ever was in Rome.  
For as Eutropius saith, he made the wives of the senators, and of the ●●●her noble men to be brought him by force, and after he had ravished, 
Eutrop. li. 11.  ●●d dishonoured them, he sent them back to their husbands, who durst ●●t make so much as any demonstration of sorrow, for that he killed 〈◇〉 any, not so much for any offence taken against them, as for his plea●●re, and delight. And such was his barbarous cruelty, that sometimes 〈◇〉 commanded his soldiers to go into the streets, and to kill all that ●●ey met, of what age, sex, or condition soever they were, whereby an ●●finit number of people, saith Eutropius, was murdered. 
Ibidem.  He caused the ●●nators specially such as were rich) to be falsely accused, condemned, 
Euseb. eccles. hist. li. 8. c. 26.  ●●d executed, to the end that he might haue the spoil of their goods: ●●d being given to the art magic, and governed wholly by Magicians, ●●e used to open the bellies of women with child, and to make his deui●●tions by looking into the entrails of their infants, whom he also ●pened for that purpose, and to all this, he added also a most cruel per●●cution of the Christians.  
●● finally, such was the fear conceived of his tyranny, not only in ●●ma, but also in all the cities, and towns in that part of Italy, 
Idem ibid.  that most ●en abandoned their dwellings, and hide themselves, some in caues, ●nd some in the deserts, where upon followed extreme famine in Rome, ●nd thereabout, for lack of tillage of the ground. For remedy of all which misery, the senat sent to Constantin, and craved his assistance, wh● marching towards Rome, had that heavenly vision of the cross in th● air at midday, and of our saviour in his sleep, by the which he w●● made a Christian: and after some bloody battailes, overthrew the tira●● Maxentius, 
Eutrop. li. 11.  who flying into Rome to save himself, and being so hardl●● pursued, that he was forced to enter upon a false bridge of boa●●( which he had made of purpose, 
Euseb. Eccl. h●st. l. 9. c. 8. An. do. 312.  to entrap Constantin) Incidit, as the p●●mist saith, in foueam quam fecit. He fell into the pit which he made himself, for the bridge broke under him, and he fell into the river Tyb●● where he was drowned. Thus much concerning Maxentius, and the m●serie of the Romans under him, for the space of six yeares, for so long 〈◇〉 reigned, or rather tirannised.  
90 No less miserable was the east part of the empire, at the same tim● and for two yeares after, under Maximinus surnamed divinus, who goue●ned there, first as Caesar for the space of five yeares, under Galerius Arme●tarius, and after his death, as emperour for three yeares.  

Euseb. Eccl. hist. l. 8. c. 27  91 This Maximinus, was, as Eusebius affirmeth, not only a great freen● and as it were a sworn brother of Maxentius, but also very like him 〈◇〉 condition, yea, and more wicked in all respects then he; for besides th●● he was a mortal enemy, and persecutor of Christians, most libidino●● given to the art magic, a notorious drunkard, and cruel above measure, he oppressed also all the provinces of the east part, subject to h●● government, with most cruel exactions, impositions, mulcts, and pena●ties, he spoiled the richest men to enrich his flatterers, and finally, 〈◇〉 gave his soldiers such free leave, to use all kind of rapine, and to sac● spoil, and ransack every where throughout his dominions, that the● seemed to be no less absolute in tyranny then he. And this general c●lamitie was much augmented, with diuers strange diseases, and the mo●● pitiful famine, 
Idem ibid. li. 9. c. 7.  and plague, that ever was heard of, as appeareth by th● lamentable description thereof, made by Eusebius, who lived in the sam●time, and was an eye witness of it.  
92 Here also may be added the bloody wars, which Maximinus ha● partly against the Armenians, who defeated him with great slaught●● of his army, and partly against Licinius, who being made Caesar som● yeares before, by Galerius Armentarius, governed also the east parts o● the empire together with Maximinus. And such was the ambition, an● intolerable pride of Maximinus, 
Idem ibid. ca. 8.  that he could endure no compan●●● or equal, and therefore sought to suppress Licinius, who neuerth●●●●●● 〈◇〉 overthrew him, and slay the greatest part of his army, and in fine G●●● also exacted of Maximinus, the penalty due to his iustice, for his ●●p●●tie, and wickedness: for after these other disgraces, and afflictions, he ●●ll sick with such extreme passion, and pain in his entrails, that he ●●ould neither eat, drink, nor sleep, but cast himself diverse times out ●f his bed, upon the ground, and so violent was his torment, 
Ibidem.  that his ●●ess leaped out of his head, and in the end, after many daies anguish in ●is manner, he died, confessing, that God did punish him, 
An. do. 314.  for his per●●cution of the Christians.  
●● Now it resteth only, that I speak a word, or two of Licinius, who ●●y the death of Maximinus, was the only colleague, and companion in ●●e empire, of Constantine the great, whose sister Constanza he had ma●●ed, having now under him, all the east parts, as Constantin had the west.  
●4 This Licinius, was not only a persecutor of Christians, but also, 
Eutrop. li. 11.  as ●●trepius affirmeth, most vicious, and covetous, and such an enemy of ●arning, that he called it, the poison and plague of common wealths. And ●hallie he was, as the same author affirmeth, passionat, and cruel in all ●●tremitie, and therefore when he had served fifteen yeares for an in●●rument of Gods iustice upon the empire, he himself received the due ●unishment of his wickedness, through his own foolish ambition, 
Euseb. in vita Constantini li. 2. c. 15.16.17.18. An. do. 318. sixth. Aurel. Victor in Constantino.  and and envy he bore to Constantius great glory, not with standing their affi●●tie, and therefore, first seeking to poison Constantin, and after making ●●pen war upon him, he was overcome by him in two cruel battailes, ●nd in the end also put to death, by his order, whereby Constantin remai●ed sole emperour: as almighty God, had in his eternal wisdom, and ●rouidence ordained, for the extinction of idolatry, and the propaga●●on of Christian religion.  
●5 Therefore, having now passed through the whole course of three ●undred and eighteen yeares after our saviours birth, and the reign ●f all the pagan emperours, from Augustus to Constantin, as I promised, 〈◇〉 will therewith end this chapter, and reserve for the next, certain ob●●ruations, and conclusions, which I mean to draw out of the premis●es, for the confirmation of my principal intention, and the further ●●tisfaction( as I hope) of my Reader.   

The conclusion of the four former chapters, concerning the religion, comm●●welth, and empire of the Romans, and first of the amplitude of their dominio● their great welth, and power, and the means how they attained unto it is br●efly signified, with a compendious recapitulation of their calamities, which aproued to be far greater then the miseries, and calamities of Christians haue be●● at any time. And finally it is declared, how their great power, and ample d●minion, served for the propagation of the faith, and Church of Christ: where it appeareth, how his providence in the conservation and amplification of the state, for the good of his church, concurred with his iustice in their severe punishment, for the abominable impiety of their religion. CHAP. 13.  
1. BEing now to conclude all this former discourse concerning the Roman Empire, I think good, for the better satisfact●●● of my curious Readers( and to make my Epitome of the Rom●● history more complete) to add first a word, or two, touchin● the amplitude, wealth, and power of the Roman Empire. Yt is therefore to be understood, that although, it be commonly said, yea,& auouche● by the ancient historiographers, that the Romans had all the world v●der their dominion( and therefore dionysius Halicarnasseus saith. 
Dionis. Halicar. antiq. Roman. li. 1.  Roma● urbs imperat toti terrae &c. The city of Rome commandeth all the earth whosoever it is accessible, and habitable, as also all the seas that are navigable,) neue●theles there was a great part, as well of Europe, northward, as of Asia, an● afric towards the east, and south, which was not subject to the Roma● Empire. But that which may truly be said concerning the amplitude 〈◇〉 their dominion is, that they commanded, an governed the greatest, a●● best part of the world, which was then known to be habitable, or r●ther, 
justus Lipsius de magnitudine Romana li. 1. c 3. Festus Rufus  as Lipsius affirmeth, as much thereof, as they thought worth the c●●quest, and convenient to be kept, and therefore whereas, trajan, subdue● the countries beyond the river Euphrates eastward, to the river Tigris( 〈◇〉 armoniac, Arabia, Mesopotania, and Assiria) and made them provinces 〈◇〉 the Roman empire, Adrian his successor gave them over again, and r●duced the empire to the former limits; which were, eastward the riu●● Euphrates, the mountain Taurus, and the country of armoniac; towar● the west, the furthest part of spain, and Portugal; towards the son●● Aethiopia; and northward the river of Rheyn, and Danuby: and further they had in their subiection, 
Appianus in prooemio hist. Lybicae. Polybius.  all the mediterranean sea, and the islands thereof,& Brittany in the northern sea, so that, as Appianus,& polybius affirm●● they possessed more, almost by the one half, thē all the other monarch● before them, to wit, then the assyrians, Medes, Persians, and Greekes.  
● Furthermore they had, as Appian testifieth, always in pay, 
Appian in pro. 〈◇〉 hist. Lyd. ca.  two hundred thousand footmen, forty thousand horse, three hundreth fighting elephants, three thousand armed chariotts, and three hundred thousand of all sorts of arms in their armouries, for the supply of necessities. Their power also by sea, was correspondent to their land-forces, for they had two thousand sail of ships, a thousand five hundred galleys, and fourscore great galleons, with their pupps, and prows guilt, for osten●ation of the majesty of the Roman empire, and for the service of their emperours, and generalls, as occasion should require; And for all this ●auie, they had always double provision in readiness.  
● finally their yearly revenue, 
Lipsius de magnitud. Romana. li. 2. c. 3. Appian in pro●●●●o hist. L●bicae.  was as( Lipsius gathereth our of their ordinary tributes, rents, gables, and taxes) above a hundreth and fifty millions, and the ready, money, which they commonly had in store, in diverse parts, for their provision of wars by sea, and land, was( as Ap●ian affirmeth) twenty five thousand egyptian talents, which according to our account, mounteth to six hundreth millions of crownes, which might seem incredible, if it were not affirmed by a grave author, and also conform to their greatness in other respects, especially seeing wee read, that the yearly rent of Crassus in the time of the Consuls, was esteemed at seven thousand and a hundred talents, 
Plutarc. in Crasso.  which after our account, mounteth almost to a eleven millions. And the riches of Marius, as plutarch testifieth, was such, 
Idem in Mario. Sueton. in julio caesar  that it might haue sufficed many kings. Also Iulius Caesar, whiles he was a private man, was able to give nine hundred thousand crownes at one gift, to L. Paulus, to withhold him for bearing arms against him, and to Curio a greater somme, saith Suetonius, to win him to his party, and much more to his soldiers, by diuers donatives, and especially at his triumph, at what time he gave them( as appeareth in Dio, and Appian) fifteen millions; 
Dio in julio caesar. Appian. de Ci●il. Rom. bellis li 4. Iaster Lapsius de magnit. ●●mana. i. 2. c. 12. Sueton. in N●●●ne ca 30.  Besides that Augustus Caesar, and Antonius, in their warres against Brutus, and Cas●ius, gave to their soldiers for one donative, above a hundreth, and fifty mil●ions, as Li●sius gathereth out of Appian; And Nero being reprehended by his mother, for ordaining two hundreth and fifty thousand crownes to be given to the soldiers of his gard, commanded the money to be all brought, and laid out before him, and when he saw it, he said, he thought it had not been so little, and ordained them as much more, and bestowed, at one other time upon Tiridates, king of armoniac, partly in his entertainment at Rome, for nine moneths, and partly for his return, above seven millions, and a half. Finally to omit diverse others, the emperour Adrian bestowed, upon his soldiers, 
Aetius Spa●●an. in Adriano.  and the people in donatives, and plays, ten millions in the feasts which he made, when he adopted Ceionius Commodus.  
4. And all this may be the better believed, seeing Zonaras testifieth tha● a greek emperour of Constantinople, 
Circa. an. Do. 800. Zona●as, Annal. To. 3.  to wit, Pasilius Porphyrogenitus wh● had but a part of the Roman empire) had in his treasure, a thousand, an● two hundred Millions of crowns, besides an infinite wealth in gold an● silver plate, and in precious stones. Whereby it may be gathered, ho● excessive were the riches, and power of the Roman empire, whiles it w●● entire.  
5 And if thou desire good Reader to know, by what means they a●●ued to so great power, wealth, and dominion, thou shalt briefly vnde●stand, that almighty God having determined, out of his eternal wisdom, and providence, to advance them to the Empire of th● world, disposed them thereto, by six political virtues wherein the● excelled other nations,( though they were otherways most viciou● and wicked, 
Chap. 7. nu. 27.& s●●●en.  as I haue declared before.) The first was, an exceeding love to their country, and common wealth. The second, 〈◇〉 strict observation of civil iustice, as well towards their enemies, a●● towards their confederates and subiects. The third was, an inuincibl● fortitude, and courage even in their greatest calamities. The fourth, a si●gular clemency, towards their subiects, and those that yielded themselves unto them. The fift was, notable prudence in government. And th● last, an excellent discipline of war, most exactly observed.  
6 Now then to come to the conclusion of all the discourse concerning the Romans, I must first put thee in mind, good Reader, what hath ben● my principal intention, and drift therein, whereby thou mayst the better judge, of the inference that I am to draw thereof. Thou mai●● remember, 
Chap. 7.& 8. per totum.  that I amply proved before, in the seventh, and eight chapters, that the religion professed by the Romans, was most ridiculous, absurd, and impious in itself, and produced two bad effects, the one atheism, and the other extreme corruption of manners: whereupon it consequently followed( as I also signified there) that it must needs be most pernicious to their common wealth, not only because atheism, 
Chap. 8.& 9.  and 'vice, are most contrary to true reason of state:( which I proved at large, in the eight and ninth Chapter) but also because false religion of itself, draweth the wrath, and vengeance of God, upon the states, that are infected there with.  
7 And whereas there might grow hereupon a great doubt, how the common wealth, and empire of the Romans, could so long stand, and flourish, as it did, in the profession, and exercise of their religion, if it were so hateful to almighty God, and consequently so prejudicial to their state, as I presumed it to be, I took upon me, for the satisfaction of this ●●ubt, to prove the verity of my aslertion, by the experience of their ●●ne histories, and to show throughout the whole course thereof, that, 〈◇〉 on the one side, almighty God did, out of his providence, advance thē 〈◇〉 the monarchy,& empire of the world( to make thereby the way to ●●e building of his Church) so also on the other side he most manifestly ●●ecuted his iustice upon thē, in punishing thē severely from time to time, ●●r their wicked religion, and the abominable fruit that it yielded.  
● This hath first appeared evidently in the Roman state, from Romulus, 〈◇〉 Augustus Caesar, by their continual afflictions, and never ceasing ●●lamities. I mean their cruel, and bloody wars, both civil, and for●●ine, their horrible plagues, and famins, their frequent inundations, ●●mmages by fire, and domestical divisions, besides other most rare, ●●d strange punishments of God, which either vexed, and infested them ●ith a continual counterchange, and intercourse one after an other( as ●●ey never failed to do) or else afflicted, and oppressed them all at once ●●s many times they did in such sort, that it may be evident to any man, ●ho shall consider the particulars related by me before, that the Roman ●ommon wealth, growing of so poor, and base a beginning, as it did, ●●ould not possibly haue resisted such torrents of miseries, and much ●●sse, haue arrived to such a height of empire, if the special providence ●f God had not conserved, amplified, and advanced it.  
● This, I say, I haue shewed sufficiently in the ninth, tenth, and elea●enth chapters, from the foundation of Rome, to the erection of their ●onarchie: and the same is no less evident also in their monarchy it ●elfe, by that which I haue discoursed in the last chapter, and may the ●etter appear by these few observations following.  
●0 Yt is manifest by the scriptures themselves, that one of the greatest ●unishments, that God layeth upon any kingdom, or country, is to ●ive it into the hands of a wicked, and tyrannical prince, and therefore our Lord threatened the same to the Iewes, as a special sign of his ●xtreame wrath and indignation, saying, Dabo eis regem in furore meo. I 〈◇〉 give them a king in my fury. And again by the prophet Isay. 
Isay. 3.  Dabo pue●e●●●●●●pe● eorum,& effaeminati dominabuntur eis. I will give them children 〈…〉 ●rinces, and effeminat men, shall rule, and govern them. And the same ●s also signified by job, when he saith, 
job. 3 4.  that God maketh the hypocrite to 〈…〉 ●ter peccata populi. For the sins of the people.  
●1 This the being so it must needs be granted, that the punishment of the Roman empire in this kind during the time of their paganism, was ex●●ting great, as well for the number of the wicked,& tyrannical emperours, as for their excess in wickedness, and tyranny, seeing it appeareth in the last chapter, that they were twenty two in all( Augustus Caesar, being counted for one, during one and forty yeares of his reign) all of them most cruel, and tyrannical, and the far greater part of them( I mean fifteen, of the two and twenty) very monsters, not only for cruelty, but also for all kind of 'vice, and wickedness, being every one of them, so void of all virtue, or good inclination, that it may well be said, they were not men, but very savage beasts, or infernal furies, revested in the habit, and shape of men, ordained for no other end, but for the scourge, and plague of the whole world.  
12 And although, there were also during the same time of paganism, one and forty other emperours, who were counted either good, or indifferent, or at least not so bad, as the others, yet if we consider, the time that the twenty two reigned, we shall find, that in continuance, and length of dominion, they far exceeded the other. For whereas, Augustus, who was the first, began his tyranny in the year seven hundred, and cleauen after the foundation of Rome, and Licinius who was the last, was overthrown by Constantin in the year one thousand twenty seven, there passed in the mean while, three hundred sixty six yeares, of which time, the tyrannical emperours, reigned at one time, and other, two hundred thirty five yeares, and the other of the better sort, but one hundred thirty one yeares: so that the two and twenty tyrannical emperours, had above a hundred yeares vantage of forty one good, o● tolerable emperours, in the space of three hundreth yeares, reigning twice as long as they. Wherein it is also to be noted, that although the good emperours were intermixed with the bad, yet there was commomlie small intermission of tyranny, especially for the first hundreth yeares, whereof ninety eight were wholly spent in the affliction, and oppression of the common wealth, excepting only the last fourteen yeares of Augustus, and the first five yeares of Nero, before he began to tyrannize.  
13 And although after these ninety eight yeares, succeeded Vespasian, and his son Titus( of whom the first may be counted tolerable in respect of his predecessors, and the second, to wit Titus, was one of the best emperours, that ever the Romans had) yet they reigned but twelve yeares betwixt them both, and the latter of them but two yeares, and presently after, followed the cruel Domitian, whose tyranny lasted fifteen yeares.  
14 And whereas after Domitian, succeeded two other of the good emperours, to wit Nerua, and trajan, for the space of one and twenty yeares, the same was counterpeised with the cruelty of their successor Adrian, who reigned, as many yeares, as they both. And the thirty six yeares reign of the two notable emperours( Antonius pus, and Marcus Aurelius, who succeeded Adrian) was ouerwaighed with the two and forty yeares tyranny of Commodus, Septimius severus, Caracalla, Macrinus, and Heliogabalus, all which five succeeded Marcus Aurelius.  
15 The like also may be observed in the ensuing times, until Constan●in. For although the good Alexander severus( who succeeded Heliogabalus reigned thirteen yeares, and the cruel Maximinus his successor but three yeares, yet considering the state of those times, we may well say, that what wanted in the reign of Maximinus, for the tyrannical oppression of the common wealth, was supplied with the tyranny of the soldiers, who oppressed( especially at that time) the emperours, and senat, and the whole empire, and slay successiuelie five emperours after Maximinus, within nine yeares, to wit, Pupienus, Balbinus, young Gordian, and the two Phillips, the father, and the son, of which, 
Vopiscus in Aurelian.  the two last were held equal in barbarous cruelty with Maximinus( as I haue declared before) and reigned five yeares, whereas the three other good emperours, reigned but four yeares amongst them all.  
●6 And presently also, ensued the disgracious deaths of six other emperours, in the four yeares that immediately followed, to wit, of Detius, and his son, of Hostilianus Perpenna, Gallus with his son, Volusianus, and Emilianus, which three last were killed by their soldiers, and although I haue not put them in the list of the tyrannical, and wicked emperours, yet they might well be counted of their crew, being very permicious to the empire, in respect of their bad government, for the short time they reigned, which was but two yeares, as I haue declared before: so that I count not their reign for any intermission, but rather for a continuance, or increase of the infelicity of the Roman empire. Whereto is also to be added the fifteen yeares calamity that presently followed, during the infamous reign of Valerian, and Gallien his son, who next succeeded Emilian. And though after Gallien, followed the good emperour Claudius,& his brother Quintilius, yet the former reigned but two yeares, and the latter but twenty daies, whereas the cruel Aurelian who succeeded them, continued his reign six yeares. And albeit there followed after him five good emperours, to wit Tacitus, Florianus, Probus, Carus, and Numerianus, yet they reigned not above six yeares amongst them all, and for two yeares of the six, the wicked Carinus reigned together with Carus, and Numerianus, and ouer-liuing them more then a year, had for his successors Dioclesian, and Maximian, whose severe, and cruel government, lasted thirty yeares, and was, within two yeares after, seconded with the tyranny of Maxentius, and the cruelti● of Maximinus, and Licinius, who were the last pagan emperours.  
17 Thus then we see, that those wicked, and tyrannical emperours were by the providence of God, so distributed from time to time in th● Roman empire( for the just punishment thereof) that there was neue● any great intermission of tyranny, and otherwhiles the most cruel, an● continual oppression that ever was heard, or red of, in any country, for so many yeares together. And thus much for the first observation.  
18 The second may be Gods iustice, and severe iudgment upon th● emperours themselves, being, as I haue said, sixty three in all( I mean● such only as were acknowledged, for emperours by the senat) wh● died all of them violently, except ten, to wit, Augustus, Vespasian, Titus, Nerua, trajan, Antonius surnamed pus, Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus, Tacitus, and Constantius. Of which ten nevertheless some writ that Augustus, Titus, and trajan were poisoned, as I haue signified in th● last chapter, 
Pero Mexia in Traiano,& Tacito.  and that Tacitus, who lived not a year, was killed by hi● soldiers; so that of sixty three, there were but only six of whose natural, and peaceable death the authors agree, the rest ending their daie● vnfortunatlie, either by the treachery of their soldiers, seruants, o● by their enemies in the field, or by their own hands, or else by the manifest hand of God; whereto I ascribe, not only the miserable end o● Maximinus, and Galerius Armentarius, who died of most strange, and horrible diseases, but also the untimely death of the emperour Claudiu● who having reigned, but two yeares, died of the plague, in a mo●● cruel, and general contagion, which miserablie afflicted the empire i● his dayes, 
sixth. Aurel. Victor in Claudio.  and therefore as Victor signifieth, Claudius finding in the fatal● books that the first, or principal man must die, for the expiation of th● common wealth, and hearing Pomponius Bassa, make offer of his life fo● the public good, said that no man was to be preferred in that point, before himself being emperour, and so saith Victor. Vitam dono reipublic● dedit. He gave his life for a gift to the common welth, and therefore was honoured with an image of gold, which was placed by the image of jupiter, so that in the opinion of the paynims themselves, he died untimely by the iudgment of God, as a sacrifice for the remedy of the public calamities.  
19 And it is also further to be observed, that so ordinary, and continual was the punishment of God upon the Roman emperours, that from the death of Augustus unto Vespasian, which was the space of fifty five yeares, seven emperours successiuelie died violently; And against afterwards from the death of Marcus Aurelius( who died in the year o● our Lord, one hundreth eighty one) the same iudgement, and punishment of God never failed in any of them, for the space of one hundreth twenty nine yeares, to wit, to the death of Constantius Chlorus, who was a great favourer of Christians, and died naturally in the year of our Lord three hundreth, and ten: during which space of a hundreth twenty nine yeares, no one emperour, died his natural death, and after Constantius, those three pagan emperours, which succeeded in the east, and west, to wit, Maxentius, Maximinus, and Licinius died disgracefullie, all three in the space of eighteen yeares, as I haue declared: whereto may also be added the like disgracious, and miserable end of all the rest, that took upon them the title of emperours( though they were not allowed by the senate, and therefore not held as lawful) who being above forty in number at one time, and other, were all of them, except some two, or three, slain by their own soldiers, or by their enemies in the field, or else they made away themselves, in so much, that of above a hundred emperours, lawful, and unlawful, there cannot be reckoned above ten, that died a natural death.  
20 moreover, it may also be noted, what diversities of disasters, and disgraces befell them in their deaths, for that some were poisoned, as Augustus, and Claudius the first: some died of the plague, as Claudius the second, and Perpenna: some were drawn like doggs up, and down the streets, as Vitellius, and Heliogabalus: some were killed in battle, as the younger Gordian, Gallien, and Carinus: and others were slain by their own soldiers, or guards, as Caligula, Pertinax, Alexander, Seuerius, Pupienus, Balbinus, and diuers others.  
21 Tiberius, was smothered with a quishon: and Decius drowned in a dirty ditch: Maxentius in the river Tiber: Carus killed with a thunderbolt: Valerianus fleied, and salted alive: Nero cut his own throat: Otho stabbed himself: Quintilius and Florian, let themselves blood to death: Adrian famished himself: Septimius severus, killed himself purposely with a surfeit: The elder Gordian hanged himself: Dioclesian poisoned himself: Galerius Armentarius rotted inwardly alive, and cast out at his mouth abundance of stinking worms, until he died: and finally Maximinus surnamed divinus, died in such extreme torments, that his eyes leaped out of his head. So that almighty God executed his judgements, upon those emperours, by all kind of miserable death, to make them liu●lie examples of his iustice, and a true spectacle, and mirror to the world of human infelicity, and misery.  
22 And to this purpose also it is to be considered, that nine and twenty of the emperours above name, did not reign amongst thē all, above five and twenty yeares and odd moneths, and yet seventeen of tho●● nine and twenty, reigned above two and twenty yeares of that tim●( two of them three yeares, as Maximinus, and his son, and the rest 〈◇〉 year, or two a piece) so that there remaineth not above three yeare● and odd moneths for the reign of the other twelve emperours, 〈◇〉 whom none enjoyed his title, above seven, or eight moneths, an● some but two, or three moneths a piece, and some of them but 〈◇〉 few dayes, in so much, that Rome had once five emperours in litl● more, then a year, to wit, Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Vesp●sian, one succeeding an other. Whereby it may appear, what hauoc● was made of the emperours in those daies, and how unfortunate a thin● it was, to attain to the highest fortune, I mean to the soueraignt● of the Roman empire, which was so well noted, by those, that wer● not wholly blinded with ambition, that when, after the slaughte● of the emperour Pertinax, the soldiers, who had killed him, set th● empire on sale, there were but two, who would offer any money fo● it, 
Chap. 12. Nu. 58.  as I haue declared: and after that again, Audentius refused it fla●lie, when it was offered him by the souldiers, and Pupienus, bein● chosen emperour by the senate, together with Balbinus, told him tha● they had small cause to rejoice, for it would cost them their liue● erryt were long, and so it did, for the soldiers killed them both within two yeares. Yea, and Taurinus, being elected by the soldiers, and forced to accept the title of emperour, drowned himself for sorrow, 
Chap. 12. Nu. 65.  as I haue signified before, so miserable was the state, an● condition of the emperours in those daies, that the wisest men, took● it to be the greatest misery, and to be eschewed even with voluntari● death, which no doubt, must needs be attributed to the special● iudgement, and iustice of God, not only upon the emperours themselves, but also upon the whole empire, which was miserablie afflicted by the tumults, civil wars, sacks, spoils, and lamentable desolation, which either accompanied, or necessarily followed the frequent slaughters, of so many emperours, and the great innovations, which ensued thereon throughout the Roman state.  
23 But what should I say of the insolency, and tyranny of the soldiers, which was for the most part, the cause of the former calamity of the emperours, and of the perpetual misery of the empire? For though the emperours had the title, and dignity of chief gouernours, yet the soldiers governed, and tirannized in effect, not only making, depriving killing, and changing the emperours at their pleasure, but also being the instruments, ministers, and maintainers of their cruelty, seeing that without their assistance, the tyrannical emperours neither durst, nor could ●ave executed their tyranny. Besides that, all the bloodshed, rapes, pilla●es disorders, and infinite calamities, that ensued of the frequent civil ●arrs, wherewith the empire was infested, sprung from no other roote, 
Ibid. Nu. 84.  ●ut from the unbridled insolency, and exorbitant passion of the ●ouldiars, as I haue sufficiently declared before.  
●4 So that, it being true, as Aristotle 
Aristotle.  saith, that where passion, and sen●ualitie predominateth, there a beast ruleth, it may truly be said, that ●he Roman empire, being almost continually governed by the passions, ●nd caprichious humours of the soldiers( who were at that time ra●ed, as I may say, out of the sinks of all nations) was ruled by a beast ●f many heads, the most vile, and savage that could be imagined. ●hereby it may also be easily conjectured, how iustice was admini●tred, or rather how it perished, how virtue was suppressed, and 'vice ●xalted, how little security men had of their lands goods, or lives; and ●inallie, how lamentable was the state of the whole empire, during this ●irannie of the emperours, and soldiers, governing for the most part, not according to the rule of reason, conscience, and law, but according ●o their own sensual, and beastly appetites.  
●5 And if to all this, we add the frequent, and most cruel contagions, conflagrations, famins, inundations earth quakes, subversion, and de●olation of cities, and provinces,& such other strange calamities, which abounded every where, during the reign of these emperours, we must needs confess, that the Roman empire, was but a very theatre, or stage, whereon was acted the most doleful, and bloody, tragedy, that ever was heard of, representing the height of human infelicity, in the persons of the Roman emperours, senat, and people, to manifest the terrible effects of Gods severe iustice, in the due punishment of false religion, idolatry, tyranny, and all kind of iniquity, and with all, to discover the vanity of human pride, wealth, honour, and glory, and the folly of those princes, who reposing more confidence in guards, armies, and power of men, then in virtue, and in the protection of God, seek rather to be feared, then beloved, and are themselves miserablie tirannized, by the instruments, ministers, and vphoulders of their tyranny.  
26 All this Isay, manifestly appeareth, in that which I haue discoursed in the last chapter, concerning the Roman emperours,& empire, from Augustus Caesar, to Constantin the great. And although almighty God, hath also diversly punished sin in all times, and still doth, even in these our daies, as every man seeth, yet, if we compare the calamities of the Romans, and their empire, in the time of paganism, with the afflictions of the ensuing ages, in the time of Christian religion, we shall evidently see, that his divine majesty, punished the former with a● rigour as his professed enemies, and chastiseth the latter, with all merci● as his children, and seruants: which I would make most evident, wit● an exact comparison of the punishments inflicted on both sorts, but tha● I haue spent already so much time in the abridgement of the Roma● history, that I am forced to hast to the prosecution of matter more necessary, for the performance of that which I principally intend in thi● treatise.  
27 Therefore I will content myself in this point, and desire thee also good Reader, to be contented with the iudgment of others, who ha●● amply handled the same subject, as well in former, as in these later t●mes, and proved clearly, that God extended his iustice, in far greate● rigour upon sinners, 
Tertul. in Apologet.  in the time of paganism, then he hath done sin●● the conversion of the world to the Christian faith. Which point is notably, though very briefly handled by Tertulian in his apology for th● Christians, against the balsams, who attributed all the calamities 〈◇〉 their time, to the demerit of the Christians, and their religion. For th● confutation whereof, Tertulian mentioneth diverse horrible punishmē● of God upon Pagans, and such as never had benne heard of, from th● coming of Christ to his daies, which was the space of two hundre● yeares; As to omit others, that the city called Hierapolis, and the island of Delos, Rhodos, and goose, were sunk, and swallowed up by the earth, o● sea and that not only the towns of sodom, and Ghomorra, but also th● cities of Vulsinium, and Pompeij in italy, were destroyed by fire, the on● from heaven, and the other from the mountain Vesuuius, which cast o●● fiery flames upon yt.  
28 This same argument, is also most amply, and learnedly treated b● Saint Augustine, and Orosius, against the Painimes of their time, who affirmed that the Christian religion was the cause of the siege, and sack o● Rome by the goths, and of all the other calamities of those daies; whereas the authors aforenamed, notably proved the contrary, shewin● that the misery of former ages in time of paganism, far exceeded th● afflictions that God laid upon the Christians, 
August. li. 1. de civit. Dei. c. 1.& l. 2. c. 1.& l. 3. c. 29 Oros. li. 7. ca. 39.  as may appear in Sain● Augustins most learned work, entitled de civitate Dei, and in the history of Orosius, which were purposely written upon that occasion. Wherein, amongst other things they declare, that the city of Rome, receiue● nothing so much damage by the goths, as it did in times past, by S●●●●● Marius, and Nero, and other of her own gouernours, yea, and that the goths spared the Christian temples, and all those who fled thereto: in so much that many balsams took sanctuary there, together with the christians, and so escaped the fury of the enemy, whereby it was eui●ent, say they, that the common affliction was much more moderat, and ●●llerable even to the balsams themselves, by the benefit of Christian ●●ligion, and by the merciful providence of our saviour Christ.  
●● And Orosius further observeth, how almighty God, out of his infinite ●ercie so disposed, that the great inundation also of the vandals, Alans, 
Idem ibid. ca. 41.  ●unnes, and other barbarous nations into the Roman empire at that time, ●as not only much more tolerable, then the like former eruptions of ●●rreine nations, had been in time past, but also turned in the end to Gods ●reater glory, whereof he yieldeth three reasons. First for that it lasted ●●at two yeares, whereas in the time of galen the emperour( to omit the ●●rmer ages) the empire was continually spoiled, and ransacked by the ●ortherne people, for almost twelve yeares together. Secondlie although ●●ey possessed themselves of a great part of spain, and other parts of ●hristendome, yet they used far greater clemency towards the inhabi●●nts, then the other barbarous nations had done in like occasions. ●hirdlie that the Church of Christ, was thereby greatly augmented by ●heir couersion, to the Christian faith shortly after: where upon the ●●me Author saith, that the mercy of God was greatly to be praised, and ●●tolled, in that he ordained by that means, that infinite number of infi●els, should receive the light of the true faith. Quam invenire utique nisi ●●at occasione non possent. Which they could not otherwaise haue found, but by this ●●casion. Thus saith he.  
●0 But he that list to see this matter, concerning the severity of Gods ●●dgments upon the paynims, copiouslie, and fully handled, 
Bosius de signis eccle. li. 1. ca. 10.& li. 15. ca. 17. Item li. 6. de ruin. Gent. ca. 2.& de Italiae statu per totum.  let him ●ead Bozius, a late writer, who in two, or three several works of his, ●ath largely, and curiously treated thereof, and proved, that the pu●ishments of God, were without all comparison, more severe upon the ●nfidels, thē ever they haue been upon the Christians, which he sheweth ●y many examples, after the flood of Noe, and the confusion of tongues ●n babylon: as by the famous deluge of Deucalion, which destroyed not on●ie all Greece, but also egypt, and great parts of Italy. The great conflagration also in Italy, which burned the greatest part thereof, and mini●tred to the poets, occasion of the fable of phaethon. The horrible cruelty of the Giants, called Lestrigones, of whom there yet remain most huge ●ones to be seen in Puteolanum. The absortion, or swallowing up, of the town Archippe in Italy, with all the inhabitants, by the opening of the earth. The destruction of the town Amiclae, by serpents. The continual, and most strange pestilence, and famine, which afflicted the Pelasglans in Italy, for twenty yeares together, and forced them in the end to abandon their dwellings, and to pass into Greece. The fourteen several eruptions of foreign nations into italy, who possessed it before Rome was built. And lastly, the innumerable and unspeakable calamities, and desolations, not only of particular cities, but also of whole countries, and provinces, by earth quakes, and inundations of the sea: as, when Sicily was divided from the continent of Italy, whereto it was joined, and when Prochita, over against the country of Campagnia in the kingdom of Naples, 
Strabo. li. 1. Plin. li. 2. ca. 92.  and the islands of Capreae, and Phitecusa, were in like sort separated from the firm land, at several times, by earth quakes, which opened the earth, and swallowed up all the land in the mid way that now the sea possesseth. And finally when the great island called Atlantica in the Ocean sea, was wholly absorbed, and drowned, with all the inhabitants, being as bog as all Asia, and afric, which happened, saith Plato, by a most terrible earthquake, continuing a whole day, and a night, with the which also, great numbers of people perished at the same time in Greece.  
31 All which, if they be added to the like strange, and terrible earthquakes, drowning, and swallowing up of towns, running together o● hills, darkness for many daies, and such other prodigious punishment● of God, upon the Romans, whereof I haue spoken before, the same, I say being added to these, and compared with the afflictions of Christian people, either in these daies, or in former times, may sufficiently testify the great, and remarkable difference of Gods judgements, upon the one, 
Bozius li. de nono& ant●●●to Italiae statu.  and the other. To which purpose Bozius, hath diligently gathered, all the plagues, famins, inundations, earthquakes, damages by fire, cruelty of tyrants, eruptions of foreign, and barbarous nations, and such other calamities, as are mentioned in the histories, to haue happened either to Christians, or to painimes, and infidels, and sheweth evidently, that those stupendious accidents of sinking, and swallowing up of towns, and such other of like quality, haue never happened in time of Christians, and that the other ordinary afflictions of plagues, famines, wars, and such like, which are common both to Christians, and Painimes, were nevertheless without all comparison, more grievous, and frequent for the space of three hundreth, or four hundreth yeares only in time of paganism, then they haue been in one thousand three hundreth yeares, of christianity, I mean, since the reign of Costantin the great, whereof I omit to lay down the particulars to avoid prolixity, having spent already much more time in this matter, then at the first I meant to do.  
32 Now then, to come to the conclusion of this discourse, concerning the Romans. As it cannot be denied, but that all human miseries, and calamities, are effects of Gods iustice, for the punishment of sin, and no sin so heinous in the sight of God, as idolatry, and false religion: it must needs be granted, that those extraordinary, and stupendious punishments, which God inflicted, upon the Romans from time to time, during their paganism, was the due penalty of their idolatry, abominable superstition, and impiety, as Tertullian, boldly signified to the Painimes in his time, in his Apology for the Christians, affirming that they were, 
Tertulian in Apologetico.  Rei ●ublicorum incommodorum. Guilty of all the public harms, and incommodities, ●nd that, they drew all mischief upon the world, by means of their idolatry, ●nd contempt of the true, and only God, for it is most credible, saith he, ●hat he is more angry, who is contemned, then those that are worshipped, and ser●ed, or else truly they are more unjust, if for the Christians sake, they hurt their ●wne worshippers. Thus saith he, worthily, ascribing all the miseries of ●hat time, to the idolatry of the Painimes, who falsely ascribed the ●ame to the desert of the Christians.  
●● This then being so, it evidently appeareth, that the false religion of ●he Romans, was most pernicious to their state, and caused infinite calami●ies therein, though in the m●ane while almighty God conserved,& aug●ented their empire, until the time prefixed in his divine wisdom, and ●oretold by the prophet Daniel, was expired, to wit, until the ston was ●ut out of the hill without hands, 
Daniel. 2. & grew to be that mighty mountain which filled the earth, that is to say( as I haue also signified before) until ●ur saviour Christ, being born of the blessed Virgin, 
Augustin concione ad cathecum.  without the help ●f man, extended, and dilated himself over the whole world in his misti●all body, which is the Christian catholic Church, whereto the ampli●●de and great power of the Roman empire served notably, as S. lo tea●heth expressly, affirming, that the divine providence, 
S. lo serm. 1. in natali Apost. Potri& Pau.  gave to the Ro●ans such a potent, and ample monarchy. Vt cito, saith he, peruios haberet ●pulos praedicatio generalis, quos unius teneret regimen civitatis. To the end that the ●enerall preaching of the gospel might haue the more speedy passage throughout all people, and nations, which should be under the government of one city.  
●● Thus saith S. lo, who also addeth further, to the same purpose, that ●hen the Apostles had received of the holy Ghost the gift of tongues,& ●euided the world amongst them, 
Ibidem.  for their more commodious preaching ●f the gospel. Beatissimus Petrus, saith he, princeps Apostolici ordinis &c. The ●ost blessed Peter, the prince of the apostolical order &c. Was destinated to the ●●ad of the Roman Empire,) that is to say, to Rome) to the end that the light of ●ath which was revealed for the salvation of all nations, might the more effe●tually spread itself from the head, over all the body.  
35 And again in the same place, the same holy Father making an el●gant Apostrophe, to Rome itself, and speaking of the glorious marti●dome of the holy Apostles, S. Peter, and S. paul, who  shed their bloo● there, 
Ibidem.  saith thus. Isti sunt &c. These are they, o Rome, which haue advanced th●● to this glory, to the end that thou becoming a holly nation, an elect people, a priest, and kingly city, and( by the holy seat of Peter) the head of the world, shouldst ha●● further, and more ample command by the means of divine religion, then by earthly dominion: for although thou art increased by many victories, and hast extend●● thy right, and power of empire far, by sea, and land, yet that which thou ha● subdued by force of arms, is less then that, which Christian peace, hath ma● subject unto thee.  
36 Thus saith this holy, and ancient Father, showing how the ampl●tude of the Roman monarchy, and the great celebrity of the city o● Rome, whiles it was Pagan, served to the propagation of the Christia● faith, and to the glorious exaltation of Christes Church.  
37 But because, I shall haue just occasion in the third part of this tre●tise, to speak more amply, of the great power, and glory of the Roma● Church, and of the chief pastor thereof, I will say no more of tha● matter in this place, and haue only touched it here, thus briefly as you see, partly to show the accomplishment of Daniels prophesy, forete●ling the rising of Christes kingdom, in the time of the Roman Empire: and partly, to yield some part of the reason, why almighty Go● out of his divine providence, conserved, and amplified the said empir● until his Church was planted, propagated and exalted. As also on th● other side, I haue shewed, that out of his iustice, he punished the Rom● and their empire, most diversly from time to time, for their false, i●pious, and absurd religion, as evidently appeareth throughout the thr●● precedent chapters. And therefore this shall suffice concerning th● Romans, and their religion.   

The absurdity not only of mahometism,( which the Turkes, Persians, an● Africans profess) but also of judaism( as it is now at this day professed, 〈◇〉 practised by the Iewes) is amply declared; with the ridiculous lies, falsities, a●● errors, taught in the Alcorā of Mahomet,& in the Thalmud of the Iewe● no less contrary to reason of state, then repugnant to the verity of religion. CHAP. 14.  
1. THe desire, I haue had( good Reader) to give thee ample satisfaction, and contentment, concerning as well the temporal state, and empire of the Romans, as their religion, hat● drawn me so far beyond, the limits, which at the first 〈◇〉 prefixed, to myself, for the handling of that matter, that I must now be much briefer, then perhaps thou maiest expect, touching mahometism, ●nd judaism: especially, seeing there resteth to be handled also here ●fter, such abundant, and important matter, concerning our Christian religion, and many other points belonging to the subject of this trea●●se, that if I enlarge myself much in the discourse of the two religions ●foresaid, I shalbe forced, either to be much more short, and scant, then were convenient, in that which more importeth, or else far to exceed ●he bounds of my desire and purpose, in the proportion of this volume, ●nd therefore I design this chapter only for those two points, and mean also to be as brief therein, as I conveniently may. First then ●ouching mahometism, I think good to lay down the beginning thereof, with the quality, and condition of the Author, before I treat of the ●bsurdities that it teacheth.  
● The author of mahometism, was Mahomet, an Arabian of base paren●age, whose father was a Painyme, or Heathen, and his mother a Iew. 
Theophan●s Cedrenus, an. 21. Heraclij Imper. Anastasius Bibliothec. apud Baron. an. 630. Pomponius Laetus in Compendio Rom. Hist. in Heraclio. Pero Mexia in Silua variae lection. li. 1. c. 13.  And ●eing after his fathers death, entertained by a wealthy widow to keep ●er camels, he married her in the end, and growing thereby no less am●itious, then rich, desired to make himself king in that country; And ●ot finding sufficient power in himself, or disposition in the people, to ●ffectuate his desire, he began to give himself out for a prophet, fai●ing revelations, and rapts by the occasion of the falling sickness, wherewith he was oft troubled, which he cloaked with the pretence that he ●ad in his fits, communication with God, and his Angels. And besides ●iuers other sleights, and devises of his own, to delude the ignorant people of the country, he had also the help, and aduise of one Sergius an ●eretical monk, professing the Nestorian, and Arian heresy, who being ●or his bad life, expelled from his covent in Constantinople, fled to those ●arts, where Mahomet lived, and falling acquainted with him, persuaded ●im to become a Christian, according to the profession of the Nestorians, ●nd Arrians, who deny the divinity of Christ, in which belief he baptized him, as some writ.  
● This infection of heresy so disposed Mahomet to atheism, and all ●mpietie, that within a while he began, with the aduise of Sergius his ●postaticall master, to set abroach a new religion, 
Ibidem.  whereto he had also ●he help of certain renegat Iewes, who informed him not only of the doctrine and ceremonies of the old law, but also of the absurd fables of their Thalmud, whereby it came to pass, that his Alcoran( which is his book of scripture) was patched up of many heresies of the Christians, diuers rites, ceremonies, and opinions of the Iewes, and a number of fabulous dreams, and mad, or rather monstrous fictions of his owns with the which he mingled also some customs of the Pagans, to the en● that his law, or religion, having somewhat of all other religions, might be the more plausible, and pleasing to all sects, and sorts of men.  
4 So that adding also, to this, all liberty of sensuality, and carnaliti●( as shall appear hereafter) he easily drew such an infinite number 〈◇〉 people, to follow him, that he presumed after a while, to take upon hi● the title,& dignity, aswell of a king, as of a prophet. And by reason th●● the Roman empire, was then much decayed( I mean in the time of H●raclius the Emperour, 
Circa an. 630.  which was about the year of our Lord six hundre● and thirty, he easily subdued all afric, and a great part of Asia, an● planted there his new sect of religion. And for as much, as he could n●● confirm it either with miracles, or yet with arguments, and reason, 〈◇〉 published, that as in former times, God gave the power of miracles t● Moyses, and to Christ, so also he had given to him the power of the swor● and commanded him to plant his doctrine therewith: in which respe●● also, he utterly forbade, not only the study of philosophy, but also a●● manner of disputation, about his Alcoran, ordaining the penalty of deat● for the transgression thereof, thereby to deprive the professors of h●● religion, of all means to discover, the absurdity, and impiety of it.  
5 And now to give thee good Reader, some taste of the doctrine, taught in his Alcoran,& of the practise thereof( at least so far forth, as seemet● to me convenient for my purposed brevity) thou shalt understand, tha● though he teach with the Christians, that there is but one God, yet h● denieth with the 
Dion. Carthus. contra Alcoran.  Sabellians, the Trinity of persons;& with the 
Pero Mexia in silua var. lect. l 1. c. 13. Hispanice.  Macedonia● the dignity of the holy Ghost( whom he maketh but a creature) an● with the 
Galiel. Reginal. in Caluinotur. li. 2 ca. 3.  Arrians, the divinity of Christ; teaching him to be but pure man yet born of a virgin, and free from sin, full of all wisdom, vertu●●& sanctity, calling him also 
Theodorus Bibitander in praefat. Alcorani. pag. 3  the spirit, the word, the power of God, the messiah promised to the Iewes in the law of Moyses, and affirming finally, that th● Iewes were forsaken by almighty God, because they would not receiu● Christ their messiah, 
Dion. Carthus. Dialo. contra perfid. Mahom. art. 3. Postel. de la religion des Tures. pa. 43 S. joan. Damascen. de Haeresib. in fine. & that by the occasion thereof, the Apostles preache● the gospel, and faith of Christ, to the gentiles, whereto also the practice of the Turkes( who profess Mahomets religion) is conform, even until thi● day, for that they admit no Iew, to be a turk, except he first confess, tha● Christ, the son of the virgin Mary, was the true messiah promised by almighty God, to the patriarks, and foretold by the prophets.  
6 Furthermore he teacheth, with the Manichees, that Christ was not pu● to death by the Iewes, but that God delivered him, from their hands,& that they crucified only his form,& shape,& that Christ himself ascended corporally into heaven, 
Theodor. Biblian. in praefat. Alcora. Cusanus in cribratione Alcorani.  and is there to remain until the coming of Antichrist, at what time( he saith) Christ shall return again, kill Antichrist,& convert the Iewes. Also he teacheth the resurrection of the dead, and approveth the law of Moyses, the psalter of david, and the gospel of Christ. Affirming, that both Christ, and Moyses, gave testimony of him, and that though the Apostles taught Christs doctrine truly, yet their successors corrupted it,& falsified both the old testament,& the new, all which he pretendeth to reform by his Alcoran. And though he seemed utterly to comdemne idolatry, yet to cotent the balsams, 
Euthym in Panoplia par. 2. Tit. 24. Cuspinian. de religione Turcarum. Septem castrens. de fide& religi. Turcar. Vide Caluinoturcis. li. 2. ca. 3. Christophorus Richerius li. 2. de morb. Turcar. Ijdem autores ubi suprae  he ordained the worship of a star, called Cubar, which we commonly call Lucifer.  
7 moreover he commandeth Circumcision, abstinence from swines flesh and wine, and maketh his sabbath day upon friday, to the end his followers might differ both from the Iewes, and from the Christians: nevertheless they cease not from work, on those daies, but use more prayer after their manner, then at other times. And whereas the Iewes turn towards the west, when they pray, and the Christians towards the east, they turn towards the south, and pray in their Mosquees,( which are their temples) five times in four, and twenty houres: the first at the sun rising, the second at midday, the third, towards the evening, the fourth, at sun setting, and the fift after supper in the night.  
8 They use also frequent lotions, or washings of their hands, faces, bellies, the soles of their feet, and their arms to the elbow, for the expiation, and remission of their sins, and if they be, where water wanteth, they rub their faces over with dust. They haue also a kind of Lent, to wit, a moneths fast every year, abstaining from all kind of meats, drink, and women all the day, which being ended, they eat, and drink freely, what they list, and spend the night in all riot, until sun rising the next day, and at the end of their moneths fast, they ce●ebrat, their paschal feast, wherein they visit certain memories of the dead, and after that they haue prayed, and eaten such meats, as they bring with them thither, they kiss on an other, and say Baaran, that is to say, God give you a good feast. And threescore daies after this paschal feast, they celebrat an other in like manner, because at that time, 
Laonic. li. 3. de reb. Turcic. apud Baron. an. 630.  their pilgrims make their perigrinations to Medina, and Mecha, which are their principal places of devotion, and especially Mecha, where Mahomets, tomb is kept with great solemnity, and visited by all the Turkes of the east parts.  
9 Also, they use to sacrifice beasts, though they do it most commonly in discharge of some vow, and the fourth part of the sacrifice is given to the priest, 
Sept●n castrens. c. 13.& alij apud Reginald. in Caluino turcissimo. li. 2. ca 3.  an other to the poor, and the third to the neig●bours,& the last remaineth to him that made the sacrifice. Their prie●● are married, and for the most part unlearned, no greater knowledge, 〈◇〉 learning being required of them, then to understand, and litterallie 〈◇〉 expound the Alcoran, which Mahomet left in the Arabical tongue, and 〈◇〉 it remaineth.  
10 They haue also certain religious men, who live single, and vnma●ried. They hold all mad men for saincts, or holy men, esteeming them 〈◇〉 be surprised with a divine fury. They bury no dead bodies in their temples, but in certain places assigned for that purpose, whither they car●● their corses, 
Vide Reginaldum in Caluinoturcis. li. 3. c. 20.  with wax candells in their hands, accompanied with thei● priests, and religious men. And although Mahomet left the office of chee●● priest, or bishop annexed to the regal dignity( as he exercised both hi● self) yet in time, his successors being divided amongst them selue● the dignities also ecclesiastical, and temporal came to be separated i● such sort, that the prince obeyeth the chief Bishop, in all things belonging to religion, 
Postel. de la iustice des Turcs. Belforest Cosmograph li. 2. c. 9. To. 2.  and therefore the Emperour of the Turkes, beareth suc● respect unto the Muphti( for so is the chief priest, or bishop called that he riseth out of his seat as oft, as the Muphti, cometh to him, layin● his hand upon his breast, and bowing his head down to the ground t● do him reverence.  
11 But to return to Mahomet, and his Alcoran( and to show withal● his bestialitie, and the absurd impiety of his law) he ordained that hi● followers shall mary two, three, or four wives, except they fear 〈◇〉 that they cannot keep so many in peace one with an other: and in tha● case, 
Alcoran Azoar. 8.& 32.  they may marry so many under the number of four ( saith 〈◇〉 Alcoran) as their hands can chastise. And further he alloweth them t● haue the company of as many seruant women, as they are able to keep, and to repudiat, and dismiss their wives, and to marry others, or th● same again, at their pleasure, so that they do not repudiat, or remarri● one wife above three times.  
12 And although Mahomet ordain, that he which committeth adultery with an other mans wife, shalbe stoned to death, together with her, and that he who is known to haue the company of an other woman, except his own wife, 
Pero Mexia. silua. var. lect. par. 4. c. 1 Italiae ex ipso Alcorano. c. vacca. &c. elnasa.  seruants, and slaves, shall haue fourscore blowe● with a cudgel: yet he alloweth, the detestable sin, which is termed, Peccatum nefandum( the sin not to be name, commonly called Sodomy) either with men or women, so that it be with such as profess his law. And albeit, he granteth, but four wives at once to other men, yet so extravagant, and exorbitant was his own lust, that he had at once seventeen wives, besides many concubines, pretending to haue a spe●●all privilege from almighty God, for the same, as also to abuse other ●ens wives, and his own kinswomen, at his pleasure, as appeareth by ●ertaine constitutions in his Alcoran, which he feigned to haue made by ●peciall order, and commission from almighty God.  
●● And whereas some of his wives, 
Ca. 271. Vide P●ro Mexia par, 4. c 1. silua var. lect. Italiae.  having once taken him tardy with young woman, called Maria, murmured greatly thereat, and seemed to ●onder how his adulteries could stand with the sanctity, and hollines ●f a prophet of God, and why God dispensed with him alone in all these ●asess, he assembled all his wives, and having red unto them the foresaid ●onstitutions of his Alcoran, and called to witness the Archangels, Mi●●aell, and Gabriel, he told them further, that they ought to repent, for ●hat they were out of the right way, and threatened them also, that if ●hey were obstinate, God would separate them from him, and give him ●etter wives, who should be rich, faithful, penitent, wise, virgins, and should ●raise, adore, and serve God. Which when his wives understood, seeing them ●elues in danger to be divorced from him, they seemed to be sorry for ●heir fault, and suffered him afterwards to do what he listed.  
●4 Lo then what a holly prophet, this Mahomet was, and what a hol●ie religion he left to the world, which yet may the better appear, if wee consider what reward he assigned in the next life, for his followers, 
Bellonius des. singula●. rites l. 3. c. 7. Caluinoturcis. l. 4. c. 20. Silua di varia lection. Italiae par. 4. c. 1. Alcoran. c. 1. 54. 65. 66.& 97. Cicero office. li. 1.  which was nothing else, but sensual pleasures, and such beastly carnali●ie, that I am ashamed to set down the particulars thereof, and therefore I think good to remit thee, good Reader, to the authors quoted ●n the margin, his own Alcoran, and an other work of his called Zuma, where it evidently appeareth, that his law, and religion, is more ●it for hogs, and swine, then for reasonable creatures, such being the very nature, and condition of the sensual pleasures of the body( as Ci●ero well observeth) that if any man be a little more addict thereto, then ordinary( so that he be not ex pecudum genere, of the kind of beasts, for some men, saith he, are men in name only, and not in deed) he dissembleth, and hideth as much as he may his appetite, and desire of these pleasures, even for very shane, whereby( saith Cicero) it appeareth, that the pleasures of the flesh are not to be accounted worthy of the excellent dignity of man. Thus saith he, concluding such men, as are given wholly to lust, and sensuality, for no better then beasts, and to be unworthy of the name of men.  
15 Therefore, what shall we say of Mahomet, who was so far transported with his own beastly lust, that he not only abandoned himself wholly thereto, but also placed the end of his religion, and felicity of man therein, 
Alcor. Azoara 97.  calling it. Optimam Dei remunerationem. The best rewar● of God, and making paradise, no better then a bawdy house, or stews Doth he deserve to be called the prophet of God, seeing that in Cicero hi● opinion, he deserveth not the name of a man? Or can his doctrine meri● to be called a religion, 
Chap. 2.& 3  which all Painimes, no less then Christians, agre● to consist in union with God, as I haue sufficiently declared before, ou● of the opinion of the best philosophers?  

Auicenna li. 9. 18. suae metaphis.  16 No marvel then, that Auicenna having benne nourished in Mahomets law from his infancy, grew in the end by the very study of philosophy, to contemn and reject it, and therefore he saith. Lex quam dedit Mahumetus &c. The law which Mahomet gave, doth only show the felicity, or misery of the body, but wise divines, that is to say, true philosophers, do much more aspir● to true felicity, then to the happiness of the body, which, though it were graunte● them in the highest degree, yet they would little esteem, in comparison of the tru● beatitude, which is conjoined, with the first truth, that is to say with God. Thus saith he, being himself a Mahometan, by education and profession, who nevertheless witnesseth, as you see, that Mahomet in his law, neither taught nor sought, the true felicity consisting in union with God, but only the false or supposed happiness of the body, where upon i● must needs follow, that his carnal, and sensual law, deserveth not the name of religion, not having so much, as any pretence of the true en● of religion.  
17 But how vain, and impious, both he himself, and his pretended religion was, it may yet further appear by many ridiculous, and absurd lies, avouched by him in his Alcoran for serious, and religious truths, whereof I will relate some two, or three, to the end thou mayst, good Reader, the better judge thereby of the spirit, that possessed this great prophet, and inspired him in the institution of his law.  
18 Thou shalt therefore understand, that though he sometimes exclude Christians and all others, that do not profess his law, from his imagined paradise of pleasure, designing them to hell, and eternal damnation, yet as he is in many other things, full of contradictions,( which sufficiently bewrayeth his lying spirit) so he is also in this, allowing a place in his paradise to Christians, 
Euthimius in panopia par. 2. Titu. 24.  Iewes, and Samaritans, albeit he assign them very mean offices there. As to Christians, and Iewes, to be woodcarriers, to make fires( for belike there will be could winters, as well there, as in earth) and the Samaritans, he saith, shall carry out the dung, and ordure, which otherwise might make that pleasant place unsavoury. And amongst many other glorious things, which he promiseth in his paradise, he describeth goodly riuers, some of honey, some of milk, and others of Aromatical wines, and telleth of Angels, whose heads are so great, 
Pero Mexia sil. var. lect. par. 4. ca. 1. Italicè. Dionys. Carthu. in sert. Mahom. l. 3. art. 8.  ●●at one of their eyes, standeth a daies journey from the other, and no ●oruaile, seeing he also saith, that there are certain other Angels, which ●staine, and support the seat of God, having such ample, and spacious ●●cks, that if a bide should fly continually a long by them, shee should ●●antlie be able in a thousand yeares, to arrive from one of their ears, 〈◇〉 the other.  
●● But if this may not pass currant, for a lye, I hope, that of the next there ●ilbe less difficulty, he thanketh God greatly in his Alcoran, 
Alcoran. c. 150.  for con●ying him once from his oratory in Mecha, first to jerusalem, and from ●ence to the seat, and throne of God in heaven, with incredible speed, ●hich journey, he relateth in this ridiculous manner.  
●● He saith, that one night as he was at his prayers, the Angel Gabriel ●●me unto him, and told him, 
Bellonius des singularites li. 3. ca. 7. Vide Caluinoturcis. li. 4. ca. 20.  that God would haue him to come pre●●ntlie to speak with him, and that he mounted out of hand, upon his ●●asty, and wise steede, called Alborac, which could speak as well as he, ●●d began to dispute with him, and would not set forward, until he ●●d promised him, to pray to God for him, and not to leave him at ●●auen gates, but to take him in with him.  
●● This doughty beast, was, as he describeth him, like an ass, but some●hat bigger, and yet less then a mule, and of such velocity, that in the ●ace of an hour, he would make a journey of fifty thousand yeares: in 〈◇〉 much, that in the twinkling of an eye, he went from Mecha, to Hierusa●●●, from whence he passed forward the rest of his voyage, through ●●en heaves, or spheres, whereof the first was made of silver, the second 〈◇〉 gold the third of a certain precious ston, that hath no name, the ●urth of smaragdus; the fift of diamond; the sixth of Carbuncle; and the ●●uenth of a divine light,& that every one of these heauens, had a gate, ●hereat Gabriel knocked a good while, and could not be let in, till he ●●d  told, that the prophet Mahomet came with him.  
●● In all these heauens he describeth diuers forms of angels, some like ●ē, others like oxen, others like horses, some like cocks, and some like ●●her birds, all which he saith, do pray for creatures of their form, ●●d he himself prayed for them all.  
●● He saw also in those heauens, innumerable stars made of silver,& tied ●ith golden chains, lest otherwise, they might fall out of their places,& 〈◇〉 these stars( besides the ornament, 
Pero Mexia in sil. par. lect. ubi supra.  which they give to heaven) he assi●eth also a particular office, to wit, to keep watch,& ward, against de●●ls, which do use to go to heaven, to harken,& spy, what is done there: 〈◇〉 home they drive away with firebrands. And in the last heaven, he saw an infinite number of Angels, every one of them infinitely greater the● the world, having twenty heads a piece, and in every head, a millio● of mouths, and in every mouth, twenty thousand tongues, whic● praised God, with seven hundreth thousand thousands of language● And amongst the rest he saith, there was one Angel, who wept bitterl● for his sins, for whom he prayed, as also he had done before for Moys●● and diuers other of the old patriarkes, and prophets, whom he saw 〈◇〉 his journey, in diuers heauens, though when he met with Christ,( wh● was in the seventh heaven) he saith, he prayed not for him, as he h●● donne for the rest, but recommended himself to his prayers.  

Ibidem.  24 To conclude, when he came to almighty God, he found him s●●ting in a magnificent throne, though he could not be suffered to appro●● him, by two bowshot, in all which space the flooer was covered wi●● rich tapestry, and there, he saith, God commanded him to ordain, th● his people should say fifty prayers every day, and yet afterwards, he o●tained, as he saith, dispensation for all those prayers, except five, by t●● counsel of Moyses, who being in the fourth heaven, and vnderstandin● at Mahomets return, what God had ordained, advised him to go back 〈◇〉 God, to procure dispensation thereof, which he saith, cost him five io●neis from the fourth heaven to the last, obtaining every time, release 〈◇〉 some part of the prayers, and when Moyses would haue had him, to 〈◇〉 turn to God the sixth time( assuring him, that the people would not 〈◇〉 so much as those five prayers which remained) he saith, he was so we●rie, that he would go back no more, but went on his journey to Hie●●salem, and from thence to Mecha, and all this long voyage, and importa●● negotiation was performed, saith he, in the fouretenth part of one nig●●  
25 Now then I doubt not, good Reader, but that thou wilt take 〈◇〉 this tale, for some drunken dream, or fantastical conceit, of a cra●● brain, or else for a fable of some one that lied for a wager, or a wh●● ston, rather thē for a religious history, or a prophetical vision, seeing containeth such absurd, and ridiculous matter, as thou hast heard, 〈◇〉 which sort his Alcoran, and other works are so full, that it may v●● appear, what manner of men they are, who beleeue,& follow his la●● to wit, most ignorant idiots, of brutish, and beastly condition.  
26 For who is he that hath but any principles of ordinary learnin● or knowledge, that will not presently discover the absurd foolery 〈◇〉 these, and diuers others his prodigious fictions, as that the moon w●● once equal in brightness with the sun, 
Dionys. Carthus. in sect. Mahom. li. 3. ar. 8.  until the angel Gabriel, passi●● in hast to heaven, chanced to rub upon it with his wings, and to p●●● out a great deal of the light of it, and that there upon grew the difference betwixt day, and night. 
Euthym. in Panoplia. par. 2. Tit. 24. Dionys. ubi supra. Idem ibid. art, 6.& Pero Mexia par. 4. ca. 1. siluae &c.  Also that the sun every night goeth to ●●ash itself, and so riseth again, very pure, and clear in the morning: ●nd that the sun is in a warm fountain, and the fountain in a ●ake, and the snake in a great space, and the space in the hill called Kaff, ●nd the hill Kaff, in the hand of an Angel, which holdeth up the world ●ntill the day of iudgement: and that the heaven was made of smoke, ●nd smoke of a vapour of the sea, and the sea of the hill Kaff, which ●uironeth all the world, and holdeth up the heauens.  
●7 What man, I say, is there of understanding, who will not take this ●o be an idle discourse of some mad bedleme, or frentick man, of which ●ort also he hath many others touching some of our histories, of the old, ●nd new testament, whereof he taketh such part as it pleaseth him, to ●erue him, as it were, for a plain song to deskant upon, after his ridi●ulous manner, grounding thereon many loud, and lewd lies. As when and saith, 
Euthym. in Panoplia vt supra.  that the blessed virgin Mary( whom he maketh to be sister to Moyses, and Aaron) being near her time of travail, sate down by a ●alme three, and wished shee were dead, and that upon a sudden Christ are down by her, and comforted her, and finally, that God bad her ●ake the palm three, 
Idem li. 2. ar. 39.  and eat of the fruit to strengthen herself therewith &c.  
●8 He telleth also of Salomon, that he gathered a huge army of Angels, ●euils men, birds, and beasts and that he came to a great flood of Ants, ●●t pismires, 
Silua var. lect. par. 4. ca. 1.  where of one persuaded her fellowes to go into their holes ●est Salomon, and his soldiers should kill them, and when shee had ●aid so, she smiled. And that Salomon died leaning upon his staff, and ●toode so, a long time, in so much, that the divels, which were under his ●ommaund, did not know, that he was dead, until at length the stafe, ●eing eaten, and consumed by a worm, broke, and his body fell to the ●round, which when the devils saw, they went away, and did much mischief to men.  
●9 many such fond, and impious fictions, he hath of Adam, Abraham, Moyses, jacob, joseph, david, and the old patriarks, which I purposely omit, ●earing to cloy thee, good Reader, with such impertinent toys, and tri●les. And for as much as the absurdity thereof is evident to common ●ense, and that all his religion is built upon such vanities, lies, and mon●trous heresies, that it needeth no other confutation, then the bare rela●ion thereof, I will pass further to examine briefly, how the same agreeth with policy, to the end it may appear that this his law, or religion, is not only false, and irreligious, but also contrary in diuers things, to reason of state.  
30 First then, whereas the principal benefit, and chief end of tru● religion in common wealth, is to unite the same with God, and thereb● to make it happy,( as I haue proved here to fore at large) it is manifest that there can follow no such effect of mahometism, 
Chap. 2.& 3.  but the clean co●trarie, seeing it is false, vain, impious, and absurd, as I haue declare● and therefore abominable in the sight of God, and consequently mo●● prejudicial to common wealth, which dependeth wholly on the wil● and favour of God.  
31 Secondlie, his ordinance of Polygamy, or the plurality of wives, 〈◇〉 against the true reason of state, because it is contrary to true Oeconom● that is to say, to the good government of families, with out the which 〈◇〉 common wealth can stand, seeing that particular families, are as I may sa● the elements, or letters, wherewith all common wealths are compose● And that, polygamy, is against good economy, it is evident, for that it i●pugneth two of the special ends of matrimony, whereof the one is, th● peaceable society of man, and wife, and the other the remedy against concupiscence, not only in men, but also in women.  
32 And to say some what briefly of both, and first of the forme● Aristotle teacheth that man, 
Arist. li. 8. othic. ca. 12.  and woman, are by the law of nature cōioyned in marriage, not only for procreation, but also for a loving, an● socieable cohabitation, to the end, they may jointly, govern their f●milie, according to the diversity of their sexes( for some things, sait● Aristotle, 
Ibidem. Eccl. 25.  do properly belong to the administration of men, and other to the care, and charge of women.) And here upon the wise man sait● Stabilimentum domus, vir,& mulier, been consentientes. The stay, or assur●● of a house, or family is, a man, and a woman, agreeing well together. B●● this loving, and peaceable cohabitation, cannot stand with the plurality of wives, for it is skantlie possible, that the husband can lo●● diuers wives, all alike, where upon there must needs grow enui●● ielosies, contention, and discord, not only amongst the wome● themselves, and their friends, but also betwixt them, and the●● husbands, and consequently amongst their children, and seruant● every one, 
Arist. Oeccnom.  taking part with those, which he most affecteth, a●● Aristotle observeth notably well, saying, that where the husband and wife, agree well together, there friends rejoice, and their enimyes are affected, and when they disagree, their friends also fall at debate.  
33 And this in the houses of great personages, may breed much inconvenience, not only to the families themselves, but also to the common wealth, by reason of partialities, and enmities, which by the occasion of the women discontented, may arise also abroad betwixt their kinsfolks, and breed, tumults, seditions, yea, and civil wars, to the great danger, and overthrow of the state, as may appear by that which I haue discoursed in the first part of this treatise, 
Chap. 7. Nu. 14 15.16.17.18.19.& 20.  where I haue declared the great danger of seditions, growing very oft upon small occasions, even betwixt women, or children, whereof I alleged there diuers examples, and therefore do remit my Reader thereto, concluding for the present, that seeing peace, concord, and amity, are most necessary to the good estate as well of the whole common wealth, as of every particular family, and that love, and amity cannot be conserved in private families, and is also probably endangered in the whole common wealths, by the plurality of wives, it must needs follow, that the ordinance, and use thereof, is both against good economy, and also against reason of state.  
34 The other end of marriage, which is impeached by the plurality of wives, is the remedy, against concupiscence, which on the behalf of the woman, is little, or nothing at all remedied, where many wives, haue one husband, and the greater that the number of wives, and concubines are, the less is the remedy, which they haue thereby, as it is evident enough in itself, without further proof. Besides that, it is a certain iniquity, and injustice, that every woman should by contract, give herself wholly unto one husband, and he divide, and part himself amongst many wives, especially, seeing our apostle teacheth, that the husband hath not power of his own body, but his wife, whereby it appeareth, that although in matters touching the government, and direction of the family, the wife is inferior to the husband, and ought to obey him, yet for the bed, there is equality between them, not only because she equally concurreth with him to the procreation of children, but also because she hath as much need of remedy against concupiscence as he, yea, and more in respect, that shee is weaker, and more frail then he, and therefore the law of polygamy, providing a superfluous, and excessive remedy for the man, and very little, or none at all for the woman, but rather a greater incentiue, and provocation to lust, is most unjust, and injurious to all woman kind, and consequently, to the on half of every common wealth, or rather of the whole world, in which respect it is not only against reason of state, but also contrary to the law of nature.  
35 And this is also clear, by the very first institution of marriage, where upon our saviour said, that God made man at the first, one man, 
Matth. 19. Mar. 10.  and one woman,& propter hoc, saith he, relinquet homo patrem &c. and for this, a man shall forsake his father, and mother, and adhere to his wife, and they shall two in one flesh, and therefore now they are not two, but one flesh. Thus sait● our saviour, signifying plainly, that according to the first institution o● marriage, one man can haue but one wife at once, nor one woman, mo●● then one husband at once, as it is manifest, not only by his maner o● speech, speaking of man, and wife, in the singular number, but muc● more by the inference, and conclusion, saying; therefore now they are 〈◇〉 two, 
Ibidem.  but one flesh, which cannot be verified, but betwixt two.  
36 But perhaps you will ask, how then it came to pass, that the ob●● patriarks had more wives then one at once, 
Gen. 16.& 30. 1. Regum. c● 25. Gen. 4.  as Abraham, jacob, Daui● &c. Whereto I answer, that although from Adam to Lamech( who was the first that married two wives, being a wicked man, as the scriptu●● testifieth) there was not any alteration of the first institution of mariag● of one man with one woman,( which custom had continued above 〈◇〉 thousand yeares) yet afterwards almighty God, having not only extinguisshed all mankind( except Noe, 
Gen. 7.  and his family) but also much abbreuiated the lives of men, dispensed with them, to haue many wives fo● the more speedy reparation and increase of mankind, to the end tha● the world might be the sooner replenished. nevertheless this custom● of polygamy ceased generally, no less amongst the Iewes, then among●● the Gentills, before Christs time, not only because the reason, and caus● of the dispensation ceased,( the world being sufficiently multiplied) b●● also, by reason of the inconvenience, that men generally found therein And as for the Iewes, it is evident enough, that they had no use of polygamy, 
Matth. 19.22.& 27. Mar. 10.& 12. luke. 1.3.14.16.& 20. Act. 5.& 18. 1. Cor. 7. luke. c. 1.  in Christs time, as may appear first, by the very phrase, and speec● of the scripture of the new testament, where the Pharisees, or wh● else soever had occasion to speak of wives, used always the singular number, speaking of a wife, and not of wives; secondlie fo● that there can be no example alleged of any, that had two wives, 〈◇〉 once, at that time, whereas the contrary seemeth to be evident in Zachary, who having a barren wife( to wit Elizabeth) never married other, but lived continually with her alone without children, until they were both old. 
awl Gellius li. 18. ca. 6.   
37 And as for the Gentills, though in more ancient, and rude times polygamy was admitted in some countries, yet it was never generally received, 
Arist. polit. 7. oeconom.  yea, and grew in the end to be generally excluded out of the best, and most politic common wealths, as may appear both by Aristotle,( who ordaineth Monogamy, that is to say, the use of one wife only) in his politics, and Oeconomiks: and also by the ancient civil law of the Romes, wherein those were held to be infamous,& punished also other ways, who had more wives then one, at once. And there is no doubt, 
F. de his qui notantur infamia. lege 1. Item c. de incest nuptijs neminem& ad leg. julian de Adulterijs lege ●um qui.  but that swell this law of the Romans, as also that other of Aristotle, had no other round, then the very law of nature, and reason of state, in respect of ●he great inconvenience that they observed to grow both to private fa●ilies, and to the whole common wealth by plurality of wives; where●ppon I conclude, that Mahomets law, not only allowing, but also com●aunding plurality of wives, and multiplicity of concubines, is absurd, ●nd contrary aswell to reason of state, as to the primitive, and natural ●nstitution of marriage.  
●8 Yet here perhaps, it may further be demanded, why plurality of ●iues should not be necessary for multiplication, and increase of the people, as also for a remedy against fornication, and adulteries, seeing and see, that some women are barrein, and some more fruitful then ●thers; and that no woman, after that shee hath conceived, is fit for further procreation, until shee be delivered, whiles at the same time, one ●an may haue diuers children, by diuers women, and having many law●ul wives, may haue also means to avoid fornication, whiles some of ●hem are sick, or lie in childbed, or haue other impediments.  
●9 To this I say, first concerning procreation, if this were the only or ●heefe end of man, it might be said, with the more reason, that Poliga●y, were most convenient for him, and necessary, for common wealth, out seeing that God hath given to man, the appetite, and power of pro●reation, not to place his end, or felicity therein, but to the end that mankind being propagated thereby, may continually serve God, and be ●nited with him( wherein consisteth mans felicity) it followeth, that procreation is so to be used, that on the on side, mans felicity be not hindered thereby, and one the other side, mankind may be sufficiently propagated, that is to say, seeing that the excellency, and perfection of man, consisteth in his soul, and not in his body, and that therefore the body is inferior, and subordinat to the soul, and sensuality, to reason, it followeth that the appetites, and pleasures of the body and senses, are no further to be allowed, or used, then they are ruled, and guided by reason, and may serve, or avail to the end, and felicity of man, consisting in his union with God, whereto the propagation of mankind, and all human actions, are specially to be referred.  
40 whereupon I infer, that the procreation which is convenient, and necessary for the multiplication of mankind, ought to be such, as may not hinder the chief operation of the soul, that is to say, contemplation, whereby man is united with God, and made happy, both here, and eternally.  
41 But is there any thing that doth more hebctat, dull, and offuscat, the understanding, or as I may say bestialise, the soul of man, the● the excess of the pleasures of the flesh.  
This all philosophers do uniformly teach, who require nothing more, in a contemplative man, aspiring to a perfect union with God, then that by all means possible, he abstract himself, from his body, and senses, and from all the delights, and pleasures thereof; as shall appear farther hereafter, when I shall treat of philosophical, and Christian contemplation, and therefore now in this place I will content myself, 
Auicenna li. 9. suae metaphies.  with the only testimony of the philosopher Auicenna, a Mahometan in profession, who speaking of true felicity, taxeth by the way, the bestialitie of the Mahometans, saying, thus. We can haue no feeling of the true felicity in our bodies, because we are drowned, and ouerwhelmed, with the filthy pleasures thereof. Thus saith he, and very truly, so far forth as concerneth Mahometans, who following the ordinance of their lawmaker, and false prophet, are so drunk, and drowned in the brutish delights of the flesh, that they haue no more taste, or imagination, of the pleasures of the soul, and true felicity of man, then the very bruit beasts, as may sufficiently appear, by that which I haue signified before concerning Mahomets paradise, and the felicity that his followers expect in the next life.  
42 Therefore, the procreation which is convenient for the end of man, and consequently for the propagation of mankind, ought to be conform to the excellency of human nature, that is to say, moderat, voided of all excess, and balanced with reason, such I mean, as that mankind may be sufficiently increased, and yet other inconveniences avoided, which must needs follow vpon Mahomets polygamy,& concubinage, as I haue declared before.  
43 But perhaps, you may ask me, how it chanced then, that polygamy, hindered not contemplation in the Patriarks, who were great contemplatives, and familiar with almighty God? Whereto I answer, that as God dispensed with thē to use polygamy vpon just causes( which I haue declared before) so also he gave them, an extraordinary grace, to use it with great moderation, as it is evident in Abraham, whom Sarai his wife( seeing herself to be barrein) entreated to take Agar her handmaid also, 
Gen. 16.  to the end he might haue some issue by her. And when,( saith the scripfure,) he yielded to her request, shee delivered Agar unto him, in vxorem, for a wife. Whereby we may see, how reserved, and temperat, this great contemplative patriarch was, in the use of polygamy.  
44 And now to say some what concerning the pretended necessity of polygamy, for the multiplication of the world. Cannot the world be suf●●cientlie multiplied, except polygamy be admitted? Were not the common ●elths of the Romans, and other gentiles, most populous, notwithstan●ing their continual warres, and great mortality by plagues, and other ●ccidents, whiles nevertheless they excluded polygamy, yea, 
Chap. 30. Nu. 32.& 33.  and greatly ●steemed the virtue of continency, and chastity, as I will declare here●fter? And are not our Christian common wealths at these daies, most ●umerous, and abundant of people, though not only polygamy, is pro●ibited, but also single, and chast life, embraced of an infinite number of ●oth sexes?  
●5 And who knoweth not even by common experience, throughout ●ll the course of mans life, how true it is, which the Apostle saith. 
1. Cor. 3.  Neque ●●i plartat est aliquid, neque qui rigat, said qui incrementum dat Deus. neither he ●vhich planteth is any thing, nor he which watereth, but God which giveth the ●●crease? Who knoweth not, I say, that it is no less true in regard of ●ans fructification, then in the increase of all other things, seeing that ●ecunditie, and fruitfulness, aswell, in men, as women, as in all other ●reatures proceedeth principally of Gods benediction, who as the ●oyall prophet saith. Facit sterilem in domo, matrem filiorum laetantem. 
Psal. 112.  Ma●●th ●●●●●ey●● man in her house a glad, and joyful mother of children? thereupon it followeth, that a plentiful offspring, and issue, procee●eth of Gods blessing, and providence, and not of plurality of wives, or ●oncubines.  
●6 is it not often seen, that some one man, hath more children, by one ●●wfull wife, then others haue by many concubines? Hereof Mahomet  himself may serve for a witness, who having seventeen wives, besides ●oncubines, without number, had nevertheless no other children, but one ●nly daughter( as I haue signified before) which I ascribe to the parti●uler providence of God, who to check, and frustrat, as well his wicked ●aw, as his exorbitant lust, and to show the vaintie of the law, even in ●he law maker, gave him some issue( to wit one child) to the end it ●ight appear thereby, that he was not by nature barren, and suffered ●im to haue no more, contrary to all human expectation, to the ●nd, that his divine iustice might be evident in the punishment of ●im.  
●7 Therefore I conclude, that polygamy, is not of necessity, for the increase 〈◇〉 multiplication of the world,& that the moderate use of one wife, is ●ot only most convenient for good economy, but also conform to the temperance that is requisite to human nature,& to the first institution of ma●●●●e, wherewith Gods benediction hath specially concurred in all ages, and still doth, for the sufficient propagation of mankind, and conservation of common wealths. whereas Mahomets polygamy, and the unbridled liberty, which he giveth to the flesh, is, as I haue declared, n●● less contrary to the law, and rules of true Oeconomie, then to the very law of nature in the first institution of marriage, yea, and obscureth th● understanding of man, oppresseth the spirit, and wholly hindereth th● chief operation of the soul, which is the contemplation of God, an● consequently maketh men more like beasts, then reasonable creature● and depriveth them finally of the true felicity of man, and commo● wealth.  
48 So that, though there be also in Monogamy( that is to say, in t●● marriage of one wife only) some inconveniences some times( as natur●● sterility, or impediment of conception by sickness, or such like, redo●●ding to the hindrance of procreation) yet forasmuch as no earthly co●moditie, is without some discommodity,& that the least evil, is alwa●● to be chosen, where all evils cannot be avoided, yea, and that in th● case, the inconveniences that accompany Monogamy, do hap b● sometimes, and concern particular persons, whereas the detriments 〈◇〉 polygamy, are far more general, and do prejudice, the public weal●● as I haue signified before; therefore I say, the use of Monogamy, is to 〈◇〉 retained in common wealth, and polygamy, excluded, and much mo●● such a profuse, and inordinate concubinage, as Mahomet ordaine●● Thus much concerning the supposed necessity of polygamy, for pr●creation.  
49 And now to say some what to the other part of the obiectio● touching the remedy against concupiscence, in case of the wives sikne●● or other impediments. The satisfaction of this doubt, will be nothing difficult, to them, that shall duly consider the office, and duty of a ma● that is to say, of a reasonable creature, in whom roason ought, to pred●minat, and command the inferior powers of the soul, wherein m●● specially differeth from brute beasts, which are carried headlong wi●● sensuality, and therefore no virtue is more proper to man, or more r●quisit in him, or more political, and necessary for common wealth, the Temperance, which bridleth sensuality, and represseth the heat, and fur●● of lust. In which respect, Plato treating of the virtues, that are most f●●● for every member of the common wealth, though he require some o●● virtue rather in one man, then in an other( as prudence in the magistrat● and fortitude in the soldiers) yet he holdeth Temperance to be so nece●sarie in every man, 
Plato li. 3. de Rep.& li. 4. de leg.  of what degree, or condition soever he be, that with out it, saith he, no man can be a good member of his common welt● So that he, who hath so little stay of himself, that he can never forbear ●he company of women, when he feeleth himself stirred, or moved ●hereto, is unfit, and unworthy to live in any civil society of men, ●eing no better then a very bruit beast, yea worse then a beast, seeing ●hat beasts do not use copulation, but with moderation, at certain ●imess, and convenient seasons, as experience teacheth.  
●0 Therefore plutarch with great reason, highly commendeth a law, ●f Solon, concerning the repression of choler, 
Plutarc. in Lolone.  whereby he ordained ●unishment, for those who quarreled, or fell out with any man, either ●n the temple, or in the princes palace, or in the theatres. For it seemed ●o Solon,( saith Plutark) that although( the ordinary possibility of men ●nd their infirmity considered) it were not to be expected, that men, ●hould never be transported with choler, yet never to be able to bridle ●t at any time, or in any place, proceedeth of such exorbitant passion, ●hat it is rather bestial, then human, and deserveth punishment by the ●awes. Thus saith he.  
●1 And the like I say in this our case, that although human frailty ●eing considered, it cannot with reason be expected, that every man ●hould always live continent from women,( without the special grace ●f God, whereof I treat not here,) yet he that will never do it, is ra●her to be counted a beast, then a man, and worthy to be chastised. And ●herefore as God hath ordained marriage in respect of mans infirmity, ●or a lawful remedy, against the temptation of the flesh,( to be taken, ●nd used with moderation, so also both divine, and human laws, justly ●unish adultery, and fornication, in respect of the dominion, that every man is bound, by the prescript, and law of human nature, to haue over ●is passions, and sensual desires.  
●2 Further more, who knoweth not, that the way to quench the flames of lust, is not to loose the bridle unto it, by the inordinat, and exces●iue use thereof( which though it seem to repress it for a while, yet doth in deed so incense, and kindle it that it becometh inextinguishable, ●nd draweth men, as experience teacheth, to most horrible sins against nature) but the remedy to conquer it, is to strive against it, no less then ●gainst other bad affections, and passions of the mind, which by diligent resistance, are either wholly overcome, or much tempered, and qualified, for, he that will not fight at all with his enemy, must needs live in continual subiection, servitude, and captivity, and do what soever his enemy will command him, whereas he which wrestleth, and fighteth, though he cannot overcome, yea,& do receive perhaps many wounds, yet he looseth not the mastrie of himself, but remaineth free, from violence, and tyranny, and abateth both the fury, and force, of his enemy; and therefore the means to moderate, or overcome concupiscence, is to impugn, and resist it, yea, and to forbear to satisfy it sometimes, even in things that are lawful.  

Arist. Oeconomic.  53 For this cause, Aristotle, treating of the fidelity, that ought to b● inviolable, betwixt, man; and wife, and objecting the difficulty t● perform it in case of long absence of the one from the other, giveth 〈◇〉 notable aduise, to be observed of married folkes, and very pertinent t● the matter, which I now handle, to wit, he counseleth man, and wife to use such moderation, and abstinence, from their carnal delight● whiles they are together, that the custom thereof may make the sam● easy unto them, in their absence. So far was this pagan philosopher, from allowing one man, to haue many wives, to satisfy hi● lust, that he adviseth the temperate, and moderate use, even of on● wife, 
1. Cor. 7.  and frequent abstinence from her. Not unlike to the aduise which our Apostle giveth in greater perfection. Vt qui habent uxores sint tanquam non habentes. That those which haue behooves, should be as though they had none. And this now you see, is a rule, not only of Christian religion, but also even of moral philosophy, taught, and practised by the gentiles, as belonging to the office, and duty of man.  
54 But upon what good ground, think you, doth Mahomet buil● this law of polygamy. Forsooth, upon this foundation, that it is impossible for any man, to forbear the company of women, for so h●● teacheth in his Alcoran, and saith, that God knoweth it to be true, an● therefore no marvel, 
Alcor. c. 2. apud Dionys. Carthus li. 1. art. 12. contra Alcoran.  that as the Italian proverb saith, Chi mal● mente, funda, peggio fabrica. He that layeth a bad foundation, builde● worse, whereof I will say no more, in this place, because, I shall trea● further of the same point hereafter, against Luther, and his follower● who upon the same beastly, and absurd ground of Mahomet, buil●● the like brutish doctrine to his, in many points, and open a wide ga●● to his polygamy, 
Chap. 30. Nu. 8. &c.  as shall most evidently appear hereafter.  
55 Therefore I conclude for the present, that neither the necessity t● conserve, and multiply mankind by procreation, nor the consideration of the remedy, against the temptations of the flesh, can justify Mahomets law of polygamy, and much less make it political, or good fo● common wealth.  
56 But what shall I say, of an other law of his, mentioned also before, more beastly, brutish, and absurd then the former, I mean the permission of the sin, worthily called, Peccatum nefandum, a sin not to be name, that is to say, the sin of Sodomy, which he alloweth in hi● followers, either with their own wives, or with men, or boyes, so ●hat they be of his religion? Hath it not been always held, to be abomi●able against nature, and pernicious to common wealth, not only ●mongst Christians( who punish it with death) but also amongst the very painimes? where upon Plato, diversly forbiddeth it in his laws, 
Plato 8. de legibus.  ●rdaining that those which were convinced to haue committed it, ●hould ever after be held, for most infamous.  
●7 In like maner, what can be more unjust, and injurious, then this ●aw of divorce, ordaining that a man, may repudiat his wife, for any ●●●ause whatsoever? Which was held for so great injustice amongst the paynims, that the Romans, had no use, or knowledge of divorces, 
Tertul. in Apol. ca. 6.  for ●he space of six hundreth yeares after Rome was built, though afterwards, ●he law of divorce crept into their common wealth, with much other corruption of their ancient discipline, and many vices, as Tertulian, 
Ibid.  noteth very well. But how unjust that law of Mahomet is, it may appear by ●iuers reasons.  
●8 First, whereas marriage was instituted by the law of nature, not on●ie for the procreation of children, 
Aristot. Oecon.  but also for their convenient educa●ion, it is manifest, that it is most necessary, that man, and wife, remain together during their lives, to the end they may haue, a common, and squall care of the children, which pertain equally to both, and cannot and so well provided for by stepmothers.  
●9 Secondlie, whereas the husband, and wife, do give by their ma●iage, power of their own bodies, the one, to the other, it must needs and understood, that the obligation is for life, for if it were but for a ●ime, there were no difference betwixt a contract, with some concu●ine, or quean, and a lawful marriage.  
60 thirdly, this law, giveth licentious, and wicked men, both great ●ibertie, and also ample occasion to abuse faire women, with a pretence of marriage, meaning only to deflower them, and then to dismiss ●hem, when they haue dishonoured them, and made them contemptible ●o others.  
61 Lastly, it is most pernicious to good economy, giuing occasion to the wife, not only less to love,& esteem her husband, but also to haue less care of the family, yea,& to rob,& steal secretly, what shee can of her husbands goods, to the end shee may provide for herself, in case shee be dismissed: so that, this law of divorce is most unjust, as being injurious to wives, and their children, and against the reason of good economy, besides diuers other inconveniences, which I omit, for brevities sake. Whereby it appeareth, how justly our saviour reprehended the like custom amongst the Iewes, when he reduced the law of marriage, t● the first institution, 
Matth. 19.  declaring man, and wife, to be one flesh, and inseperablie joined by almighty God, and therefore he concluded. Quod De● coniunxit, homo non separet. Let no man seperat that which God hath joined. A●● although there follow inconveniences, sometimes to particular pe●sons upon the indissolubilitie of marriage, yet the same is recompense with many commodities, and with the public, and general goo● which all good laws do principally and directly intend, rather the● the benefit of private persons, as also we see, that almighty God houlde● the same course in the government of the world, ordaining many thinge● for an universal good, which nevertheless, are in diuers cases, i● commodious to particular men, and thus much for Mahomets law o● divorce.  
62 I could ad to these, diverse other absurd, and ridiculous constit●tions of Mahomet, were it not, that I hast to say somewhat also of th● Iewes, in this chapter, which beginneth already to grow overlong nevertheless, I cannot but in a word, or two, touch one other law of hi● in respect of the evident prejudice it must needs bring to common welt● if it be put to practise. For he commandeth in his Alcoran, 
Alcoran.  reuenge 〈◇〉 injuries, with the law of Talion, that is to say, with the like measure. B●● this must needs be, 
cap. 2.  against reason of state, which requireth, that all r●●paration as well of private, as public, wrongs, be in the arbitrement, 〈◇〉 power of the magistrat, according to the prescript of the law, lea● otherways, the insatiable appetite of reuenge, may transport the wro●ged, beyond all limits of reason, and breed implacable, and morta●● quarrels, deadly foods, and consequently seditions, tumults, and ci●●● warres, to the manifest danger, and damage of the common wealth where upon it followeth, that the contrary law of our Christian religion, commanding the remission of injuries, is most political, as I wi●● make most evident hereafter, 
Ch●p. 15. Nu 26. & chap. 24. Nu 10.11.12.& 13.  when I shall treat of the effects of christian religion in common wealth, in which respect, I may well be th● briefer here.  
63 Now then to conclude, concerning Mahomet, and his religion, tho●● hast seen, good Reader, how suitable they are, the one to the other, an● no marvel, that such a beastly monster as he was, invented such a monstrous, and beastly religion, which nevertheless hath through the iu●● iudgement of God, overflowed a great part of the world, for the du●● punishment of sin, and specially of heresy, and schism, as I will she● hereafter, in the third part of this treatise, when I shall treat of the fruit● and effects of false religion in common wealth, and now in the mean● time I will only admonish thee, good Reader, that thou do not attri●ute the prosperity,& power of Mahometā princes,( I mean the turk, ●●d such others) to any merit of their religion, but to the sins of ●●e Christians, which God justly scourgeth by them, making them the ●●struments of his iustice, as the assyrians, and babylonians, were in the ●●nquest of Samaria, and Iuda: 
4. Reg. c. 17.& 25. Isay. 10.  in which respect almighty God called ●●nnacherib, his staff,& the rod of his wrath, yea, and so exact is his iustice, ●●at he may well be thought to give the more temporal prosperity, ●●d increase of dominion, to these wicked infidels, even for the service ●hich they do him in the execution of his iustice upon bad Christians, 〈◇〉 he rewarded Nabuchodonosor an Idolater with the knigdome of egypt, 
Ezech. 29. chap. 26. nu. 19.& 23.& chap. 17. nu. 15.  ●r the service which he had donne him, though vnwittinglie, in the ●●pugnation of Tyrus, as I haue more amply declared in the first part. of ●is treatise, when I signified the causes, why God giveth kingdoms, ●nd prosperity to wicked men. And this shall suffice, touching Mahomet, ●nd his law.  
●4 Yt resteth now, that I say some what in this chapter, of the religion ●f the Iewes, I mean not, that which is contained in the old testament. ●nd called the law of Moyses, and was professed by the people of God, ●●om the time of Moyses, until the coming of our saviour Christ,( for ●hat the same is now no where exercised, and was when it flourished, ●ith out all doubt, a most holy, exquisite, and exact law, and religion: ●ot only for the moral, and ceremonial, but also: for the judicial part ●hereof, pertaining to policy, and government, and no marvel, seeing ●hat the author of it, was God himself,) but my meaning is, to treat ●reefly of that religion which the Iewes, now profess, consisting part●e in some ceremonies, and customs of the Mosaycal law, and partly of ●anie traditions, and inventions, of their rabbis, delivered in their books called the Thalmud, which signifieth a doctrine, or discipline, delivered ●fter the maner of an ordinary gloze, which doctrine was gathered ●swell out of old rabbis works, before our saviour Christs birth, as ●ut of many others, 
Sixtus Senensis Biblioth. sancta li. 2. Idem ibid.  which lived within the first four hundreth ●eauentie yeares, after his passion, during which time, the books of the Thalmud. were collected, and especially at three several times.  
65 The first collection was made by Iudas, the son of Simon, a hundreth, and fifty yeares after the last destruction of jerusalem, and this was called Misna.  
66 The second was composed by Rabbi Ioannam, Rab, and Samuel, who ●ugmented the Misna, with new additions, and called it. Thalmud Hieroso●●mitanum, because it was collected in the ruins, which were then remaining of jerusalem, and this collection was made a hundreth, an● fifty yeares after the former.  
67 The third, and last was gathered by the rabbis ass, and Hamma● and their two sons, Mair, and ass, in babylon of egypt, now calle● Cayrus, about the year of our Lord, four hundreth twenty seven, 〈◇〉 is therefore called Thalmud Babylonicum, in the which is contained a●● the Misna, and the other Thalmud Hierosolomitanum, with all the traditiō● statutes, 
Petrus Galatin de arcan cathol. verit. li. 1. ca. 5.  and expositions of Moyses his law, gathered out of all the fo●mer rabbis, divided into six orders, or principal partes, containing si●● books, or treatises, in the which there are five hundreth thirty tw● chapters, and by the doctrine, delivered in this huge work( ten tim● bigger then our bible) all the synagogues of the Iewes, that live in t●● profession of their law, are governed until this day, accounting th● same to be of no less truth, and authority, then the old testament, an● therefore it is written in the preface of the Thalmud, 
sixth Senen. in Bibliothe. sancta li. 2.  that whosoever d●nieth the contents thereof, denieth God himself: and in the work itself, th● pain of death is ordained for those, who deny any thing, that is taught therein.  
68 And for as much as these talmudical volumes, are refersed, a●● stuffed, not only with many blasphemies against our saviour Christ, 〈◇〉 the very law of Moyses, which they profess( yea, against the deity 〈◇〉 self) but also with infinite other points of execrable doctrine, and precepts, contrary to the light of reason, and the law of nature, and nations, I will therefore briefly lay down some few articles thereo● whereby it shall evidently appear, that the lawe which the Iewe● now hold for their religion is no less absurd in regard of policy, an● reason of state, then in respect of the verity requisite to true religion wherein thou shalt also see, good Reader, how notably Mahomet, an● the authors of the Thalmud simbolyzed in ridiculous folly, beastl●● turpitude, and the spirit of error, lies, and blasphemy against th● majesty of God. 
Ordine 1. Tract. 4. distinct. 3. vide Bibliothe. sanct. sixth. Senens. li. 2. second 2. Tra. 1 dist. 14. Vid●symbolum fidei Fr. Ludoui. Granat part. 4. tra. 2   
First then concerning almighty God, they teach, that before th● creation of the world, he exercised himself in making many world● and destroying them again, until at length, he learned by long practise to make this world, which we now see.  
That he spendeth the first three houres of the day, in reading moses law, and the three next houres, in teaching little children, that die very young, and three other hours, in judging the world, and the three la●● hours, in sporting, and solacing himself, with a great dragon calle● leviathan, and that in the night he rideth upon a very swift Cherubin, and visiteth 18000. worlds, which he hath made.  
That Moyses going up once to heaven, found God writing, accents, 
Ord. 5. tract. 6. dist. 5. Ord. 2. dist 5& second. 1. d. 7 Vide etiam Granat in symbolo. par. 4 tract. 2.  or ●●les in the holy scripture.  
That God hath a certain place of retreat, whither he retireth himself certain times, and weepeth bitterly, because, when he was angry ●ith the Iewes, he destroyed their temple, and gave them into captivity, ●●d that sometimes he roareth like a lion, for sorrow, and that, as oft as the ●●wes, enter into their synagogues to pray, he teareth the hear of his ●ead, and saith, Happy is the king, that is thus glorified by his subiects, but woe be the father, that hath made his children slaves.  
That God is angry once a day, and that then the combs of cocks, 
Ord. 1. tract. 1.  ●axe pale, and the cocks stand upon on leg, and if at the same time, ●●ie man chance to curse an other, he that is cursed death presently.  
That once when certain rabbis, disputed against Rabbi Eleezer, 
second 4. tract. 2. dist. 7.  God ●ave sentence from heaven in favour of Eleezer, and that thereupon, ●●e rabbis being highly offended, did excommunicat God, and he smi●●ng said, My children haue overcome me.  
That God told a lye, to make peace betwixt Abraham, and Sara, 
Vide Granatens ubi supra.  ●hich they say, to prove, that peace is a thing of very great impor●●nce.  
That God commanded the Iewes, to offer the sacrifice of expiation ●uerie new moon, to satisfy for the sin whith he committed, 
Ord. 4. tract. 6. dist. 1.  when and vniustlie took the light from the moon, and gave it to the sun.  
●9 I omit many other such impious, and absurd blasphemies, against 〈◇〉 mighty God, whom they deprive as you see, of his omnipotency, of ●is wisdom, of his verity, and truth, and of his iustice, and sanctity, ma●ing him subject to infirmity, to vanity, to ignorance, and error, to lies ●niustice, and sin, whereby they also deprive him consequently of his ●iuinitie, and thereupon it followeth, that the doctrine, and belief, ●hich they profess, is no religion, but very atheism.  
●0 This may yet further appear by other ridiculous articles of their talmudical discipline. As that they teach the transmigration of souls, 
Ord. 4. tract. 2.& alibi passim. Ord. 3. tract. 2. charta. 3. Ord. 2. tract. 5 dist. 8. Ord. 4. tract. 4. dist. 2. chart. 65. Ord. 4. tra. 3. dist. 2.  ●rom one body to an other, and that the souls of unlearned men, shall ●ot receive their bodies again in the general resurrection.  
Also, that the Archangel Gabriel, having committed a very heinous ●inne, was by Gods commandment whipped, with a fiery scourge.  
That two rabbis, did every week upon the friday create or make too calves, and eat them up every iote.  
That if a man pray with his face, to the south, he shall obtain wis●ome, if he pray Northward he shall haue riches.  

Ordo. 2. tract. 1. dist. 6 Ordo 4. tract. 10. dist. 2●  That whosoever eateth thrice, upon the sabbath day, shall haue li●● everlasting in the other world.  
finally, that if any man pass under the belly of a cam●l, or betwixt two camels, or two women, he shall never be able to learn any thin● of the Thalmud.  
71 Who is there now, that shall red this, and will think them wel● in their wits, that either teach, or beleeue these ridiculous toys? Ye● these are part of the talmudical doctrine, and commanded to be believed under pain of death, both temporal and eternal.  
72 But let us hear some what more, that we may see, how well the● agree with the law of Moyses, the law of nature, good discipline of life,& common honesty, to the end thou mayst, good Reader, discover the fa●sitie of this Talmudical,& jewish religion, by the turpitud, and beastliness of it; 
Chap. 9. Nu. 19.  and this I say the rather, because in the first part of this treatise I promised to make it evident in this, that dissolution of life, and filthi● carnality, is an inseparable property of false religion, which I haue alreddie in part performed, treating of the two former false religions, t● wit paganism,& mahometism. And therefore, as I mean also to perform the like hereafter, when I shall treat of the sects amongst Christians at this time, so now I cannot but wish it to be observed by th● way, in these Thalmudists,& the Iewes their disciples, who do not ōl● allow the abominable sin called Nefandum, 
Ord. 3. tract. 1. dist. 6. Ord. 4. tract. 4. Ord. 2. tract. 2. ( not to be name, as 〈◇〉 haue signified before, when I treated of Mahomet) but also affirm that i● was practised by Adam, and Noe, where of I forbear to declare th● particulars, for the very horror of them; besides that they also teach●● that if a man marry his own sister, or daughter, he doth an act, very grateful to god, though the same( as also the other detestable sinn● aforesaid) is expressly forbidden under pain of death, 
levit. 20.  by the law o● Moyses, which they profess to keep.  

Exod. 20. levit. ca. 20 Ibid. Canhedrin. ca. Abramitor.  73 Also whereas God expressly forbade in the old law, all maner of idolatry, and particularly that no man should give any of his children t● be consecrated, and offered to the Idol Moloch,( which was done by th● ministery of the Idolatrous priests,( who used to pass men through th● fire, before the Idol,) they teach, that it is no sin, for the father, t● consecrat his own child to Moloch, so that he do not give him to th● priest to be offered, or consecrated by him.  
74 In like maner, God forbiddeth in the law of Moyses, to curse father, or mother, 
levit. 20. li. Sopu. c. 5.  upon pain of death, but they allow a man to curse either of both, so that he name not some of the proper names of God in hi● malediction. And no marvel if they permit this, seeing they teach also, that a man may curse God himself, 
Cadhedrin cap. Arbamiot. Exod. 20. levit. 24. Canhedrin ca. Ellu.  so that he name not one special ●ame of his, to wit, Semhamephoras.  
●5 The law of Moyses also forbiddeth wilful murder, as all other laws ●oe, but they teach that if a man tie, an other mans hands, and feet, and ●eaue him so to perish by famine, or that he cast him to a lion, he is not to and punished by the law, though if he expose him to die by could, or heat, ●hey hold him guilty of his death, and to deserve punishment. And if in ●ike sort, ten men do kill one man with ten staues, they hold them ●ll for guiltless. But can any thing be more absurd then this, or more ●ontrarie to all laws divine, and human? whereby it may also appear, ●ow political is the law of the Thalmud, and how convenient for common wealth, which is one special point, that I am here to consider, and ●herefore I will omit, diuers other impious, and absurd opinions of ●heirs, to conclude with a few, concerning matter of government.  
●6 Yf a malefactor, say they, being accused before diuers iudges, 
Li. suprin Canhedrin ca. 9.  be condemned to death, by the sentence of them all, he is to be set free, because it is absolutely necessary( as they think) that the iudges be of different opinions, and that the prisoner be condemned, or absolved by ●luralitie of voices. 
Ordo. 4. tract. 4. vide six. senens. in bibliothe. ubi supra. Ord. 4. trac. 2. dist. 4. Ord. 5. tract. 1. dist. 2.   
Also they ordain, that if a man be condemned to death, by false witnesses, and the falsity be not discovered, whiles the party liveth, the witnesses shall not be punished for their false testimony, or perjury.  
Yf a man, say they, find a purse, and understand that the party which ●ost it, hath no hope to recover it, he is not bound to restore it.  
moreover, they teach, that if a Rabbyn( that is to say, one that is a master, or doctor amongst them) do not hate his enemy to death, and do him what mischief he may, he is not worthy of the title, and name of a Rabbyn, whereas nevertheless the law of Moyses saith. 
levit. 19.  Non quaeras ●●ltionem, nec memoreris iniuriae civium tuorum. do not seek reuenge, nor keep in mind the injury that is donne thee by thy neighbour.  
77 Also they teach that God commanded the Iewes, 
Ord. 1. tract. dist. 4. Ord. 4. tract. 8.  to take the goods of Christians by fraud, force, usury, theft, or any other means whatsoever, and to esteem all Christians, for no better then bruit beasts, and so to treat, and handle them in all occasions.  
That if a Iew, meaning to kill a Christian, do chance to kill a Iew, 
second 4. tract. 4.& 9. Ord. 4. tract. 4.& in lib. Iorodea c. 158.  he deserveth to be pardonned.  
That if a Iew, see a Christian in a place of danger, where he may precipitat him, or cast him, down headlong to break his neck, he is bound in conscience to do it.  
finally, they haue a constitution, whereby every Iew, and especially their priests in their synagogues, 
second 1. tract. 1. dist. 4.  are bound thrice every day, to pray 〈◇〉 God, to exterminat all Christians, with their kings, and princes, i● hatred of Iesus of Nazareth.  
78 Lo here, good Reader, some part of the devilish doctrine of the I●wish Thalmud, contradicting most evidently, the laws of God, of moses of nature, of nations,& all iustice, charity, and humanity, whereby w● may manifestly see, the exemplar punishment of God, upon that miserable people, not only in the unspeakable calamities, which they ha●● so many hundreth of yeares endured,& still do throughout the wor●●( as I haue very amply declared in the first part of this treatise) but al●● in their perverse, 
Chap. 19. per totum.  and wilful blindness, which is such, that they ha● lost the very light of natural reason, in matters pertaining to the salvation, according to the malediction of the prophet, when he sai● Excaeca cor populi huius. blind o Lord, the harts of this people. And the prophetical prediction of Moyses, when he thereatned them, saying. Percutiet 〈◇〉 Dominus amentia &c. 
Isay. c. 6. Deut.  Our Lord will strike thee with madness, blindne●● and fury of mind &c.  
79 This, I say, we see evidently fulfilled in the Thalmudists, and th● Iewes their disciples, who far exceed both paynims, and Mahometan in gross, and palpable ignorance, and error, and in ridiculous, and absurd impiety, or rather in most impious, and blasphemous atheism masked with the vizard of the Mosaycal law, and religion, whereof the haue nothing left, but the bare pretence, or shadow, and yet with ho● little reason, or rather how much against reason, and evident truth they pretend the continuance thereof, it shall sufficiently appear, i● the ensuing chapters, wherein I will prove, the verity, and sanctity, o● Christian religion, which being proved, it must needs follow, that th● Mosaycal, law ceased by the coming of our saviour Christ, who having been fouretould, and promised by the prophets, and represented by th● signs, figures, ceremonies, and sacrifices of the law, was the full accomplishment, consummation, perfection, and end thereof, being the verity, which was prefigured, and the messiah promised therein, where upon he said himself. 
Matth. 5.  Non veni solvere legem, said adimplere. I came not to break th● law, but to fulfil it.  
80 Well then to conclude this chapter, I hope good Reader, tho● remainest satisfied, concerning the absurdity of paganism, mahometism, and judaism, aswell in respect of their falsity in matter of religion, as of their errors in matter of state, and political government, and therefore I will now pass to treat of Christian religion, and will prove the irrefragable verity, the incontaminat purity, the eminent dignity, and absolute necessity thereof, to the felicity of ●●n, and common wealth, the discourse whereof, will draw me to ●●e discussion of many excellent questions, and important matters, ●●cessarie to be known, and duly considered of every Christian man, which respect, I crave thy favourable attention, for thy own spe●●ll benefit.   

〈◇〉 ●he verity, dignity, fruit, and necessity of Christian religion in common welth, in respect aswel of the purity, and excellency of the doctrine, as also of the admirable force, and effects of Gods grace, which it giveth for the repression of 'vice, and reformation of manners. And by the way, it is declared, how vainly the philosophers laboured, to reform the diseases in mans nature. CHAP. 15.  
IF I should undertake, good Reader, 
Arnob. contra gentes Clem. alexander. li. stromat. Eusebi. de praeparat.& demonstrat. evangel. Lactant. divin. institit. S. Aug. de civit Dei. S. Tho. contra gent. F. ludovic. granat. de symbolo fidei.  to lay down all the arguments, and proofs, of the verity of Christian religion, I should take upon me to writ a whole volume of that only matter, as diuers great learned men haue donne, not only in and primitive Church( to wit Arnobius, Clemens, Alexandrinus, Eusebius, ●●ctantius, S. Augustin, and others, but also some of latter times, as S. Tho●as, in his learned book against the gentiles, and now in our daies, 〈◇〉 Lewys de Granada, in his excellent treatise, entitled de Symbolo, besides ●iuers others who haue written more briefly thereof.  
● But for as much as my principal intention is to treat of the verity ●f Christian religion, so far forth only, as it may concern common wealth, I will therefore( as also for brevities sake) make choice of 〈◇〉 few points, which may directly prove, both that the Christian religion is the only true religion: and also, that it is most political, that 〈◇〉 to say, most necessary, and behooveful for the government of common wealth.  
I omit then to set down the particular prophesies, as well of the ●ewes, as gentiles, foretelling the coming of our saviour Christ,& giuing ●ost evident,& undoubted testimony of his 
Esay. 7.& 9.  miraculous incarnation,& ●atiuity, of his wonderful 
Idem 35.  miracles, of the very 
Dan. 9.  time,& 
Isay. 50.& 53.  manner of his ●assion,& death, of his 
Osee. 6.  resurrection, 
Psal. 67.& 46.  ascension, and 
Iohel. 2.  sending the holy Ghost to his disciples, and finally of the amplitude, dignity, and glory of ●is 
Esay. 2.49 54.& 60. Miche. 4.  Church, all which were clearly foretold, not only by the ●●uld prophets, amongst the people of God, but also by the Sibyllae, ●mongst the gentiles, who made particular mention, even of his very miracles, 
Apud Lactuntium li. de vera Sapient. li. 4. ca. 15.16.17.18.& 19.  as of his raising the dead, his curing the blind, deaf, 〈◇〉 lame, his feeding five thousand in the wilderness, with two fishes, 〈◇〉 five loaves, his commanding the sea, and winds, his walking vpp●● the water, and that he should be apprehended, buffeted, spit at, sco●●ged, and crwoned with thorns, that vinager, and gull, should be gi●●● him to drink, that he should die to give us life, that the sun th●● be darkened three houres, that the veil of the temple should be to●●● and finally that he should within three dayes rise again. Of all whi●● the particularities may be seen in Lactantius, 
Lactanc. Ibid. August. li. 18 de civitat. ca. 23.  who allegeth the gre●● verses of the Sibyllae concerning these points, whereof S. Augustin, 〈◇〉 maketh mention, and addeth, other verses of Sibylla Erithraea, touch●●● the day of iudgement, and the resurrection of our bodies, in which ●●●sess, the first letter of every verse, being put all together, do express 〈◇〉 name of our saviour, and make this sentence. Iesus Christus Dei filius, sal●●tor. Iesus Christ the son of god, the saviour.  
4 But I omit, I say, further to particularize these prophesies, as also 〈◇〉 speak of the reprobation of the Iewes, and their most evident puni●●ment, even until this day, for their infidelity, and cruelty towards Ch●●●● whereof I haue spoken amply in my first part. 
Chap. 19.   
5 Also, I let pass the vocation of the gentiles, and miraculous con●●sion of the world, to the Christian faith, by simplo, and ignorant fish●● men, 
Chap. 24. nu 33.34.& 35.  and other men of occupation, preaching a doctrine, which seem● no less repugnant to reason, then to mans nature, and sense, and cons●ming the same, with such wonderful, and stupendious miracles, that 〈◇〉 S. Augustin saith, who soever shall now refuse to beleeue, without new miracles, 
Aug. de civit Dei l. 22. c. 8.  he may be held for magnum prodigium, that is to say, a gr●●● and prodigious wonder.  
6 I forbear also to treat at this present, of the wonderful, and mir●culous manner, how the Church of Christ hath been increased, and pr●pagated to that greatness, which now we see, not withstanding the o●position, first of many Pagan emperours, and since of diuers Heretica● and Schismatical kings, and princes, seeking to exterminate the same, 〈◇〉 which point, I shall haue occasion to speak amply, in the third part 〈◇〉 this treatise; I omit also to treat of the overthrow, and extinction of idolatry, by the faith of our saviour Christ, as also of the power which h● left to his Church to command devils, of the invincible constancy o● innumerable martyrs, and finally of the honour donne to the cross o● Christ, 
S. Chrisost. li contra gentiles de S.  and to his poorest seruants after their death, yea, to their very reliks( which S. chrysostom urgeth against the Pagans, for notable, an● evident arguments, of the divinity of Christ) all these, I say, I forbear t● prosecute, meaning only to handle two points, 
Babyla.& li. quod Christus sit Deus. To. 5.  pertaining no less to ●●●icie, then to religion. The one is, to prove, that all perfection of ●●ue( be it theological, moral, or political) is contained only in Chri●●●●n religion. The other is, that the end of man, and of common wealth, ●●ich I haue shewed before to be both one) is also to be obtained only ●●●by, which two points being proved, it willbe most clear, that Chri●●●●n religion, is both true religion, and also most political, and fit for go●●●ment of common wealth.  
For the first, it is to be understood, that as all false religions being ●●●lie void, of Gods grace, haue for the most part, either some mixture ●bsurd doctrine, contrary to the very light of natural reason, or at ●●●t, some inducement to 'vice, and impiety( as I haue already declared, ●he false religions of the Pagans, Turkes, and Iewes) so also on the other and, the Christian religion being most pure, and divine, in doctrine, 
Chap. 7.8.9.& 14.  lea●●h to all perfection of virtue, admitting no kind of impiety, or impu●●e, reforming the manners of wicked men,& converting them from ●●e, to virtue, from error to truth, and from darkness to light, from ●●ne to sanctity, and all holiness of life, for as the psalmist saith. 
Psalm. 18.  Lex ●●mini immaculata, conuertens animas &c. The law of our lord is immaculat, ●●●uerting souls, and the testimony, or commandment of God, giveth wisdom to ●●●ldren, as shall appear by all the ensuing discourse.  
This was foretold long before our saviour Christ was born, by the ●●ophet Isayas, who having signified, that he should cure the lame, 
Isay. 35.  the ●●mme, the deaf, and the blind, addeth that, the dry ground, should be chan●●d into lakes, and fountains of water, and that, in the dens of dragons, there ●●uld grow green rishes, and that the same should be a path, and a way, which ●●●uld be called holy: Giuing to understand, by all these metaphoricall spee●●es, that the water of Gods grace should flow, and abound in the de●●●r, and dry souls of sinners, and that of dens for dragons, that is to say, of ●●bitacles for sin and wickedness, they should become receptacles of ●ertue, and santitie. And again in an other place, he saith in like maner, ●hat after the coming of our saviour. The villeinage should dwell with the ●●mbe, the leopard with the kid, the calf, and sheep, with the lion, 
Isay. 11.  and that these ●●erce, and wild beasts, should become so domestical, that they should, do no hurt in ●●ll the holy mount. Quia repleta est terra, saith he, scientia Domini. Because the ●●arth is filled with the knowledge of our lord.  
Thus saith the prophet, signifying that proud,& wicked men, as fierce, ●nd cruel as lions, or wolves, should by the virtue, and power of Gods ●race, become as meek as lambs, and not disdain the company of the most humble, and simplest seruant of God.  
9. The experience of this admirable conversion of sinners, appea●● presently after our saviours coming, 
7. luke. 37. 5. luke. 27. 19. luke. 2. 9. Actor. 4.5.  not only in those whom 〈◇〉 called to his faith( as Mary Magdalen, termed in the scripture Peccata the sinful woman, Mathew, and Zacheus, the publicans, and Saule, the p●●secutour,) but also in infinite others, who in the primitive Church rec●●ued the Christian faith, by the preaching of the Apostles, and their s●●cessors, whereby Idolatry, and the kingdom of the devil, was ou● thrown, and such a change wrought in the lives, and minds of m●● that the world seeing it, in itself, admired it.  
10 For, whereas all corruption,& beastly abomination of 'vice, pri●● malice, 
S. Hieron. in ca. 2. Esay.  drunkenness, surfetts, and licentious life, had overflowed t●● world( in such sort that, as S. jerome saith, public stews of boyes, w●● every where allowed, and that the greatest philosophers of Gree●● were no less subject, to that 'vice, then other men) such was the chan●● of mens manners by Christian religion, that infinite numbers of all so●● of people, reformed their lives, and became exemplar for humilit●● contempt of the world, love towards their neighbour, temperan●● continency, and castitie, in so much, that egypt, itself, which h●● benne the chief seat of idolatry, and the very sink of sin, florish●● incredibilie in all virtue, as may appear, by the notable relation wr●●ten by Palladius of his pilgrimage, 
Pallad. de vita SS. Patrum. ca. 5.  to visit the monasteries of AEgip● where he found in one city called Oxirnico, ten thousand monks, 〈◇〉 religious persons, and twenty thousand virgins, who had all forsake● the world, and dedicated themselves wholly, to the service of God, a●● to the mortification of the flesh.  
11 In an other place called Nitria, they found five hundred monastery not far a sunder one from an other, divided into fifteen bourgs, yet 〈◇〉 united, saith the story, in love, and charity, that they had all, as it wer● one soul, and one hart. And not far from the city Thebes, they saw a mon●sterie, which had in it a thousand monks, besides that there were thre● thousand others, in other monasteries not far from thence, men admirable for abstinence, silence, humility, and all virtue. In an other plac●● there were under the holy man Serapion, twelve thousand monks i● diuers monasteries, and in a desert they found so many cells of Hermit● that the place was thereupon called Cellia. And finally, in the territor● of Memphis, and babylon, there was an innumerable multitude( saith th● story) of monks, endowed, and adorned with diuers graces, and gifts o● the holy Ghost. And this wonderful reformation of mens lives, an● manners; was not only in egypt, but also in all other parts of the world, where Christian religion flourished, as Theodoretus testifieth, of Greece, and other countries known unto him, to wit, Palestina, Pontus, Cilicia, 
Theodoret. histor. sanct. patrum. ca. 30. in Domnina.  Sy●●● Asia, and all Europe, were saith he, there were innumerable mo●●●teries of holy virgins, which he attributeth to the force, and grace Christian religion, saying, that after our saviour was born, nature yielded 〈◇〉 brought forth the fair, and fresh fields, or meadowes of virginity, and offered ●●r Creator, these faire followers, which never fade, or perish. Thus said he, ●●uen hundreth yeares ago, of the fruit of Christian religion in his ●●●e, which might be confirmed by infinite testimonies of ancient hi●●●iographers, and Fathers, if I thought it needful. 
Chap. 29.& 30.  Besides that I ●ll haue just occasion to say somewhat more of this matter hereafter, ●●en I shall treat of matters in controversy, and therefore now for the ●●esent, I think good to declare the excellent means whereby this mu●●on,& change of mind, and manners is wrought in Christian religion.  
The first is, the purity, and excellency of Christian doctrine, ●●ding to all perfection of virtue, and exclusion of 'vice, or sin, 〈◇〉 only in act, or intention, but also in word, and thought, in which ●●●pect our saviour taught, that we are, 
Matth. 12. Matth. 5.  to yield an account for every idle ●●rd, and that he, which doth but desire, and lust after a woman, only ●●is hart, is guilty of the sin of the flesh. And therefore also he placed ●●e of the eight beatitudes of man, in cleans of hart. Beati mundo cord, 
Ibid.  ●●●h he, Blessed are the clean in hart, for they shall see God. Besides that, he ●●●uireth in us such a pure, 
Matth. 22.  and fervent love of God, such 
Ibid. 6.  confi●●●nce, in his mercy and providence, such 
Ibid. 22.& 5.  charity towards our neigh●●●ur( yea our very enemies,) such 
2. Cor. 3.  an acknowledgement of our own ●●●irmitie, such 
luke. 13.  contrition, and hearty sorrow for our sins, such 
1. Cor. 6.  ●●astitie, such 
Matth. 11.& 5.  humility, such 
Matth. 11.& 5.  mansuetude, and meekness, such 
Philip. 3.  cō●●mpt of honours, riches, and vanities of the world, such 
Matth. 16.  mortification 〈◇〉 our passions, and affections, such 
luke. 21.  patience in adversity, such a 
Mar. 10.  con●●nction of simplicity with wisdom, such 
1. Pet. 2.  obedience to our magi●●●ats, and superiors, such 
Coloss. 3.  truth in word, and deed, and finally such ●●●ate, not only of 'vice, and all evil, but also of all show, or 
1. Thess. 5.  appea●●nce of evil, that nothing can be imagined in his doctrine wanting to ●●e consummation, and perfection of all virtue, in so much, that who ●ever fulfilleth his precepts, leadeth rather an Angelical, 
Rom. 12.  then a hu●ane life.  
●● Furthermore, what shall I say of the means,& motives, that he left 〈◇〉 draw,& led us to this perfection? First he gave us an 
Matth. 19. luke. 10. Matth. 25.  assurance as well ●f eternal reward, for the performance of his commandments, as of eternal ●unishment for the contempt thereof. Secondly he encouraged us with ●is own 
Ibid. 16.  example, performing, and accomplishing, all that which he commanded vs. Thirdly he ordained that his spouse the 
Matth. 18. Act. 20. Ephes. 4.  Church, gu●ded by his holy spirit, and furnished with Apostles, doctors, and pasto● should instruct, direct, admonish, and correct us, as occasion should require. Fourthly, he left his holly 
2. Tim. 3.  scriptures to teach, strengthen, an● confirm us, as well in matters of manners, as of doctrine. fiftly he inst●tuted holy 
Mar. 16. Ibid. 14. luke. 22. joan. 20.  sacraments, to purify, cleanse, sanctify, and justify vs. Last●● he made us an irrevocable 
Ibid. 14. Matth. 11.  promise of the assistance of his grace, if w● duly seek it, whereby, as he himself said, his 
Ibidem.  burden should beco●● light unto us, and his yoke sweet. And in this respect, the Christia● religion is called the law of grace, and thereby distinguished from th● law of Moyses. For although the seruants of God were also justified, an● saved by grace, in the law of Moyses( for with out grace, there could b● neither justification, nor salvation,) yet that grace was not given the● either by their law maker, 
S Aug. in Psal. 118.& Sem. 20. de monomachia Goliae& david. c. 8. Idem de Catechizandis rudibus c. 19& de patientia c. 20.& 21. joan. 1.  or together with their law, or afterward by virtue of their law, or of the observation thereof, but by the meri● of our saviour Christ, in whom they believed, as in their redeemer 〈◇〉 come, no less then now we beleeue in him already come, as S. Aug●stin, teacheth amply: so that those which were justified, and saved i● the old law, did belong to the new law, being justified, and saved b● the merits of our saviour Christ, who being not only God, and ma● and a law maker, but also a Redeemer, justifier, and saviour, giue● grace together with his law, which he imprinteth, in our hartes as will declare hereafter, whereas moses, being only man,& a law make● gave but the bare letter of the law, and therefore the evangelist sait● Lex per Moysen &c. The law, of the old testament, was given by moses but grace, and verity, is made by Iesus Christ.  

Exech. c. 36.  14 This was prophesied long before Christs time, by Exechiel, Hieremy and the royal prophet david, Exechiel, having prophesied of our christian baptism, speaking in the person of God in these words. Effunda● supper vos &c. I will take from you, your stony hart, and will give you a hart of flesh and will set my spirit in the midst of you, and make you walk in my precepts.  

Hieremy. c. 31.  15 Also the prophet Hieremy, distinguishing expressly, the old law fro● the new, saith, thus. Ecce dies veniunt &c. Behold the dayes do come, that I w●● make a new league, with the house of Israel, and the house of Iuda, not according to the covenant that I made with your fathers, when I took them by the hand, 〈◇〉 led them out of the land of egypt: but the covenant, which I will make, wi●● the house of Israel, after those dayes, saith our Lord, is this, I will give them m law in their bowels, and write it in their hartes, and I wilbe their God, an● they shalbe my people. Thus far Hieremy.  
16 And in like maner the royal prophet, speaking of the continua●● progress in virtue, that the faithful seruants of God in the new testa●ent, should make by the help of grace, saith. 
Psum. 83.  Etenim benedictionem dabit ●●gislator, ibunt de virtute in virtutem, videbitur Deus deorum in Sion. For the law ●●ker,( that is to say Christ our saviour) will give them the benediction of his ●●●ce, by the means whereof, they will proceed, from virtue to virtue, and ●t last come to see the God of gods in Sion. Thus saith the psalmist.  
●7 And with these prophets agreeth the doctrine of our saviour him●elfe, and his Apostles, and therefore he said to his disciples. Sine me, 
joan. 1●.  nihil ●●testis facere. Without me you can do nothing. Et sicut palms &c. As the branch ●an bear no friut, except it remain in the vine, so neither can you, except you remain ●n me. And inviting the Samaritan woman to drink of the fountain of his grace, he signified with all the admirable effect thereof, saying. Qui bibirit ex aqua, &c. He which shall drink of this water, 
joan. 4.  which I will give ●im( that is to say of the water of my grace) he shall never thirst, but the water that I shall give him, shall become in him a fountain, or spring continually ●lowing to life everlasting. In which words, our saviour signifieth notably, the most excellent, and wonderful property,& effect of his grace, ●s that the same being infused into the hart of man, cannot be contei●ed, within the limits thereof, but always boileth, as it were, and lifteth ●p both itself, and mans hart withal towards heaven, to join him with his first beginning, and to reduce him to the fountain, from whence itself floweth, that is to say, to God, the author, and giver of all grace, and goodness.  
●8 I omit for this time, 
Chap. 16. nu. 22.& sequent.  other testimonies concerning the effect of grace in Christian religion, both because I am to speak thereof more amply ●hereafter, as also for that the same sufficiently appeareth by these already alleged. Therefore I conclude for the present two things, the one, that our Christian religion is the most perfect, and true religion, in respect of the means that it giveth for the attaining of true, and perfect virtue, that is to say, not only for the purity, and excellency of the doctrine, and of the rites, and ceremonies which it delivereth unto us, but also in respect of the grace of God, which accompanieth the same, and enableth us to perform the precepts,& rules thereof, and to excel in all virtue, which is the special, and proper effect of grace, and not to be obtained without it, as shall appear more fully, after a while. For heitherto I haue thought good, only to touch briefly this point, to give some light, to an other conclusion, which I am to draw out of the premises, to wit, that our Christian religion is truly political, and most necessary for government of state.  
19 This may appear, by that which I haue shewed already, touching the purity, and excellency of Christian doctrine, and the effects o● Gods grace, whereby it is evident, that the Christian religion, hat● the most excellent, or rather the only means to attain to true, an● perfect virtue, and to obtain the favour, and protection of almight●● God, in which two points consisteth the establishment, and fel● city of all states. And to speak first of the means, to virtue. 〈◇〉 cannot be denied, but that the Christian faith being taught, and i●fused by almighty God, and accompanied with his grace,( as I haue a●readie declared) not only sheweth the way to perfect virtue, but al●● giveth force,& strength to perform& exercise, the acts thereof in a● perfection: whereupon it followeth, that whosoever is a true,& perfect Christian, is, and must needs be, bonus civis, a good citizen, as Ar●stotle, termeth a good member of a common wealth.  
20 This was so evident to the paynims themselves, when they considere● the Christian doctrine& practise, 
Euseb. li. 3. eccles. hist. ca. 27.  without passion,& partiality, that Plin● the second, being proconsul of Asia, under Traiā, the emperour, ackowle●ged the same in an epistle, to the said trajan, written in favour of the pe●secuted Christians in his jurisdiction, testifiing of thē, that they were a● innocent, and harmless people, whose custom, and exercise was to a●semble themselves in the night, to sing certain hymns, and praises 〈◇〉 Iesus Christ, whom they adored as their God, and that they promised, 〈◇〉 vowed to commit no offence, or to do any hurt to other men, not t● steal, or rob, nor to commit adultery, or perjury, not to break promis●● and such like; upon which testimony, trajan ordained, that no Christ●●● should be further punished, 
Ibidem li. 4. ca. 8.& 9.  or inquired of for his religion, except h● were accused, and his successor Adrian upon the like suggestion, an● information given by a noble man called Serennio Graniano, gave orde● to Minutius Fundamus, his proconsul, that the Christians should not b● punished, at all for their religion.  
21 Thus ordained they, knowing only some points of Christian doctrine, whereas if they had fully understood, the whole,& known withall, all the wonderful effects of Gods grace in the reformation of men manners, they not only would haue permitted it as tolerable, or no● unprofitable to the common wealth, but also haue held it as absolutely necessary to the perfect establishment, and conservation thereof.  
22 For the true Christian, inspired by the holy Ghost, and following the rules, precepts, and examples of our saviour Christ, loveth God above all things, and his neighbour as himself, doth injury to no man, pardoneth all injuries donne to him, esteemeth, and honoureth every one, according to his degree and merit, represseth all concupiscence, and unlawful desires, obeyeth magistrates, superiors, and ●awes, as the ordinance of God ( Non propter iram, said propter conscientiam, 
Rom. 13.  Not for fear of punishment, but for conscience sake.) yieldeth to every one his due, to Caesar, that which is Caesars, to God that which is Gods, 
Matth. 22. Mar. 12. luke. 20. Ro. 3.& 13.  and finally prefereth in all things the public weal, before his private commodity. Where upon it followeth, that in what state soever he liveth, he is humble, meek, peaceable, obedient, temperate, liberal, just, religious, and consequently a good, and excellent member of his common wealth, in so much that if the precepts of Christian religion, were sincerely followed, and observed, there should need no political law, which as the Apostle saith. Posita est iniustis,& non subditis. is ordained for ●he unjust, and disobedient, whereas perfect Christians, sibi ipsi sunt lex, 
1. Tim. 1. Rom. 2.  are a law to themselves, who having the law of God written in their harts, 
Hierem. 31. 1. Cor. 6. ( as the prophet foretold) are themselves liuelie temples of the holy Ghost, which moveth, directeth, guideth, and enableth them to do their duty to God, and man, replenishing their harts with such charity, that is to say, with such fervent love to God, 
2. Cor. 1.& 3. Aristot. Polit. li. 2. ca. 2.  and their neighbour, that the unanimity, and amity, which Aristotle affirmeth to be, Maximum bonum ciuitatibus, The chiefest good for cities, or common wealths( that is to say, most necessary, for the conservation thereof) is both commanded, and practised amongst sincere Christians, in all perfection, nothing being more requisite to the conservation, either of the mystical body of Christ, or of the political body of the common wealth, thē the union,& perfect agreement of the parts,& members thereof, no less then of the parts of mans natural body, which is thereby conserved, and maintained, as on the other fide, by the distraction, and separation of the parts, the whole is dissolved, and perisheth.  
23 Therefore, I say, this harmony, and unanimity, being most necessary, and essential to a perfect common wealth, is most excellent, and eminent amongst true, and perfect Christians, for whom our saviour obtained it, by his most affectionate, and effectual prayer to his Father, when a little before his passion, he prayed that those which should beleeue in him might be all one, as he, and his Father are one. Tu pater, saith he, in me, 
joan. 17.  & ego in te,& vt ipsi in nobis vnum sint. Thou father in me, and I in thee, and that they may be one in vs. And therefore also he recommended nothing more, or oftener unto his disciples, then that they should love one an other, calling it his new commandment. Mandatum nouum, saith he, do vobis &c. 
joan. 13.  I give you a new commandment, that you love on an other as I haue loved you, thereby all men shall know, that you are my disciples, if you love on an other. Thus saith our saviour.  
24 And this love, and union of mindes, was also so recommended to a Christians by the Apostles, 
Rom. 13.  that they inculcated nothing more, then th● necessity thereof, in so much, that S. paul, attributed thereto all the perfection of Christian religion, saying. Qui diligit proximum legem imple●● He which loveth his neighbour, as he ought to do, fulfilleth the law, a●● such was his own love to his brethren, that he desired to be himself seperat from Christ( meaning, 
Rom. 9.  if it so should be for Gods glory) rath●● then they should perish.  
25 And S. John in like manner saith, that our love to our brethren oug●● to be such, 
Ibid. joan. 3.  that we should give our lives for them, after the example of o●● saviour Christ. And the same holy evangelist, at the time of his deat● exhorted his disciples to nothing else, but to love one an other, and wh●● upon his continual repetition thereof, they asked him, why he so of●● and only spoken of that one point, mary saith he, it is the precept of our l●●● which being performed is sufficient. 
S. Hieron. li. de scriptoribus eccles.  And how exactly this precept is pract●sed, and performed amongst true, and perfect Christians, may appear 〈◇〉 the love, and union that was amongst them in the time of the apostles which was such, 
Act. 4.  that the scripture, saith. Erat credentium cor vnum,& a●● ma vna. The faithful had all one hart, and one soul. And the same may 〈◇〉 doubt be still said of all those, that sincerely profess, and practise th● Christian religion, whereby it appeareth how political it is, and what 〈◇〉 notable effect it worketh in a common wealth, where it is embraced, an● practised in sincerity.  
26 And the like I say, of an other precept of our saviour, to wit, th● remission of injuries, which is so political, that happy were the common wealth, where it should be generally received, and practised. Fo● as the reuenge of injuries is the source, and spring of quarrels, garboyl● seditions, and tumults( whereby states are often overthrown) so o● the other side the remission of wrongs( which Christian religion precisely ordaineth) is the mother of peace, and tranquilitie, whereby th● common wealth is conserved, and flourisheth. But for as much, as I am t● speak more of this point hereafter( aswell to show in what cases and 〈◇〉 how this precept of our saviour bindeth, 
Chap. 22.  as also to answer certain impertinent objections of macchiavel,& the politics his followers, against Christian 
Chap. 24.  mansuetude, and patience) I forbear to enlarge myself further concerning the same in this place.  
27 moreover, although I haue already declared, how necessary Christian religion is for the planting of virtue in common wealth, by reaso● as well of the excellency, and purity of the doctrine, as also of the admirable force of grace, which accompanieth it, as a proper effect thereof. nevertheless to show further the necessity of Gods grace, to the perfe●●ion, and felicity of common wealth, I will now prove, that nothing ●s but grace( which is only to be had with true religion) can eradicat, ●nd roote out 'vice, out of the mind of man, and make a common wealth ●ulie virtuous, and happy.  
●● For this purpose, 
Chap. 9. per totum.  I laid certain grounds in the first part of this ●●eatise, whereof I must now refresh the remembrance, because they are ●ost pertinent, and necessary to the explication,& proof of the mat●er in hand. I made it manifest there, that no human laws, nor industry, ●n suffice to repress the law of the flesh, which as the Apostle saith, doth ●●pugne the law of the mind, 
Rom. 7.  and predominat in the corrupt nocture of ●an. And first I shewed, that human laws, haue no other means to ●oe it, but either by precepts, or by prohibitions, or by reward, or else by ●unishment; and proved evidently, that none of these means, nor all ●f them together, can extend their force to reform secret vices,& sins, ●nd much less to cure the cause of evil, and sin in man,( that is to ●●y, his vicious habits, and bad inclinations,) but only to restrain some ●ffects thereof, to wit, some external actions, and yet not in every man, ●ut only in such as are of a virtuous nature, and disposition, or else such ●s haue no power, or other means to resist, or avoid the penalties of ●he laws, which as I there signified, are avoided, or excluded many ●imess, either by the power of the delinquent, or by the princes pardon,& ●avour, or by corruption of officers, or by their negligence, in so much, ●hat many not withstanding all the rigour of laws, do wallow in all kind of 'vice, and wickedness.  
●9 Further more I also declared, that the law of the flesh, hath her precepts, and her prohibitions, her rewards, and her punishments, her ●roctors, and her advocates, her orators, philosophers, princes, magistrates, ●nd common wealths, where it absolutely governeth, yea, and that it hath religions, with doctors, and peachers, to defend, preach, and teach it, all which being compared with the other means, ordained by political law, do far surmount them, and are much more powerful, to draw a man of a malignant nature to 'vice, then the other are to divert him from it, and to incite him to virtue. And although it may be said, that laws are good helps, to make the subiects virtuous, or at least to with hold many of them from public scandals, and offences, yet I proved plainly, that they are no means at all to reform a vicious,& wicked prince, if he be of a corrupt, and perverse nature, by whose 'vice, and wickedness, the common wealth may be subverted, be the laws never so good, and the subiects never so virtuous.  
30 And whereas, it may seem, that good order being taken for th● good education of youth, the common wealth may by the help of goo● laws, become virtuous, I also made it clear, that no industry of man● or careful education of youth, 
Chap. 10.  in profane common wealths( I mean● such as are voided of true religion, and consequently of grace) can suffic●● though with the help of human laws, to exterminate 'vice, and pla● true virtue therein, by reason of the impediments, which will undoubtedly occur, either by the negligence, bad example, or evil instruction of wicked parents, or by the poverty of many, or because their estat● may require, that their children be employed in trades, and occupation● or by the perverse, and incorrigible natures of many of the youth themselves, or by human frailty( whereby many after good educ●tion, fall daily to 'vice,) or by the insufficiency, corruption, or eui●● example of their masters, and teachers( who in profane commo● wealths, cannot be truly virtuous themselves, and much less teach tru●● virtue to others. For the proof whereof, I shewed evidently, that Aristotle, Plato, and all the old philosophers( who took upon them t● reform mens manners, and to cure their exorbitant, and vicious passions were themselves most vicious, and of all this, I promised to yield further reason, in this second part, and thereby, to declare the necessity o● Gods grace, for the extirpation of 'vice, and planting of true virtue i● common wealths, which now I mean to perform, with as conuenien● brevity as the matter will permit.  
31 Therefore to the end, that the whole may be the better understood, it shall be first convenient to treat of the cause of this great disease i● mans nature, before we come to consider of the remedy, which whol● dependeth upon the knowledge of the cause, and therefore when the philosophers saw all other creatures but man, live according to the prescript, and rule of nature, and to tend directly to the end whereto nature ordained them, and that he only being lord of this lower world, and endowed with the light of reason, declineth most commonly from the same, and feeling also in themselves a continual conflict, betwixt reason, and sense, the filthy motions of concupiscence, the violence of passions, the remorse of conscience, accusing, and condemning them of error, and sin; and perceiving their understanding to be obscured with ignorance, their will depraved, and corrupted, with malice, their reason subdued many times, and conquered by sensuality, which ought to obey it; and finally observing the infinite calamities, and miseries whereto man is subject, they acknowledged a great disease, corruption, and misery in human nature, but could not imagine whence it proceeded; and therefore some of them devised very absurd reasons for the same, 
jacob. de valentia in Cant. in solut. quaest. finalis ad ar. 1. Plutar. vtrum animant. terrest. an aquat. plus rationis habeant.  〈◇〉 Anaxagoras who persuading himself, that all creatures were made 〈◇〉 first out of a Chaos, wherein all things were disordered by reason of ●●e confused mixture of contrarieties, thought that nature framed every ●●ing else but man, very well, to wit of such substances, and qualities, 〈◇〉 were conform, and agreeable one to an other, and that shee erred in ●aking of man, compacting him of two substances, of repugnant, and ●●scordant qualities, which remaining still in their own nature, as they ●ere in the Chaos do cause, said he, all the conflict that is in man. Thus ●eamed he. And others in like maner had their particular fantasies, 〈◇〉 not altogether, so absurd, yet at least as untrue, as that other. Here upon it grew that Empedocles,& Heraclitus held that nature hath nothing 〈◇〉 her pure, or sincere being but a continual war& contradiction, bree●ing daily destruction, which is not otherwaise repaired but with new ●●ins; Thus said they,& others also complained greatly of her, 
Cicero de repub. li. 3. apud D. August. contra jul. li. 4. Plutar. vtrum grauiores sint animi, quam corporis morbi.  that shee ●as a mother to all other creatures, and a stepmother to man. And therefore Homer( as plutarch witnesseth) having considered the state, and nature fall things, and compared them together, exclaimed, and said, that ●mongst all the creatures that breath, and creep, or crawl upon the earth, none is ●●re miserable then man.  
●● again some other of thē acknowledged a corruption in mans nature, 〈◇〉 that it was declined from the first integrity,& therefore used to recall ●●●en by the example of brute beasts, to the law of nature, from which ●●ey thought man to be degenerat, which as plutarch saith very well, 
Plutar. li. quod brut●● animal. ratione utantur. Cicero Tuscul. quest. li. de rep. li. 3.  was ●othing else, but a familiar accusation of the corruption of mans nature. For which ●ause also Cicero lamenteth greatly, that the light of nature, is almost extinct 〈◇〉 man. So that those philosophers, and we fully agree, concerning the corruption, and disease in human nature, but this is the difference, betwixt us, and them, that we having learned by the verity of holy scriptures, that it is a punishment inflicted vpon our first fathers, for their ●●●uersion, and fall from God, haue withall learned the only true remedy ●hereof, that is to say, our conversion and return to God, by the help ●f his grace, where as the philosophers being altogether ignorant of the ●ause of this sickness, could never know the true means to cure it, wherein nevertheless it is to be considered, that both the cause of our evil, ●nd the remedy which we assign, are so conform to reason, that they cannot with reason be denied.  
●3 For seeing no man doubteth, but that reason ought, according to the ●aw of nature to haue the rule, and government of all the inferior powers of the soul, and yet that it is not so absolute, but that it is itself subject to a higher power, that is to say, seeing that, as the app●●tite is naturally subject to reason, the body to the soul, and all earthl● creatures to man, so also man himself, his soul, and reason is subject t● almighty God his creator. And again seeing it is no less evident, th●● man is to God, no otherwaise, then as a slave to his lord, and so depe●dant on his will, and government, that if he withdraw himself from h●● direction, he must needs commit many errors, in which respect Ar●stotle comparing all the world to a house, 
Arist. metaphi. 12.  or family, governed by o●● lord, maketh such difference, betwixt the celestial, and terrestrial cre●tures, that he likeneth the heauens, and intelligences to children, whic● do in all things their fathers will, and men to bondslaves, who d● little, or nothing for the good of the family, if they be not moved, a●● directed by their lord( for otherwise saith he, they are commonly m●●sled by their own sensuality, and do many things contrary to reaso● seeing, I say, all this is confessed by the philosophers themselves, wh● can be more probable, and consonant to reason, then that the rebelli●● of our inferior powers against reason, and reasons impotency, a●● imbecility, and all the confusion that followeth thereof in man, is consequent of some disobedience of man to God, by the means whe●● reason being destitute of Gods direction, and government, is not able 〈◇〉 govern her inferior powers, as otherwise she might vndoubted●● be, if shee were not for some offence of man forsaken, and abandon●● by almighty God.  
34 Whereby we may see, how conform to reason our Christian doctrine is, which teacheth, that the first two parents of man kind bein● made to the image, and likeness of almighty God, endowed with vigo●● and light of reason, and with rectitude of will, balanced, as it were with the equality, and peaceful concord of motions, and affections( b● the benefit of Gods grace, and of original iustice where with they we●● adorned) did vngratefullie transgress his commandment, and so we●● not only worthily deprived of his grace, and the hope of euerlastin● joy, whereto they were ordained, but also became subject even in th● life to all misery, as well of soul as body.  
35 For the principal powers of the soul( which are the subiects, o● seats of virtue) were both weakened, and corrupted; reason obscure●& blinded, the will disordered& perverted; the other inferior powe●● fraught and oppressed with passions, and perturbations; the body incensed with flames of lust, and concupiscence; and finally the bridle o● Gods grace, and original iustice( which fortified reason, and kept all the inferior powers in obedience to it) being taken away, they all ran headlong to their objects with such violence, that ever since, they draw ●ost commonly both reason, and the will after them, by the just iudg●ent of God, ordaining as S. Augustin teacheth, that the defection, 
Aug. To. 7. de peccat. meritis& 〈◇〉,  and ●ebellion of reason in man against God his creator, should be punished ●ith the like rebellion of her own subiects, I mean the inferior ●owers, which are ordained by nature to obey her, and in all things to and guided by her, and so we see how true it is which the Preacher saith, ●●at Deus fecit hominem rectum,& ipse immiscuit infinitis questionibus. God ●●de man righteous, and just, and he entangled himself with infinite trouble, and ●●●oyles.  
●6 This the philosophers found, and tried in themselves to be true, so ●●●e forth as concerneth, the disease and wound of human nature, that 〈◇〉 to say, the effects, and sequels of mans fall, and yet seeing, and feeling ●ithal some relics of former health, I mean some sparks of virtue, ●nd the light of reason, not extinguished, but only darkened, and obscu●ed, they persuaded themselves, that mans disease was not so desperate, ●ut that there might be hope of his recovery, and therefore they used ●ll endeavour,& gave many good precepts to that end; but not knowing ●●e true cause of his sickness( as I haue said) they erred in all the course of ●●e cure, especially in that they expected the remedy from mans own ●●bour, and endeavour, thinking themselves able to arrive to the perfe●tion of moral virtue, without the grace of God, which was impossible, ●eeing that mans reason, being for his offence deprived of the conduct ●f grace, cannot possiblelie exercise her function in the due government, ●nd direction of the inferior powers, 
D. Tho 1.2. q. 109. ar. 8.  except shee return to the obedience of her own superior, and be guided by him, no more then the ●ill, when it is alienat from reason, can well govern either itself, or ●he sensitive appetite, which is subject unto it. 
S. Aug. li. 19. de civit. Dei ca. 25.  And therefore S. Augu●●●● saith. Quam libet videatur animus &c. How laudably soever the soul may ●eeme to rule the body, and reason rule 'vice, yet if the soul, and reason itself, do ●●t serve God in such sort, as he hath commanded, they can never well rule, or go●●rne either of both. For how can the soul that knoweth not the true God, and is ●●t subject unto him, but lieth open to the temptation, and corruption of the devil author of all 'vice, how can it, I say, be lady, and mistress of the body, or repress 'vice? Thus saith S. Augustin.  
●7 And for as much also as the will of man, is no less alienated, and ●●uerted from God, then his reason, by the fall of Adam, and that it is requisite for the reparation of his corrupt nature( and consequently for the perfection of moral virtue) that his will be converted again to God, and guided also by his grace, it followeth, that no man can attain to the perfection of moral virtue, without his special assistance: an● the reason is, because the conversion of mans will to God, is not in h●● own power, but proceedeth principally from Gods grace, which S. Th●●mas proveth very learnedly thus.  

D. Tho. 1.2. quest. 109. ar. 6.  Seeing that, saith he, every agent, or cause worketh for an end, it m●● needs follow, that every cause converteth her own effects, unto h●● end, and therefore, when there are diuers, and different ends, the ord●● of those ends is to be considered, according to the order of the cause● whereupon it followeth, that man is converted to his last end, by th● motion of the first agent, or cause, that is to say of almighty God, an● that he is moved, to his next end, by some secondary, or inferior age● as for example, the soldier is moved to seek victory, by the motion 〈◇〉 his general, and to follow the particular colours of some band, or co●panie, by the motion of his captain, or colonel. Therfore, for as muc● as almighty God is the first mover, he himself is the cause that all thin● are finally converted unto him, according to the nature of every o●● whereupon dionysius Areopagita, 
Dionis. li. de divin. nomin. ca. 4.  saith. Deus convertit omnia ad seipsum. God t●●neth all things to himself. Thus saith S. Thomas, confuting learnedly,& so●delie, not only the philosophers, but also the heretics, Valentinus, B●●lides, and Pelagius, who taught that mans corrupt nature, had sufficient force, and power in itself to repair, and rectify itself, without th● help of Gods grace.  
38 Well then, seeing all the perfection of moral virtue, dependeth on●● on the reparation of human nature, corrupted by the fall of our first f●ther, and that the same cannot be purchased, or procured by any huma● means, or industry, without the concurrence of Gods grace, it followet● that the perfection of moral virtue, is only to be had in the Christi●● religion, which( as I haue shewed before, and will show more amp●● hereafter) is the law of grace, and only able to heal the wound in ma● nature, to illuminat his reason, to rectify his will, to repress sensualiti●● and to pacify his passions, and consequently to enable him, to do th● acts of perfect moral virtue, and to eschew all 'vice, where upon I conclude, that Christian religion is most political, and fit for government o● state.   

〈◇〉 is objected that many paynims, and Infidels haue excelled in the moral, and civil virtues, though they were utterly voided of grace. And for satisfaction of the objection it is proved, that though they might haue, and had some virtues, yet they ●●ld never without grace, arrive to the perfection of moral virtue. Finally for the further proof of the necessity of grace, to the repression of 'vice, many examples are alleged of the notable effects of grace, in the sudden, and miraculous conversion of sinners, and reformation of mens manners. CHAP. 16.  
but here perhaps, some may demand, how then it came to pass, that not only the Philosophers, but also many unlearned men, yea& women amongst the paynims, left an eternal memory of their rare virtues. For who can deny, but ●●at furious Camillus the Roman, 
Tit. livi. Dec. 1. li. 5.  left a memorable example of excellent iu●●ice, when besieging the Falisci, he caused a schoolmaster( who had be●●aied, and delivered into his hands, all the children of the chief nobi●●tie) to be stripped naked, and whipped back into the town, by the children themselves, whereupon his enemies were strooken with such ●dmiration of his virtue, that they yielded themselves, and their town ●nto him? And no less notable was the iustice of the senate of Rome, 
Plutar. in Pirro.  ●hich having war with king Pirrus, sent ambassadors to admonish ●im, to take heed of his physician, who had offered them to poison ●im. And no less commendation deserved Lucius Crassus, 
Valer. Max. li. 6. c. 5.  for his modera●●on towards Carbo his notable enemy. For when a slave of Carbo, brought ●im a desk of his masters, wherein were all his secret papers reserved, ●mongst the which he might be sure to find sufficient matter to ouer●hrow Carbo, he would not open it, but sent the slave back to his master, ●ith a seruant of his own, and the desk unopened.  
And to speak of other virtues, how famous was the continency, 
T. livi. De●. 3. l. 6. in fine. & ●iberalitie of Scipio, who having taken in war, a virgin of rare beauty, ●ot only delivered her inuiolat to a noble man( though an enemy) to ●hom she was espoused, but also gave her, for her dowry, the money ●hich was paid for her ransom?  
And how admirable was the fortitude of Horatius Cocles, 
Idem Dec. 1 li. 2. Valer. li. 3. ca. 2.  who when the Hetrusci assailed the city of Rome, by a draw bridge, defended it himself ●gainst their whole army, until it was cut down behind him, whereby and fell into the river, and escaped, and as Valerius saith, drew the Gods themselves to such an admiration of his valour, that they conser●ed him from the danger both of water, and also of his enimyes. To whom may be added also diuers other Romans, 
T. L●ui. Dec. 1. li. 2.  no less exempl● then the former for their valour, fortitude, and piety to their cou●● as Mutius Scaeuola, who having failed to kill king Porsenna, when he b●seeged Rome, put his right hand into the fire, in the kings presence, a● there held it until it was burnt, partly to take reuenge of it, for miss●● the blow, and partly to show, how much he contemned all the tormē● which were threatened him. 
Idem. De●. 1. li. 8.&. 10.  And the two Decij, the father, and the son●● seeing their armies in danger of overthrow, vowed, and solemnly( af●●● their fashion) consecrated themselves, as sacrifices to their Gods, to o●taine the victory, as I haue declared in the tenth chapter, where I ha●● also made mention of the famous acts of Marcus Curtius, 
Idem Dec. 1. li. 7. Valer. Max. li. 1. ca. 1. Cicero de office. li. 3.  and Marcus A●lius Regulus, memorable to all posterity, as well for their notable resol●tion, piety to their country, and contempt of death, as for the fidelit●● and iustice of the latter, in observing his oath to his enemies, with t●● loss of his life.  
4 What should I say of the prudence of Socrates, esteemed by the te●●●monie of the oracle of Apollo, to be the wisest man living, or of his p●tience, and fortitude, who being wrongfully condemned to death 〈◇〉 the Athenians, his cuntrimen, and having the cup of poison in his h●●● ready to drink, prayed for the prosperity of his enemies, and for his 〈◇〉 grateful country, 
Cic●ro Tus. q li. 1.  with such constancy, and alacrity, that, as Cicero sai●● he spoken rather, like one, that was going triumphantlie to heau●● then one condemned to die miserablie like a malefactor?  

Diogenes latert. in vilis e●rum. Plutar. in Aristide. Idem in vit. eorum.  5 And what need I speak of the excellent virtue of Plato, called e●● until this day, the divine? Or of other philosophers, as of Bias, Ana●goras, Democritus, and Crates, whose names were greatly celebra●● amongst the Greekes, for the contempt of riches, and worldly honour Or of Aristides in Athens, for his rare virtue surnamed the just? O● 〈◇〉 Epaminundas, a famous captain in Thebes? Or of Timoleon in Corinth, or 〈◇〉 Dion in Sicily, or of the two Catoes amongst the Romans, and diuers other who no less excelled in marshal prowess, and civil prudence( bei●● great gouernours in their common wealths) then in the exercise of a● moral virtue? What need I( I say) speak of them, seeing there may 〈◇〉 alleged infinite examples of notable women, who haue been also mi●rours of all kind of virtue? For who can sufficiently admire the liberality of Busa, 
livi. Dec. 3. li. 2. livi. Dec. 1 li 1. Valer. Max. li. 6. ca. 1.  an Italian Matron, of whom ten thousand Roman so●●diars escaping from the battle of Cannae, were received, and mainta●ned sometime at her own charges? Or the chastity of Lucretia the Roman, and of Hippo the grecian, of whom the first killed herself, because she was ravished by tarqvinius, and the other being taken at sea b● enemies, drowned herself, least shee should be violated? In which two ●●●ertheles, it is to be noted, that their virtue consisted not in that they ●●●led themselves( which was an unlawful, and sinful act) but in their ●●ate love of chastity, and regard of their honour, and reputation, for 〈◇〉 which their memory is still celebrated in all histories.  
● The which also, is to be understood of the conjugal love of the In●●n women, who used to burn themselves most ioifullie with the bo●●s of their husbands, and of Cato, his daughter called Porcia, who being ●●ried to Brutus, and having understood of his conspiracy against Caesar, 
Valer. Max. li. 4. c. 6.  〈◇〉 very night before it was to be executed, gave herself a greeveous ●●und with a knife, to try how she could endure to kill herself, in case 〈◇〉 husbands designment should not succeed well, and afterwards vn●●●standing, that he was overthrown in battle, and had killed him●●●fe, and seeing herself by the careful diligence of her friends deprived all other means to make herself away, swallowed down hot bur●●ge coals, until shee was stifled, and chooked therewith.  
But I omit to touch other particulars, of the virtues of Pagan woven, seeing that Plutark wrote a whole tract of that subject, 
Plutar. de claris mulierib.  wherein he ●●ounteth notable examples of them in all kind of virtue, so that it may ●●me, that moral virtues may be had, and practised in great perfection profane common wealths, without any assistance of Gods grace.  
To satisfy, this objection, it is to be considered, that there is great ●●fference betwixt doing the acts of virtue, and being truly virtuous. ●●r, not only children, which haue not yet the use of discretion, but also ●●d men, and bruit beasts, may do the acts of virtue, though they can●●t be said to be virtuous, 
Aristot. Ethic. li. 3. ca. 1.& 2.  seeing it is requisite to true virtue( as Aristotle ●●●cheth) that virtuous acts be donne well, and virtuously, that is to say, ●ith due circumstances of time, place, measure, order, and especially ●ith due election of the end In which last point, the actions of Pagans ●●r the most part failed of true goodness, and virtue, because they were ●●t referred to God, the author of all virtue, and goodness, but most ●●mmonlie to vain glory, or else to some private, or public commo●●tie, or at least to virtue itself, without any further relation to God 〈◇〉 all.  
This was notably observed, by S. Augustin in the famous, 
D. Aug. de civit. li. 5. c. 12.18.19.& 20.  and wor●●ie acts of the first Brutus, Camillus, Torquatus, Fabritius, the two Decij, Mu●●s Scaeuola, Marcus Curtius, and generally of all other Romans, whom he ●heweth evidently to haue had no other scope, or end in their actions, ●ut either the love of their common wealth, or a desire of honour. Where upon it is to be inferred, that neither their acts, nor any other of gentiles, referred to the same end, could be truly virtuous. For as S. Augus●●●● saith; 
Ibid.  Non est vera virtus, nisi quae ad eum finem tendit, ubi est bonum homm●●● quo melius non est. Yt is not true virtue, which tendeth to any other end, then th●● wherein is the best, and chief good of man, that it to say, almighty God, 〈◇〉 his service.  
10 And this is evident by the very nature of virtue, whereto nothing is more requisite, then to make a good election of the end, of every act●●( and therefore Aristotle teacheth, 
Ethic. li. 10. cap. 8. D. Tho. 1.2. quest. 57. ar. 5.  that no moral virtue, can be without prudence, whereto the choice of the end in all virtuous actions, especia●● belongeth.) Where upon it followeth, that seeing reason teacheth, th●● God is not only the first cause, and creator, but also the natural end 〈◇〉 all creatures, it must needs be the office of true prudence, to direct 〈◇〉 human actions, first and principally to him, and secondarily to oth●● lawful ends, in which respect the action which is not finally,& chee●● referred to God, cannot be prudent, nor consequently truly vertuo●●  
11 And although it is not altogether unprobable, that some few amō● the paynims, I mean the philosophers( or at least some of them,) mig●● haue, or perhaps had, some relation in their actions, to the author 〈◇〉 nature,( that it to say to God) either in particular, or in general, neu●●theles, it cannot be said, that they could arrive to any perfection of m●ral virtue, because there is requisite thereto, not only to make a go●● choice of the end of every action, and to perform the same with 〈◇〉 circumstances, but also to haue a perfect connexion, of all the mor●● virtues, and to persever in the continual use, and practise of them, y●● and to eschew all maner of 'vice( as Aristotle, 
Ethic. li. 1. c. 10.& li. 10. ca. 5.  and all other philosoph●● teach expressly) which no paynime ever did, nor is any way possi●●● for mans weak, and corrupt nature, except it be repaired, and cured●● grace.  
12 For although, when mans nature was sound, and uncorrupt( as 〈◇〉 was in Adam before his fall) he might do all things, 
D. Tho. 1. 2. q. 109. ar. 2. c.  which w●● proportionable to his nature, and consequently perform all the acts 〈◇〉 moral virtue, yea and persever in the exercise thereof, yet now his nature being so weakened, and corrupted as it is, he cannot do either 〈◇〉 both of himself, and yet nevertheless, being not wholly corrupted,( 〈◇〉 reason retaining still some superiority over his inferior powers) 〈◇〉 hath so much force, and power left, that he may with diligent praem●ditation, and heed, do some particular acts of virtue: even as a sic● man, may perform some acts, of a whole and sound man, but not a●● that which a sound man can do until he be perfectly cured, a●● healed.  
13 Furthermore, great difference is to be noted betwixt the power, and ●●bilitie to avoid all 'vice, and to eschew any one particular 'vice, or ●●me. For those two powers, do depend on diuers causes, and therefore ●●st needs be very different betwixt themselves.  
The power to avoid any one sin, proceedeth of a particular cause, ●●t is to say, of the natural subiection of the appetite to reason, and of ●●e liberty of mans will, whereby he may( not withstanding the cor●●ption of his nature) resist, as I haue said, some light temptations, and ●●oid some particular sins, but the power to eschew all 'vice, or sin ●●pendeth on an universal cause, that is to say, on the due subordina●●●n, and subiection of all the inferior powers of the soul to the su●●●iour( to wit to reason, 
Chap. 15. nu. 33.& sequent. D. Tho. 1.2. q. 109. ar. 8.  and to the will) and that they be subject to ●●●d, and governed and moved by him, as I haue signified before. For ●●●hough a man may, by the liberty of his will, withstand some mo●●ns, or temptations, which he forseeth, or expecteth, keeping due watch upon himself, yet as long as his will is alienated from God, and all the ●●●eriour powers of his soul so prove, and headlong to their objects, ●●d so rebellious against reason( as in our corrupt nature they are) he ●●●not still persever in his watch of himself, but shalbe often carried ●●ay with the vehement, and sudden temptations of the world, 
Arist. li. 3. Ethic.  the ●●●h, and the devil, especially seeing that( as Aristotle saith) in sud●●●ne motions, a man commonly followeth his habit and inclination, ●●●her then his praemeditate purposes. Besides that the motions, and ●●●ptations of sin, are often times so many at once, that he cannot ●●●e sufficient praemeditation, against them all, but by seeking to avoid ●●e, he shall fall into an other, except he be supported by some superna●●●all help.  
Where upon it followeth, that the Paynims, or Infidels could never themselves, attain to the perfection of moral virtue, but were conta●●nated with many vices,& foul sins, before they could come 〈◇〉 get 〈◇〉 one virtuous habit. And therfore the nature of sin being such, ●●●t when it hath once got possession of the soul of man, it draweth ●●●l into it more corruption, and infection, except it be cleansed by ●●●ce, it is no marvel that they, being voided of grace, were so de●●essed with the weight of their own sins, that they could nei●●●r raise themselves to the perfection of virtue, nor yet with●●uld themselves from horrible vices. For, even as a bowl, or ●●ne cast down a hil, gathereth still force, as it goeth, and runneth ●●et the longer, the faster, until it come to the bottom: even 〈◇〉 a sinner not reclaimed, or stayed by Gods grace, falleth commonly from sin to sin, and ever the longer the worse, until he com●( as the wise man saith) in profundum, 
S. Greg. in c. 34. job. c. 9.  into the depth of sin; where v●pon, S. Gregory saith, that the sin, which is not washed away with repentance, draweth a man, with the weight thereof to other sins. A●● the psalmist saith to the same purpose. 
Psal. 90.  Via impiorum tenebrae,& lubric●● The way of the wicked is dark, and slippery, because being destitute of t●● light of Gods grace, he slideth still from one sin, to an other, whi●● also the prophet Hieremy, affirmeth of jerusalem, and of all sinners. P●catum, 
Hierem. Thren. 1.  saith he, peccavit jerusalem,& propteria instabilis facta est. Hierusal●● hath sinned a sin, and is therefore become unstable. And S. chrysostom expre●seth the same, with a notable example, or similitude saying; that even a ship which lacks a stern, cannot go, whither the pilot will, b● whither the storm, or wind driveth it: so also the man, that is void●● Gods grace, is carried away with 'vice, and sin, until he run vpp●● the rocks of all wickedness. finally this may be confirmed by the experience, that hath been had, of the bad, and vicious lives of the best p●●losophers, notwithstanding their doctrine, and vain ostentation of v●●tue, as I haue shewed sufficiently in the first part of this treatise.  
15 Therefore I conclude upon all the premises, first, that althou●● some of the gentiles did some notable acts of moral virtue, some in 〈◇〉 kind, and some in an other( whereby, as I signified in my first part, af●● in many ages were counted virtuous) yet none of them ever arrived 〈◇〉 any perfection of moral virtue, or were truly virtuous, partly beca●●● they never had that connexion of all the virtues, which in the opini●● of all the philosophers is requisite, to the perfection of moral virtue, a●● partly because they were all of them vicious, and wicked in some ki●● of 'vice, or other: and lastly, because they were voided of Gods gra●● which is the only means to repair the corrupt nature of man, and 〈◇〉 enable him, to do all that, which is necessary to perfect virtue.  
16 Secondlie, I conclude, that seeing the perfection of moral vertue●● requisite to the perfection of common wealth, and that the same cann●● be had without the grace of God, and again that Gods grace is( a●● haue shewed in the last chapter) proper to Christian religion, it m●● needs follow, that Christian religion is most political, and necessa●● for government of common wealth.  
17 All this will be yet more evident, if we consider more particularly, 〈◇〉 marvelous, or rather miraculous effects of Christian religion, in reform●● the mindes,& manners of men. For although I haue said somewhat the●● already, 
Chap. 15.  yet I think it convenient to add also somewhat more conc●●ning the same point, to the end, it may be as clear, as the sun. therefore Lactantius endeavouring to show, 
Lactant. li. 3. c. 25.  how vainly the philosophers la●●ured to reform the mind, and manners of men, by their moral phi●●sophie, teacheth that the remedy of mans infirmity and corruption, ●●ght to be such( in respect both of the private, and of the public weal 〈◇〉 man) that it may extend itself to every man, of what degree, state, ●●vocation soever he be. For as every man participateth of the disease ●●reditarie to human nature: so it is reason, that every man also may ●●rticipat of the remedy. In which respect, some of the philosophers, ●●s namely the stoics) thinking the knowledge, and practise of philo●●phie, to be absolutely necessary for the perfection, and felicity of ●●an, taught that all sorts of men, and women, rich, and poor, bond, and ●●ee, ought to be philosophers, wherein,( as Lactantius, 
Idem ibid.  noteth very well) ●●nati sunt facere, quod veritas exigebat, said non potuit vltra verba procedi. They ●●deuored to do that which verity, and truth required, but could go 〈◇〉 further then to words.  
●● Thus saith he, and most truly, for two reasons before declared. The ●●e for that their philosophy could not reach to the roote, and cause of ●ans disease: and the other because none could attain to the know●●dge, and practise of it, but only a few, such I mean as had habilitie,& ●●sure from other employments, to attend to the study thereof, which ●●s it is evident) the greatest part of the common wealth by far cannot ●●e, and if they could, yet very many haue not sufficient capacity to ●●rne, and study it, and therefore Cicero saith. Philosophia est paucis contenta, 
Cicero Tusculan. q. li. 5.  ●●dicibus, multitudinem consulto ipsa fugiens. Philosophy contenteth itself with the ●●dgement of a few, and purposely flieth from the multitude, that is to say, from ●●e common sort of men. Where upon Lactantius, concludeth very well, 
Lactant. li. 3. c. 25.  ●●at therefore philosophy, is not true wisdom, as the philosophers af●●med, and taught it to be. For if wisdom, saith he, be given by almighty ●●d for the benefit of mankind, he gave it to the end, that every man may be partaker ●●ereof, but these philosophers do usurp this common, and public benefit to themsel●●s, as though they would hoodwinck, and blindfould all other men, and that no ●an but they should see the same, &c.  
●● Therefore seeing the nature of man is capable of wisdom, it is convenient, that ●●sbandmen, artificers, women, and men of all sorts, and vocations, be taught it, to ●●e end they may become wise thereby, which is an evident argument to prove, that ●●ilosophy is not true wisdom, the mystery whereof, hath more ostentation in a long ●●ard, and a cloak, then good effect in works, and actions.  
●0 Thus saith Lactantius, signifying notably, the defect, and insufficiency ●f philosophy and other human means, for the reparation of human ●ature, and the reformation of mens manners, which he teacheth also to be the true, and proper effect of Christian religion in these words.  

Idem ibid.  21 That which the philosophers, by the instinct of nature, thought convenient to be donne,& yet could never do themselves, is performed by th● heavenly doctrine( of Christian religion) which only is true wisdom. Fo● can the philosophers persuade any man, who could never fully persw●de themselves? Or can they repress any mans passions, temper any ma● wrath, or restrain other mens lust, when they themselves are ouerco●● with 'vice,& therfore must needs aclowledge the force of their ow● corrupt nature? Whereas daily experience sheweth, what power the c●●maundements, or the law of God haue in the mindes of men. For let 〈◇〉 man be never so colerick, or furious, and with a few words of God, will make him as meek,& quiet as a lamb; let him be covetous, a●ricious, or nigardlie, I will make him liberal,& to give his money free● with his own hands; let him be never so timorous, and fearful 〈◇〉 torments, or death, he shall contemn gallows, fire, and the bull of Ph●laris, let him be libidinous, adulterous, and riotous, you shall strait 〈◇〉 him, chast, and continent; let him be cruel, and bloody, his fury sh●● suddenly be changed to clemency; let him be unjust, a fool, and a s●●ner, he shall become just, prudent, and innocent; for with one on●● washing( that is to say of baptism) all his malice shalbe abolished,& 〈◇〉 And was there ever any of the philosophers, that ever did, or was ab●● to do these things, who when they had spent all their lives in the st●die of philosophy, could neither make themselves, or any man else, t●● better, if nature did never so little repugn? Therefore all that the●● wisdom could perform, was to hid 'vice, and not to reform it, whe●● as the commandments of God, do so wholly change a man, and c●● him in such a new mould, that you will not know him to be the same m●● Thus far Lactantius, declaring his experience, aswell concerning the ph●losophers which lived in his time, as also touching the effects of Christ●●● religion in the gentiles, who were daily converted in his daies, whic● was in the time of Constantin the great, to whom he wrote.  
22 This mutation of mind, and manners, whereof Lactantius speaket● is( as I haue said) a special effect of Gods grace, infused into the soul 〈◇〉 man, per Spiritum sanctum qui datus est nobis, by the holy Ghost which is gi●●● unto us, 
Rom. 5. D. Ambros. in evang. luke. c. 1.  whereof, S. Ambrose saith cvi adest spiritus gratiae, nihil dost,& 〈◇〉 spiritus Sanctus infunditur magnarum plenitudo virtutum est. He that hath 〈◇〉 spirit of grace, wanteth nothing, and whosoever hath the holy Ghost infused i● him, hath the plenitude, or perfection of great virtues. That is to say, of th● three virtues, called Theological, to wit, Faith, Hope,& Charity, whe●● by mans understanding is illuminated, and his will not only inflame● with the love of God, but also drawn, moved, and disposed to the exe●ution of his commandments, and the inferior powers of his soul ●re made obedient to the superior, and consequently to the law of God, which( as I declared before out of the prophet, 
Chap. 15. nu. 14.15.& 16. ) is written in the ●arts of the faithful, in so much, that those things which before seemed, ●nd were to mans corrupt nature impossible,( as the perfect practise, ●nd exercise of the moral virtues, and the observation of Gods com●aundements) became afterwards, not only possible, but also easy to and performed.  
●3 This the prophet foretold, when speaking of the coming of Christ, 
Esay. 46.  ●nd the vocation of the gentiles, he said. Erunt praua, in directa,& aspera in ●i●s planas. The crooked shalbe made strait, and the rough byways shalbe made ●●uen, and plain, that is to say, the perverse, and crooked natures, and ●onditions of men shalbe rectified by grace, and the way of virtue, and ●f Gods law, which before was full of asperity, and difficulty, shal become facile, and easy, yea, sweet, and pleasant, and therefore the royal prophet saith, of the commandments of God, that they are. ●ulciora supper mell,& fauum. More sweet then the honey, and the hony comb. 
Psal. 18. Chap. 17.18.19.20.& 21.  Of which point I will speak more particulary, and amply after a while, when I shall treat of the end, and felicity of man, and common wealth.  
●4 And although almighty God for the humiliation of his seruants,& ●heir greater merit, giveth them many times his grace by degrees, yea,& ●ermiteth them to haue great,& long conflicts, with their own perverse ●atures, before they can overcome them( suffering them to fight,& assi●●ing them therein, and giuing thē in the end both the victory,& crow●●e, for their fight) nevertheless, for his own greater glory, and our com●orts, he bestoweth many times his grace in such abundance,& worketh ●uch sudden conversions of men from infidelity to his faith,& from 'vice ●o virtue, that it cannot justly be ascribed to any other means, then to ●he force of his grace, though Infidels,& wicked men, who haue not had ●nie experience, or taste thereof in themselves, so little understand it, that ●orphiry the philosopher, and julian the Apostata, taxed either our holy scriptures of untruth, or the Apostles of levity, and folly, for that they ●ollowed our saviour Christ at the first call; 
D. Hiero. l. 5 comment. in Mat. c. 9.  which cavil S. jerome answe●eth notably well saying, that if there be such force,( as we see) in let, and the ●●adstone, to draw unto them straw, and iron: how much more was the lord of ●ll creatures able to draw unto himself, those whom it pleased him to call. Thus ●aith S. jerome, whereto I add, that if the Apostles were fools for fol●owing Christ at his call, then many great philosophers, yea,& the whole ●orld converted by thē,& by such other, had less reason to be Christians then they, and may far more worthily be noted of folly.  
25 But no marvel, that almighty God wrought such sudden, an● strange mutations in men by his own son, whiles he was here on● earth, seeing he hath donne the like ever since in all ages, and daily doth both by his seruants, and also by other means, through the merits of h●● said son, our saviour, as appeareth in our holy scriptures, by the su●daine conversion of three thousand souls, 
Act. c. 2. Act. c. 8. Ibidem c. 9.  at S. Peters first sermon; and o● the Eunuch by Phillip the disciple, with only one conference, and 〈◇〉 Saul, who of a persecutor suddenly became an Apostle, and of the gre●● philosopher dionysius Areopagita, 
Ibid. c. 17.  converted also by one sermon of th● same Saul, then called Paul; as also of diuers others, which I omit, to th● end I may allege a few examples out of other histories of later time● thereby to show the admirable effects, and operation of Gods grace i● Christian religion from time, to time.  

Euseb. li. 3. c. 17. Chrisost. ad Theodor. lapsum. joan. Cassian. collat. 24. c. 21. Baron. an.  26 We red in Eusebius, and diuers other authors, that S. John the Eua●gelist, having recommended a young man to the care, and instruction of 〈◇〉 certain Bishop, and understanding after some yeares, that the young ma● had not only abandoned the Bishop, and the Christian faith, but w●● also become a captain of common theeues and murderers, he wou●● needs go seek him, where he used to rob, and spoil the passenge●●& falling first into the hands of his companions, he desired to be brought to their captain, who, as soon as he saw him, began to run away but S. John cried unto him to stay, telling him that he desired nothing a● his hands, but his eternal good, offering to pawn his own soul for h●● salvation, where upon the young man returned, and with aboundanc● of tears craved pardon, of God, and him, submitting himself unto h●● direction, and so entire, was his repentance, and conversion, that short●● after S. John made him Bishop.  

Sozo. eccles. hist. l. 1. c. 17. Raffin. li. 1. ca. 3.  27 We read also of an other strange, and sudden conversion of a gre●● philosopher to the Christian faith, in the first general council of Nu●● This philosopher disputing with Christian Bishops, could not be ga●ned, and converted by way of arguments, or other means, until at la●● an unlearned, but a very holy Bishop called Spiridion, proposed unto hi●● simply our Christian doctrine of Christ incarnat, and crucified, and aske● him, whether he believed it, or no, whereto he answered, that he believed it, and confessed himself to be overcome, gave him great thanke● and protested publicly, that by an unspeakable, and divine power, h●● was already converted to the Christian faith.  

D. Aug. l. confess. 8. c. 6.  28 S. Augustin; also recounteth an admirable effect of Gods grace, i● two companions of his friend Potitianus, at trevers in Germany, the emperour being there. The story is thus. Potitianus, and three other secular ●●en walking abroad, in an orchard, two of them, severed themselves ●●om the other, only to talk together more privately, and passing too, ●●d fro, found by chance a poor cottage, or cell of some religious per●●ns, where there was a book of the life of S. Anthony the famous here●●it, which the one of them( who was a man of account in the empe●●urs court) began to red, and was within a while, so inflamed with ●●e love of God, by the example of that holy man, that he cast his eyes ●●pon his friend, and said. Tell me I pray you, what do we pretend by all our ●●bours in the court? do we seek ought else, or can we hope for greater hap, then 〈◇〉 haue the emperours favour? And if we obtain it, how fickle a thing, and full of ●●nger is it? And by how many dangers do we tend to greater danger? Whe●●as, if we will seek to haue Gods favour, and friendship, we may haue it pre●●●tly, with security. Thus said he, and pausing a while,  told his friend that ●●e was resolved to leave the court, and the world, at that very instant, ●●d to remain there to serve God during his life, asking him, what he ●ould do, who being no less moved by his example, then by his rea●●ns, but most of all by Gods grace, which moved,& guided them both, ●etermined also wholly to renounce the world, and to stay with him ●●ere.  
●● Towards the evening Potitianus, and his other companion, seeking ●●l about for them found them at last in that poor cell, and vnderstan●●ng their firm resolution, and being requested by them, not to molest ●●em, in case they would not take the same course themselves, took ●heir leaves of them, with many tears, and( as S. Augustin saith) Trahen●●s cor in terra, abierunt in palacium. Drawing their hartes after them upon the ●arth, went back to the emperours palace, whereas the other two having, saith 〈◇〉 Augustin, settled, and fixed their harts in heaven, remained in the cell, having ●●ene both of them handfast, and betrothed, to two maids, who hearing ●f their resolution, dedicated also their virginity to God. This was rela●ed in this manner by Potitianus himself to S. Augustin, who also decla●eth a notable, and strange operation, of Gods grace in his own con●ersion, which I think good to touch briefly, seeing I haue had this ●ccasion to speak of him.  
●0 S. Augustin, having forsaken the company, 
D. Aug. li 8. confess. c. 12.  and heresy of the Mani●hees, and yet neither being baptized, nor reclaimed, from his former dis●olute life( which still withheld him from baptism, and the perfect pro●ession of catholic religion,) he felt one day, such motions of Gods ●race, and thereby had such a conflict with himself, that he burst forth ●nto abundance of tears, and cast himself prostrate upon the ground, where after a while he heard a voice, as it were of a boy, or a girl si●ging these words, tolle lege, tolle lege, take up, and red, take up, and red, an● not seeing any likeliehood, that it could proceed from any child, 〈◇〉 other mortal creature, he persuaded himself, that almighty God adm●nished him thereby to take a book, and to note for his own instructi●● that which he should first chance to cast his eye upon, as he had understood the like of S. Anthony, the Heremit, who opening the new Test●ment, by chance, and lighting upon the words of our saviour. go, a●● sell all that thou hast, 
Matth. 9.  and give it to the poor, &c. took the same as spoken vn●● him, and there upon determined to abandon the world. With this co●ceit S. Augustin opened the book, of the new Testament, wherein th●● which first occurred to his sight, was these words of S. Paul, to the Rom●● honest ambulemus, 
Rom. 13.  non in commessationibus &c. Let us walk honestly, not in b●quetting, and drunkenness, not in beds, and lasciviousness, not in contention, and an●lation, but put upon you our lord Iesus Christ, and do not pamper your flesh in co●●●piscences &c. Which when he had red, he shut the book being full● satisfied; for having red but so far, he felt presently, as he saith, such 〈◇〉 light of security infused into his hart, that all obscurity, and further doubt, was clean expelled, in so much, that he affirmeth of himself that from that time forward, he determined to live chast, and to haue 〈◇〉 further hope, or care of this world, resolving to become a perfect christian, and to dedicate the rest of his life, wholly to the service of Go● which he after performed to Gods glory, and to the great good of h●● Church.  
31 I cannot omit, the strange conversion of the famous Pachomius, fou●der of the religious monks of egypt, called Tabennesiotae. This Pachomi●● being a gentle, and prest for a soldier, in the wars betwixt the emp●rour Constantin, and Licinius, passed by Thebes in egypt, where there we●● many devout Christians, who of their ordinary charity to all stranger● relieved greatly Pachomius,& his company, being all in great necessit● for lack of victuals, wherewith Pachomius being much moved, dema●ded what maner of men, and of what profession they were, that vse● such extraordinary piety, and courtesy to strangers, and being  told th●● they were Christians, and that it was one special point of their profe●sion, to use great charity towards all men in necessity, he was presentl● illuminated, 
Metaphas. 14. May. Baron. an. 316.  saith the story, in his understanding, and enflamed with th●● love of God, and of Christian religion, in such sort, that his hart bein● withall full of ioy, he went a little aside, and after fervent prayer to almighty God, vowed to become a Christian,& when that war was ended, was baptized, and became, a man of great famed, for his miracles,& austerity o● monastical life, 
Pallad. de vita SS. Patrum. c. 38.  having under his government seven thousand religious ●●●ciples, as Paladius testifieth.  
●● An other conversion no less strange, and admirable, then any of the ●●●mer, happened in france, by the ministery of S. Bernard, in williā Duke 〈◇〉 Aquitany,& earl of Poytou, a man no less famous for the huge great●●s, strength, and valour of his person, then infamous for his wicked, ●●d vicious life, being given over to all 'vice, and wickedness, and a great ●●otectour, and defemder of the Antipope Peter Leon, 
Theobald. apud Surium, 10. Febru. Bernardus abbess Boneual. in vita S. Bernardi. Baronius Tom. 12. anno. 1135.  against the true ●●pe Innocentius, the second.  
This duke being excommunicated for his schism, and great persecu●●●n of good men, was many times solicited by S. Bernard, and others, to ●●ange his course of life, and to reconcile himself to the Church, but 〈◇〉 in vain, for he shewed himself daily more obstinate, raging, ●●eatning and blaspheming, until at length in an assembly of the no●●●itie and clergy, S. Bernard( moved no doubt by the spirit of God) ●●ought the blessed sacrament to him in presence of all the people, and ●●d, I, and many other seruants of God, haue entreated thee in Gods ●●me, to haue care of thy own soul,& no longer to trouble the union, ●●d peace of the Church, and thou hast contemned us, and thy own sal●●tion, now, thy Lord, and God himself cometh to entreat thee, ●●hold him here, the son of the virgin, and the Lord,& head of that ●●urch, which thou persecutest, in whose name the knees of all creatu●●●, in heaven,& earth, and hell do bow, thy judge, in whose hand, and ●●●wer thy soul is,& ever shalbe to be punished,& rewarded eternally, ●●●lt thou then despise him, as thou hast despised his seruants? The duke ●●aring this, trembled,& fell to the ground before the Blessed Sacrament: at ●●e feet of S. Bernard, and would not arise until the holy man, bad him ●●nd up to hear his sentence, which was, that he should submit him●●●fe to the Bishop of Poytou there present, whom he had in former time ●●●olentlie driven out of his Church, and that from thenceforth, he ●●ould be obedient to Innocentius the true pope, and his supreme pastor, ●●ich he presently performed, craving pardon of the Bishop, and pro●●sing obedience to pope Innocentius, and so abundant was Gods ●●ace in him, that he not only presently reformed his wicked life, ●●t also shortly after gave over his dukedom, distributed his ●●ods unto the poor, retired himself from the world, and spent ●●e rest of his dayes in most religious, and austere penance. He died 〈◇〉 the year of our Lord, one thousand one hundreth fifty six. ●●nd it pleased God to glorify himself in him by so many nota●●e miracles, both during his life, and after his death, 
Obijt. an. 1136.  that he was canonised, and is worthily honoured in the Church as a saint.  
33 I omit for brevities sake many wonderful conversions, as well o● Infidels, as wicked Christians, to speak of one amongst diuers other wrought by the prayers of S. Caterin of Siena. There was in that city, 〈◇〉 wicked, 
Raimund. de Capua in vita B. Catar. l. 3. c. 14.  and desperat young man called Nanni di Seruanni, by profession● soldier, who had mortal quarrels with diuers for one cause, or other and being requested as well by them, as by others to make peace, a●● composition with them, he could by no means be induced unto it, b●● remained resolute to do them some mischief, as opportunity shou●● serve, where upon some good men his friends, by great importunit●● persuaded him only to speak with. S. Caterin of Siena( who was the● living in the city, and famous for her holy life) by whose means th● hoped, that God might impart his grace unto him, but he assured the● that though he went unto her it should be but in vain, for he was ●●solued to be revenged, and afterwards having talked with her to satis●● his friends, he  told her, that nothing in the world but the blood of 〈◇〉 enemies, should be able to make peace betwixt him, and them, and would needs depart. Where upon she being moved with great co●passion of his desperate state, elevated her mind to God, craving the a●●stance of his grace, for the young mans conversion, which through Go●● goodness, wrought such effect, that he stayed upon a sudden, as it w●●● amazed& exclaimed saying, o Lord, what is that which tieth,& holde●● me, that I cannot depart? and presently fell down at her feet, and w●●● many tears promised to do what soever she would haue him. Beho●● then saith shee, how merciful God is towards you, I spoken to you 〈◇〉 your own good, and you would not give ear unto me, I haue spok●● to God for you,& he hath heard me, whereby you may see, how m●●● you are bound to his divine majesty. And so with many good less● she dismissed him very repentant, and he proved afterwards a very ch●ritable, and good man.  
34 Diuers other sudden, and miraculous conversions of great, a●● grievous sinners, by the prayers of that holy woman, are also witne●● by grave authors, who lived in the same time, which I let pass, to co●clude with the relation of the like strange effects of Gods grace in 〈◇〉 mutation of mens minds, by the prayers, and endeavours of a holy man these our daies, 
Ribadeneira in vita B. Ignatij.  to wit father Ignatius Loyola, founder of the holy socie●● of Iesus, who whiles he remained in Rome, laying the foundation of 〈◇〉 society, had no less contradiction therein, then other founders of ho●●● orders haue had heretofore, by the malignity of the devil,& especia●● in the year one thousand five hundred thirty eight, at what tim● amongst diuers other( who by the malice, and practise of evil men were ●●censed against him) the Cardinal Domenico de Cuppis, dean at that time ●f the college of Cardinals, was so far transported with false reports, ●●at he laboured to alienat from him, and his brethren, one of their ●●eatest benefactors called Quirinio Garzonio, in whose house father Igna●●●● lay, but Quirinio being often admonished, and solicited by the Cardi●al to abandon the father, beseeched him at last, that he would talk with ●im, and admit him to his purgation, for such things, as were laid to his ●hardge; the Cardinal was content he should come, and bad Quirinio ●●ring him unto him, saying that he would handle him, as he deserved. ●he father came, and was with him two houres in his chamber alone, 〈◇〉 which time almighty God wrought such alteration, and change in ●●e Cardinal, that, as he after  told himself to Quirinio, he cast himself at ●●e fathers feet, demanding pardon of God, and him, for the evil opi●ion he had in former time conceived of him,& the wrong he had donne ●im, in reporting evil of him, and in conclusion, ordained presently a ●reat alms to be weekly given to him, and his company, and was ever ●fter during his life, one of their greatest patrons, and protectors.  
And no less force God gave also to the same fathers words, and per●wasions, not only for the conversion of sinners( as may appear by very ●any, whom he suddenly drew to repentance, 
Idem ibid.  and change of life) ●ut also in appeasing the troubled consciences of many in temptation, 〈◇〉( to omit diuers other examples,) was most evident in a jew called ●●aac, who being converted to the Christian faith, and remaining with ●ther conuertits in the house of the fathers to be instructed, and prepa●ed for baptism, had one day such a violent temtation, that he was vp●on a sudden as it were distracted, and out of his wits, crying out to ●ave the door opened, that he might be gone, being fully determined, as and said, not to be Baptized,& no request, or persuasion of the other fa●hers would serve to appease his fury, until father Ignatius himself came, ●ho saying no more to him, but only, Restate con noi Isaac, Stay with ●s Isaac, wrought such a change in him( through the operation of the ●olie Ghost concurring therewith,) that he presently returned to his ●ormer tranquilitie, and peace of conscience, and after received the holy ●acrament of baptism.  
●6 These few examples shall suffice to show the great force, and nota●le effects of Gods grace, in the sudden change of mens minds, and mā●ers, whereby it may appear, whence proceedeth all the perfection of ●he moral virtues, consisting in the perfect command, and government ●f mans passions, and affections, whereto some men attain sooner, and some latter, according to the measure of Gods grace, moving thei● wills, 
Cor. 15.  and cooperating together with them, in which respect the Apostle saith. Non ego said gratia Dei mecum. Not I but the grace of God with me● whereof I shall haue occasion to speak more amply else where.  
37 Therefore I conclude, that seeing the perfection of common welt● dependeth upon the perfect virtue of the members thereof, and th●● the perfection of virtue proceedeth only from grace, which cannot b● had, but by Christian religion, it followeth not only, that Christian religion is necessary for common wealth, but also that no common welt● can be perfect without it: which would yet be much more evident, 〈◇〉 I should treat particulerlie of the most effectual, and excellent meane● whereby God giveth his grace in Christian religion, to wit of the hol●● sacraments, prayer, fasting, mortification, pious, and holy worke● whereof I omit to speak here, because I must necessarily treat there●● in the third part of this treatise.  
38 And therefore this shall suffice for the present, touching the nece●sitie of Christian religion in common wealth( so far forth, as concerne●● the perfection of moral virtues) which was the first of the two point● that I promised to handle. And now I will come to the other, and pro●● the dignity, and necessity of Christian religion in common wealth, because the felicity of man in this life, and consequently of comm●● wealth, consisteth therein: which point I hold to be so necessary, an● important for every man to know, and well to ponder, that I m●● crave thy patience, good Reader, whiles for thy special benefit, I e●large myself some what in the discourse, and discussion thereof, and 〈◇〉 many notable considerations incident thereto.   

The necessity of Christian religion, for the good government of state is further prou● by the end, and felicity of man, and common welth, because the same can●●● be obtained but by Christian religion. And for as much, as it is declared befor● that aswel the Pagan philosophers, as our Christian divines, place the felicity 〈◇〉 man, and of common welth in contemplation( which is an act of religion, 〈◇〉 it is here discussed what maner of contemplation, the philosophers required this felicity, what practise they had of it, what delight they taught to 〈◇〉 in it: and lastly, what experience they had of that which they taught concerning the same. CHAP. 17.  
BEing now to show that the end, and felicity of man in this life, and of common wealth consisteth only in Christian religion, I am to put thee in mind, good Reader, of two things, which thou must haue observed before. The one is, 
Chap 4.  that ●hen I treated of religion in general, and of the happiness of man consi●●●ng therein, I proved my intent by the testimony, as well of the old ●●ilosophers, as of holy Scriptures, and Fathers. The other is, that al●●ough Aristotle, and Plato, with their followers the peripatetics, and Pla●●iks, as also Trismegistus, and other philosophers, seemed now and then 〈◇〉 dissent in words, concerning the end, and felicity of man in this life, ●●●t they agreed all in effect, placing the same in the contemplation 〈◇〉 God, requiring thereto the love, and worship of him, with the con●●nual exercise of all virtues, all which concurring, is nothing else but ●●ligion.  
Therefore now, being to apply all that former discourse of religion 〈◇〉 general, to Christian religion in particular( whereto it served, but for preamble) I will prosecute the same course, that before I held, confir●ing our Christian doctrine, with the testimonies of the philosophers, ●●ewing also, as occasion shalbe offered, how far they had knowledge ●f the truth, and in what they erred concerning matter of religion. ●nd for as much, as I proved evidently in the fourth chapter, that ●he happiness of man in this life, and of common wealth, consisteth ●rincipallie in the contemplation of God, and seeing also that many ●oe not know either what contemplation is, or how it may bea●●fie man, and common wealth, neither yet perhaps do beleeue, or ●onceiue, that there is any such sweetness or delectation therein, as ●ay make it worthy to be counted felicity; I hold it necessary to ●reat as well of philosophical, as of Christian contemplation, and to ●hew wherein they agree, and how they differ, what the philosophers ●equired to theirs, what delectation they taught to be therein, what ●●ight, or knowledge of God, or what union with him they had, or could ●ave by the practise thereof: as also what Christian contemplation is, what is requisite thereto, how notable, and necessary is the use and practise of it. lastly, how incomparable is the delectation, and benefit thereof, whereby it shall manifestly appear, that the on●ie true felicity, which man in this life, and common wealth may possibly obtain, consisteth therein. In all which discourse, I hope thou shalt find( good Reader) diuers things, as well for thy i●struction, as for thy edification, and evidently see the great dignity, a●● excellency, not only of Christian contemplation, and religion, but al●● of a Christian common wealth, wherein true Christian religion florishe●● In which respect, I hold this subsequent discourse of contemplatio● most pertinent, and necessary to this treatise, seing it belongeth no le●● to common wealth itself, then to religion, and hath not benne trea●● in our tongue, for ought I know.  
3 First then I will speak of philosophical contemplation, which is ●●thing else, but a knowledge of God, got only by human reason, and d●●course, judging of the cause by the effects, and ascending by creatures, 〈◇〉 it were, by degrees, to the consideration, or speculation, of their creat●● whose sempiternal, 
Rom. 1. Cicero de Aruspic. responsis.  and invisible power and divinity is( as the Apostle sait● understood, and seen, per ea quae facta sunt, by those things which are made. Wh●reuppon Cicero saith, quis tam vecors est, qui cum in caelum suspexerit, Deum 〈◇〉 non senserit? Who is so senseless, that beholding the heauens, doth 〈◇〉 thereby perceive, that there is a God? And as there is nothing, which not partaker of the divine goodness, so also there it not any thing, wherein the same appeareth not some way, or other. whereupon Trismegis●●● saith notably thus. 
Mercurius Trismeg. in Piman. c. 5.  Deus totius invidiae expers &c. God being voided of all en●●● doth shine, and show himself every where, in every little part, or particle of 〈◇〉 world, and doth manifest himself unto us, that we may not only understand 〈◇〉 but also, as I may say, handle him with our hands, for his image, doth on every s●● present, offer, yea and inculcat itself into our eyes. Thus saith he.  
4 But for as much as all natural, and philosophical contemplation 〈◇〉 God, is grounded upon a weak foundation, the same must needs al●● be weak in itself. For the knowledge of God, which is had only 〈◇〉 his creatures, and all the reach of natural reason, when it is voided of grac● is subject to so many ambiguities, doubts, and difficulties, that it is al●● accompanied with obscurity, and vncertantie, as may appear, by the i●finit errors of the philosophers, 
Socrat. eccl. Hist. li. 4. cap. 27.  and their dissensions, touching Go● about whom they held no less then three hundreth several opinio●● agreeing all in this, that there is a God of infinite wisdom, power, a●● goodness, and differing almost in all other things concerning the deui●● nature.  
5 Therefore the more weak, and uncertain is the knowledge of Go● the weaker also and more uncertain must needs be the effects, that i● produceth. For whom we know less, him we love less, and whom we love less, him also we worship with less reverence, and affection● whereupon it followeth, that all philosophical contemplation an● religion, being built upon such weak, and feeble grounds, is conse●●entlie itself, subject to great weakness, and imperfections.  
nevertheless such was the delectation, that the philosophers partly ●nd in the contemplation of God, and partly saw by reason must nee●● follow of it, that they worthily held it for the greatest felicity of ●●n in this life; as shall further appear after a while, when I shall first ●●e signified the means which they used, to attain to the perfection ●●ereof.  
First then, they considered a subordination of all things, in heaven, ●●d earth, whereby they ascended, as it were by degrees, from the lowest the highest, and so to their Author, and Creator, whose infinite, 
Mercurius Trismeg. in Pimandro ca. 5.  and in●●prehensible wisdom, power, and goodness, they noted in the admi●●ble order, disposition, conuexion, conveniency, beauty, utility, opera●●●n, multitude, magnitude, and infinite diversity of his creatures, some ●●rporall, other spiritual, some original, others celestial, some sence●●, others sensitive, some only vegetable, others reasonable, and finally ●●hers purely intellectual; in all which, they noted different degrees of ●●rfection, and yet that the most perfect, was in some degree unperfect, 〈◇〉 having motion, multiplicity, and a participation, and dependence of ●upreame and most perfect essence: and therefore by the orderly motion 〈◇〉 the heauens, and all creatures, they considered the omnipotency, 
Proclus. de anima& daemone.  and ●●sdome of a first mover, and Creator, by their multiplicity, his unity, 〈◇〉 their participation and dependence, his simplo, independent, and eter●●l essence, by their goodness his bounty, by their beauty and excellent ●●operties, the infinite, and superminent excellency of his perfections, 
Aristotle Metaph. l. 2.  ac●●rding to the axiom of Aristotle. Quod est causa aliis vt alia sint, ipsum est ●axime tale.  
These considerations were common to all the Philosophers, and ●●ough for the most part, they tended to nothing else thereby, but only 〈◇〉 the knowledge of God, the author of nature, yet some of them( who ●ere more contemplative then the rest) extended the same further, ●rawing from thence reasons, and motives, to incite themselves to the ●ove of God, whereby they might be united with him, and therefore ●lato teacheth in his Epinomis, that the office, or part of a philosopher, 
Plato in Epinomide.  and ●ise man, is to consider Gods works in the world, to the end, that fin●ing out the divine reason thereof, he may be kindled and inflamed, with the love of their author, and consequently may worship and serve ●im, and so come to enjoy him, first in this life, and after in the next( as 〈◇〉 haue declared before more amply in the second, and third chapter: 
Idemin Parmenide. ) ●nd to this end, he amply proveth in Parmenides, the necessity of one beginning, by the multiplicity of creatures, according to the like co●sequence of the necessity of an unity in arithmetic, concluding, that there could be no number, if there were not a unity( which is the beginning of number) so there could not be many things, and creatures the world( as we see there are) if there were not one beginning, fro● whence they were produced.  
9 To the same end also he, and his followers teach their contempla●●ues, 
Proclus de anima& daemone.  to eleuat their mindes to the speculation of the divine nature, by t●● consideration of music, wherein they proceeded from the sensible ha●monie, consisting in sound, to the intellectual, and from thence to t●● author, and fountain of all conveniency, harmony, and delectation●  

Idem ibid. Plato in Cōuinio vide Comment. Marsil. Ficini in Con●●iui. orat. 6. c. 18. Idem ibid. Pr●●●us ubi sup●a.  10 Also from the beauty of the body, they passed to the considerati●● of the beauty of manners, from thence to the beauty of the sciences, 〈◇〉 then to the beauty of the mind, or soul, and from thence to the conte●plation of beauty itself, which is God.  
11 And in like maner they used to the same end, the help of the scie●ces, and especially of the mathematics, and Metaphisick, whereof the 〈◇〉 do accustom the understanding of man, to abstract itself from corp●rall things, and consequently dispose it to the speculation of the in●●lectual and divine, and the latter, to wit Metaphisicke, leadeth directly the contemplation of God. Therefore Plato having taught that the fo●●dation of all true happiness, is wisdom, piety, and virtue, and that t●● speculative sciences, are also most necessary to the perfection of wisdom, addeth, that except those sciences, being diuers, and many, be r●ferred to one divine end( that is to say, 
Plato in Epinomide.  to the knowledge of God) th● are but vain and frivolous, but being referred thereto, they are there●● connected, and united amongst themselves, and help to raise the mi●● of him, that possesseth them, to the contemplation of God, and to th● union with him, wherein consisteth the happiness of man in this life.  
12 And to omit some other points( for it were to no purpose to l●●● down all) they taught a numerical meditation, to ascend to the onl●● one, and true unity, by certain degrees of numbers, whereof some we●● called, sonantes numeri, some, occursores, some progressores, others sensual●● others memoriales, other iudiciales, and some artificiales, which I forbear 〈◇〉 explicat, as containing matter of more curiosity then profit. nevertheless, 
A●●● li 6. de 〈◇〉.  he that desireth to see more thereof, may red S. Augustin, in hi● book de Musica, where following the doctrine of the Platoniks, he treateth amply of all these differences of numbers, and of the use thereof.  
13 To conclude, all these contemplative philosophers, thought uniformly two other points, most necessary to attain to the perfection o● contemplation. The one was, to transcend at last all corporal things, 
Plotinus Enneadis 5. li. 6 c. 11. Mercur. Trismegisan Pimandro ca. 4.& 5. Plato in Timeo in Conuiuio, Hippia, Phaedro& parmenide. Plotin. Ennead. 6. li. 7. & ●●er creatures whatsoever, clearing the understanding of all imagina●●ns, and fantasies, to the end, it might contemplat God, whom they ●●led, Bonum per se, pulchrum per se,& ipsum vnum. goodness itself, beauty it ●●e, and the only one, being such a simplo, pure, and perfect essence, that no ●●nceit, imagination, or phantasy, can be framed of him.  
The other point, which they thought absolutely necessary to the ●●rfection of contemplation, was a singular 
Porphir. de abstinentia animalium. Mercur. Tris. in Piman. ca. 4. Mercur. Trismeg. in piman. ca. 7.  purity of hart,& sincerity of ●●nscience, whereto Trismegistus addeth the hate of our own body,& a most ●●e love of God, for it is impossible, saith he, to attend to both at once, such being ●●e difference betwixt things corporal, and spiritual, mortal, and im●ortal, human, and divine, that he unchurch adhereth to the one, looseth the other. ●hus saith Mercurius, who also representeth the same unto us, with a ●ost pathetical exhortation, which I think good to set down in his ●●ne words, for they are notable to this purpose, and very admirable, ●●e author considered.  
Quo ruitis, saith he, mortales ebrij? &c. whither do you run, or fall ●●adlong, you drunken mortal men, who haue drunk up the wine 〈◇〉 ignorance? Seing your heads are not able to bear it, cast it up again, become sober, and behold with the eyes of your souls, and if you ●●nnot all of you do it, yet do it at least so many of you as may. ●he plague of ignorance overthroweth all earthly men, it corrupteth ●●e soul, which is shut up in the prison of the body, and doth not ●●ffer it to take the way of salvation: suffer not yourselves, to be drow●ed in the lake of corruption, and death, breath a while, and run 〈◇〉 the fountain of life, that is to say, to God, who will led you into ●he secrets of his temple of truth, where shineth clear light, without ●●nie mixture of darkness, where none that entereth doteth with dron●ennes but are all sober and awake, and with the sharp sight of their ●oules see him, who willbe seen,& can neither be heard with ears, nor ●eene with bodily eyes, nor expressed with speech, but you must first cast ●f the garment, which you carry about you, and is nothing else, but a ●arment of ignorance, a foundation of wickedness, a bond of corruption, a living death, a sensitive carcase, a moving sepulchre, a dome●ticall thief, which while it flattereth you, both envieth, and ha●eth you, for such an enemy, is the shadowed veil wherewith you ●re compassed and covered, which draweth you down to itself, least ●erhaps you might come to hate it, and perceive the deceits of it, if ●ou should cast up your eyes to see the comeliness of truth, and the true good, which is near you, and therefore it dulleth, and darkeneth the light of the interior senses, making them drunk with an abominable, and fastidious delight, to the end you may never hear, or see those things, which are worthy to be heard, and principally to be seen.  
16 Thus far Mercurius Trismegistus, exaggerating the impediment which the soul receiveth in contemplation, 

Plutar. in Catone& in Rom●lo. Aug. de civit. dei. li. 8. c. 3.  
Porphyrius de abstinentia animal●um.  
Plato in Theagene.& in ep. ad Syracusanos.  
Chap. 28. nu. 6. Plato in phaedro. phaedone,& rep. ●●de argu●●nt. Mar●●lij Ficini in Epinomidem.  
Porphiri de abstinentia animal. Cicero Tuscul. q. li. 1.   by the body; In which respect other philosophers also call the body, pestem ainae, the plague of the soul, and compare the mind of a carnal, and passionat man, to a heavy, and gross vapour, which cannot eleuat itself, until it be purified. And Socrates, Plato, and all their followers, whose doctrine tended cheeflie to contemplation, as the perfection, and consummation of philosophy, taught principally the correction of manners, and suppression of passions, for that God cannot be perfectly known, or contemplated, but by pure, and clean mindes, purged from all filth of earthly, and carnal affections, to which purpose Plato saith, that the soul of man being defiled with sin, is no more capable of true wisdom( which he held principally to consist in the knowledge, and contemplation of God) then the air being obscured with clouds, is capable of the light of the sun, as I signified upon an other occasion, in the first part of this treatise.  
17 And further he affirmeth, that the felicity of man, which may be had in this life, cannot be obtained, but by those only, which are in the body, as it were out of the body, and live to God rather then to themselves, in which respect also the Pithagorians, and some Platonicks, namely Porphirius, prescribed to those which aspired to perfect comtemplation, a strict abstinence, and frequent fasts from meats and drinks, to the end, that the body being extenuated, and weakened, the soul might more clearly speculat, and the more easily abstract itself from the body, which is the special office of a philosopher; whereupon, Cicero, calleth the philosophers life, Mortis commentationem, the meditation of death, for when a man, saith he, doth use to withdravv, and abstract his mind or understanding, from his body, and sences( as philosophers do) what doth he else, but learn and accustom himself to die.  

●ambli. de mister. Aegip. vide Marsilium Ficin. in Compendio in Timaeum. ca. 6. exmente Iamblici& Procli.  18 Iamblicus and Proclus, require in a contemplative man five things, which served as it were, for as many steps, and degrees, to mount up to the perfection of philosophical comtemplation; the first is, the knowledge of God, and of his divine nature, and proprieties; the second, a conformity to almighty God, in purity, and sanctity of life: the third, an earnest endeavour, and elevation of the mind, aspiring to the contemplation of him, and of heavenly things; the fourth, the influence of the divine light into the soul, to dispose, and enable it, to know, and contemplat his divine nature; the fift, and last is, an union, and coniunction of ●he soul with God, whereby it shall receive true happiness.  
19 Furthermore they teach, that by the frequentation, 
Iamblic. in mister. egypt. vide etiam Marsil. Ficin. ubi supra.  and continual use of this contemplation, our cogitations, and actions, shalbe reformed, our understanding purified, and perfected, our souls purged from the corruption that they contract of the body, the love of God increased in ●●s, we made capable, and partakers of the divine light, and become not only disciples of God, but also his familiar friends, and lastly, that we shalbe no longer our own, but his, and being abstracted from the love of all other things, shall remain wholly ravished, and absorbed in his divine light.  
20 Thus teach Iamblicus and Proclus in substance, concerning not only the contemplation, but also the fruition of God, even in this life, whereof Plotinus, yieldeth this reason. 
Plotinus li. 9. Enneadis 6. de bono vel uno c. 9.  Forasmuch as God is both the beginning, and the end of all creatures, and the chief object of our love( in respect that he is the chief good) our desire cannot naturally rest, or be satisfied, but only in him: and as our appetite, and desire is ever naturally moved, and inclined to our chief good, so also it is requisite, that we may attain thereto( for other ways our inclination were vain) yea,& that we may haue a natural fruition of it, that is to say, that we may enjoy it, not only in imagination, or by knowledge, but in deed, not by an external application, or touching, but by such an intrinsical coniunction,& union, that we may be made all one with it, whereof wee see, saith he, the like experience in our body, and senses, which desiring naturally conservation by the means of meats, and corporal sustenance, are conserved not only by a real, and perfect coniunction of meate with the body, but also by the conversion thereof into the substance of the body. Thus discourseth Plotinus, to show that our fruition of God( who is our end, and chief good) consisteth in a real, and perfect union with him, which shalbe further declared, and explicated, when I shall treat of Christian contemplation.  
21 And now for the present to return to Iamblicus, I wish it to be noted, that he requireth to contemplation, in the place before alleged, the influence of a divine light, that is to say, Gods grace, to dispose, 
Marsil. Ficin. ex mente Plotini. li. 9. Ennead. 6. de bono. c. 9. Aug. l. 10. de civit. dei. c. 29.  and enable the soul of man, to contemplat the divine nature, which seemeth also to haue been the opinion of Plato, and all his followers, teaching that adoration, sacrifice, prayer, and other acts of religion, are necessary to the acquisition of the chief good, besides that, S. Augustin gathereth out of porphyry( who was a platonic( that he acknowledged the necessity of Gods grace, to the knowledge, and contemplation of God.  
22 But of all other philosophers, Mercurius Trismegistus, teacheth it mo●● expressly, 
Mercur in Piman. c. 5.  adding also thereto, the necessity of prayer, to obtain t●● same, saying notably thus. unicum id ingenitum incomprehensibile, phantas● &c. That which is the only vnbegotten,& uncreated( that is to say Go● is incomprehensible to the phantasy of man, and as all things haue the beauty, and light from him, so he also sheweth himself, and shineth 〈◇〉 all things, and appeareth specially to those, to whom it pleaseth hi● to communicat the knowledge of himself, and therefore( my son●● Tatius) pray thou deuoutelie to our Lord, and Father, that thou mayst 〈◇〉 worthy of his mercy, for so shalt thou be able to know, and vndersta●● him, if some beam of his light, shine upon thy understanding. Th●● saith he, whereby we may perceive, that besides the knowledge of Go● by the means of his creatures, and the purity of mind, and conscien●●( which all philosophers held most requisite,& necessary to contēplati●● some of them aclowledge,& taught expressly, the necessity of Go● grace, and of mans humble, and devout prayer to obtain it.  
23 And now to say some what, of the great delectation,& ioy, which th●● held to be in the use,& exercise of it, I will content myself with the t●stimonie of two, 
Mercur. in Piman. c. 10.  or three of them: as first of Mercurius, who discourse● very strangely thereof in this manner. You are not( saith he) to thinks that the sight or vision of the true good, that is to say of God, doth li●● the sun beams corrupt, or blind the eyes of the beholders, but th●● it cleareth, and illuminateth them, with a far greater measure o● light, according to the capacity that every one may haue, to receiu● the influence of that intelligible splendour. Those who being yet in the●● bodies, haue any plentiful participation thereof, are oft times cast, as 〈◇〉 were, into a sleep, by the excessive beauty of that which they see, as wer● Caelius, and Saturnus, our progenitors &c. The true knowledge there●● consisteth in a divine silence, or quietness, and an earnest, or veheme●● application thereto of all our powers and parts: he which understandeth it, can think of nothing else, he which behouldeth it, can see nothing but it, he which heareth it, can hear nothing after it, nor mou● the members, or parts of his body, but is, as it were, loosed, and dissolved from his senses, and all affections, for he which giveth light t● all things else, doth fully irradiat, and illustrat the mind, and abstracteth the soul from the body, and transformeth it wholly into th● essence of God, for it is not possible, that the soul lying in the dregg● of the body, should take upon it the divine form, neither can an●● man see the beauty of God, except he be first reformed unto God.  
24 Thus far Mercurius, more like a contemplative Christian divine then a Pagan philosopher: who also affirmeth else where, that he which in contemplation shall arrive to the sight of the infinite good( which is God) will despise all bodily, and earthly things, 
Ibid. c. 4.  and think this life which we live here, to be misery. But how true that is like to be, which he affirmeth of Caelius and Saturnus( to wit that they saw God in their rapts) or what sight of him, or union with him these philosophers had, or might haue, in their contemplations, I will declare after that I shall haue added, a testimony or two more of the philosophers, concerning the exceeding delectation, which they taught to be in contemplation.  
25 Plato having declared, 
Plato in conuiuio. vide Commentar. Marsil. Ficini in conuivium Platonis ca. 18. orat. 6.  how a man may ascend from the speculation of one faire, and beautiful thing, to an other, and then to other more beautiful, and by degrees, to the contemplation of beauty itself, addeth that when he shall come to behold that pure, and simplo beauty, he will esteem all gold, rich apparel, and corporal beauty, to be but trash, and concludeth, that therefore the life of the contemplative man is admirable, and happy, and that he is partaker of solyd, and true virtue, beloved of God, and immortal, if any man in this life may so be called.  
26 To Plato, I will only add one of his followers, to wit Plotinus, by whom we may perceive the doctrine of the rest, he therefore treating of the only one, and true good, teacheth, 
Plotin. li. 9. Ennead. 6. de bono, vel uno c. 9.& 10.  that by the contemplation thereof, the soul is translated, and turned into a divine nature, and made God, being wholly Gods, and made one with him: And of what infinite delight the same is, he also signifieth, saying: Id igitur quisquis videt &c. whosoever, saith he, seeth it( that is to say true goodness, and beauty) how wonderful is the love wherewith he is inflamed? how great the desire he hath, to be joined, and united with it? 
Idem li. de pulchritudine c. 7.  how admirable is his delight? seing nature hath so ordained, that he which doth not yet see it, doth desire it, as the true good, and he which seeth it, is infinitely delighted with it, as with true beauty, being replenished with ioy, and contentment, astonished with a pleasant, and wholesome stupidity, affencted with a true, and extreme love, and therefore, he scorneth, all other loues, and affections, and contemneth all other beauties, enjoying true beauty itself, which makes her louers truly faire, and lovely, quam quisquis assequitur, euadit felici visione beatus &c. Which whosoever obtaineth, he is blessed with a happy, vision, or light, as on the other side, he is most miserable, that looseth it, for the only gain whereof, all the kingdoms, and empires of the world ought to be rejected.  
27 Thus far Plotinus, with much more excellent matter to the same purpose; Whereby we may see, what was the iudgement, and doctrine o● the philosophers, concerning mans felicity in this life, consisting a● they taught, in his union with God, by the means of contemplation. And yet nevertheless it is not to be thought( as before I haue said) tha● they had the practise, and experience, of all that which they wrote: for although they might by the light of reason know, that God is of such infinite goodness, 
P●●to in cō●●●o.  beauty, and perfection, that he is, as Plato saith, to be beloved, amore infinito,& sine modo,& termino, with an infinite love,& without measure, or limit, and that man being his image, and ordained to serve him, and capable of his knowledge and love, might even in this life, be thereby united with him, and consequently enjoy true contentment,& pleasure: yet it was not possible, that by any force of nature, and light of reason, they should arrive to any other vision of him, then speculative, such I mean, as they might haue of the nature of the heauens, or of the Angels, by only speculation, without any supernatural union with him, or sight of him, which could not be had without grace.  

S. Chrisost. ho. 5. de incomprehens●bili natura Dei. S. Greg. Naz●anz. orat. 〈◇〉 qua est 〈◇〉 pascha  28 Therefore, whereas some of the philosophers held, that man may see God, by the force of human nature( against whom both S. chrysostom, and S. Gregory Nazianzen did writ notably,) and some others again, taught the necessity of grace, to the vision of God, and union with him, as may appear by that, which I haue alleged out of Mercurius Trismegistus,& the Platonicks, I wish it here to be understood, that when I speak of philosophical contemplation, I mean not a contemplation of God, assisted and perfited by his grace( for so the contemplation of the philosophers and of the Christians, may be all one) but I mean a contemplation, restrained within the bounds, and limits of nature only, and of human understanding: For it is not to be denied, or doubted, but that many amongst the gentiles, and consequently some philosophers, might haue the help and assistance of Gods grace, as well for the better, and more clear contemplation of God, as also for their salvation, seeing we red in holy scriptures, that job, and his three friends, being gentiles, before the law of Moyses, were not only great servants of God, but also great philosophers, 
Dionys. Caelesti Hierar. ca. 9.  as I may term them, and divines. And S. dionysius Areopagita witnesseth, that many amongst the gentiles were induced,& brought, to the true knowledge of God, by the ministery of Angels, which he exemplifieth in Melchisedech king of Salem, whose priesthood, prefigured the priesthood of our saviour.  
29 Therefore, that which I affirm of the philosophers, and their contemplation, is, that neither these, whose testimonies I haue here produced ( to wit Trismegistus, Plato and the Platonicks his followers,) did ever arrive to that union with God, or that happy sight of him, whereof they writ, neither could any other, by the only force of nature attain thereto, it being evident, as S. Thomas saith, that whosoever is raised, 
S. Tho. 1 p. q. 12. ar. 5 in Cor.  and elevated, to any thing exceeding the nature thereof, must be first disposed thereto by some supernatural disposition, in which respect, he also teacheth, that no man can see God, but he must be first disposed thereto, either by the light of glory( as are the glorified souls in heaven) or by the light of grace, whereby a far more liuelie representation, and similitude of God, may be framed in the understanding and conceit of man, then can possiblelie be framed by nature.  
30 To which purpose it is to be understood, that the soul of man, whi●es it is in the body, can not see, or understand any thing though present, but by the means of some kind of image, or similitude represented( as Aristotle teacheth) partly by the senses, and partly by the matter itself, 
Arist. 3. de anima.  neither yet can it haue any understanding, or conceit of a thing absent, and unknown, but by some kind of shape, or image, framed in like maner, in the imagination, and taken from some things, seen, or known before which nevertheless, how unlike they are to the things themselves, it plainly appeareth, when a man cometh to see that, which before he conceived, and imagined: whereupon it must needs follow, that seeing almighty God, is a most pure, and simplo essence, void of all matter, and so far surpassing all capacity of man, that not so much as ●nie true opinion, conceit, or imagination, can naturally be framed of him( as I haue sufficiently declared before) it is not possible, that man ●hould haue any vision, or perfect knowledge of him in this life, except he be disposed thereto, by some supernatural light. In which respect, the Apostle saith of God, that habitat lucem inaccessibilem, quem nullus hominum vidit, said neque videre potest. He dwelleth in an inaccessible light, 
1. Tim. 6.  whom no man ●ath ever seen, nor yet can see, that is to say, by the force of nature. And the Psalmist also saith, to the same purpose, with thee o Lord, 
Psalm. 35.  is the fountain of life, and in thy light we shall see light. And lastly S. John, speaking of the society of the blessed, or glorified souls in heaven, saith. 
Apoc. c. 21.  Charitas Dei illuminabit illam, the clearness or brightness of God shall illuminat, or enligh●en it.  
●1 Yt cannot therefore be imagined with any reason, that any Pagan, or gentle, could by the force of philosophical contemplation, and by the light of reason, haue any vision of God, and much less such a perfect union with him, as the philosophers above name treat of, and require to the felicity of man in this life, of whom I may also boldly affirm, that they never arrived thereto, either by the light of reason, or by grace, seeing it is manifest, that they were all of them wicked men, whereas, not only our divines, but also they themselves teach, that purity o● mind, and conscience, is absolutely necessary to the vision of God, and union with him, 
Matth 5.  and therefore our saviour said. Beati mundo cord, quoniam ipsi Deum videbunt. happy are those who are clean and pure of hart, fo● they shall see God, and all the most learned philosophers, as well peripatetics and stoics, as Platonicks, require integrity of life, and perfection of virtue to the felicity of man, as I haue declared before, besides that I haue signified at large, in the first part of this treatise, how vicious, and wicke● both Aristotle, and Plato were, and generally all the philosophers, no●withstanding their profession of virtue, 
Chap. 28. num. 6.& 7. Chap. 10. per totum. & the excellent precepts whic● they gave thereof, it being also manifest, that they were all of them impious Idolaters, as appeareth no less in Trismegistus, then in all the other whose works we haue at this day: where vpon it followeth, that the● were most abominable in the sight of God, and no way participant, o● any vision of him, or union with him, which is the gr●atest reward, an● blessing that he bestoweth upon his dearest seruants, and best beloue● friends.  
32 But then perhaps you will ask me, how these philosophers cam● to know, and treat of rapts, and of the great delectation of contemplation, in such sort as they do. Whereto I answer, first concerning rapts that I do not hold it impossible, or improbable, that they might hau● some kind of extasis, or ravishment of mind, in the exercise of their contemplation, seeing that experience teacheth, that the speculation of som● liberal science, may so occupy the understanding of a man, that his senses, and inferior powers, may remain tied, and bound for the time, i● such sort, that they cannot execute their functions, and in the mean while, the mind be replenished with delight.  

Plutar. in Marcello.  33 This was evident in Archimedes, the great geometrician, who was so transported with the delectation of his science, that commonly 〈◇〉 forgot to eat, or drink, ●xcept when he was put in mind thereof, o● sometimes compelled thereto, and therefore being other whiles carie● by his seruants by force to the baths, to be anointed, and washed( 〈◇〉 the use then was) he occupied himself in nothing else, whiles he was 〈◇〉 the bath, but in drawing geometrical figures with his finger, in the oil that was upon his body. And finally the city of Syracusa, where h● dwelled, being surprised by Marcellius the Roman, he was so attentive t●● the trial of certain geometrical conclusions, at the sea side, in the san● that he was not ware of the surprise of the town, till at last he was found by a soldier, and commanded to come to Marcellus, but he so little regarded what was said unto him, that the soldier thought himself, and his general to be contemned by him, and in a rage killed him, wherewith Marcellus was greatly grieved, for the great famed he had heard of him, and the experience he had also seen of his skill, by his admirable engines, wherewith the town had benne a long time defended against the Roman army.  
34 But much more marvelous is that, which S. Augustin recounteth of a priest called Restitutas, who could so recollect his mind, 
Augxstin. de civit. dei. li. 14. ca. 24.  and understanding, and sequester it from his senses, when he listed, that he remained as it were dead, not only without motion, and breath, but also without sense, or feeling of pricking, or burning, or any other violence donne unto him,& yet nevertheless, he could( as he said) hear the voice of men, when they spoken to him aloude, though it seemed a far of. And the like also Cardanus reporteth of himself, who saith, 
Cardanus de varietate  that when he listed seriously to contemplat of any difficult point of philosophy, or other learning, he could cast himself into a trance, and that although then his body was senseless, yet his mind did speculat,& find out great secrets of nature, and this he said he used often to do, to avoid the pain of the gout, whereto he was much subject, and that during his extasis, or trance, he had no feeling thereof, nor of any thing else, that was donne unto him.  
35 Whereby it may appear, how great may be the force of contemplation, and that it may withhold, and divert the understanding of man, from all communication with the senses: the reason whereof is, for that the vital spirits do wholly retire themselves, to the inferior powers of the soul, weakened by the diversion of the understanding from them, such being the property of nature, to draw as well the spirits, as the humors of the body to the succour of the weakest, and most affencted partes, as we see in those, which are suddenly taken with some extreme fear, whose face groweth pale, and body trembleth, because the spirits and blood, do retire from the exterior parts, to strengthen the hart, that laboureth, and is distressed.  
36 And this retreat of the spirits, to the inward parts, and the alienation thereof from the senses, commomlie happeneth, when mans understanding fixeth itself upon some high, and mystical matter, that moveth him to admiration, and especially, when his will, and affection, is also moved with some extraordinary,& exceeding delight, as it may be observed in the music, which Aristotle calleth Enthsiasticam, 
Aristot. Politic. li. 8. c. 5.  used by the priests of jupiter Olimpicus, in their sacrifices, wherewith the hearers were so ravished, that they lost the use of their senses, and remained in a trance● for some time.  
37 Therefore, seeing there is nothing which may either more occupy, and astonish the understanding, or potentlie move the affection of a wel● disposed mind, then the contemplation of God, whom( as the philosophers confessed, and taught) neither the understanding can comprehend, nor the affection sufficiently love, of whom there cannot be framed naturally, so much as an opinion, conceit, or imagination as he is in himself,( who though he be all in all, yet is nothing of all that, which w● either know, or can conceive) it is no marvel, if the contemplator o● such an infinite majesty, and incomprehensible bounty, and beauty, no● being able to penetrat the least of his divine perfections, remain suspended in the speculation thereof.  
38 And thus far the contemplation of those philosophers, whose authorities I haue alleged, might extend, though( as I haue said) it is no● probable, that they had, or could haue, any such vision, or sight of God, or such union with him, as they pretended, whereof nevertheless they might speak, or writ probably, and truly, partly by reason of the traditions, that remained from time to time of the doctrine, and extatica● contemplations, of the old patriarkes and prophets, and of many other faithful seruants of God amongst the gentiles, and partly by the knowledge, which many of them had of the scriptures, of the old testament( as S. Augustin affirmeth of Plato, 
S. Aug. de civit. Dei li. 8. ca. 11.  concerning many points of his doctrine agreeing with ours:) besides that all the latter philosophers since Christs time, especially the Platonicks, had the sight, not only of the old▪ and new testament, but also of the writings of the first Fathers of th● primitive Church, by the which they learned many things, aswell concerning the divine nature, as other mysteries of our Christian faith, and so came to writ far more excellently of contemplation, then thei● predecessors.  
39 This hath been notably well observed, and acknowledged, by a great platonic in the last age, 
Marsil. Ficin. li. de religione Christiana. c. 22.  to wit, Marsilius Ficinus, who saith thus. Eg●● certo reperi &c. Truly I haue found, that the chief mysteries in Numenius, Philo, Plotinus, Iamblicus, and Proclus, were taken by them out of S. Iohns gospel, S. paul, Hierotheus, and dionysius Areopagita, for what soever they write magnificentlie of God, the Angels, and other things, belonging to theology, they manifestly usurped, and took from them. Thus saith he.  
40 finally, it is also very probable, that almighty God, did illuminat● their understanding in many things, for the instruction, and good of others, and to serve for some disposition of the gentiles to christianity, for which cause he also inspired the 
S. Aug. de ciuita. Dei. li. 18. ca. 23.  Sibillae, and 
Num. 22.& 23.  Balam the gentle, with the spirit of prophesy.  
41 Therefore upon this precedent discourse, I conclude three things, concerning philosophical contemplation, and the philosophers themselves. The first is, that so long as philosophical contemplation, doth not exceed the limits of nature, though it may cause some extasis, or ravishment of mind, yet it cannot bring a man to any certain, and perfect knowledge of God, and much less to any vision of him, or union with him. Secondlie, that although some philosophers amongst the gentiles, might by the exercise thereof, and with the concurrence of Gods grace, haue some supernatural vision, and knowledge of God, and be most happily united with him in this life, yea, and finally be saved, yet none of these, whose authority I haue here alleged, and whose works are now extant, did ever attain to either of both, being all of them wicked men, and therefore far from all union with God, or vision of him: whereupon also it followeth, that they never had the experience of that which they wrote, of the admirable delight, that the contemplation of God yieldeth, but that they knew it, either by tradition from others, or by reading our holy Scriptures, or other Christian authors, or else by discourse of reason, by the which it is evident enough, that the contemplation of God, must needs produce such effects, whensoever it is had in perfection, as in like sort also, 
Plato in Epinomide. Porphyrius Plotinus. Iamblicus. Proclus.  Plato and the Platonicks taught expressly our Christian doctrine, concerning the felicity of man,( to wit, that it is imperfect in this life, and shalbe consummated, and perfited in the next) though they themselves never had, nor could haue any experience thereof.  
42 thirdly, whereas Mercurius Trismegistus, writeth of Caelius, and Saturnus, 
Nu. 23.  that they saw God in their rapts( as I haue signified before) it is to be understood, that either he feigned it, to authorize his doctrine, or else that living in egypt( where the memory, as well of the rapts of the people of God, during their captivity there, as also of many points of their doctrine, might still remain) he ascribed the same to Saturnus, and Caelius, of whose divinity he, and the superstitious people of that time, had a conceit, and belief, especially seeing their custom was, to celebrat the famous acts of Gods seruants, under the names of their false Gods.  
43 For, so we read, that they called Noe, Ianus, 
Genebrard chron.  painting him with two faces, the one looking backward, and the other forward, because he had seen, as it were, two worlds, the one before the flood,& the other after. And in like manner the egyptians, honoured Moyses for a God, under the name of Mercury, 
〈◇〉 de praepar. evang. li. 4. c. 9. Act. c. 4. Clem. Alexand. li. 6. stromatum. ca. 1.  as Artapanus, an ancient greek historiographer dot● testify. And we red also in the Acts of the Apostles, that the people o● Lystra, seeing the miracles of S. paul, and S. Barnabas, called the one Mercury, and the other jupiter, and would haue done sacrifice unto them. An● Clemens Alexandrinus sheweth by many examples, that the gentiles di● not only steal from the patriarks, and prophets, many notable point● of doctrine, but also transferred many of their miraculous works t● themselves, disguising them with the addition of diuers fabulous circumstances, whereupon also S. Basil saith. Furatur nostra diabolus,& suis e●● largiri conatur. 
D. Basil. in erat. supper evang. in principio erat verbum.  The devil doth steal from us those things which are properly ours and seeketh to give the possession thereof to his own children, and seruants.  
44 Therefore it is not improbable, that Trismegistus attributed to Caelius& Saturnus, those things which he had heard, and held for most admirable, amongst the faithful people of God, though also it is not to be doubted, but that many amongst the gentiles, being Magicians, were partli● deluded by the devil, and partly helped to delude others, pretending to haue great communication, and familiarity with God in their contemplations. 
Philostrat. in vita Apollonij.  In which kind, very admirable things are written by Philostratus, of the rapts or trances of Apollonius Thyaneus, a most famous Magicia●( in the time of Domitian the emperour) though by profession a Pithagoria● philosopher: as also the same was evident, in the last Pithonissa, which served in the temple of Apollo, and gave the oracles at Delphos, imitating th● ecstatical gestures,& actions of the holy prophets of God, until at length she appeared manifestly, to be possessed with a devil, crying out so hideouslie,& horriblelie, that not only certain strangers, who were com● to haue answer of the oracle, but also the priests of the temples, that wer● present, fled away for fear,& shee herself being terriblelie tormented, and distracted of her senses, 
Plutarc. de defectu oraculorum in fine.  died within a few dayes after, as Plutark recounteth in his treatise entitled, why the oracles ceased.  
45 Also Mahomet the false prophet of the Turkes, being much trouble● with the falling sickness, made the people beleeue, that the Angel Gabrie● used to appear unto him, so resplendent, and bright, that he could no● endure the sight of him, but was bereaved of his senses for the time, an● that then, during those transes, he had many strange visions and revelations, 
Chap. 14.  as I haue declared more amply before in the 14. chapter. But howsoever it is, it cannot be doubted, but that the ecstatical visions of God, whereof wee red in the philosophers, were either more fictions, or else perhaps, true effects of the contemplation, of Gods seruants, ascribed by the gentiles to themselves, for the reputation of their doctrine,& religion. Thus much concerning philosophical contemplation.   

Of Christian contemplation what it is, how it serveth itself of philosophical contemplation, and how it differeth from it, what excellent mean it hath to attain to perfect union with God, in the which consisteth the end, and felicity of man, and common wealth: Also of three ways practised by contemplative Christians, to arrive to the perfection of contemplation, to wit, the purgative way, the illuminative way, and the Vnitiue way: and first some practise is showed of the purgative way, very necessary for beginners, and for the conversion of sinners. CHAP. 18.  
●. THou hast seen, good Reader, what the philosophers believed and taught concerning their contemplation, and therfore I will now pass to treat of the contemplation of Christians: wherein first is to be considered, that though there be great difference betwixt it, and the former, as will appear hereafter, yet the difference consisteth not in any contrariety, or exclusion of the one from the other, but that Christian contemplation admitting the philosophical, and serving itself thereof, as of her handmaid, excelleth it in all kind of perfection, and as I may say, hiteth the mark whereat the other shot, and arriveth at the port, whereto the other directed her course, though shee could never attain unto it: for, the contemplation of the philosophers, having no help of Gods grace, nor other ground, as I haue signified, but the knowledge of God by his works, and creatures, was irremediablie distracted with inextricable difficulties, doubts, and ambiguities, whereas our Christian comtemplation, is grounded upon the solid, and sure foundation of faith, which being infused by the grace of the holly Ghost, is not only more certain thē any humane knowledge, or sight of our senses, but also doth illuminate our understanding with a divine sight, whereby wee do the more clearly conceive, and speculate the abstruse, and incomprehensible properties of the divine nature. Therefore the prophet Isay saith, 
Isay. 7. S. Tho. 1. p. quaest. 12. ar. 13.  according to the 10. interpreters: nisi credideritis, non intelligetis: except you beleeue you shall not understand: And S. Thomas teacheth, that the light of grace, both fortifieth the light of nature, and also frameth in our imagination far more pure, and significant fantasies, or images representing the divine nature, then those which nature, and sense can afford: besides that the mysteries of our faith, are like to the f●inte ston, for if they be strooken, as I may term it, with the steel of serious consideration, they yield fiery sparks of the love 〈◇〉 God, which falling into a well prepared, and purified soul, do kin●● therein great flames of pure devotion, and heavenly consolation, 〈◇〉 shall appear manifestly hereafter.  
2 But to declare, before I proceed further, what Christian contemplat●● properly is, 
D. Tho. 2. 2. q. 180. ar. 3.  and what are the effects thereof, S. Thomas defineth it to b● A simplo, and pure sight, or speculation of the eternal truth, without variety of 〈◇〉 course with the help of Gods grace, and great affections of admiration, and love; 〈◇〉 as Albertus magnus saith, 
Albert. in paradise ainae c. 33.  it is a recollection of the affections, and of all the pow●● of the soul, to know with admiration and delight, such things as belong to the ●●uine nature, or to his secret judgements and most holy will. Thus do they defi●● contemplation; the effects whereof are, to unite the soul of man with h●● chief good, to make him like to Angels, and to God himself, to perfect the two principal powers of his soul, that is to say, to illumina●● his understanding with true wisdom, and to kindle in his will, the fi●● of charity, which is the love of God, where upon proceedeth also t●● love of his neighbours, fervour of spirit, sweetness of devotion, puri●● of hart, and integrity of all his actions.  
3 Furthermore, whereas cogitation, meditation, and speculation being ac● of the understanding, haue some affinity with contemplation, and are n●cessarie thereto, it is to be understood how they differ from it, and ho● they help to the perfection thereof; It is therefore to be considere● that in cogitation, 
Alb●rt. madge. in para●●so anima c. 33. S. Aug. l. 1●. de Trin●ta●●.  the mind wandereth without labour, or fruit; in me●●tation it pondereth, discourseth, and searcheth, both with labour an● fruit; in speculation, it considereth, and seeth,( though some what obsc●●relie, & tanquam per speculum, as through a glass) yet without labour, 〈◇〉 with fruit; in contemplation it beholdeth far more cleerlie, not only wit● out labour, but also with admiration, astonishment, unspeakable frui●● and delight.  
4 For contemplation, is then in perfection, when all the powers of th● soul are collected in themselves, and united with God, enjoying, him admiring, his divine perfections, and wholly reposing in him, with in●●fable contentment, and ioy; whereto cogitation, meditation, and speculati●● do make the way, being as it were, steps& degrees to mount thereto For first we cogitat, or think, of what we would meditate, speculate, 〈◇〉 contemplat, from cogitation, we pass to meditation, to find out by discourse the truth, 
S. Bona●ent. d●●●itinerib. ●ter●●t. s●ct. 3. dist. 3.  which we would speculat, and having found it, wee then, as i● were behold it, with the eye of our understanding, pondering, and considering it by speculation, from the which wee pass to contemplation,  
5 For although speculation, and contemplation, are many times confounded and understood to signify one thing( and sometimes also speculation is ●●ken for a degree of contemplation, 
Idem ibid.  before it arrive to perfection) yet if ye will consider them, as they may be distinct in this exercise, we may ●bserue this difference betwixt them, that the speculation of God, may ●●e said to be only an act of the understanding, as it considereth the de●●ne nature, without the concurrence of the affection, but in the con●●mplation of God, the understanding, and the affection concur, so that ●●e contemplatives both know God, by an assured faith, and love him by most fervent, and perfect charity, whereby they arrive to perfect union ●ith him, as shalbe declared further hereafter.  
● And for as much, as it is also requisite, 
B. Ignatius in primo encrcit. prim. hebdom.  that all the three powers of the ●oule, to wit, the memory, understanding, and the will, be every one of thē, ●mploied in this exercise, according to their several functions, not only 〈◇〉 the meditation, and speculation of holly, and divine things, but also 〈◇〉 spiritual, and mental conferences with almighty God: Therefore it 〈◇〉 convenient, that I also declare here, what are the proper offices, and ●unctions of these three powers in the exercise of contemplation.  
● The first( to wit the memory) is employed, 
P. Luyz. dela Puente. Introducion de la oration mental.  not only in remembering ●he matters& points, whereof we mean to meditate, but also in repre●enting to the eyes of our soul, the presence of almighty God, his wise●ome, mercy, bounty, iustice, and other excellencies, our sins past, and ●ll other things necessary to be remembered, according as matter is mi●istred, and occasion offered in our meditation.  
● The office of the understanding, 
Idem ibid.  is to discurre upon the points of our meditation to ponder them duly, and to draw out of them, holly motives of the fear and love of God, and of the true knowledge of our sel●es, and to represent the same to the will, to the end it may thereby be moved to exercise the function and acts, which properly belong to it: ●s sorrow for our sins, contempt and hate of ourselves, the true love of God, confidence in his mercy, due praises, and thankes for his benefits, humble petition of his grace, good desires, and firm purposes to amend our defects, resignation to his holly will, and frank offer of ourselves, to do, or suffer, whatsoever it shall please him to ordain: and to the stirring up of these affections( which are the acts of the will) tendeth all the discourse of our understanding in meditation.  
9 And because, all the acts of these three powers, 
Idem ibid.  are properly mental( in respect that in this exercise of meditation, they are for the most part, conceived only in the mind, and not expressed, with the voice) and that also, there pass therein many spiritual, and mental conferences with almighty God, wherein the soul offereth to him praises, and thankes, bewaileth her infirmities, unfoldeth her griefs, confesseth her sinn● and craveth pardon, remedies, graces, and favours, therefore the wh●● exercise, and practise thereof, is called mental prayer, whereby the conte●platiues, do with the inward voice of their souls, treat familiarly wi●● almighty God, negotiat the relief of their necessities, and obtain pardon, grace, and all virtues, aspiringe, and mounting up, to the eternal t●bernacles, 
Psal. 83. Psal. 64.  where, replentur in bonis domus Dei, they are filled with the goods; pleasures of Gods house, being united with him by devotion, and love, 〈◇〉 which union consisteth the perfection, and end, of all Christian medi●●tion, prayer, and contemplation.  
10 Herein nevertheless this difference is to be noted, betwixt the pl●losophers, and us Christians, that the philosophers tended in their co●templations, only to the perfection of their own knowledge, that is 〈◇〉 say, to know perfectly the divine nature, in which respect, they plac● for the most part, 
Albertus magnus de adh●rendo deo. ca. ●9. S. Tho. 2. 2. q. 180. ar. 1. Plato in Epinomide.  the perfection of mans contemplation, and felicity, the understanding, but the Christians tend principally to the love of Go● aspiring to the true knowledge of him, to the end, they may sincere●● love him, and be beloved of him,& therefore they place in the will, t●● perfection of contemplation in this life. And whereas the philosophe● taught, that the exact knowledge of all the sciences, is absolutely necesarie thereto( in so much that Plato, and his followers, held, that it is n● possible for any but philosophers, and men of great learning, to attai●● unto it( and of them also, very few) Christians both teach, and try 〈◇〉 experience, that all the perfection of true contemplation proceedeth r●ther of piety, then industry, of charity, and not of knowledge, of Go● grace, and assistance, and not of mans wit, or iudgement. And therefore we see that amongst Christians, the most ignorant man, assisted by Go● holly spirit, 
Psal. 70.  may truly say with the royal prophet: Quoniam non cogn●● litteraturam, introibo in potentias Domini: Because I knew no kind of learning, will enter into the answers of our Lord, that is to say, for as much, as I am all together ignorant, and voided of human science, I will wholly rely upon the confidence of Gods grace, and the light of his holly spirit, and s● make no doubt, to enter, into the consideration, or contemplation, of hi● great, and woundrous works, and of his divine power.  
11 So were the Apostles of most rude, and unlearned fishermen, mad● great doctors, 
Matth. 4. luke. 9.  and divines, so the poor became preachers, after the comming● of our saviour, and so also,( I mean by the light, and help of grace) not only simplo, and ignorant men, but also women, may be, and are amongst Christians, most perfect contemplatives, as may appear by tha● holly mary, in whom the contemplative life is represented in the gospel, and of whom our saviour said, that shee had chosen the best part, 
luke. 10.  whereof also there hath bēne many notable examples in Gods Church, ●n holly contemplative women, and great saints of God, as S. Brigett, S. clear, S. Gertrude, S. Caterin of Siena, and diuers others, 
Chap. 27.  both in former times, and in this present age, of whom I shall haue occasion to speak ●eareafter.  
●2 nevertheless, we do not so far presume upon grace, that we vt●erlie reject, all help of human science, or of the knowledge of God by his creatures( which is the ground of philosophical contemplation) ●nd much less do wee neglect the light, and gifts of nature, all which, ●hough they are not so absolutely necessary for Christian contempla●ion, but that the want of them may be, and is, in many supplied by grace, yet they are so convenient thereto, that they facilitate the same, ●nd help greatly to the perfection thereof, when they concur withgrace, and are guided thereby, for grace doth not abolish nature, or ●eiect human cooperation, but admitteth, and perfitteth both,& therefore S. Thomas teacheth, that the images, 
D. Tho. 1. p. quest. 12. ar. 13.  or representations framed by grace, in the phantasy of the contemplatour, are so much more excellent, and clear, by how much the light of nature is stronger in him.  
●3 And S. jerome, also upon the same reason observeth in S. paul, 
S. Hieron. quest. 11. ad Hedibiam To. 3.  that though he had the gift of tongues, by the grace of God, yet he was always more eloquent in the Hebrew( which was his own natural ●ongue) then in the other languages, which he had by infusion. And the ●ike is also to be said of human industry, and endeavour in contempla●ion, for although of itself, without grace, it can effect nothing( as neither doth grace commonly work without it) yet how much greater human diligence, and endeavour is, so much more excellent, are the effects of grace, and therefore though S. paul say: Gratia Dei, sum id, quod sum, 
1. Cor. 15.  & gratia eius in me vacua non fuit: by the grace of God, I am that, which I am, and his grace, hath not been vain, or without effect in me, yet he addeth, said abundantius omnibus laboraui, non ego autem, said gratia Dei mecum, but I haue laboured more abundantly, then they all, not I truly( alone) but the grace of God with me.  
14 In like sort, the Christian contemplative, doth not neglect the knowledge of God by his creatures, and works, but useth the same in his contemplation, no less then the Philosophers did, and with far greater fruit, then they: and therefore he saith, with the royal prophet. Meditatus sum in omnibus operibus tuis, 
Psal. 142.  & in factis manuum tuarum meditabar: I haue meditated on all thy works, and on those things, which thy hands haue wrought. 
S. Athanas in vita S. Antonij.  And S. Anthony, the notable comtemplatiue Her●mit, being demanded in the wilderness, what books he had for his instruction, shewed the heauens, and the whole world, saying, these ar● the books wherein I daily contemplat, the infinite wisdom, powe● and goodness of almighty God.  
15 Therefore, the difference in this point, betwixt the philosophers, 〈◇〉 Christians, is, that whereas the philosophers, being guided only by th● light of nature, had no other means to know God, but by his worke● and creatures( which kind of knowledge, as I haue declared before, 〈◇〉 accompanied with many doubts, and difficulties, and consequently 〈◇〉 uncertain, and obscure) we Christians haue not only the same means, which they had, but also others, far clearer, surer, more poten● and effectual, to wit, the light of Gods grace, and the help of infuse● virtues, as of faith, hope, and charity, of the which, faith, being infused 〈◇〉 almighty God, and therefore not possibly subject to falsity, or errou● serveth for a most solid, and sure foundation to all the building: and hop● proceeding from the sound, and sure ground of faith, raiseth, as I may sa● the strong walls of our contemplation to the heauens, that is to say, 〈◇〉 the speculation of heavenly things, with a most comfortable con●●dence of Gods mercy: 
Rom. 5.  and lastly charity, diffusa in cordibus nostris, p●spiritum Sanctum, qui datus est nobis, being diffused, and spread in our harts by 〈◇〉 holly Ghost, which is given us, doth consummat, and perfect the who● building, uniting our souls with almighty God, as I will make manife● after a while.  
16 Furthermore these virtues, and especially faith, doth not only fo●tifie, and assure in us the knowledge of God, which we haue by his cre●tures, but also doth discover unto us therein, diuers abstruse, and hidde● secrets of his divine nature, whereof the philosophers never had, n● could haue any knowledge, or belief; as namely of the high miste●● of the blessed trinity, whereof we find a notable representation, 〈◇〉 many things, especially in the very soul of man, wherein the mem● will, and understanding, being three several powers, and but one su●stance, are consequently an express image of almighty God, who though he be three distinct persons( to wit the Father the son, and the holl● Ghost) yet is but one divine substance, 
D Ber. de interiori. domo c. 67.  and essence.  
17 This S. Bernard explicateth notably in this manner. Consider, sai● he, o soul, thy own nobility, for as God is whole every where, geuin● life to all things, moving,& governing them, so thou art whole in eue● part of thy body, giuing life unto it, moving, and governing it, and a God is, liveth, and knoweth, so thou also after thy manner, art, livest, an● knowest, and as in God there are three persons, the Father, the son,& the holy Ghost, so thou hast in thee three powers, thy understanding, thy memory, and thy will, and as the son is begotten by the Father, and the holy Ghost, proceedeth from them both, so thy will is engendered of thy understanding, and thy memory proceedeth from them both; And as the Father is God, and the son God, and the holy Ghost God, and yet all three but one God, and three persons, so thy understanding is thy soul, thy will is thy soul, and thy memory thy soul,& yet not three souls, but all one soul, and three several powers. Thus saith S. Bernard.  
18 So that when we behold the clear light, and shining sun of the deity, not only through the obscure, and fallacious clouds of philosophical contemplation, but also in the true glass of our faith, yea, and add there unto the consideration of the other mysteries of our Christian religion, to wit, of the incarnation, nativity, life, passion, and death of our saviour Iesus Christ( as that he, being the son of God, equal, and consubstantial with his Father, seipsum exinaniuit, did as it were empty, and annihilat himself, take flesh of a virgin, and live here on earth, 
Philip. 2.  for the space of three and thirty yeares, enduring hunger, could, poverty, contempt, infinite injuries, slanders, blasphemies, and finally a most shameful, and painful death upon the cross for our sakes, the innocent for the ●nocent, the just for the unjust, the lord and master, for his seruants and slaves, that is to say, omnipotent God for most wretched, and ungrateful sinners, to the end he might redeem us being lost, and of his slaves, yea enemies, make us his friends, brethren, the adopted children of God, and coheirs with him,) when I say we well waighe these so great, and evident arguments of his bounty, mercy,& love towards us, and the ineffable benefits, that grew to us thereby, how can wee choose, but be replenished with exceeding comfort, and joy, and feel in ourselves, most effectual, and forcible motives to piety, and devotion? How can we choose, but be inflamed with the fervent love of God, and say with the prophet; concaluit cor meum intra me,& in meditatione exardescit ignis; my heart is heated with in me, and there burneth a fire in my meditation? 
Psal. 38.   
19 Furthermore, this flamme of divine love being kindled in our harts, what wonderful effects must it needs work in us, of praise, and thankes to God, of sorrow, and contrition for our sins, and of holy desires, and firm purposes of amendment? For when we shall consider Christ on the one side and ourselves on the other, who he is, and what we are, comparing his omnipotency, with our infirmity, his majesty, with our basches, his all, as I may say, with our nothing, his bounty, and goodness, with our malice, his love to us, with our ingratitude to him, the greatness, and worthiness of his innumerable benefits, with the turpitude, enormity, and infinite number of our sins, his humility, with our pride, his poverty, with our superfluity, his meekness, with our wrath, his patience, with our perversity, his fasts, with our surfeits, his tears, with our dissolute laughter, and finally his painful passion, with our sinful● pleasures, 
Psal. 6.  shall we not be confounded in ourselves, and say with th● royal prophet: Sana me Domine, quoniam conturbata sunt ossa mea,& anim● mea turbata est valde: heal me o Lord, for my very bones are troubled, and m soul is greatly afflicted? Shall we not labour, and travel( as the same prophet saith) in our bestow, 
Ibid. Gal. 5.  and mourning, and irish our beds with tears yea, and crucify our flesh, and concucupiscences with Christ, to the end we ma● die to sin, and rise with him to life, and not only loath our forme● ingratitude, but also show ourselves more thankful, hereafter? shal● we not then be ashamed, to appear empty handed in the sight of ou● Lord, 
Psal. 115.  and say with the prophet, Quid retribuam Domino pro omnibus qu● retribuit mihi, what shall I render to my Lord, for all that which he hath giue● me? 
Ibid.  shall we not then take, calicem salutaris, the cup of salvation, and ca●● upon the name of our Lord? that is to say, shall we not offer to him the most holy, and dreadful sacrifice of his most blessed body, and blood, instituted by himself, 
Psal. 110.  in memoriam mirabilium svorum, for a memory of a● his maruails, or wondrous works, for a remembrance, and representation of his passion, for the remission of our frequent offences, and for the daily food of our souls? whereby we may not only be mos● grateful unto him, but also most admirably united with him? For who can sufficiently express, the admirable coniunction, and union, that we haue with God, by the participation of that blessed sacrifice, receiving the ineffable sacrament of unity( as S. Hilary calleth it) wherein under the forms of bread, 
Hilar. de Trinit. l. 8.  and wine, we truly eat the very body of our saviour Christ, and drink his blood, whereupon there groweth( as S. Hilary also amply testifieth) a natural union betwixt Christ, 
Idem ibid. S. Cyril. Ierosol. catheche. mistagog. 4. Iranae. li. 4. adverse. haeres. ca. 34.  and us, we being( as S. Cyril also saith) concorporei consanguinei eius, made one body, and one blood with him, and not only our souls adorned, and filled with his grace, but also our bodies fed with his flesh, and nourished to immortality.  
20 Who then seeth not what pregnant, and potent means, the Christian contemplative hath to arrive, even in this life, to that union with God, which is the end of contemplation, and the true felicity of man? And this will yet further appear, if we consider, both the most excellent doctrine, and also the exquisite practise of our contemplatives, in the use, and exercise of three ways, whereby the soul of man is raised, and elevated, as it were, by degrees, to perfect contemplation, and a most happy ●●ion with God.  
●● The first way is called purgative, by the which, the soul is purified ●●om the filth of sin. The second is called illuminative, 
S. Bonauentura in parvo bono. dionysius Carthus li. de via purgatiua. Essercitio della vita spiritual P. Luyz. de la Puente en la introducion de la oration mental. B. Ignatius in Annotationibus annotat. 10.  whereby it is ●●nistrated, and enlightened with the light of truth, increase of grace, and ●isposed to receive all perfection of virtues. The third is termed Vni●●e, whereby the soul is united, and joined with God, by fervorous ●●ue, and affection, which three ways, are most aptly applied and ●ccommodated, to three sorts, and states of men, as shalbe declared ●eareafter.  
●● Of all these three ways, and the practise thereof, I think good ●●mewhat to enlarge myself, in respect as well of their excellency, as ●f the fruit that I hope, the Reader may by the way reap thereby. For ●●eing that the subject, whereon I specially treat, doth exact of me in his place, a full declaration of the nature, and dignity of Christian ●ontemplation( because the end, and happiness of man, and common ●ealth consisteth therein:) and forasmuch as the same cannot be so ●ell understood otherwaise, as by the exercise, and practise of it( such ●einge the nature of spiritual, and divine things, that they cannot be ●●llie known, and conceived, except they be first tasted, and tried, in ●hich respect the psalmist, speaking of the sweetness of God, saith. 
Psal. 33.  ●●state,& videte, taste and see:) for this cause, I say, I hold it convenient, ●o lay down some practise of our Christian contemplation, thereby to ●ake thee( good Reader) the better to conceive, what it is, and to ●ove thee with all, not only by reading it, the more to esteem it, but also by practise, to make some trial of it, that so thou maiest come, to ●ast how sweet our Lord is, and reap the unspeakable fruit thereof, ●irst here in this life, and after eternally.  
●3 And I am the rather induced thereto, in respect of the benefit, that ● hope, may grow thereby, to such as do not understand latin, and for●aine languages. For although there are many notable treatises, in all tō●gues, concerning the practise of contemplation, as will appear hereafter, ●nd diuers excellent books written by catholics in our own language, touching meditation, and other matters tending to this exercise, yet I haue not seen, or heard, of any in our tongue, that treateth of all the partes thereof, or giveth any method for the practise of the whole, thereby the better to understand it,& therefore not knowing whither to remit such, as are unlearned, for their satisfaction in this behalf,& imagining also, that the learned themselves( such I mean as understand the latin and other tongues, and yet haue no knowledge of this exercise) may rather desire to see somewhat of it presently, then to be differred, and remitted to others( especially seeing, that with a few leaves, more, o● less, I may hope to give them some contentment therein, or at least mor● effectually move them to search out other authors, for their further satisfaction) I haue therefore, I say, resolved to undergo this labour, hoping to perform it, with as great perspicuity, and brevity, as the difficulty, importance, and worthiness, of the subject may permit, meaning rather to give thee( good Reader) some taste of this mystical theology then any full instruction, which would require not only a larger discourse, then were convenient for this time, and place, but also farr● more knowledge, and practise of it, then I can justly challenge to m self.  
24 Now then to come to the matter, Yt is to be considered, that wherea● I signified before, that the whole practise of contemplation, is deuide● into three ways, to wit, purgative, illuminative, and Vnitiue, and the sam● appropriated to three sorts of men, the purgative( whereof I am first to treat) is specially applied to those, who having lead a wicked life, o● benne very negligent in Gods service, are moved by his grace, to rise ou● of the suds( as I may say) of their former sins, and to purge their soule● from the filth thereof. And this way consisteth, in the due meditation o● such things, as may move them to a perfect knowledge, or contempt o● themselves, to the fear of Gods iustice, and to the consideration of thei● own ingratitude, towards his divine majesty, and of the lamentable sequel thereof, in respect of the punishment, both temporal, and eternal▪ justly due to them for the same; by which means they may be induced to hearty sorrow, and contrition for their sins, and so through the merits of our saviours passion, obtain remission thereof, and justification, which is the end of the purgative way.  

E●cl. 18. P. 〈◇〉. ●olo●●●o Ricci. ins●ru●●. de medit. par. 1. c. 8.  35 And now to come to the practise; The holly Ghost adviseth us, i● Ecclesiasticus, always before we pray to prepare,& dispose our souls conveniently thereto, lest otherwise, wee be like to a man, which tempteth God, and therefore whereas there are many things requisite, to the due disposition, and preparation of ourselves( whereof I will treat amply hereafter, when I shall come to speak of the 
Chap 19. f om the 4. numb. to the 51.  illuminative and 
item Chap. 2● ●ro●●th 4. 〈◇〉 b●●o and 25.  vnitiue way) I think it convenient in this place to lay down only one, which is, not only the immediate, but also the most necessary preparative to all meditation; to wit, that those, which are to meditate( having chosen a● sit time& place of retreat, whereof I will also say some what hereafter) do lift up their hartes, and all the powers of their souls to almighty God,& with the eyes of a strong faith, behold him present, 

Idem ibid. ca. 11.  
P. Ignatius in enercitijs hebdo .4. Psal. 15.  
P. Ricci ubi supra.  
2. Paral. ca. ult.  
joan. 4.  
P. Luyz. de la Puente ●n la introduct. de la orat. mental.   saying with the royal prophet. Meditatio cordis mei in conspectu tuo semper. The meditation of my hart is alwaise in thy sight, assuring themselves, that he seeth, and heareth them, yea, and searcheth into every corner of their consciences, and that therefore they ought, as in the presence of his divine majesty, to bow the knees, not only of their hart( as the scripture speaketh) but also of their body, either prostrating themselves, upon the ground, or kneeling( if they be not hindered, by some corporal weakness, and infirmity) and so to adore him in spirit, and truth, acknowledging him to be their Lord, their God, their creator, and Father of infinite power,& majesty, offering unto him their souls, bodies, lives, and all other actions, and particularly whatsoever they shall think, say, or pray in their present meditation, most humbly beseeching him to ordain,& direct the same, wholly to his own eternal glory, and the profit of their souls, for the merits of our saviour Iesus Christ.  
36 And this prayer they may address, not only to the blessed trinity, 
Iidem authores. ibid.  that is to say, to the three divine persons jointly, but also particularly to every one of them, offering the same, first to God the Father, beseeching him to unite, and incorporate, their prayer and meditation, in the prayer of his son our Lord, and saviour, and to accept it for his sake, and merits.  
37 And then they may turn their cogitation, to the son of God( our said saviour, and redeemer) craving of him with all humility, that seeing he, being eternal God, equal, and consubstantial, with the Father, vouchsafed, out of his infinite goodness, to take our flesh, and become our mediator in his humanity, it may please him, not only to pray with them, and for them to his Father, but also to hear, favour, and assist them, with his grace, as their Lord, and God, for his own merits, and mercy.  
38 lastly, they may direct their prayer to the holly Ghost, acknowledging him to be also their Lord God, equal, and coeternal with the Father, and the son, the light of hartes, and giver of all good gifts, and then confessing their own ignorance, and infirmity, they may humbly beesech him to illuminate their understanding, to move, guide, and direct their will, to quicken, and refresh their memory, to stay their wandring fancy, and to recollect their scattered thoughts, to the end, they may meditat, and pray with due attention, and reverence, penetrat the mysteries whereof they are to meditat, see, and duly bewail their sins past, make holly purposes, and resolutions of amendment, and afterwards perform the same, with his divine help, and assistance.  
39 And here by the way it is to be noted, that they shall not need to continue this preparative prayer, any longer then for the space of a Pate● noster, an Aue, and a creed at the most, except they find some extraordinary consolation, and sweetness therein, in which case, it shall not be amiss to rest upon it, turning the preparation into meditation, so long a● the devotion, and consolation continueth, according to the aduise of th● ancient contemplative, 
johannes Climac. de orat. gradu 28.  johannes Climacus, who giveth this general rul● to be used, throughout all the course of mental prayer. Cum in oration●● verbo, saith he, vel dulcedine perfundi, vel compungi te sentias, in eo persist, tu●● quip custos noster nobiscum orat: whensoever thou feelest thyself, either moved with sweetness, or with contrition, in any word, or part of th● prayer, persist in it, for then our keeper prayeth with vs. Thus he.  
40 This preparation being made, they may enter into a serious consideration of themselves, what man is, of what substance he was made, an● what he hath of himself, as that he is the creature of God, consisting o● soul, and body, both of them created of nothing( for though the bodi● of our first father Adam, was framed of earth, and day, yet the same was first made of nothing:) wherein is also to be considered, the infirmity, and weakness, of a human body, the loathsome filth, that floweth from it, the innumerable sicknesses, miseries, calamities, and death, whereto it is subject, and that it endeth in a carreine stinking carcase, which putrefieth, and is finally dissolved into dust.  
41 The due, and frequent consideration whereof, may serve for a notable antidote, against the poison of pride, vain glory, and all worldly vanities. Besides that, it is also further to be considered, that the soul of man, though it be created to the image of God, and is immortal, capable of the knowledge of him, and of eternal glory, yea, and was in our first fathers, adorned with wisdom, and excellent gifts of grace, yet it is now so wounded, weakened, and corrupted, partly by their fall, and partly by every mans proper, and particular sins, that it is utterly deformed, blinded, and replenished, with ignorance,& error, until it please God, to reform, renew, and illuminat it, with the light of faith, and gifts of his grace: so that if we truly distinguish, betwixt that which is Gods,& that which is our own, we shall easily see, that wee are nothing, and worse then nothing: for yielding to God, that which is his( to wit, not only the gifts of his grace, but also our wisdom, our knowledge, our substance of soul, and body, our beauty, our strength, our breath, and life) there remaineth nothing to us, but blindness, ignorance, error, infirmity, filth, misery, death, and finally nought else, but the nothing, whereof we are first made, nothing I say, except sin, which is worse then nothing: all which being well weighed, then may the meditators, eleuat their mindes to almighty God,& yeld him all due praise, honour,& glory, hūbling themselves most profoundlie in his sight, acknowledging him to be all in all& themselves to be nothing, to know nothing, and finally to deserve nothing of themselves, but confusion, shane,& eternal damnation; whereby they may lay in their souls, the foundation of true humility, which is the roote of all virtue,& the groundeworke, 
D. Bernard. supra cant. serm. 36.  whereon the true contemplation of God is to be built. For as S. Bernard saith, nisi supper humilitatis stabile fundamentum, spiritual aedificium stare non potest. No spiritual building can stand, but upon the stable, and sound foundation of humility.  
42 This being done, they may pass further,& profoundlie ponder the end, 
Rom. 6. Cassian. collat. 4.& 5.  for the which God created& ordained thē( which was no other, but his service,& their eternal salvation)& then consider the worthiness,& excellency of this end, the obligation that man hath to almighty God for the same, the extreme folly,& madness of those, that neglect it, yea,& how little care they themselves haue had thereof; as, that being created to the most excellent image of God, they haue deformed themselves by sin,& made themselves images,& slaves of the divell; how they haue to the great offence of God abused, not only al the powers of their souls, their senses, all the partes of their bodies, and all the creatures of God, but also God himself, contēning his iustice, presuming to offend him, the rather for his mercy,& patience: distrusting his providence, preferring their own wills, before his will, rejecting his holly inspirations, disobeying his ministers, and his spouse the Church, breaking all his, and her commandments, and finally abusing most injuriously his dear son, our saviour Iesus Christ, recompensing his unspeakable desire, and care of their salvation, with extreme negligence, and contempt of his service, and with intolerable ingratitude towards him.  
43 To all which, they may also add, the consideration of Gods rigorous,& iudgement, inpunishing sin, remēbring S. Peters admonition, and inference. Si justus vix saluabitur &c. Yf the just man, shall hardly be saved, 
2. Pet. 4. Ibid. ca. 2.  where shall the wicked man, and sinner appear, and again? Si Deus angels non pepercit &c. Yf God spared not the Angels, which transgressed his commandments, but cast thē down to hell, to be eternally tormented, how can unjust& wicked men, expect to escape, the like iudgement? To which purpose, they may also consider, that Lucifer, and his fellowes, were condemned for one sin of pride, committed only in thought, whereas they haue committed innumerable sins, as well in the same kind, as in all other, not in thought only, but also in word,& deed, whereby it may appear, what severity is due to thē, yea,& the better to discover, the horror of sin, they may set before their eyes, our saviour Christ crucified, in whom they may behold the rigour of Gods iustice, in punishing their sins in him, being his own son,& thereby conceive how grievous a penalty they shall pay for the same themselves, if they do not repent, and amend their lives in time.  
44 And this being well pondered, then may they reflect upon themselves, and their own miserable state, considering the severe punishmē● due to them for their sins, which they haue multiplied( as the psalmi●● saith) supper capillos capitis, 
Psal. 39. 2. Reg. 17.  more then the hairs of their head, or as king, Manasses, said, above the sands in the sea, whereby they may haue just occasion, to admire the wonderful patience of almighty God, and his infinite merci● towards them, in suffering them so long, especially seeing that there ar● an infinite number of souls in hell, which haue not committed so mani● sins as they, and many perhaps who were condemned for some one, or a few mortal sins, whereas theirs are innumerable.  
45 Therefore, let them lift up their hartes to almighty God, and with a most reverent, and trembling fear of his iustice, humbly thank him, for his ineffable mercy towards them, not only in sparing them so long● but also in giuing them grace, now to see, and consider their danger, an● detestable ingratitude towards him, most humbly craving pardon o● him for the same, through the merits of our saviour Iesus Christ, and purposing fully to amend their lives hereafter, with the assistance of his grace▪  
46 This prayer being ended, they may then proceed, with their meditation, and ponder maturely their own mortality, how certain thei● death is, how uncertain the hour, and place, and the manner thereof● how many die suddenly every day, some by water, some by fire, som● by sword, or sickness, and of those which die in their beds, how few haue their senses, and remembrance to the last, how strongly the diuel● will tempt them at that time, how weakelie they are likely to resist, when they shalbe miserablie distracted, and afflicted, partly with bodily infirmity, partly with torment of conscience, and the temptation of th● divell, drawing them to despair, and partly by the fear of Gods judgements, and the extreme grief, that then they are like to haue, to leave their wealth, substance, and worldly pleasures.  
47 lastly they are to consider, how little all their strength, beauty, friends, riches, dignities, and delights of the world, shall then avail them, their bodies being to become worms meate, and their souls to yield a strait account, for every idle word, evil thought, and negligence committed in this life, 
Psal. 74.  before a rigorous judge, who as the psalmist saith, iustitias judicabit, will judge, and diversly examine, not only the bad works of the wicked, but also the good works of the just, whether they had any imperfection in them or no, 
Sophon. 1.  and finding but any one mortal sin unrepented in this life, will condemn them to eternal fire, 
Matth. 8. luke. 13. job. 10.  and pains of hell, ubi erit fletus, saith our saviour, & stridor dentium, where there shall be, worshipping, and wailing, and gnashing of teeth. And as job saith. Nullus ordo, said sempiternus horror. No order, but sempiternal horror. Where the neuerdying worm of conscience biteth& gnaweth perpetually, where saith S. Bernard, the tormentors are never wearie, and the tormented never die, 
S. Be●nar. Meditat. ca. 3.  where the fire so consumeth, that withal it preserveth, where nothing is heard, but worshipping& wailing,& gnashing of teeth, where nothing is seen, but the hideous faces of the tormentors, to wit, ugly, and monstrous devils, where the bestow,& pain is intolerable, the fear horrible, the stink abominable, and the death both of soul, and body sempiternal, without any hope of pardon or mercy. Thus saith S. Bernard, with much more to the same purpose, which I omit to avoid prolixity.  
48 Who then is to desperatlie wicked, that shall well way, and ponder all this, and will not bewail his own lamentable case, and wonder at his own folly, yea and say to himself; how hast thou benne so blinded, and bewitched with sensuality, and self-love, to offend thy Lord God so oft, and hainouslie, as thou hast donne, and thereby expose thyself to the danger of such endless, and unspeakable torments, being so uncertain as thou art, of the time, that thou mayst be cast headlong thereinto, which may befall thee, and is by Gods iustice due to thee, yea& happeneth to one or other every day; and hour? is it  self-love that hath seduced thee? how canst thou be said to haue loved thyself, or to haue had respect to thy own good, when thou hast so grievously offended the only author,& geeuer of all good, and ventured thy own eternal salvation, for transitory trifles, and vain delights, yea for nothing?  
49 couldst thou commit greater folly,& madness, then like Esau to sell thy primogeniture, or inheritance, for a mess of pottage, 
Genes. 25.  that is to say, heaven for earth, and everlasting felicity, for short,& friuolus pleasures, mixed with much infelicity, and misery? Where was thy wit, thy iudgement, thy providence,& the care of thyself, which thou art wont so carefully to employ in every trifle, that never so little concerneth thee; whiles nevertheless thou hast been most careless, and negligent, or rather senseless in that which most importeth thee? Could all the world if it should conspire against thee, do thee half so much harm, as thou hast donne thyself, by making him thy enemy, from whose power, no power can free thee, and who being thy Lord,& just judge, will punish, or reward thee eternally?  
50 Call therefore thy wits to thee, and consider what an extreme presumption it is for such a base, vile, and wretched worm, as thou art, to offend the infinite majesty of God thy creator, yea& to make warr● upon him with his own weapons, that is to say, with the gifts that h● giveth thee, wherein truly thou mayst wonder at his bounty, an● patience, in that he doth not deny thee the ordinary concourse of hi● help, even in those things wherein thou hast offended him, expecting sti●● thy repentance, though how long he will do it, thou art vncertaine● and therefore reflect upon thy own danger, and say unto him, out o● an humble, and sorrowful hart.  
51 Eternal God my creator, behold me wretched sinner thy poor● creature, prostrat at the feet of thy mercy, craving pardon most humbly of thy divine majesty for my horrible ingratitude towards thee, in tha● being made by thee of nothing to thy own image, and ordained to enjoy thee eternally, I haue made no account of thee, but preferred every trifle before thee, and heaped sin upon sin with extreme contemp● of thy iustice, and abuse of thy mercy, longanimity, and patience; Therefore how admirable hath thy clemency benne towards me, in that tho● hast forborn to power down thy vengeance upon me, to strike m with sudden death, and to cast me headlong to hell, as thou hast donne many others, not so grievous sinners as I, whiles nevertheless thou hast spared me. But seeing it hath pleased thee, out of thy infinite goodness, now to open my eyes, and to discover unto me, both the horror of my own conscience, and the bottomless pit, whereinto I was ready to fall, vouchsafe, I beseech thee, to consummat,& perfect thy own good work in me, 
Psal. 118. Psal. 41. Matth. 3.  giving me an humble,& contrit hart, that my eyes may be conduits,& fountains of water to bewail my sins, that my tears may be my bread day,& night, that I may do the worthy fruits of penance,&( through the merits of thy dear son my saviour) yield some part of satisfaction to thy iustice in this life, whereby the inevitable and dreadful hour of my death, may serve me for a happy,& sure passage to those everlasting, and incomprehensible joys, whereto thou hast out of thy infinite mercy ordained me.  
52 Thus may they say, or some what else to the same purpose, either mentallie, or vocally, whereby they may with the help of Gods grace excite,& stir up themselves to a confusion,& shane for their ingratitude, to the fear of Gods iustice, to contrition,& sorrow of their sins, to an effectual desire,& purpose of amendment,& to a true mortification of themselves, by doing the worthy fruits of penance, 
Matth. 3.  and using the means which our saviour Christ hath left us in his Church, for the reconciliation of sinners, that is to say, the holly sacraments, whereby the merits of his passion may be applied unto thē for their justification, which is the end of the purgative way: whereof also the special office is, to purge the soul,& dispose ●it to receive the light of grace,& the infusion of Gods gifts, to rectify the will,& cleanse it of inordinat desires, to purify the understanding of errors, the memory of culpable negligence, and forgetfullnes, the appetite of passions, the senses of superfluities, and finally the soul of all vicious customs, and habits, which nevertheless the purgative way cannot of itself fully accomplish, and perform, without the help of the illuminative way, whereof I am now to treat.   

Of the illuminative way, and the practise of it, with certain observations for the remedy of dictractions, and spiritual desolation or sterrility of spirit, which may occur in the exercise thereof. Also certain meditations, to be practised by those, that desire to profit in the service of God, and in the way of virtue, and to arrive to the perfection of contemplation. CHAP. 19.  
1. THis way hath certain degrees, according to the degrees of charity, which as S. Augustin observeth, hath her infancy, 
D. Aug. trac. 5. supper. 1. ca. nonic. joan. D. Tho. 2. 2. q. 24. ar. 9. Apoc. 22.  increase,& perfection, whereof the two first are proper to the illuminative way,& the third to the vnitiue. The first, to wit, the infancy of charity, belongeth to those that are newly justified,& desire to increase, and augment their justification, according to the saying of S. John, qui justus est, justificetur adhuc, he which is just, let him be justified yet, to whom the masters of contemplative doctrine, apply the meditations of the mysteries of the incarnation, nativity, circumcision, presentation, and infancy of our saviour Christ, drawing out of the same notable motives, 
P. Luyz dela Puente To. 1. 4. introduc. de la oration mental. & considerations, as well for the prosecution, and perfection of the purgative way( by the mortification of inordinat passions) as also for the beginning of the illuminative way, by sowing in the soul, the seeds of all such virtues, as are most requisite for the state, and condition of every one, as I will show more particularly after a while.  
2 The second state, or degree of charity( to wit increase,& growth of grace) is proper to those that haue already made a good beginning,& do proceed, and daily profit in the way of virtue,& mortification, 
Idem ibid.  tending a place to perfection, to which kind of men, are applied for matter of meditation, the mysteries of Christs life, as his baptism, his going to the desert, his fasting, preaching,& miracles, his last supper,& lastly the particular points,& circumstances of his passion,& death: the due consideration whereof, together with the former mysteries of his incarnation, nativity, and infancy, may work in any pious mind four effects, necessary for every Christian man. The first, a perfect understanding,& a high estee● of the inestimable worthiness of our saviours person. The second, th● knowledge of our obligation, and duty to him. The third( proceedin● of the two former) a fervent affection, and love to him, as well in respect of his infinite dignity, and excellency, as of his love, and benefits 〈◇〉 vs. The fourth, an earnest desire, and endeavour, to imitate his virtue which every man is bound to do, more or less, according to his voc●tion, and state.  
3 But forasmuch, as it happeneth, not only to novices, or young b●ginners, but also to the greatest contemplatives, to feel sometimes gre●● ariditie, and desolation in their souls, and sometimes again, to be m●lested with distractions, by the means of vain fantasies, and cogit●tions, therefore I think good, before I proceed further, to give som● advertisements to young beginners, concerning the causes of distractio● and desolation, and the remedies of both.  

P. Bartholom●o Ricci inser●e. di medirare p. 3. c. 2.  4 Distraction, growing of wandring cogitations, and thoughts, whic● hinder our attention in meditation, proceedeth for the most part, either from our senses, drawn to their objects, or from our phantasy, framin● chimeras, and building( as a man may say) castles in the air, or from th● passions of anger, envy, love, fear, or sorrow, and such like, mouin● us to thoughts conform to their natures, and to some occasions min●stred before: or else it proceedeth, from some serious business, or perhaps from some earnest study, 
joan Cassian. Collat. 10. ca 14.  wherewith we were lately occupied: or last●● from the suggestion of the devil, who serveth himself of all these me●nes, and many other to distracted, and molest us in our meditation, an● prayer.  
5 The remedy against distraction, proceeding from our senses, an● phantasy, is to use prevention, which may be donne diuers ways. Th● first is, to accustom ourselves ordinarily, as well out of prayer, as i● prayer, to restrain our senses, as much as may be, from their objects: fo● the less, 
P. Bartholo. Ricci. instruc d. medita●e.  that the soul scattereth itself abroad by the senses, the mo●● it is recollected within itself, and able to perform the work of contemplatiō, whereof we haue a notable example in S. Bernard, who being a year in a cell, could not tell so much, as what kind of roof it had, neither yet whether there was more then one window in a Church, whic● had many windows, 
Combattime 〈◇〉 spirit●●●.  though he had gone thither daily for a long time: besides that passing a whole day by the great lake of Losanna, either he saw it not at all, or else took so little heed of it, that at night he remembered it not, so observant, and heedful was he in the use of his senses that he applied them to nothing, but to what necessity required, retiring himself always with in himself, whereby he easily, and spe●elie became a most perfect contemplative.  
● And the like is written of a holy man in our daies, called F. Pedro de Alcantara a Spaniard, of the holy order of S. Francis. 
M. Teresa nella vita sua ca. 27.  This Father was three yeares in a covent, and knew none of his brethren by sight, for that and never lifted up his eyes, and when he was to go any whither abroad ●ith the rest, he never looked up but followed them, and in many yea●es he never beholded any woman, by which means he arrived to admiable perfection of contemplation, and sanctity of life, whereof I shall ●ave occasion to speak more hereafter.  
● But because this kind of remedy cannot be practised, either by secular ●●en, or such religious as embrace the mixed life, which is both contem●latiue, and active( as was the life of our saviour, and his Apostles, and ●s of the greatest perfection, as I will declare more amply hereafter) therefore to such, I say, that they must seek to prevent the distractions in ●raier, which proceed of the fantasy, and senses( not so much by flight, 
Combattimento spiritual.  ●r avoiding all occasions, which in their course of life is not possible) ●s by the way of combat, and victory, using prevention in the practise of two things.  
● The one is, that they use to draw spiritual lessons, and documents, out of all that which representeth itself to their senses and phantasy, 
Ibid. ca 13.  observing therein, either the power, or the wisdom, bounty, mercy iustice, or judgements of God, according to the nature, or quality of the things, or matter represented unto them; and further to seek to glorify God in all his creatures, and by all mens actions, be they good, or bad, taking occasion by all things that occur to their senses, or imagination, to praise God, to thank him, for his gifts, or to crave his grace; as for example, when they perceive their senses to be overmuch fixed upon any creature, let them seek presently, to penetrate the same with the inward eye of their faith,& to see in it almighty God, who created, and conserveth it, and say unto him( at least in their soul) Thou o Lord, art in all thy creatures more present, then they are to themselves, and yet I ungrateful, and careless wretch, do not think upon thee, do not love thee, nor honour thee, as I should.  
8 And when they note in an other man, either power, or wisdom, iustice, bounty, or any other perfection, let them lift up their mind to God, and say in their souls, behold the riuers that flow from the increated fountain, and from the bottomless sea of the divine perfections, and then considering, how incomprehensible the same are in his divine essence, let them stir up themselves to rejoice, and ioy therein, yea more, then if they were their own. And if they find themselves at an● time to be over much drawn, and delighted with the beauty of an● creature, let them pass presently to the consideration of the divine bea●tie, and say, when shall I, o Lord, place all my delight in thee, and s● the incomprehensible beauty of thy glorious face?  
9 Also they may in other manner, repress the excess of any vain delight, that shall offer itself unto them in any creature, if they consider that the infernal serpent lieth hide under the same delight, ready to stin● and strike them to death, and therefore they may say. O cursed serpen● how craftily liest thou lurking in Gods creatures to kill me? And the● raising their mind to God they may say unto him: Blessed art thou 〈◇〉 Lord, that hast discovered unto me the deceit of my enemy, who mig●● otherwise haue overthrown me.  
10 moreover, in the variety of all human accidents, that may happe● unto them, or to any other, they are to consider the eternal prouiden●● of God, thereby to move themselves, to take consolation in that his holl● will is fulfilled, and the effects of his infinite wisdom, bounty, judgements, and iustice shewed therein, be it in sickness, health, heat, col● good, or ill success of business, or what soever happeneth to men i● this life.  
11 finally, whensoever they shall haue, either these, or any other goo● thoughts, they ought to aclowledge the same, as a special grace, an● favour of his divine majesty, and most humbly to adore him in thei● soul, and thank him for it. For if the custom, and practise of these advises, grow once to an habit, it will follow, that whatsoever occurret● to the senses, or is suggested by the divell to the phantasy in time o● prayer, it shall at least minister matter, and occasion of good, and meritorious thoughts to his confusion.  
12 The other means to prevent distraction, is, that when their phantasy is not occupied with some necessary business, they use to frame t● themselves imaginations, either of our saviours person, life, and passion● or of his glory in heaven, and other heavenly things, to the end, tha● such cogitations, being by custom become usual, and familiar with thē may not only always easily occur, but also exclude idle thoughts, an● vain imaginations, and stir the soul to devotion, and to the love o● God: for he that useth to feed his fancy with toys, and vain conceits, shall not be rid of them when he would,& therefore to be free of them in time of meditation, we must not admit them at other times: as he that will not be bitten, and troubled with gnats in the night, must keep his windows shut in the day, for when they are once entred, it is to late to expel them, in which respect Cassianus adviseth us, 
Cassianus colloq. 10. ca. 13. P. Ricci instructione di meditare p. 3. ca. 3.  to be such out of the ●●ne of prayer, as we would be in prayer.  
●● The like prevention is also to be used against the distractions that ●se by the passions of the mind, to wit alwaise to combat with them,& ●o labour to resist,& repress them, accustoming ourselves, when they ●olest us, to ruminat,& meditat seriously upon the hour of death, the ●●uere and terrible judgements of God, and the horror of hell, and eternal damnation; whereto I will add two notable, and necessary ●emedies.  
●4 The one, to accustom ourselves, as soon as wee feel their very ●●rst motions, to lift up our harts to God,& to say with the psalmist, either ●ocallie, or mentallie; Miserere mei Domine quoniam infirmus sum; 
Psal. 6. Psal. 69.  haue mercy upon me o Lord for I am archbishopric? or, Adiutor& liberator meus es tu Domine, ne ●●ereris: thou art my helper, and deliverer, O Lord, do not stay, or make delay: and if ●he assaults continue, or be violent, then to say: Domine, vim patior, 
Esay. 38. Psal. 68.  respond pro ●●e: O Lord, I suffer violence, answer thou for me: or, Saluum me fac Deus, quo●iam intrauerunt aquae usque ad animam meam: save me, o Lord, for the waters●aue entred even into my soul, or such like.  
●● The other remedy is, by way of prevention: first, most earnestly to crave ●f almighty God every day in our mornings meditations, his grace, 
P. Pinelli nella breue instructione al lettore nel principio delle meditationi sopra li set peccati &c. & as●●stance against those passions, whereto we are most subject: secondly to ●●and, as it were, upon our gard,& to keep watch upon ourselves all ●he day that we be not overtaken with them: thirdly if by frailty we all into them, to do some kind of penance, either presently( if it may be ●ōne with out note,) or else as soon after, as may be, as for example, to say ●ome verse of a psalm, or short prayer, or to gieue some alms: or if the ●all be greater then ordinary, to deprive ourselves of some part of our ●inner, or supper, or of the whole, and never to dispense with ourselves ●n this custom, which will make us every day be more wary then ●ther, and almighty God seeing our good desire, and endeavour, will, ●ndoutedlie, help us with his grace.  
●6 And it shall not be amiss to use this exercise, principally against ●ome one passion, for 10. or 15. daies together, 
Idem ibid.  and then to pass to an ●ther, for as many daies more, and after to an other, and so to return ●gaine to the first: as, to combat in this manner against pride, and vain glory, for 10. or 15. daies, and then against envy, for as many, ●nd in like manner against every imperfection: which practise, no doubt, will in short time advance us to great perfection, especially, if we seek not only to roote out these vices, but also to plant in our souls the contrary virtues: as for example, when we combat against the 'vice of pride, not only to crave in our prayers the virtue of humility, but also to determine with ourselves, to do every day during those 10. or 15. daie● some acts of that virtue, and every evening to examine ourselves, whe●ther we haue donne them, or no; and if we haue, then to thank God fo● it, but if we haue not, then to do some penance,( as is a foresaid) especially if we haue wilfully omitted, and neglected to do it, when som● good occasion hath benne offered: and for conclusion of this practise, 〈◇〉 would think it convenient also, to receive the blessed sacrament on● within 10. or 15. daies, of purpose to demand Gods grace, and assistanc● for the exclusion of the 'vice, and the infusion of the virtue: And I do● not but whosoever shall duly practise this, he shall within a whil● with Gods help, free himself from the tyranny of his passions,& pe●uers affections, not only in the time of meditation& prayer, but also i● all other occasions, with unspeakable contentment, and peace of soul● Thus much concerning the distractions that grow of our passions i● meditation.  
17 In like maner, the distractions that rise by the occasion of worldli● business, may be in great part prevented, and remedied, by the obseruati●● of these points following, to wit, that we never undertake any busine● but that it may be some way for Gods glory, that we refer all our endeavours, and negotiations thereto, calling the same to mind oft time● or rather continually( as much as our frailty may permit) that we never suffer the affection, or love of any worldly affair, so to possess ou● soul, that we do not principally affect and attend to our chief business, which is the service of God, and our own salvation; and that therfore we accustom ourselves, amid all our negotiations, to eleuat, an● lift our mindes often to almighty God, with many holy aspirations, 〈◇〉 iaculatorie prayers, praises, and thankes to him, craving his grace, an● assistance as occasion shall require; and finally that we accustom ou● selves, to consider in all our temporal negotiations, how vain, frail and casual, are all the affairs of mortal men,& all other worldly things, whereby we may be moved in all occasions, to contemn the world and all the vanities thereof; where upon two special commodities wi● follow, the one, that God will give the better success to our business, and the other, that the love of temporal affairs, shall never take such root● in our souls, but that the love of God shall ever predominat, and easili● expel it, especially in time of recollection, and prayer.  
18 And such willbe the fruit of this exercise, that whosoever doth duly practise it, he shall not only meditate, and pray, but also converse with men in all kind of affairs, without much distraction, and shalbe, as i● were, retired, and alone, even amongst millions of men, 
S. Bernard supper cant. ser. 40.  as S. Bernard signifieth notably, saying. O sancta anima sola esto &c. O holy soul be alone &c. sepe●at thyself from company, I mean, not in body, but in soul, in intention, in deuo●on, in spirit &c. thou art alone, if thou dost not occupy thy mind with ordinary co●itations, if thou dost not set thy affection upon present, and wordly things, if thou ●espisest that which most men admire, if thou dost loathe that which all men desire &c. For otherwise thou art not alone, though thou be never so solitary, so that thou seest both how thou mayst be alone amongst many, and amongst many when thou ●●rt alone. Thus saith S. Bernard. And the very like saith S. Gregory, 
S. Greg. Moral. li. 30. ca. 12.  concluding, that the highest perfection of mental solitud, that is to say of contemplation is to be attributed to those that live in conversation, meaning those that ●eade the mixed life( partly contemplative, and partly active) and yet haue true solitud and recollection of mind in action and negotiation.  
●9 An other means to prevent distractions, growing by business, is, ●hat we pass not immediately from any serious negotiation, or earnest study to mental prayer, but to interpose some time betwixt the one, and the other, and to dispose, or prepare our minds to meditation, either by some vocal prayer with convenient attention, or by reading some spiritual book, for reading concurring with meditation, and prayer, is the most special means to attain to perfect contemplation, as a certain contemplative father witnesseth, saying, that reading doth minister, 
Scala parad. inter opera Aug. To. 9.  as it were, meate to our mouths, meditation doth ruminat, and chew it, prayer obtaineth the taste of it, and contemplation is the sweetenes itself, which recreateth,& delighteth, and this( saith he) our saviour may seem to haue insinuated in these words, quaerite,& invenietis, pulsate& aperietur vobis, 
Matth. 7.  that is to say, seek by reading, and you shall find, by meditation, knock, by prayer, and it ●halbe opened unto you, by contemplation. Thus he.  
●0 But forasmuch as there are some, who for want either of health or of natural habilitie, and capacity cannot discourse with the understanding, and meditate, or use mental prayer, 
Padre lues de la Puente introduction a la orat. mental.§ 10.  I think good to advertise them by the way, that they do not discomefort themselves therewith, as though they were excluded thereby from the effect,& fruit of contemplation, for almighty God who expecteth not, or desireth more of us then we haue habilitie to perform, is wont out of his infinite bounty, to supply the natural defects of such as do their best endeavour, and advanceth them many times to a heigher degree of contemplation in a short time, then men of greater talent in many yeares.  
21 Therefore such as cannot meditate or pray mentallie, may content themselves with the serious reading of some devout prayers, or spiritual matter, with due ponderation of the sense,& frequent elevations of their mind to God, 
P. Ribera nella vita di. M. Teresa. l. 4. c. 8. Camino de perfection.  as the matter may minister occasion unto them, and if the● cannot red, they may use only their vocal prayer, with great attenti●● and desire of devotion: for, this being accompanied with continu● diligence, and endeavour to mortify their passions,& affection●( which in this exercise most importeth) may suffice to raise them to th● perfection of contemplation, and union with God, whereof the experience hath been seen in such, as could never in their lives, say oth● prayer then their Pater noster. 
Ibid.   
22 Furthermore it is a special help against all kind of distractions, 〈◇〉 retire ourselves in time of prayer to some solitary place, for as the prophet witnesseth, 
Thren. 3. Osce 2.  Sedebit solitarius &c. the solitary man shall sit,& hold his pea●● because he will raise, or eleuat himself above himself, and the Prophet Ose● saith, ducam eam in solitudinem,& ibi loquar ad cor eius, I will led he●( that is to say a contemplative soul) into the desert, and there I will spea● to her hart. And this our saviour Christ both advised, and practised, wh● not only counseled us to enter into our chamber, and to shut the do● when we pray, 
Matth. 6.  but also used to retire himself oft unto the mountain● where he passed whole nights in prayer,& though, a little before his passion, 
luke. 6.  when he went into the gardaine, he took with him three of his disciples, yet he with drew himself from thē,( saith the scripture) a stones cast, 〈◇〉 the end he might pray alone, 
Matth. 26. L●●c. 22. & this he did only for our example, bein● himself alwaise so recollected within himself, that no company, or occasion could distracted him from the highest,& most perfect contemplation  
23 It is also a sovereign remedy against distractions to frame in o●● imaginations the form, and manner of the actions persons, and place whereof we are to meditat, which being well printed in our minds a● the first, and after renewed, as occasion is offered, doth help greatly t● entertain, and stay the phantasy from wandring to other matters. Therefore B. Ignatius( founder of the holly society of Iesus, and an exac● master of contemplatiō, 
P. Bartolom. Ricci in vita Christi ex evang. praefat ad lecto. ) was wont before he went to meditation, steadfastly to behold some Image or picture, representing some such misteri● of our saviours life, or passion, as he meant to make the subject of his meditation, to the end that it might rest the better settled,& engraven in hi● phantasy. And this being well practised in our mornings meditations, wil● serve for a notable entertainment of our soul, and an excellent remedy against distractions in our prayers all the day after, especially if we seek now& then to renew the imagination thereof, whereby we shall also easily remember all the good purposes which we made therein, and be the more ready to execute them, as occasion shall be offered.  
24 Also it importeth greatly for the avoiding of distractions, that the matter of our meditation be well disposed, ordered, and divided into points, which being committed to memory, 
P. Luys de la Puente meditat. de los misterios &c. ca. 5. To. 1.  afford sufficient matter of discourse to the understanding, and motives to the will to exercise her acts of devotion, and love to God: For although we are not so to tie ourselves to any certain matter, or method in meditation, that we may not take hold of any other that shall be ministered unto us in time of prayer by inspiration of almighty God,( whose impulse,& motion, as it is the special cause of this holy work, so ought it principally to be regarded therein nevertheless such is the ordinary course of his divine providence, ●hat he then concurreth most with our actions, when we use the greatest diligence on our part,& therefore it commonly falleth out that our medi●ation is so much the more current,& fruitful unto us, by how much better ●t is disposed,& prepared before hand, whereby our mind may be the more easily stayed,& freed from distractions, which we can hardly avoid, when for lack of sufficient preparation, we are forced to seek matter whiles we meditat, by wandring,& leaping from one thing to an other, which ●s of itself a distraction, and therefore ought to be prevented.  
●5 Finally it specially importeth against all kind of distractions, 
P. Ricci instructione di meditare, p. 3. c. 5.  most humbly,& seriously to implore the assistance of the holy Ghost,& to crave the ●llumination of the holy angel, our keeper,& gardiā,& the prayers of the blessed virgin Mary,& of all the blessed saints, not only in the beginning of our meditation, and mental prayer, but also through out the whole course thereof, as oft as we find ourselves much molested;& if nevertheless the molestation of the distractions doth still continue, it is to be born with patience,& acknowledged, as a just punishment for our sins, and former negligences, with such other considerations, as I will presently signify for the remedies of desolation, whereof I am now to treat. 
B. Ignat. exercit. Reg. ad motus &c. reg. 4.   
●6 Desolation comprehendeth all kind of spiritual sterility, ariditie, or dri●es of soul,& obscurity of understanding, besides many violent temptations which many times concur.  
27 And this happeneth, now& then even to the greatest contemplatives,& dearest seruants of God, as the royal prophet signified of himself, saying, Cor meum conturbatum est &c. my hart is troobled, my virtue, 
Psal. 54. Psal. 142.  or force hath abandoned me,& the very light of my eyes is not with me,& again he complaineth that his enemy persecuted his soul, that he was placed in obscurity,& darkness, Sicut mortui saeculi, like the dead men of the world; that his spirit was full of anxiety, 
Psal. 142. & that his soul was sicut terra sine aqua, like earth without water, that is to say sterile,& dry, needing,& expecting some influence, or inundation of Gods grace. Thus lamented the royal prophet his own desolation, 
F. Bartholo. da Saluthio n●l paradiso de conteplat. & the like hath occured to the holiest men in all ages, as to omit other examples, we red of saint Francis, that he had great desolation, and ariditie of soul for two yeeres and a half.  
28 Of these desolations, diuers causes may be given, for some time they may proceed in great part of some indisposition, and infirmity o● the body, loaden, and oppressed with melancholy, or perhaps with other humors, where upon the devil taketh the advantage to tempt,& afflic● us, which the meditatour ought curiously to search, and examine i● himself, for in that case, it were not good for him to strive to muc● with his own weakness, least perhaps he may oppress nature, but rather to leave his meditation for that time, and to take some other exercise of vocal prayer, or reading some spiritual book with great attention, pausing upon such passages, and places as he findeth to move, an● stir him most to devotion.  
29 Secondlie, desolation may grow of Gods iustice, punishing us either for some negligence in his service, or for some ingratitude in refusing his holy inspirations, or for some inordinat delight in earthly things, or for some vain glory, and spiritual pride, or perhaps to preue●● our fall into these, 
S. Bernar. ser. 34. in cautica.  or some other sin, whereupon S. Bernard saith: s● perbia inuenta est in me &c. pride hath been found, or discovered in me, and the● upon hath growne my sterility of soul, my want of devotion, my lack of compunction and tears, in so much, that I haue nether delectation or taste in reading, nor 〈◇〉 prayer, nor in my wonted meditations, no inebriation of spirit, no serenity of mind, 〈◇〉 ioy or peace in the holy Ghost. Thus saith he. And a little after he addeth, tha● although our conscience do not accuse us of pride, or vain glory spiritual, yet we may well fear, that God either findeth it in us, and of hi● iustice correcteth it, or else forseeth, that we would shortly fall into it and of his mercy preventeth it, by showing us our own infirmity.  
30 thirdly almighty God, not only proveth his best beloved seruants, but also purgeth, and as it were refineth them by this fire of spiritual tribulation, to their far greater merit, and increase of their virtues, by the exercise of their humility, patience, faith, hope, and charity for in their desolation they serve him only for pure love, without thei● wonted pay, and reward of present consolations, with no less confidenc● of his love and mercy towards them, then when they received the greatest favours, which now they evidently see proceedeth of his mere bounty, and liberality, and not of any merit in them, yea and fearing least for some offence, or neglicence on their part, God may utterly abandon them, they redouble their resignation, penance,& mortification, to the exceeding benefit of their souls, and therefore it commonly falleth out, that after the greatest desolations, God giveth them the greatest comforts, and illustrations, according to the saying of the royal prophet. Secundum multitudinem dolorum meorum &c. 
Psalm. 37.  According to the multitude of my sorrowes thy consolations. O Lord, haue given ioy to my soul.  
●● Thus I say, it fareth now, and then, with the greatest comtemplatiues, ●nd most faithful seruants of God. But it falleth out many times much otherwise with others, for some serve God with great fervour, so long as ●hey feel sweetness, and sensible devotion in their prayers, yea, and conceive otherwhiles that they are already grown to a great perfection of ●ollines, in so much, that they expect revelations, or some miraculous ●perations in themselves, or to be donne by their means, and when ●fterwards they fall into some desolation, and find themselves deprived ●f all sensible comfort, they are utterly dismayed there with,& become ●o impatient, that they leave their wonted exercise of prayer, and medi●●tion,& within a while do utterly loose their spirit, showing thereby ●hat they served not God for himself, but for his gifts, and sought not ●im, but themselves, and their own delight, and finally that they are ●hose, who( as our saviour said) do take no roote in his service, 
luke. 8.  but beleeue for a ●●me, and in time of temptation forsake him.  
●● Therefore, I will for the remedy hereof, set down some points ●o be considered and practised by young beginners, in time of spiritual ●esolation, whereby they may receive some comfort, and the better con●inue their exercise of meditation, until it please God to restore them to ●heir former serenity.  
●3 First they are to consider, that the perfection of contemplation doth ●ot consist in sensible devotion, and spiritual sweetness, 
M. Teresa nella vita. sua. c. 11. Blosius ubi supra,& in institut. spirit. c 7.  or delectation( which is many times rather a natural, then a spiritual affection) but in a strong faith, profound humility, true resignation of will, to the will of God, contempt of the world, pure, and fervent love of God, and a desire to suffer for him, and further more that it pleaseth him sometimes, to withhold all spiritual comefort from his seruants, and as it were to hid himself from them, even within themselves for a time, to appear more glorious unto them afterwards, to their far greater comefort, as to omit many other examples, it appeared in S. katherine of Siena, when once, 
P. Ribal●eneira en la vida de S. Katerina.  in time of great desolation, she was exceedingly tempted and afflicted with impure, and filthy thoughts: for afterwards when our saviour appeared unto her, and comforted her, and shee complained unto him of the great affliction which shee had endured, yea, and asked him, where he was during her conflict, he answered, that he was in her hart: how could it be, quoth shee, that thou wast in my hart, whiles it was so full of filthy thoughts? But didst thou, said he, consent unto them? And when shee answered, no, then said he, thereby thou maiest understand, that I was there, for otherwise thou couldst not haue resisted. The like also passed with S. Anthony, 
S. Athanasius in vita S. Antonij.  and other holy men, whom God exercised, an● proved in that manner, seeming to leave them to themselves for a time though nevertheless, he did not abandon them, but gave them sufficient grace to resist the temptations of the enemy, to their great increase o● merit.  
34 But how soever God suffereth this in his best beloved seruants, an● men of the highest contemplation, 
lodovic. Blosius.  only for their probation, yet young beginners shall do well to persuade themselves( as with great reaso● they may) that their desolation, is a just punishment for their sins, an● therefore let them take occasion thereby, to enter into a deep,& serio●● examination of themselves, by what sin, negligence, or ingratitude they haue deserved it, and finding the cause thereof, let them labour b● contrition, penance, and mortification, to satisfy the iustice of God, an● to amend what they haue done amiss; and though their conscience accuse them of nothing, 
S. Bernar. ser. 54. supper Cantica.  yet as S. Bernard adviseth, let them fear the rigou● of Gods secret iudgement, and rather impute it, to some hidden faul● of theirs, then think that God only proveth them thereby for thei● greater merit, let them I say, humble themselves most profoundlie i● the sight of God, acknowledging with the royal prophet, that they a●● nothing else, 
Psal. 38. job. 13. Ibid. 2 Cor. 3.  but vanity, and as job saith, folium quod vento rapitur, a leaf● carried away with every wind, of vain cogitations, stipula sicca, a d●● straw, and as the Apostle teacheth, not able to think a good thought of the●selues, as of themselves, but that all their sufficiency is of God.  
35 Furthermore, they may also consider that they ought to hold it fo● sufficient honour, 
Psal. 83. P. Ribera n●lla vita d● M. Teresia li. 4. c. 8. luke. 15.  and a special favour for them, to be but abjects in th● house of God, and admitted into his family, though it be but to dig, an● delve in his garden, all the daies of their lives, rather for love, then reward, for duty, and not for interest: and therefore let them say with th● prodigal child, Fac me quasi vnum, ex mercenarijs tuis, &c. make me, o Lord one of thy woorke men, or hirelings, for I am not favourably to be called thy child and let them offer themselves as his creatures, to serve him in whatsort, or condition soever it shall please him, though it be to no other end, the to bear his burdens like a pack horse, saying with the psalmist, vt inmentum factus sum apud te, 
Psal. 72.  & ego sempertecum, I am become thy packhorse, o● bearing beast, and will always be with thee, to bear thy burdens, and carry thy cross after thee, let them I say, offer themselves to serve him, with what disgust, pain, or penalty soever, so that it may please him to grant them perseverance.  
36 moreover, they may call to mind how many suitors in princes courts, are not admitted to the speech of some mean officer, and after many repulses, and some yeares travail, loose all their labour, and expectation, ●hereas they on the other side, haue free access to the king of kings, ●nd Lord of lords, being sure to be heard with out scorn, or contempt, ●nd not to be affronted, or wronged by officers, and seruants, or excluded ●y porters, or pages, but favoured, and furthered by holy angels, and ●●incts, and all the celestial court( whose aid and assistance, they may ●herefore boldly crave) assuring themselves, that though it seemeth to ●hem, that they are neglected, and contemned, yet they are but only de●ied for their greater good, and better dispatch in the end, if they haue patience and perseverance. Therefore let them take the words of the ●salmist, as spoken to themselves. Expecta Dominum, viriliter age, 
Psal. 26.  confortetur ●rtuum,& sustine Dominum. Expect thy lords leisure, play the man, and be of ●●urage, comfort thy hart, and bear, or sustain thy Lord. 
Psal. 41.  Let them say to their ●wne souls. Quare tristis es anima mea &c. Why art thou sad my soul, why ●est thou trouble me? hope in God, for I will still confess him. And with job; 
job. 13.  etiansi and occiderit sperabo in eum. Though he kill me, I will hope in him.  
●7 And if they haue had any special favours, and spiritual consola●ons from almighty God in former times, let them now remember it in ●heir desolation, and say with job. Si bona de manu Domini suscepimus, 
job. 2.  &c. ●f we haue received good things from the hand of God, why shall not we also, be ●ntent to receive evil? Dominus dedit, Dominus abstulit &c. Our Lord gave them, ●ur Lord hath taken them away, the name of our Lord be blessed, Yea, and consi●ering Gods infinite mercy, and that it is he, qui mortificat,& viuificat, 
1. Reg. 7.  who ●ortifieth, and reviveth, let them comfort themselves with hope of faire ●eather after this storm, 
job. 17.  saying also with job. Rursum post tenebras ●ero lucem. After this darkness, of desolation, I hope again to see the light ●f consolation.  
●8 Furthermore one special remedy against desolation is, to be furni●hed not only with these considerations before mentioned, but also with ●iuers examples and places of the holy scripture, whereof the remem●rance and meditation may at that time yeld them comfort, and help to ●educe them to recollection; as for example. 
luke. 2.  They may remember the ●esolation of the blessed virgin Mary,& S. joseph, when they had lost our saviour, and went up and down seeking him amongst their friends, do●entes, saith the scripture, being full of sorrow 3. daies together, until they found him at length in the temple; And with this consideration they may seek to move themselves to a loving and devout compassion of their sorrow and affliction, and to accompany them therein, recommending also their own affliction to them,& beseeching our sweet saviour, for the merits of his blessed mother& holly S. joseph, to give them grace to seek him with such sorrow, diligence and devotion, that they ma● find him in the temple of their own soul.  
39 Let them remember how the blessed Apostles, being in a ship at sea, when our saviour was absent from them, were tossed wi●● winds, and waves, the greatest part of the night, until at lengt● he came to them, walking upon the water, and appeased the storm● and comforted them with his heavenly voice, 
Matth. 14.  saying. Ego sum, 〈◇〉 light timere. It is I, be not afraid. Let them I say, humbly beseech hi● to behold their travail, and danger, in this his absence from the● and to give them the grace of perseverance, and strength, to co●tinue their labour, until it may please him, to return unto the● and with the comfort of his blessed presence, and assistance to appea● the storm that tosseth, and tormenteth them.  

Mathew. 15. Mar. 7.  40 Let them call to mind the woman of Cananea, who still pe●seuered crying after our Lord, though as the scripture saith, he a●swered her not aword, and when at the suite of his Apostles, h● spoken at last unto her, and gave hard language( comparing her to dog) saying, 
Ibid.  that it was not fit to give the bread of children to dogges shee had nevertheless such confidence in his mercy, that she la●● herself prostrat at his feet, craving but the crumes that fell fro● his table, by which humility, and perseverance, shee obtained he suite. Let them therefore in like sort cry out after him, and sa●● with her, 
Ibid.  Miserere mei Domine, fili david &c. O Lord, the son of D●uid, haue mercy upon me, for my daughter, that is to say my soul, i●terriblie vexed: and acknowledging themselves to be no better the● dogges in his sight, let them, crave but some few crumes of his heavenly comfort, only to enable them, to bear their burden, s● long as it shall please him to ordain.  
41 Let them also consider our saviours conflict in the garden when he sweat water and blood, and recommend unto him thei● affliction, in the union, and merits of his agony, craving of him that as he, having then need of consolation in his humanity, was comforted from heaven by an angel, so also it may please him to graun● them comfort in their distress, 
Matth. 26. Marc. 14.  saying nevertheless with him. Non sic●● ego volo, said sicut tu vis, fiat voluntas tua. Yet not as I will, o Lord, but as tho● wilt, thy wilbe donne.  
42 Let them also remember his desolation upon the cross, when for our encouragement, and comfort, he was content to be leaf● so comfortless, 
Matth. 27. Marc. 15.  that he said, to his Father. Deus, Deus meus, vt qui● dereliquisti me? My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me. And for as much as the perfection of a Christian man, consisteth in his conformity with Christ, no less in suffering with him, then in imitating his virtues, and seeing that his great desolation in the garden, and upon the cross, was no doubt the greatest of all the pains that he suffered for us, let them take comfort in that it pleaseth him, to give them some taste of what he suffered therein whereby they may haue also the more conformity with him; and therefore let them not desire to be eased thereof, further then it shall please him, but only say with the psalmist. 
Psal. 118.  Ne derelinquas me vsquequaque. do not o Lord, forsake me altogether. upon which words, Cassianus noteth, that the prophet david knowing well, that it was not inconvenient, but profitable for him, that God should sometimes withdraw himself from him, to make him see, and know his own weakness, did not absolutely desire that God should never leave him in any sort, but that he would not utterly, or altogether abandon him.  
43 They may therefore say with the same psalmist. Ne proijcias me ●a fancy tua. do not quite cast me of, from thy face: 
Psal. 50.  spiritum sanctum tuum ●●ne auferas a me: do not take from me thy holly spirit: red mihi laetitiam, salutaris tui &c. restore unto me the ioy, and gladness of thy salvation. Let them also invocat the holy spirit of God with that most excellent hymn. Veni saint spiritus,& emitted caelitus, 
Robertus rex franciae.  lucis tuae radium &c. pondering every sentence of it with special attention, which may greatly help; as well to recollect their distracted thoughts, as also to revive in them some heat of the divine love.  
44 finally, let them beseech almighty God, that if it please him, not to give them recollection, and peace of soul, yet at least he vouch safe to grant, that their distraction, and desolation, be not offensive unto him, or an occasion to withdraw them from his love, and so no doubt, he will give them, either present consolation, or else the grace of longanimity, patience, and perseverance, with far greater merit, especially if they add to these former means some mortification, and penance for the love of him, and punishment of their sins.  
45 I will conclude concerning this point, with an aduise of Ecclesiastes, worthy to be considered, and practised of all those, that aspire to union with almighty God by contemplation. Sustine, saith he, 
Eccles. 3.  s●●tationes Dei, coniungere Deo,& sustine, vt in nouissimo crescat vita tua. bear the burdens of God, be united, or joined with God, and bear with patience, that thy life may grow in the end. Thus saith th● preacher, giuing to understand, that the union with God in this lif● doth not free, or exempt us from temptations, and afflictions, but rather is infallibly conjoined therewith, and that the patient suffrin● thereof, is the assured means, to bring us to an inseparable, and etern●● union with him in the end: and this is to be understood, as well of th● desolations, and spiritual temptations( whereof I haue hitherto spok● as also of all kind of corporal, and temporal afflictions, whereto th● seruants of God, are, by his merciful providence, exposed in this lif● for their everlasting good,  
46 And as for desolation( whereof I specially treat at this present it is further to be considered, that the same is many times, far mo●● secure for the soul, and consequently more to be desired, then consolation, and sensible sweetness, for two respects: the one, because in desolation there is no danger of self love, or spiritual pride, but rather occasion of humility, and of the true knowledge of our own weakene● whereas sensible delectation, and sweetness in prayer, do breed mani● times the moth( as I may say) of love, and vain glory, which if i● be not remedied in time, will deprive us of all the fruit of our devotion, and of Gods grace in the end.  

P. Ignatius exercit. Reg. aliae utiles &c. reg. 4. 2. Cor. 11. Blosius Can. vitae spirit. ca 26.  47 The other respect is, the danger of diabolical illusions, which i● the desolation,& ariditie of the soul, is not much to be feared, but ma● well be doubted in spiritual delectation, for that the devil( who some times transformeth himself into the angel of light) doth otherwhiles seek to work, and procure false consolations in a devout soul, thereby t● draw it first to vain glory, and after to certain singularities,& by litl● and little, utterly to overthrow it, if it be not prevented in time.  
48 Therefore, seeing that those which give themselves to the exercis● of contemplative discipline, had need to beware of illusions, and that i● would require a far larger discourse, then this place will permit to se● down rules for the discerninge of spirits, I wish one general rule to b● observed, which is most necessary for all such, as undertake the exercis● of contemplation, and may suffice alone, if it be duly practised: to wi● that no man presume to be his own guide, and director therein, bu● that he make choice of some expert master( if he be not by regular obedience bound to any) and open freely to him, without reservation al● the secrets of his soul, and motions, good, and bad, and that he follow his direction in all humility, assuring himself that his obedience, an● resignation therein, will be so grateful to almighty God, that he will no● suffer him to be misled.  
49 This is the aduise of all the Fathers, that haue written of this matter and therefore S. Basil saith, that even as God hath ordained that faith, 
D. Basil. regul. brea. q. 1  which is his gift, is to be obtained by hearing: so also he hath decreed, that the doctrine of Christian perfection( which is built upon the foundation of faith) shall not otherwaise be learned, but by the voice of a master, or teacher. S. Gregory also testifieth, that he which so far presumeth upon the assistance of the holy Ghost, that he refuseth to be a disciple, 
D. Greg. li. 1. dial. c. 1. D. Bern. epist. 87. joan. Cassian. collat. 2. ca. 11.  or scholar of men, becometh a master of error. S. Bernard saith elegantly, that he which wilbe his own scholar, shall haue a fool to his master. And joannes Cassian affirmeth, that the devil doth not any way sooner, or more dangerouslie deceive those, which give themselves to the contemplative life, then by persuading them, to trust to themselves, and to neglect the aduise, and direction of a superior, by which means, saith he, diuers haue greueously fallen, both in ancient, and latter times.  
50 Also joannes Climacus, teacheth that one only error lurketh, and lieth hide in the course, or way of contemplative discipline, to wit. Cum quisque sibi idoneus &c. When any man thinks himself fit to rule, and govern himself, which error, saith he, whosoever can avoid, he shall arrive to those things which are good, and spiritual, and most grateful to God, 
joan Climac. de ob. gradu. 4.  almost before he begin, obedientia enim est &c. for true obedience is never to beleeue, or trust ourselves, during our lives, no not in those things, which seem best unto vs. Thus saith he.  
51 finally, that holy and blessed man, Father Ignatius, admonisheth, 
Reg. 13 de disceraendis spirit.  all those that tend to perfection, to consider, that the devil will labour for nothing more, then to procure, that they conceal his suggestions,& temptations, and that if he can win but so much at their hands, he will easily deceive them. In which respect, it is most expedient, 
S. Greg. li. 1. 1. Reg. c. 1. in sine. Cassian de institutis renunti●nt. li. 4. c. 9.& 37. Item coliat. 16. c. 1●.  that all such as practise comtemplatiue discipline, do not only resign themselves wholly to the direction of a superior, but also that they lay open unto him their souls, and all the secrets thereof, to the end that they may be guided, and directed by him, and he that holdeth this course walketh securely, whereas otherwise there is great danger of diabolical illusions, and errors, growing of self love, and singularity.  
52 Now then, to return to the practise of the illuminative way, and to set down some examples of the meditations belonging thereto. I will briefly run over some principal points, to be considered in our saviours Incarnation, such only I mean, as concern himself, for bearing for brevities sake, to touch many most excellent, and notable points of singular edification, which may be observed in the strong faith, the immaculat chastity, the exemplar modesty, the profound humility, and resignation of his most worthy mother, the blessed, and incontamin● virgin Mary, advanced to the ineffable dignity, not only to be calle● but also to be indeed, the mother of God, in respect of her sons hi● postatical, or personal union with God himself, with whom also pa●● of her, is by the same means, personally united, for which cause, almighty God endued her with incomparable graces, gifts, and privileges, and made her a mirror of purity, piety, and all virtue, and therefore shee was worthily called by the Angel Gabriel, 
luke. 1. iron. l 5. contra haeres. Athanas. ser. in evang. de annun. Ephrem. orat. de laud Dei parae. Chrisost. in liturgia. Greg. Naz. Traged. Christo passo. Epiph. haer. ●8. G. Fulgent. s●r. de laud. Mariae. Bernard. 1. serm. de Ass●mptio.& in serm. de Aqu●duct. luke. 1.  full of grace, and blesse● amongst all women; by S. Irenaeus, the advocate of eve; by S. Athanasius, hi● mistress, his lady, his queen: and by S. Ephrem, the peace, the ioy, the healt● and comfort of the world; by S. chrysostom, the incontaminat mother of our Go● more honourable, then the cherubyns, and incomparably more glorious then the ser●phins: by S. Grigory Nazianzen, the light of virgins, the queen of the world,& the ioy of mortal men: by S. Epiphanius, the mother of all those that haue spiritu●● life: by S. Fulgentius, the windovv of heaven, by the which God gave tru● light unto the world: and the heavenly ladder whereby God descended to the earth and men clyme up to heaven: by S. Bernard( to omit many others) the mother of mercy, the ladder of sinners, his hope, and the hope of all Christians: an● lastly by all generations, to the worlds end( as shee prophesied of herself she shalbe called blessed, and be honoured, and served. But I forbear, I say for brevities sake, to observe many notable points, which occur concerning her, in the meditation of our saviours Incarnation, and wil● touch only some few, amongst innumerable others, which concerns as well his divinity, as his humanity.  
53 First then, herein may be considered his infinite goodness, as he was God, in that having many other means, which he might haue used for the satisfaction of his iustice,& mans redemption, yet he would use no other, but the best, most honourable, and most profitable to man, that might be, that is to say, by taking our flesh,& making himself man, wherein also he discovered the infinite excellency of all his perfections, 
S. Thom. 3. par. quest. 1. ar. 1. ex S. Damascen, i● orthodoxa fidei ca 1. Ibidem. & divine virtues: For first he shewed therein his infinite bounty, in communicating to man, not only his gifts, and graces, but also himself, by a personal union of himself with man: wherein he also shewed his infinite charity,& love towards him, uniting his divine nature, and the human with such a strait bond, and link, that one& the self same person, was both God& man: he shewed also his infinite mercy, in coming himself personally, not only to remedy our miseries, but also to participat of them, thereby to assure us, that he would haue the more compassion of vs.  
54 He shewed his infinite iustice, in that he made himself passable, to pay the penalty of our sin, 
Ibidem.  which his iustice required: he shewed his infinite wisdom, in finding out such a wonderful means, 
Ibidem.  to join together things so distant, and different as God, and man, eternal, and temporal, ●mpassible, and passable, mercy, and iustice, both of them in the highest degree, without the prejudice of either: he shewed his omnipo●ency, in doing for man the uttermost he could do, 
Ibidem.  making himself man which was the greatest, and most wonderful work, that ever he did, he shewed his sanctity, holiness, and all his virtues, imprinting them in the humanity which he took upon him, to the end, that the same might ●erue for an example, and pattern for all men to imitat, in all which, nothing seemeth more admirable, then that whereas Adam rebelled proudly against God himself, seeking to usurp his divinity( for the which he deserved that his nature should be annichilated) almighty God, did not only pardon him, but also humble,& as it were annichilat himself, to exalt him, and his progeny, that was his rebellious enemy: yea and most liberally bestowed vpon him, that which he had so presumptuously affencted, to wit, his divinity and Godhead itself.  
55 This then being well considered, with our infinite obligation to almighty God for the same, we may pass to the serious ponderation of the work itself, of our saviours Incarnation, as that when the blessed virgin Mary had given her consent to the Angel, the holy Ghost, by his divine, and omnipotent power, framed in her sacred womb, a most perfect body of her purest blood, and created withall a most excellent soul, uniting not only the one with the other, but also both of them, with the person of the eternal word, the son of God, in such a personal union, that, as I haue touched before, man became God, and God became man, and the divine nature remained, as it were, inseparably wedded to our human nature. whereupon ariseth this consideration( besides many other which I omit) no less fruitful, thē comfortable to us, that every one of us, is by this means, perpetually, allied with almighty God,& that therfore we ought not only to love, praise,& thank him incessantly for the same, but also to take hart, and courage, amid the infirmities, and miseries of this life,& firmly to purpose( as S. lo saith) to demeine ourselves like the kinsmen, and allies of so great a king, 
lo serm. 1. de nativitate.  and to do nothing unworthy of such a worthy, and noble alliance.  
56 And to the end we may the better understand, and know, the inestimable excellency of our saviours humanity, we may consider, that whereas God giveth to men graces and gifts, with a certain measure, that is to say, to no man all, but some to one man, and some to an other, he gave all to him, without measure, or limitation, which nevertheless may be reduced to these heads following.  
57 The first was, an incomparable innocency, purity, and clean● of heart, without all kind of imperfection, or possibility to err, 〈◇〉 sin, as it was convenient for the most innocent lamb, which should ta●● away the sins of the world. 
joan. 1.   
58 The second was, the grace, or gift of a supereminent sanctity, whe●by he had all virtues in perfection, in respect whereof, he is worthyl● called, Sanctus Sanctorum, tho Holy of holies.  

Dan. ●.  59 The third was, the full, and perfect vision of the divine essenc● whereto he was personally united, which from the very instant of h●● creation, he saw far more clearly, then all the angels, or the souls 〈◇〉 men ever did, or ever shall do, whereupon also followed in him i● like proportion, an unmeasurable love to God, and infinite ioy, in whic● respect the holy Ghost saith of him in the psalm. Vnxitte Deus, Deus tu●●oleo letitiae prae consortibus tuis. 
Psal. 44.  God thy God, hath anointed thee, with the oil 〈◇〉 gladness, and ioy above all thy companions.  

Coloss. 2.  60 The fourth was, an immense, and inestimable treasure of deui●● wisdom, and knowledge of all things, past, present, or to come.  
61 The fift was, unlimited power to do miracles, when, where, an● how it should please him, whereby he might raise the dead, commaun● the winds, 
luke. 4.  sea, elements, and all creatures.  
62 The sixth was, the power to remit sins, to convert sinners, to o●daine, 
Mathew. 9.& ult.  and institute sacrifices, and sacraments, to bestow graces, and supernatural gifts upon men.  
63 The seventh was, to be head of his mystical body the Church, a●well the militant here in earth, 
Ephes. 1.  as the triumphant in heaven, being th● chief, and most worthy of all creatures in heaven, and earth, Rex Reg●●& Dominus dominantium, 
Apoc. 19. Isay. 55.  the king of kings, and Lord of lords( and as the prophet saith) Dominus nominatus in signum aeternum,& non auferetur ab eo. Called Lord for a sempiternal sign, which shall not be taken from him.  
64 The eight was, to be the first, and principal of all the predestinat, fo● whose sake God did also predestinat all the rest, to the end he might haue many companions in glory, 
Rom. 8.  or, as the Apostle saith many brethre● like to himself, as well in gifts of grace, as in nature.  
65 The ninth, that he should be the redeemer, and saviour of mankind, and the only mediator, betwixt God, and man, who hath reconciled us to his Father in his blood, 
1. Tim. 2.  through whose merits, all other m●diation in heaven and earth, hath force and effect, be it either of Angel● or Saints for men, or of one man for an other.  

A●oc. 1.  66 The tenth, that he should be, primogenitus mortuorum, the first ma● that should rise from death, and enter into heaven, and open the gates thereof, to the end that we might enter after him, and enjoy the sight ●f God, and eternal beatitude by his means, and merits.  
●● The eleventh, and last was, that he should be judge of the quick,& and dead, and reward, or punish, every man according to his deserts. 
Matth. 24. Apoc. 22.   
●● Now then, in the consideration of these most excellent preroga●●ues, and privileges of our saviours humanity, we may entertain our ●elues, pondering every one a part, rejoicing, and congratulating with ●im for the same, praising, magnifiing, and adoring him, offering our ●●lues to his service, and craving such part of his graces, and ver●●es, as it may please his divine majesty to bestow upon us, seeing ●●at out of his plenty, or rather his plenitude; and fullness, 
joan. 1.  all men ●●e stored.  
●9 Furthermore, all this being considered, we may weigh with ●ur selves, the heroyical acts of virtue, which the most blessed soul ●f our saviour exercised towards God, in the first instant that he saw and divine essence, wherewith he was united, who beholding on and on side the infinite majesty of God, and on the other the innume●●ble benefits, that he had received of him( as that he was created of ●othing, and exalted to such an incomprehensible dignity) perfor●ed five most notable effects, which every man may, and ought to ●mitat.  
●0 The first was, a fervent love to God. The second, a most thanke●●ll gratitude, in the acknowledgement of his benefits. The third, 〈◇〉 most profound humiliation of himself, considering he had nothing ●f himself, but all by the infinite liberality, and bounty of God. The ●ourth, a most prompt and ready offer of a most exact, and perfect obedience to Gods holy will, in all things whatsoever. The fift ●as, a most earnest desire of Gods glory, and resolute purpose to ●rocure, and advance the same, by all means possible; which five ●oints we may apply also to ourselves, practising the like love, ●ratitude, humility, renunciation of our own will, offer of our service, desire of Gods glory, with a firm resolution, and endeavour, to ●rocure it to our power, and finally we are most humbly to crave the ●ssistance of the holy spirit, through our saviours merits, for the ●erformance thereof.  
●1 Afterwards, we may occupy ourselves in the consideration of the ●ost excellent acts of virtue, which our saviour at the first instant of his ●reation exercised also towards his neighbours, to wit, the ineffable ●orrow which he conceived, when he saw the most lamentable ●●ate of the world drowned in sin, and the ingratitude of men( his brethren by nature) towards God, his, and their Father, and Creat● whose honour, and glory he infinitely desired, and knowing witha● that his Father had ordained him for the remedy of the world( haui●● given him a passable, and mortal body, to the end he might offer hi● self in sacrifice, suffer torments, and die, for the satisfaction of his i●stice, and the redemption of mankind) he received unspeakable i● that such an occasion was offered him, to show both his obedience his Father, and his love to his brethren, and accepted the same m willingly, saying to his Father( as the Apostle noteth of him out of 〈◇〉 psalm) Seeing thou saidest not accept the sacrifices, 
Hebrae. 10. Psal. 39.  and oblations of the la● for the remission of mans sin, corpus autem aptasti mihi, but hast framed 〈◇〉 body, to be offered in sacrifice for the same, Ecce venio, vt faciam Deu 〈◇〉 luntatem tuam, behold I come o God to do thy will.  
72 moreover, it may be considered, that though he had a most p●●fect knowledge, and liuelie apprehension at the same time of all t●● contempt, ignominy, pains,& torments, that he should suffer through out the course of his painful life, and death, yea, and of the ho●●ble ingratitude of his own brethren towards him( whereby he bega● even then, and continued ever after for three,& thirty yeares, to drin● the bitter cup of his passion, until he had drunk it all up) neuerthe● such was his love to man, and obedience to his Father, that he w●● ready to suffer much more, if need were, not only for all manki●● but also for every particular man, rather then that any one of his b●●thren should perish: out of all which may be drawn, not only m notable motives to the love of God, gratitude to our saviour Christ, h● of sin, and sorrow for our own particular offences, but also an ●●cellent, and necessary document, of the charity and love, which 〈◇〉 owe to our brethren, in the imitation of our saviour, who so loved all; whereto I add, that in the course of all this meditation, one spec● thing is to be practised, to wit, most firm purposes, and resolutions a● to be taken, to imitat our saviour, with the help of his grace, in t●● exercise, and practise of all these virtues, and afterwards all diligent e●deuour is to be used, for the performance thereof, in the occasions th● shalbe offered, which is the special fruit, and effect of meditation, 〈◇〉 the end of the illuminative way.  
73 But if I should prosecute all such things, as our contemplati●● teach to be observed, and practised in the meditation of the Incarn●tion of our saviour, I should make a whole volume of this matter, a● much more, if I should proceed in like sort with the rest, of his na●●uity, life, doctrine, miracles, passion, and death, seeing that every wo●● of his, serveth for our instruction, and every act, either for our exam●●e, or our edification: and therefore it shall suffice, that I haue for ●●amples sake, touched these few points in particular, and for conclu●●on of that which I mean to say, concerning the illuminative way, I ●ill only add certain considerations in general, whereby those that ●nd to the vnitiue way, may more easily attain thereto, following our ●●uiour as their guide and captain, whose doctrine, and example, may ●oth arm them against all the assaults of their spiritual enemies, and ●dorne them with all kind of virtues.  
●4 And therefore against the temptation of covetousness, pride, am●ition, wrath, and reuenge, they may arm themselves, with the consi●eration of his voluntary poverty, humility, obedience, patience, con●●mpt of riches, of honours, and of dignities, weighing with themselves, is rare examples in these kinds, as, that he made choice of a poor mo●●er, a poor country( in respect of many others) a poor 
luke. 1.  stable to be ●orne in, a poor cratch, or manger, for his cradle, poor sheapheards ●r the first witnesses of his birth, a poor offering at his 
luke. 2.  presentation in and temple, a poor 
Mar. 6.  trade to live by, until he began to preach,& that ●●terwards he 
luke. 8.  lived of alms, and had not so much as a poor 
Matth. 8. luke. 9.  cottage 〈◇〉 put his head in. Also, that he choose poor 
Matth. 4.  disciples, conversed with ●oore people, fled 
joan. 6.  honours, and popular praise, hiding himself from ●●ose which meant to make him king, and showing humility,& 
luke. 2.  obedience in all things which he began to do, even whiles he was in his ●●others womb.  
●● For when Augustus Caesar, for ostentation of his power, 
luke. 2.  and large ●ominion, commanded by public edict, that the world should be ●escribed, and that therefore all his subiects should repair to certain ●laces, assigned for that purpose, and there register their names, and pay ●●ibute, our saviour being then not born, and yet meaning to discover ●o the world, how different are the byways of God, from the ways of men, 
Esay. 55.  and ●he cogitations of earthly kings, from the cogitations of the king of ●eauen, took occasion vpon the Emperours ambitious vanity,& pride, ●o show his own profound humility, both in paying tribute, as a ●ubiect of Augustus, 
luke. 5.  as also in being born by the same occasion in a ●oore stable, for lack of a better harbour.  
●6 The like humility,& obedience, he shewed throughout the course ●f his life, humbling himself to receive 
Matth. 3.  baptism, at the hands of S. 〈◇〉 ●●●ti●t, in the company of sinners, to 
joan. 13.  wash the feet of his apostles, ●o be amongst them as their 
luke. 22.  minister, or seruant, to be obedient to Moy●●● law, in his 
Ibid. c. 2.  circumcision, 
Ibid.  presentation, and the 
joan. 10.  observation of feasts, and ceremonies, obedient to his 
luke. 2.  mother, and supposed father( to whom the scripture saith, he was subject) obedient to tempora● laws, and magistrates, paying tribute to 
Matth. 1●.  Caesar, obedient to his very enemies, submitting himself to their unjust iudgement, lastly, 
Philip. 2.  Obediens usque ad mortem, mortem autem crucis, obedient even to death, yea 〈◇〉 the opprobrious death of the cross, having first with invincible patience endured without contradiction, infinite slanders, blasphemies, scoffs and scorns, buffeting, scourging, crowning with thorns, and innumerable indignities, and yet was so far from seeking reuenge of his enemies, that he freely pardonned them, excused them to his Father, praie● for them, 
luke. 23.  and  shed every drop of his most precious blood, to redeem and save them.  
77 Who then is there so haughty, and proud, that would not by the du● consideration hereof be moved to stoupe, and to humble himself, sein● the king of glory, so humble,& obedient? Who hath not cause to be sorr● for his impatience, wrath, and procedings, seing his Lord, and maker s● meek, patient,& charitable to his enemies? Who should not be induce● to contemn riches,& honours, seeing the Lord of all so poor,& abject Who can with any reason, think much to be contemned, or wronged seeing the king of heaven,& earth endure so many wrongs, outrages,& indignities? Who ought not to be ashamed to live at ease, and pleasure seing his Lord,& master in torment, and pain? Finally what Christian i● there, who should maturely consider, that his king,& creator, partli● did, and partly suffered all these things, not only for his redemption but also for his example( to the end he might follow his steps) an● would not seek to frame himself, to the imitation of such a heauenli● master, and guide, that by the participation of his virtues here, he might be partaker hereafter of his glory?  
78 But let us hear a little, what one of our contemplatives meditatet● upon this matter. Quid tibi, saith S. Bernard, dirum vel durum esse poterit? 
Ber. ser. de quadruplici debito.  &c. What can be either terrible or difficult to thee, when thou shal● remember what he is, who, being the spenldor, and figure of the substance of God the Father( that is to say God himself) vouch safed to com● to thy prison, to thy day and dirt, and there to be set fast,( as th● psalmist saith) up to the very elbows, 
Psal. 68.  in the profound, and bottomele● mud of thy baseness? What shall not be sweet to thee, when thou shal● remember all the bitterness, that thy Lord, tasted,& suffered for thee, as th● necessity of his infancy, his labours in preaching, his weariness in hi● iourneis and travails, his temptations in his fasting, his watching 〈◇〉 prayer, his tears of compassion, the deceits used to entrapp him, his continual dangers by false brethren, the contumelies, spitting, buffets, whipping, derision, mocks, and scoffs, that he endured, and finally the nailes that pierced his hands, and feet, and such other things which he partly did, and partly suffered, for the salvation of mankind, during the space of three, and thirty yeares, that he lived here amongst us?  
79 O how undue on his part, and vndeserued on ours was his mercy? How far beyond all expectation was his clemency, and what a stupendious sweetness may wee conceive in the consideration of this invincible mansuetude, and meekness, that the king of glory would be crucified, for a most contemptible slave,& wretched worm? Who ever saw, or heard the like? For hardly, 
Rom. 5.  saith the Apostle Will any man die for a just man, but he died for the unjust, yea for his very enemies, banishing himself willingly from heaven, to carry us to heaven. What then shall I render to my Lord, for all this that he hath given me? 
Psal. 115.  For if I give him all that I may, and all that I am, is it any other then a star to the sun, a drop of water to a river, a pebble ston to a mountain, or a little grain to a great heap of corn? I haue but two little mites to wit, a body, and a soul, or rather but one mite, that is to say, my will, and therefore shall I not give it, and resign it wholly to his will, who being such, and so great a Lord, hath so much prevented me with such incomparable benefits, yea, and gave himself wholly to purchase, and buy me wholly? For if I remain, and keep my will to myself, with what face, or with what mind, and conscience, shall I haue recourse to the bowels of his mercy? Or how shall I presume, or dare to draw to myself( I will not say) the drops, but the floods of his precious blood, which flow from the five parts of his body, for my redemption?  
80 Thus saith this devout, and contemplative father, with much more to the same purpose, which for brevities sake I omit,& I will conclude this matter& chapter with a brief, 
S. Ephraem de passione Domini. To. 3.  though most devout consideration of the ancient,& holy Father S. Ephraem. Contemplaris, saith he, O homo &c. dost thou behold o man, thy most immaculat,& unspotted Lord, hanging upon the cross,& darest thou impudent,& wicked creature, spend thy daies in d●licacy, sport,& pleasure? dost thou not know( o shameless wretch) that thy Lord, which was crucified for the, will one day exact an account of thee, of all thy negligences, and contempts? And yet now when thou hearest these things, thou art so careless, and retchles, that thou cont●mnest, and laughest, and sports thyself amid thy delights? But assure t●● self, a day will come, a terrible day, a day of punishment, and reuenge, when thou shalt morn, wail, and cry out, for ever in endeles torment, and fire, when no man shall answer thee, nor haue compassion on thee.  
81 These are the words of the holy Ephrem, worthy to be written in letters of gold, and engraven in every mans hart, to the end we may always haue in our remembrance, not only what our saviour suffered for us, but also what we owe to him for the same, and how dear our negligence, and ingratitude will cost us, if we do not repent in time.  
And truly one of the greatest reasons, why so few men profit in the way of virtue, and so many souls daillie perish, is, for that they do not often, and duly ponder, and way these, and such other things,& make particular reflection upon our saviours life, and passion, to the end they may imitate his divine virtues; which point our contemplatives do perform in most excellent manner, daily, and most devoutly ruminating upon our saviours actions, and every part of his passion, drawing thence notable instructions, and documents, for their own use, and practise, mortifiing their passions by the example of our saviour, purging the relics of old sins, and continually craving the assistance of Gods grace, 
Psal. 83.  through our saviours merits, whereby they proceed daily, de virtute in virtutem, from one virtue to an other, and kindle withall in themselves such a fire of the fervent love of God, that they enter into the Vnitiue way, whereof I am to speak next.   

Of the Vnitiue way, and the practise of it, with rules to be observed in the exercise thereof and meditations belonging to it. CHAP. 20.  
1 THe Vnitiue way( belonging as I noted before, to the third state, or degree of charity) is so called, because the soul of man, 
1. joan. 4.  is thereby united with God, such being the force of perfect charity, that as S. John, saith, Qui manet in charitate manet in Deo,& Deus in eo. He which remaineth in charity remaineth in God, and God in him. Which may the better be conceived, if we consider the nature, and force, of perfect love to be such, that it cannot suffer any obstacle, or impediment, betwixt the object that it loveth, and itself, nor ever resteth until it be conjoined,& coupled therewith, in so much that Plato and his followers the Platonicks, 
Plato in S●●●posio.  teach, that love hath the force,& power, not only to unit the lover with the beloved, but also to transform the one into the other, and make them both one, having but one will, one desire, one sorrow, one ioy, and, as it were, one soul in two bodies, in which respect, it is commonly, and truly said, 
S. Bonauentura in Soliloquijs.  that magis est anima ubi amat, quam ubi animat, the soul is rather where it loveth, then where it liveth, and giveth life, and how this is verified betwixt God and man, shall appear after a while.  
2 Those therefore that would walk in the vnitiue way, are to consider, that though the end whereto they tend( which is a perfect union, and coniunction with God) is a matter of that worth, and dignity, 
F. Pedro de Alcantara nel trattato dell'oratione& meditat. ca. 11.  that they cannot hope to attain unto it, by any merits of their own, or by human endeavour, or by the observation of rules, and precepts, but by the mercy, and grace of almighty God, through the merits of our saviour Iesus Christ( for, to think otherwise, were nothing else, but to make an art of Gods grace, and to reduce, or tie his gifts to the inventions of men, which were not only great folly, but also extreme impiety) nevertheless they may greatly help, and further themselves therein, by their diligent endeavour in preparing, and disposing themselves conveniently thereunto, such being the course of Gods providence, and proceeding with men, even in matters pertaining to their soul, and salvation, that he not only admitteth, but also requireth their endeavour, and cooperation with his grace, as I haue signified before. 
Chap. 9. num. 24.   
3 It being then presuposed, that by the use, and practise of the illuminative way, they haue already obtained purity of hart, integrity of conscience, and fervent love to God, true mortification of their passions, and affections, hate of sin, and contempt of the world, and of themselves for the love of God, and lastly a habit of all virtue, it is further requisite to the practise of the vnitiue way, that they understand,& observe certain precepts, concerning meditation. For, although meditation is a special help, and as it were, the principal ladder to mount to contemplation, yet it may be sometimes a hindrance thereto, if it be not used with discretion. Therefore according to the doctrine of some great contemplatives, five things are to be observed therein, by those which practise this vnitiue way.  
4 The first is, 
F. Luyz de C●a●a●a li. de m●d●●at. F. Ped●● de Alcantar● n●l trattato d●●● 〈◇〉& 〈…〉 ca 11.  that they avoid overmuch speculation of the understanding( especially when they meditate upon the divine mysteries)& that they rather labour to employ their will, and affection, seeking to draw out of their meditation, motives, and feelings of love, admiration, or ioy, and yet not so, but that they may also reflect upon such points of good instruction, and edification, as may occur, yea, and recommend to almighty God, the necessities of their own souls, and other mens( as occasion and matter shalbe ministered in their meditation) so that they principally seek, and most insist upon motives of love, which are th● proper food of a contemplative soul, and the high way to a perfect union with God, for otherwise( I mean if they endeavour to occupi●● their understanding, more then their affection) they shall rather study then pray, or contemplat, and perhaps find themselves more dry, an● voided of devotion in the end of their meditation, then they were in th● beginning, contrary to the nature& condition of true prayer, whereo● the scripture saith, 
Eccles. 7.  Orationis melior est finis quam principium, the end of praie● is better then the beginning.  

Ibidem.  5 The second point is, that though they ought to seek to stir up i● themselves affections of love, as I haue said, yet they are to vnderstan● that the same is to be donne with moderation, which I say, for that som● think to procure it, as it were, by force, and strive so much with excessive sighs, and coacted sorrow, to move themselves to tears of compassion, and love, in the meditation of our saviours passion, that the● do nothing else, but hurt their healths as Cassianus well observeth.  
6 Such therefore are to consider, that it sufficeth to do on their part, what they conveniently may, that is to say, that representing our saviours suffering before the eyes of their soul, they behold the same, with a quiet, and loving compassion, and a tender hart, being willing, and ready to receive any impression of sorrow, that it shall please him of his mercy to give them, craving it at his hands, if they haue it not, and not afflicting themselves, 
F. Pedro de Alcant.& F. Luyz de G●anada ubi supra.  if it do not please him to give it them( for that he knoweth what is convenient for them) desiring nothing more in his seruants, then a good will, with a convenient endeavour, whereto he will give the effect, no less then he gave the good will, when he shall see his time.  
7 The third point, which they are to observe in meditation is, that they use it only as a mean to contemplation, 
Idem ibid.  and not as the end, that is to say, that they meditat, until they haue kindled fire of love in their souls, and that then they seek to enjoy the fruit of their labour, I mean the repose of contemplation; For even as the navigation ceaseth when we arrive at the port, so should our meditation cease, when we arrive at the port of contemplation, that is to say, when we find ourselves wholly enflamed with the love of God, for then is the time to practise that which the greatest contemplatives aduise, 
S. Dio●ys. Areopag. de mystica Theolog. ca. 1.  to wit, to clear, and free ourselves from all fantasies,& imaginations of all creatures( as though there were nothing else in the world but God, and we) staying our understanding from further discourse,& retiring ourselves within our own souls, there to behold God in his own image, fixing our memory wholly on him, occupying our affection intyrelie, in loving, admiring, 
S. Bonauentura de mystica Theolog. Blosius in institutione spirituali. c. 12. Albert. Magnus de adhaerendo deo. c. 7.& 8. Blosius in Enchirid. paruulor. c. 10. Idem ubi supra.  ●nd praising him, with ioy, and exultation, not presuming to eleuat ourselves to a curious search of his divine nature, further then it shall please him to raise, and led us thereto, but to content ourselves rather to know him, by feeling him, through the influence of his love,& grace, ●hen to understand the particularities of his perfections, which are infi●it and incomprehensible, for when almighty God, seeth a devout soul ●n this state, then he is wont to communicat himself unto it in an ineffable manner, and with unspeakable delectation, yea, and sometimes to ●mpart unto it, the inscrutable mysteries of his deity.  
8 And thus I say, we may forbear to meditat, so long as this heat of ●ove, and Gods merciful visitation continueth, and when the same coo●eth, and relenteth, then we may return to our former exercise and blow again the bellows of meditation, to revive the decayed flames of love, to the end we may participat of such further favours, as it shall please God to bestow upon vs.  
9 The fourth point is, that although in the case aforesaid, it be convenient to surcease from meditation, to enjoy the fruit of contemplation, 
F. Pedro de Alcant. ubi supra F. Luyz de Granada.  yet it may also import sometimes to practise the contrary, to wit, to ●eaue contemplation, to pass to meditation, namely when the affection is over vehement,& excessive, as it happeneth many times to those, who being invited, and drawn with the sweetness of this exercise, become as it were so passionat therewith that they cannot contain themselves within the limits of discretion, but seek to satisfy their insatiable desire, and thirst, by drinking more of the divine wine, then human nature can support, and bear, to the great debilitation of their bodies, and damage of their healths. Therefore for such, I say, it shall not be amiss otherwhiles, to temper the heat of their fervent contemplation, with some meditation, which may move, and excite them to some other holy affection, meditating upon the sins, and miseries of the world, or the hour of death, or the pains of h●ll, or such like, whereby they may ease their harts with a spiritual diversion, and change of exercise, which in that case would be more grateful to God, then their contemplation without discretion: for discretion as the mistress of all virtues, and the salt wherewith all good actions are seazoned, in so much, that without it, virtues lose their virtue, and nothing can be acceptable to God.  
10 finally, they are to observe diligently, when almighty God doth offer his grace and communication, either in time of meditation, and prayer, or out of it, to the end, they may be answerable thereto on their part, and grateful for the same, 
F. Pedro de Alcant. ibid. F. Bartolom. Saluthio, nel paradiso de contemplat. c. 65. F. Luiz de Granada. ubi supra. Cant. 5.  least in punishment of their negligence, an● ingratitude, God do justly deny it them at other times, when they shall seek for it, which is notably signified in the Canticles, where the brid● groom knocked at the spouses door in the night, and she refused at th● first to rise, and afterwards, when shee arose to let him in, shee found hi● not there. surrexi, saith shee; vt aperirem dilecto meo &c. I arose to open th● door to my best beloved, and he was gone away.  
11 nevertheless it is to be understood, that this rule is to be pract●sed with some restriction,& cautel, especially by such asaxe won● or apt to haue any notorious excess of mind in prayer, or meditation, 〈◇〉 abundance of tears, extases, or rapts, or any other external alteratio● which may be seen, or noted by others, for such men, I say, had need t● beware, how they admit, and nourrish in public any such extraord●narie motions of sensible devotion, which may cause in them, the for● said effects, especially at such time, as they are to perform any office o● obligation, which may be hindered thereby.  
12 For when sensible devotion tendeth to the hindrance of obedienc● or of a greater good, it may well be suspected to haue some temptation and not to proceed of God, it being of far greater merit, and mo● importing us to discharge our duty in matters of obligation, then to b● ravished with the sweetness of contemplation, yea and to seek, or desire the later, which prejudice of the former, were nothing else but 〈◇〉 seek ourselves, and to prefere our own contentment, and pleasure, before the service of God, and therefore it must needs be offensive unt● him, 
1. Reg. 11.  who( as he witnesseth himself) esteemeth obedience, more then sacrific●  
13 moreover, such notorious excesses of mind, as hap in public, a● dangerous in respect of the temptation of vain glory, that doth commonly ensue thereof, in which respect, though they should be diuin● visitations, 
Blosius in Canone vitae spiritual. ca. 26.  yet out of humility, and the regard of our own weakene● and vnwoorthines, we may securely seek to prevent, or avoid the● acknowledging ourselves to be most unworthy to receive any such favours of almighty God, especially in public, where by any man ma● haue occasion to think that we are any thing more then other men, an● therefore we may in such case, 
luke. 5.  say with S. Peter, exia me Domine &c. G● from me o Lord, for I am a sinful man, and with the good Centurian, we ma● refuse to receive him into our house, 
Matth. 8. luke. 7.  saying; Domine non sum dignus& Lord, I am not favourably &c. For seeing that they( I mean S. Peter, and th● Centurian,) beholding him present said this, and refused to admit hi● without offence, and with great merit for their humility, how muc● more may we securely do the like, out of the like humility, whiles w● are yet uncertain, whether it be he that offereth to favour us, or our enemy that seeketh to delude us?  
14 And therefore the safest way is in such cases, to make strong resistance, for if our sensible devotion, and extraordinary motions, should chance to be of our enemy the devil, we shall no doubt, thereby sufficiently prevent his malice, and if they be of God, we shall not need to fear, but that he will do that which he shall see to be most convenient for his own glory, and our good, much the rather for our humility,& desire to discharge our duty in his service, and thus much for the five points, or rules above mentioned concerning meditation.  
15 Furthermore, they are to consider that as all kind of discreet mortifications are convenient for the practise of true christian life, so none is more proper, or necessary for the exercise of contemplation, then moderat abstinence, and fasting, as well to render the body subject to the spirit, as also to clear the eyes of the soul from the gross vapours of sensual and carnal affections, the which saturitie,& superfluity of meats, and drinks, doth continually euaporat, whereby the understanding is so obscured, that it is not capable of the true light of contemplation, in which respect many of the contemplative philosophers both used, and prescribed to their followers great abstinence( as I haue declared 
Chap. 17.  before) and not only our saviour himself, but also 
Exod. 34.  Moyses, 
3. Reg. 19.  Elias, S. 
Matth. 11. Augustin. sermo. de temp. in Do. 1. quadrag. ser. 2. Daniel. 10.11.& 12. Eccles. 2.  John Baptist,& all the old Hermits, accompanied their contemplation in the desert with fasting, and S. Augustin saith of Moyses, that quia ieiunauit Dominum vidit, he saw our Lord because he fasted, and Daniel also witnesseth of himself that after his three weekes strict, and rigorous fast, he saw the great vision, and received the admirable revelation, which he recounteth concerning the kingdom of Persia, egypt, Greece, and Siria. finally Ecclesiastes testifieth, how necessary abstinence is to contemplation, saying. Cogitaui in cord meo &c. I thought, or determined in my hart, to obstaine from wine, to the end I might give myself to wisdom, and avoid folly, until I should discover, what was profitable, and convenient for the sons of men. To conclude, S. lo speaking of the benefit of fasting, saith notably thus. 
S. lo ser. 8. de jeiunio. 10. mensis.  Quamuis sine anima &c. Although without the soul the flesh desireth nothing, receiving sense from thence from whence it hath also motion, yet is it necessary for the soul, to deny some things to the body, which is subject unto it, to the end it may be the more free from corporal,& sensual desires, and give itself to the study of divine wisdom, and retiring itself from the noise of all earthly ears, may ioy in holy meditations, and abound in eternal delights, Thus saith S. lo.  
16 moreover, it shall not be amiss for them to accustom themselves seriously and often, to recollect themselves, to consider, and behoul● the image of God in their one souls, 
D. Ber. de domo interior. c. 13. 2. Cor. 6. luke. 17.  whereby they may the more easil● with the help of Gods grace, raise themselves to the speculation o● him, who is represented therein,& dwelleth there, as in his temple, yea and reigneth there as in his kingdom; templum Dei estis vos, saith the Apostle, you are the temple of God, & regnum Dei intra vos est, the kingdoms of God is within you, and therefore the prophet saith. Audiam quid loquat● in me Dominus. 
Psal. 84.  I will hear what my Lord will say in me.  
17 hereupon S. Bernard saith. Assuescam sola intima cogitare &c. I wi●● accustom myself, 
D. Ber. de interior. domo. c 46.  to think only upon internal, or inward things, only to lo●● them, and to repose in them, to the end I may hear what my Lord God will s● within me. And again in an other place. Beata illa animi &c. Blessed i● that soul, which being recollected within itself; is not dissolved, o● scattered abroad into the pleasures of the flesh, for such a soul dot● inwardly possess all her delighrs, 
Idem ibid. cap. 3.  and being at full peace, and rest within itself, and desiring nothing out of itself, doth by the love of Go● enjoy internal repose, and contentment, whereby it is reformed to th● image of God, which it reverenceth, and worshippeth in itself, such 〈◇〉 soul is often visited, and honoured by angels,& archangels, as the temple of God, and the habitacle of the holy Ghost.  
18 Thus far S. Bernard; who also speaketh else where of the practise o● this recollection in this manner. Frustra cordis occulum erigit &c. He lift up the eye of his hart in vain to see God, 
Ibid. c. 12.  who is not fitt to see himself. For firs● thou must learn to know the invisible things of thy own spirit, before thou canst be fit to know the invisible things of God, and if thou cans● not know thyself, never presume to know other things which are above thee. And a little afterwards: No man, saith he, can ever attain to the grace of contemplation, by his own industry, for it is the gift of God,& not the merit of man, but without doubt he shall receive it, who abandoneth the care of the world, and taketh care of himself,& laboureth to know what he himself is. Therefore enter into thy own hart, and diligently examine thyself, consider whence thou comest, whither thou tendest, how thou livest, what thou dost, what thou art, what thou oughtest to be, 
Ca. 65.  what thou wast by nature, what thou mayest be by grace to what good, or evil thou art most inclined, what pain, or reward thou art to expect for the same, what diligence thou usest to bewail thy sins past, to avoid the present,& to prevent the future. Finally how much, thou profitest every day,& how much thou declinest, with what cogitations, affections,& temptations thou art most assaulted,& molested by the divell,& when thou shalt fully know( as much as is possible) the state, and habit, as well of thy inward, as thy outward man, and not only what a one thou art, but also what a one thou shouldst be, then maiest thou from the knowledge of thyself, be elevated to the contemplation of God. But now perhaps, thou wilt say, that thou art already entred into thy own hart, but let not that suffice thee, learn to dwell there,& howsoever thou shalt be distracted, or drawn from thence, make hast to return thiter,& without doubt, by much use,& practise thereof, thou wilt find great delectation therein, in so much that without any difficulty, thou mayst be continually there, or rather it willbe a pain unto thee to be any where else. Thus saith S. Bernard, who for his experience in matter of contemplation deserveth to be believed.  
19 This recollection, or retreat of the soul with in itself, 
Aug. confess. li. 7. cap. 10. Ibid.  S. Augustin practised, as he signifieth, and saw with the eye of his understanding, lucem Domini incommutabilem, the immutable or unchangeable light of God, who did irradiat the infirmity of his sight, in such sort, that, contremui saith he, amore,& horrore, I trembled with love, and horror.  
20 To these former advertisements, 
dionysius Carthusian de laud vitae solitariae ca 35.  I add further( according to the aduise of a great master of contemplation) that whereas perfect union with God( which is the end of the vnitiue way) is specially achieved by the means of a pure sincere,& fervent love of God, inducing a contempt, and holy hate of the world,& of ourselves, it behoveth those, which tend to this union, to endeavour by al means possible to attain unto the highest degree of charity,& to that end, to accustom themselves to refer& direct, all their words, works, and thoughts to the love of God, to hate all things that may divide thē from it,& not only to draw out of all their meditations, yea out of all things in heaven& earth, considerations, which may stir them thereto( considering his infinite bounty,& benefits general& particular) but also most humbly& incessantlie to beseech him, to inflame their harts with the fire of such a burning charity, that they may become furnaces of his divine love, which may consume in them all their self love, perverse affections, and other imperfections, and make their souls true holocausts, or burnt sacrifices most acceptable to him: and finally breed in them such an unquenchable thirst, and insatiable desire of him, that they may truly say with the royal prophet. Quemadmodum desiderat ceruus ad fontes aquarum &c. As the stag desireth or thirsteth after the fountains of water, 
Psal. 41.  so doth my soul thirst after thee o God, and inflamatum est cor meum, &c. My hart is inflamed, and my reins are changed, or as the spouse saith in the Canticles, 
Psal. 72.  fulcite me floribus, quia amore langudo, underprop me with followers, for I languish with love.  
21 And to this end it shalbe convenient for them( as much as the● possibly may) to print, and grave in their phantasy, our saviour Chri●● crucified and the whole course of his passion, and to haue him always as it were before their eyes, to which purpose S. Bernard having proposed many other motives to the love of God, 
S. Ber. ser. 20 in cantica.  saith, said est quod me plus m●uet plus urget, plus accendit &c. But there is an other thing which more moveth urgeth,& kindleth, or inflameth me, for above all things,( sweet Iesu) the cup● which thou didst drink for me, I mean the woorke of our redemption maketh the● most amiable, and lovely unto me; This doth duly challenge to itself all our lou● This, I say, is that tendency our devotion is most sweetely alured, most justly exacte● and most vehemently affencted. Thus he. Therefore I say, let them procure● to haue alwaise in mind our saviours passion, to the end, that by th● continual consideration of that infinite love, which he shewed towards them therein, they may with the help of his grace, kindle in themselves the fire of love, which may never cease to cast out flames of fervent affection, and holy desires of his union, and move them to esteem him, i● their harts,& call him, their only hope, their chief delight, their eternal good, their ioy, their glory, their life, the spouse of their soul, thei● refuge, their stay, their strength, their end, their felicity, their Lord, thei● God, their all in all: for such is the infinite bounty, and goodness of Go● to his creatures, and specially to the soul of man; that he cannot forbear to communicat himself thereto, when he seeth it surprised with his love, 
Cant. 4.  and thirst after him alone, and therefore he saith to such a soul● in the Canticles. Vulnerasti cor meum, soror mea, sponsa. Thou hast wounded m hart, my sister, and spouse, veni coronaberis, come thou shalt be crowned.  
22 Furthermore, those which are entred into the Vnitiue way, and do begin already to taste how sweet our Lord is, are to understand, that although he do, of his infinite goodness, bestow ineffable consolations upon his seruants, in the exercise of comtemplation, yea sometimes rapts, revelations, the spirit of prophesy, and apparitions of our saviour, and his Saincts, 
Blosius in institut. S irituali c. 7.  as shall appear hereafter, yet they ought not to seek or desire the same, no not so much as sensible devotion, except it be only to the end, that they may by the means thereof, become more fervent in his love, and be more united with him. And although I haue spoken of this point already, 
Chap. 19. nu. 33.& 47.  yet I think good to add further here( for it can not be to oft advised) that nothing is more dangerous to a contemplative soul, 
Idem in Canone vitae spiritualis ca. 25.  thē spiritual gluttony, if I may so term it, I mean a greedy desire of spiritual delectation, for the soul that is once infected therewith,& seeketh to mix the dung of her own delights, with the sweet, and precious balm, of Gods grace, will within a while grow to love Gods gifts more then himself, and serve him rather for hire, then for love, yea, and lye open to all kind of illusions of wicked spirits, as I haue signified before.  
23 And as this is to be feared in the inordinat desire of sensible devotion, so it is much more to be doubted in the expectation, and desire of rapts or revelations; For although they be evident tokens of Gods merciful assistance( when they are of God) yet being extraordinary, 
Idem ibid. ca. 26.  and not necessary to salvation, they can hardly be desired, without vain curiosity, or presumption, in which respect God permitteth many times, that the divell ( transforming himself into the Angel of light) doth worthily delude those which curiously, or presumptuously seek, 
2. Cor. 11.  and expect them: and therefore, as we ought not to desire them, so we also do well not to admit them easily, but rather to resist, and reject them, 
Idem ibid. M. Teresa de Iesus nella vita sua. c. 23.& 24.  upon consideration of our own unworthiness( except it be with the aduise and warrant of our spiritual father) for thereupon it will follow, that if they be illusions, they shall not deceive us, and if they be divine favours, almighty God( who giveth them) will in respect of our humility not only afford us sufficient light to discern, 
Nu. 11.  and know them for his, but also increase them in us with gifts of his grace, as I haue more amply signified before upon an other occasion.  
24 And to omit other means how to examine them, whether they be of God, or no, on special rule may be, to consider what effect they work in our souls, for if they be of God, they always leave behind them great comfort, light, peace of soul, and profound humility, but when they are of the divell, they work the clean contrary effect, for howsoever they please, and content for the time, yet they discover their poison in the end, leaving the soul dry without devotion, troubled, and replenished with vain glory, and presumption. But the best, and surest way to prevent, and avoid illusions, is( as I 
Chap. 19. nu. 48. 49. 50.& 51.  haue declared before) to 
Cassian. li. 4. de justit. monachor. li. 4. c. 9.& 37. Item collat. 1. c. 11. S. Greg. li. 1. i● 1. R●g. c 1. in fine. B. Ignatius reg. 13. de discernendis spiritib.  discover them, and all other temptations, to some learned, and discreet spiritual father, and to follow his direction, with all due obedience, and abnegation of ourselves, for the pure love of God, for no way in this life is so secure, and grateful to God, as the way of true obedience( as shall appear most manifestly hereafter, when I shall treat of the evangelical, and Christian perfection) And this I dare be bold to say, further, that it was never yet seen or heard of, that any man remaining in the unity of the catholic Church, and submitting himself to the direction of a superior, with true abnegation of himself, was either any long time deluded, or yet did finally perish in the practise of contemplation.  
25 To conclude, there is nothing more requisite to our perfect union with God( which is the end of the vnitiue way, 
M. Teresa in vita sua ca. 11. Blosius in Appendice ex Tha●lero c. 1.  whereof I now treate● then the perfect, and true resignation of our will to Gods will, without all reservation, to do or suffer what soever it shal pleas him, yea though it were to endure the pains of hell until the day of iudgement; for i● we expect that God shall give himself to us, it is great reason, that w● first freely, and wholly give ourselves to God, and most happy are we if wee can make that change, that is to say, purchase heaven for earth God for ourselves, all things for nothing.  
26 Now then this disposition being made, the matter, and subject o● their meditation may be, either the glorious mysteries of our Sauiour● resurrection, apparitions, ascension, and sempiterdal glory in heaven, o● the attributes of almighty God, as his infinite power, wisdom, bounty beauty, iustice, sanctity, and other ineffable properties of the divine nature, which fill a well disposed,& prepared soul with such admiration▪ and love of the incomprehensible excellencies, and perfections of God▪ that many times it leoseth itself, being, as it were, engulfed, and drowned in a sea of heavenly delights, tasting even in this mortal state, the inspeakable joys of immortality, as I will make manifest after a while.  
27 In the mean time, I wish it to be observed, that whereas I haue here mentioned two kindes of meditation, the one consisting in the consideration of Christs humanity, as it was passable here in earth( which belongeth to the illuminative way) and the other concerning his glorified body, and divinity in heaven( which is proper to the vnitiue way) the royal prophet seemeth to allude to both, when he saith. Montes excelsi ceruis petra refugium herinacijs. 
Psal. 103. P Luyz de la Puente, introduct. de la orat. mental.§. 4. Cassian. collat. 10. c. 10.  The high hills are the habitation of stagges and the rocks, or rocky caues, are the refuge of hedge hogs, that is to say,( as Cassianus an ancient, and notable contemplative noteth) those that walk in the vnitiue way, and haue already arrived, to the perfection of contemplation, mount up like stags, and feed vpon the highest mountaines, that is to say, the high mysteries of Christs glory, and deity, whiles in the mean time, those that are still in the illuminative way, that is to say, environed with the pricks of imperfections, like hedgehoggs, haue their refuge to the rock of our saviours humanity, in whose sacred wounds they repose, as in foraminibus petrae, the holes of the rock, whereof the book of Canticles speaketh: and hereto may also the saying of the prophet Isayas be applied, where he saith. Ingredere in petram,& abscond●re in fossa humo a fancy timoris Domini. Enter into the rocks, and hid thyself in the ca●es of the earth, from the face of Gods wrath, that is to say, consider the multitude of thy sins, and haue thy refuge to Christ, who is the rock, and hid thyself from the rigour of his iustice, in the sacred wounds of his humanity. And this, as I said before, is most proper to those that walk in the illuminative way, whose special exercise is to represent continually to themselves the humanity of our saviour Christ, and to haue him always in their memory, to converse with him by spiritual conferences, and iaculatorie prayers, and to condole with him for his pains and travails, to aclowledge, and bewail their own ingratitude, and infirmity, to crave pardon for their sins, and grace to imitate his virtues, whereto specially tendeth all their endeavour.  
28 nevertheless, it is to be understood, that the most perfect contemplatives, and most united with God, do also make great use, 
P. Luyz de la Puente ubi supra.  and profit, as well of the mysteries of Christs life, and humanity, as of the meditations which belong, to the purgative way: for although, they are most commonly so elevated with the wings, as I may say, of a seraphical charity, that they transcend all creatures whatsoever, and mount to the high mysteries of the divinity, wherein they soare like spiritual, and high flying falcons, and solace themselves, as in their proper pitch, yet they stoupe many times to all sorts of inferior meditations, and serve themselves thereof in most excellent manner, and with exceeding great fruit. For even as in the three degrees of the soul( to wit, vegetative, sensitive, and reasonable) the last being superior to the other two, doth not only do her own functions, but also theirs in far greater perfection then they themselves can do: even so it faleth out in the three states, or sorts of men, which give themselves to the contemplation of God, for those which haue already began, and made some good progress therein, do exercise the meditations of novices, or young beginners, with far greater benefit then they, and those which are come to the state of perfection, do use the meditations of both the other, far more excellently then they both, according to a far greater measure of Gods grace wherewith they are endued.  
29 And therefore the most perfect contemplatives, do often return to the very first grounds of the purgative way, that is to say, 
P. Ribera nella vita di M. Teresa l. 4. c. 8.  to the remembrance and consideration of their former sins,& bad life( though past never so many yeares before,) as well to renew,& revive in themselves, a grateful memory of Gods mercy towards thē,& of their obligation to him, for delivering them from the same, as also continually to retain a true knowledge of themselves,& of their own infirmity, which is, as I may term it, the daily bread, wherewith the greatest daynties of the contemplative life; 
Idem ibid.  are to be eaten, and spiritual health mainta●ned, for no man is so great a giant( I mean of such strength, and hig● perfection in contemplation) but that he had need many times to r●turne to be an infant, 
M. Teresa nella vita sua ca. 13.  that is to say, to consider his own weakness, 〈◇〉 rather his own nothing, humbling and annihilating himself in t●● sight of God, who exalteth the humble, and raiseth many times his de●rest servants and friends, from the lowest consideration of their ow● baseness, and infirmity, to the highest contemplation of his diuiniti● imparting unto them so much more grace, light, and true knowled● of him, by how much better, and more truly they know themselves  
30 The like also may be said of the meditations belonging to the ill●minatiue way, to wit, of the blessed humanity, life, passion, and death 〈◇〉 our saviour Christ, as that they are the ladder, by the which the mo●● perfect contemplatives, climb up to the speculation of his divinity, an● to perfect union with him, finding in him infinite causes, not only of e●cessiue love, as I haue touched before, but also of wonderful admirati●● and astonishment, in which respect he was figured in the old law, 〈◇〉 the propitiatory over the ark, 
Exod. 25.  and two Cherubins were made behou●ding the same,& also looking one upon an other, as though they we●● amazed, and astonished.  
31 For what can be more stupendious, then to consider in our proptiatorie( that is to say in our saviour Christ) a most perfect coniunctio● of the highest, with the lowest, of the most simplo, with the most co●pounded, of the Creator, with the creature, of God, with man, and tha● as there is in the blessed trinity three persons,& one substance, so the●● is in him one person, and two substances, one perfect consent,& agre●ment of two different wills, one adoration of diuers dignities, and on●● dominion of diuers powers. Furthermore that he is both our Creato●● and our companion, 
Ber. de consid. li. 5.  our God, and our neighbour, our Lord, and o●● brother, our king, and our friend, our judge and our advocate, our beginning, and our end, uncreated, and yet incarnat and the son of ma● without the help of man, and that he being omnipotency, itself, w● oppressed being bounty itself was rejected being perfect, and tr●● beauty was deformed, being true light was obscured, being true wisdom was held for a mad man, and treated like a fool, being infinite m●iestie was outraged, being immensity, was measured,& abridged, bein● iustice itself, was condemned, being true felicity. was tormented, an● finally that being eternity, and life itself, he died: whereunto if w● add, that all this was an effect of his infinite love, to those that were h●● ungrateful creatures, and slaves, rebellious subiects, disobedient, an● unnatural children, to remedy their miseries, to supply their defects, to honour them, to exalt them, to glotifie them, and that to this end, he not only imparted to them all his own good, yea himself, but also took upon himself their misery,& the very penalty of their sins, making himself mortal, and miserable with them, to make them immortal, and divine with him; what admiration, exultation, and devotion, will the attentive meditation of all this, work in a well disposed soul, I mean a soul purified by Gods grace from sin, and enflamed with his pure love, for of such I specially speak now?  
32 Therefore such a soul, doth not stay itself here, but aspiring to the contemplation of the deity itself, passeth further to the meditation of the glorious resurrection of our saviour Christ, and of his apparitions, and other actions whiles he remained here in earth: whereof I forbear for brevities sake, to say any thing in particular, to the end I may the more amply treat of some points, concerning his glorified body in heaven, his Angels, and Saincts, the joys of his kingdom, and lastly of the most excellent, and incomprehensible perfections of the divine nature. In all which nevertheless, I will be mindful as well of my purposed brevity, as also of mine own insufficiency to treat of such high mysteries, and therefore, I will endeavour rather to give some taste to the reader of these points, then any complete instruction for the meditation thereof, which I leave to those that purposely treat of this mystical theology, and haue more habilitie both of skill, and practise thereof, then myself.  
33 The contemplator, meaning to meditate upon the points before mentioned, may propose to himself our saviours ascension into heaven, and accompany him thither in cogitation, beholding there, with what triumph the Angels received not only him, but also the blessed souls of the patriarkes, prophets, and other just men of the old testament, which attended on him thither, and how excessive was their contentment and ioy, to see the celestial court augmented, and peopled with new colonies of such worthy inhabitants, under the conduct of such a glorious captain; who though he was of infinite power, even whiles he was here on earth, and fought against both the infernal, and original potentates, yet would not use his force, but overcame them by infirmity, conquering them, and death itself by his death, and being enriched with their spoils, 
Ephes. 4. Psal. 67.  lead captivity itself captive with him to heaven, where he took possession of his Fathers kingdom, and reigneth with him eternally in incomparable majesty, and glory, enjoying a name( as the Apostle saith) above all names, whereat, 
Philip. 2.  all the knees in heaven, 
1. Pet. 1.  earth, and hell do bow, whose glory( saith S. Peter) the Angel● desire, and delight to behold, for the inspeakable splendour, and brightne● thereof, 
Apoc. 21.  he being, as S. John in the apocalypse calleth him, Lucerna, th● lamp, or torch which giveth light to the heavenly jerusalem, with th● consideration whereof, we may excedinglie comfort ourselves. For wh● would not infinitely rejoice, to see any friend of his, and much mor● his saviour, and redeemer, so glorious after a most painful life, an● ignonimious death suffered for him, especially seeing we may als● consider, and behold our own nature infinitely exalted, and glorified in our saviour, whereby we may haue a firm hope through hi● merits, to be hereafter partakers of his glory, as well in body, a● in soul.  
34 Furthermore, being now mounted with our saviour into th● heavenly tabernacles, we may consider the inexplicable greatness, an● magnificence thereof, 
Barac. 3.  whereof the prophet saith. O Israel, quam magna &c. O Israel how great is the house of God, and how unmeasurable is the place of th● throne? It is great, and hath no end, it is high, and immense. Thus saith the prophet, and no marvel, if almighty God, that made the world, so great, huge, and beautiful, as we see, for the use, and habitation of men, made also for himself and his Angels, a dwelling worthy of himself, and of his omnipotent majesty, for the remuneration of his elect, and the eternal manifestation of his power and glory, where( saith the prophet Daniel) thousands of thousands do daily, 
Dan. 7.  serve him, and ten times a hundred thousand of thousand of thousands assist before his throne. In which words the prophet expresseth, after the manner of the scripture, a certain number, for an uncertain, that is to say, for a number that is incomprehensible, and infinite to men, 
Dionys. celest. Hierar. ca. 9.  being such( as dionysius Areopagita testifieth) that it exceedeth the number, not only of all the men that ever haue been, are, or ever shalbe, but also of all the material, or corporal things in the world. 
job. 25.  And therefore job saith, Nunquid est numerus militum eius, is there any number of his soldiers?  
35 And these infinite numbers of Angelical spirits( who always attend to do the will of God) are divided into three Hierarchies, 
Dionys. de caelesti Hierar. c. 7.8.& 9. S. Greg. ho. 34. in evang. ante medium. S. Tho. 1. par. q. 108. per totum.  every Hierarchy, containing three distinct orders, as the Seraphin, Cherubin,& Throin in the first hierarchy. The Dominationes, principatus, and Potestates, in the second. The virtutes Archangeli,& Angeli, in the third. I which three Hierarchies, the Angels are no less different amongst themselves in degree of glory, then in function, being subordinat every order,& each hierarchy, one to an other with admirable order, and proportion, of whose gradual distinction, names, and several functions, S. Bernard discourseth notably, 
S Bernar. li. 5. de consider. ad. Eugen.  teaching that the Angels are those which are ●mployed in the protection, help, and custody of men, and are called ●or proper Angels.  
●6 That the Archangels are those which being superior to Angels, ●resent by almighty God to reveal the most important, and highest ●isteries to men, as the Archangel Gabriel was employed in the message ●o the blessed virgin for the incarnation of our saviour.  
●● The virtues are those, that haue the power, and office to do mi●●culous, and prodigious works for the glory of God, and the admo●ition, terror, and conversion of sinners.  
●8 The Potestates are such, as repress the power, and malice of wicked ●pirits, and the malignity of the air,& elements, which would other●ise many times, be more noisome to mankind, then they are.  
●9 The Principatus are those, by whose wisdom,& ministry al prin●ipalitie in earth is guided, limited, transposed, or changed.  
●0 The Dominationes ar those, who haue presidence,& rule over al the ●bove name,& by whom al their operations ar ordered,& disposed.  
●1 The Throni are those, in whom almighty God sitteth as in his ●hrone of majesty, imparting unto them, and to others by them, tranquilitie, peace, and stability.  
●2 The Cherubin are those, which drawing a flood of knowledge, out of the fountain of the divine wisdom, do communicat the same to the inferior orders of Angels,& other seruants of God.  
43 lastly the Seraphin are those, that being wholly enflamed with a divine love, do kindle the same in other Angelical spirits,& also in men, when it pleaseth God so to ordain.  
44 And to conclude, S. Bernard, alluding to the several offices of all the foresaid orders, saith, that in the Seraphin, God loveth as Charity, in the Cherubin, he knoweth as truth, in the Throni he sitteth as equity, in the Dominationes, he ruleth as majesty, in the principatus he governeth as the beginning or first cause of all things, in the Potestates he preserveth, and defendeth as Health, or salvation, in the virtutes he worketh miracles, as virtue, or power, in the Archangels he revealeth as light, and in the Angels, he assisteth as piety. Thus saith S. Bernard, giuing to understand, that almighty God, 
S. Bernar. ubi supra.  not only dwelleth continually in these holy spirits, but also worketh, and effecteth, all their several virtues, and operations in them, and in other his creatures, by their ministery.  
45 And here may very well enter in consideration, the excellency of the Angelical nature, most eminent in power, and wisdom, beauty, agility, obedience to the will of God, and prompt executio● thereof, 
Psal. 102. Aristot. 8. Phys●text. 32.& 12. melaph●s●te●t. 43. Plato 1 de leg.  being as the psalmist saith potentes virtute &c. Mighty, and pote● in virtue and power to do, or execute that which God commanded them, an● therefore to their charge is committed the motion of the heauens, an● spheres( according to the opinion of all the philosophers, and 
S. Aug. l. 83 quaestionum, q. 79. S. Greg. l. 9. Moral. c. 10. D. Tho. opuse. 10. ar. 3.& opuse. 11. a●. 2.& S. Bonauent. in 2. dist. 14. ar. 3. q. 2.  mani● divines) the 
H●br. 1.& D. Amb●os. in Comment. i● Apoc. c. 5.  protection of the Church of God, the 
Daniel. 10.& D. Basil. l. 3. centra Eunomium.  gard, and defenc● of kingdoms and provinces, the 
Genes. 48. Matth. 18. Act. 12.  tuition of every particular ma●( as well to defend him from wicked spirits, and other corporal danger● as to illuminat, and direct him for his salvation) the 
4. Reg. 19. Act. 12.  execution of Go● decrees, both in the temporal 
4. Reg. 19. Act. 12.  punishment of sinners, and also in th● temporal 
Tobiae 5 usque ad 12.& Genes. 19.  reward of the just, the 
I●an. 5. S. B●rna●d. l. 3. d● cos●derat. ad E●gen.  operation of miraculous, and wonderful works, the 
Daniel. 9.& 10.& Genes. 18.  revelation of his mysteries, and secrets to his seruants the 
luke. 1. mat. 1.& 2.  intimation of his will, and messages, when occasion requireth The 
tub. 12. Ap●c. 8.  presentation,& oblation of our prayers, and good works to Go● the 
luke. 16.  transport of our souls to everlasting ioy, 
M●tth. 24.  and lastly the separation of the good from the bad at the day of iudgement; all which i● the contemplator duly consider he cannot but understand withall, th● obligation he hath to yeld them( as 
S. Bernard. ser. 12. in Psal. 90.  S. Bernard adviseth) devotion for the●● benevolence, love, and confidence, for their care of him, and due reverence for the●● presence, and continual assistance: in regard whereof the Apostle also commandeth, that women be decently covered in the Church, 
1. Cor. 11.  propter Angelos, i● respect of the presence of the Angels. And 
Idem ibid.  S. Bernard, caute ambula, sait● he, vt evi adsunt angeli, walk warely as having always Angels present wit● thee, and then he addeth further, in quovis angulo, angelo tuo &c. In even corner do reverence to thy Angel, darest thou do that in his presence, which th●● durst not do in mine? Thus saith S. Bernard.  
46 And with these considerations, we may sty● up in ourselves, a grateful remembrance of our duty to honour, love, and serve the blesse● Angels, and specially our own proper Angel, and to recommend ou● selves to his special care, and protection, craving most humbly pardo● of him, for our ingratitude towards him, in having so oft times rejected his holy suggestions, and had so little regard, and respect of him, as to offend God most abominablie in his presence. finally we may also here consider how much we are bound to praise, and thank almighty God for his merciful providence, and love towards us, not only in giving us such noble, potent, wise, loving, and faithful guardians to keep us, as the 
Psal. 90.  psalmist saith in all our byways, but also in exalting us to the participation of their glory, as our saviour testifieth speaking of the reward of the just in heaven. 
Matth. 22.  Et sunt( saith he) sicut Angeli, and they are like to the Angels, whereof resulteth also an other consideration, of ●ur infinite obligation to his divine majesty.  
●7 For whereas Lucifer, and innumerable other Angels, 
Isay. 14. Psal. 109. Genes. 2.& 3.  were cast ●●owne into hell for their sin, and man created to fill their ruins( as ●he scripture saith)( who also fell from God, deserving eternal damna●ion) it pleased his divine majesty, to give a redeemer to man, and not ●o the Angels, to the end he might( not withstanding his transgression) ●upplie the places of the spirits that fell: whereby we may receive inef●able consolation, if we consider therein, as well our own benefits, as other mens, and that an infinite number, and amongst others many of ●ur own ancestors, parents, and friends, do already enjoy the blessed ●ellowship of Angels, being ranked some with the Seraphins, 
D. Greg. Hom. de 100 o●ibus. joan. 14. 1. Cor. 15.  some with ●he Cherubins, others with the Thrones or Dominations, and other inferior orders, there being, as our saviour taught, many mansions in the house of his Father, wherein one soul differeth in glory from an other, as one star doth in light from an other with such a glorious variety, that the very sight thereof, is no small increase of the accidental glory, of Gods Saincts, distinguished amongst themselves, with diversity of rewards, according to their diverse vocations, and merits here in this life, where some were Apostles, some Patriarkes, some Prophets, some martyrs, other Confessors, other virgins, besides an innumerable company of other saved souls of all sorts, and vocations, and of all nations, and people, all triumphing now over the malice, and misery of the world, in the sight, and fruition of God their creator, in whom they see, and know, not only all the secrets of nature, and all natural causes, but also what else they desire to know, yea, the abstruse mysteries of his most blessed divinity, and trinity, wherein consisteth their essential glory and mans final and true felicity.  
48 Here then may we congratulate with all the blessed souls, for their incomprehensible joys, and happiness, but especially with the most glorious virgin Mary, the mother of God, exalted both in body, and soul, not only above all the souls of men, but also above all the Angels, being as S. chrysostom saith incomparably more glorious then the Seraphins, 
Chrisostom. in litur.& ho. 1. in 1. c. Matth. johan. Dan●. orth. li. 4.  and more beautiful and favourably then all the world, and therefore worthily called by S. John Damascen. Domina omnium creaturarum, the lady and mistress of all creatures. In which respect, as well the Angels, as the glorified souls, excedinglie rejoice to see her glory, never ceasing to praise, and magnify her for the inestimable benefits, that both heaven,& earth receiveth by her, wherein we ought also to concur with them, saying with saint, Cyril. salve Sancta Deipara &c. All hail holy mother of God, the notable ornament and honour of the wole world. 
Sanct. Ciril Alexan. Hom. contra N●storium Ephesi. Habita in consil. Ephesino. To. 6. Ephesini cocil. c. 6. S. Athanas. in evangel. de Santiss. deipara.  All hail the inextinguishable, or v● quencheable lamp, the crown of virginity, the sceptre of the true Christian fa●● the indissoluble temple of God, which contained him, who cannot be contained comprehended any where &c. Or with S. Athanasius thus. Exaltamus te mag●& Canora voice &c. we, exalt or extol thee, with a high and loud voice sayi●● hail full of grace our Lord is with thee, pray for us, o mistress, lady, queen and m●ther of God &c.  
49 Thus may we say with these ancient and holy Fathers, recomme●ding ourselves to her intercession, and protection, as also to the praie● of all the blessed company of Saints, and especially of those which a● our particular patrons, setting before our eyes, the examples of all the rare virtues, desiring, and determining by the help of their prayers, 〈◇〉 imitate the same, as the 
Genes. 15.  faith, and 
& 22.  obedience of Abraham, the 
job. 1.  patiē● of job, the mansuetude of 
Num. 12.  Moyses, and 
Psal. 131.  david, the burning charity 〈◇〉 
Rom. 9.  S. Paul, both towards God and his neighbour, the tears, and repe●taunce of 
Matth. 26.  S. Peter, and 
L●c. 7.  S. Mary Magdalen, the invincible constanc● of the martyrs, the immaculat chastity of the virgins, the profound h●militie, resignation, and true contempt of the world, of all the blesse● Apostles, Anchors, hermits,& religious, to the end, that following the● steps here in this life, we may in the next be partakers of their felicit● in terra viventium, 
Psal. 141. Aug. de. ver. do. ser. 64. Idem manual. ca. 17.  in the land of the living, which they already possess● where the ioy is so unspeakable that( as S. Augustin saith) it is mo●● easy to tell what is not there, then what is there, where there are n● dangers, no fears, no envy, no wrath, no ambition, no temptation, n● hunger, no thirst, no weariness, no need, of sleep, or rest, no poverty, n● sickness, but life without death, youth without age, light without darkness, ioy without sorrow, peace without discord, and eternal glory which as S. anselm saith, is nothing else, but a perfect accomplishment& consummation of the will, and desire of the just, a ioy of all joys, a contentment,& pleasure of all pleasures, and a good of all goods without any mixture of evil, 〈◇〉 bestow, and with everlasting security.  
50 Thus may we entertain ourselves, with no less fruit, then spiritual contentment, in the meditation of the heavenly court, and the inestimable joys thereof. And therefore S. Bernard exhorting us thereto, saith. 
S Ber. ser. 4. de ascensione domini.  Quid concupiscere poterit in hoc seculo nequam &c. What can he desire i● this wicked world, whose eye doth always behold, bona Domini in terra viventium, the goods of our Lord in the land of the loving &c. Who is there that doth use to meditate, upon the joys, the pleasure, the beatitude, and the eternal glory of the children of God, and will not out of the abundance of his inward consolation, break forth into the words of S. Peter, and say, bonum est nos hic esse, it is good for us to dwell here? Thus saith S. Bernard, 
Matth. 17  with much more to the ●ame purpose, to show the fruit, and benefit that followeth of these meditations, which must needs breed in our souls, a true contempt of this miserable world, with a fervent love, and desire of heavenly things, whereupon the Apostle himself saith. Si consur●eristis cum Christo &c. If you be risen again with Christ, 
Coloss. 3.  seek after those ●hings, which are above, where Christ is sitting on the right hand of his father, take a taste, and feeling of supernal, or heavenly things, and not of those things, which are upon the earth. Thus saith the Apostle. And therefore the royal prophet, being inflamed with the love of heaven, by the frequent meditation thereof, exclaimeth. 
Psal. 85.  Quam delecta tabernacula tua Domine &c. How lovely are thy tabernacles, o Lord, my soul fainteth in me for the fervent desire I haue to be in the courts of our Lord?   

Of certain other meditations proper, to the Vnitiue way, and of the excess of spirit, called by the contemplatives Ecstasis, and of rapts, and the diversity of divine favours, and the ineffable consolations, which God imparteth to his seruants in the perfect practise thereof; whereby it is evident, that true union with God, and consequently the chief felicity of man in this life, and of common wealth, consisteth in Christian contemplation. CHAP. 21.  
1 WHen we haue in this sort taken, as I may say, some view of the celestial kingdom, and of the glorious inhabitants thereof, we may with due reverence, humility,& resignation of ourselves, insinuat ourselves further to the contemplatiō of the divine nature, not with intention to sound the bottomless profundity, of that vast, and unmeasurable sea, but with a desire, only to consider some part of the divine attributes and excellencies, to the end we may excite ourselves the rather to the admiration, praise and love of our creator, acknowledging all, and every one of his divine perfections, to be ineffable, infinite, and incomprehensible. For who can conceive the most admirable propriety of the divine essence, which being most pure, simplo,& absolute of itself, dependeth on nothing, but giveth essence to all things, and being whole as well within all things, as without all things, is as it were, both their center,& their circumference, or rather as I may say, an intelligible sphere, whereof the center is every where, and the circumferent no where, for being in all places, he is contained in no place, being in all things, he is included in nothing,& being without all things, he is excluded from nothing, but is more present, and inward to every thing then any thing is to itself, and though he be only, and simply one, yet he is most manifold in operation, yea all in all of whom by whom, 
1. Cor. 8.  and in whom( as the Apostle saith) all things are, or haue their being. And again who can comprehend, or sufficiently admire, the infinite excellency of his divine attribuits, and proprieties, as of his power, 
Psal. 35.  wisdom, bounty and iustice, of the which every one is, Abyssus multa, an inscrutable depth and profundity.  
2. For first to say somewhat of his power, who can conceive how unmeasurable it is, seeing it extendeth itself, as far as his will, which is infinite: for although he will not do all that he can, yet he can do all that he will, 
Psal. 113.  and therefore as he hath made, and done all, saith the psalmist, that he would in heaven, and earth, so also he could, if he would do infinitely more, yea, and in an instant annihilat all things in the world, with the like facility that he made them, to wit, with his only word, or will.  
3 Furthermore his omnipotency sufficiently appeareth, not only in the huge immensity of the world, and infinite multitude of his creatures in general, but also in every creature in particular, every one of them being a miracle in itself, though the daily sight of them diminisheth the wonder, it is no less miraculous, that one grain of corn sowed in the ground, is multiplied into so many grains, for the sustenance of man, 
Matth 24.  as wee daily see, then that our saviour Christ, multiplied two fishes, and five loaves, to feed five thousand men, it is no less marvelous, and miraculous to create, and give life to so many souls, as God daily doth, then if he should daily revive as many dead men. finally there is not so little, and contemptible a creature upon earth, which could haue been at first created, or could be still conserved, and multiplied, without an infinite power in God the Creator, and therefore he is worthily called omnipotent, or almighty, omnipotent in that he created all things of nothing, omnipotent in their conservation, omnipotent in their multiplication, omnipotent in their disposition& government, omnipotent in punishing, omnipotent in pardoning and rewarding, from whose omnipotent power, is derived all the power in heaven and earth, the power of Angels, good and bad, the power of the elements( which far exceedeth all human power) the power of princes, and magistrates, 
Rom. 13.  the power of armies, and finally all strength, and power of men, and of all other creatures, which, I say, floweth from the main sea of his omnipotency, and returneth thither again, seeing that all created power is ordained, for no other end, but for his service.  
4 Therefore, we may here apply all this particularly to ourselves, and aclowledge, all the power, force, strength, and authority that we haue, to be of God, praising, and thanking him most humbly for it, craving not only his grace, that we may always use it to his service, but also pardon for all our former abuse thereof. Also we may humbly beseech almighty God, that seeing all power, and authority is from him, it may please his divine majesty to give us grace, to obey our superiors with all humility, and due obedience, acknowledging his divine power and authority in theirs. finally we may consider how great cause of fear all wicked men haue, seeing they haue such a powerful enemy, whose omnipotent will nothing can resist, 
Rom. 9.  as also that good men haue no less cause of confidence, and ioy having such a potent patron, friend, and father, to protect, and defend them, 
Rom. 8.  for si Deus nobiscum, quis contra nos, if God be with us, what need we care who is against us? Thus much for the divine power.  
5 In like maner, how infinite is his wisdom, which knoweth not only all things in general, but also every thing in particular,& all the partes nature, virtue,& power thereof,&( as the preacher saith, 
Eccl. 1. ) he knoweth the number of the stars, of the sands of the sea, of the drops of rain, and of the daies of the world, all things past, present, and to come, not by discourse, but all at once. moreover his wisdom searcheth the very harts, and reins of men, it knoweth not only our future actions, but also our future cogitations, he foresaw, saith S. Augustin, 
S. August. in Psal. 140.  the denial of P●ter in the heart of Peter, though then it had no cause, as it was a sin( either in the will of God, who never willeth any sin) nor in the will of Peter, who as then determined the contrary, 
Psal. 138. ilb. 31.  and therefore the psalmist saith, intellexisti cogitationes meas de long, thou hast understood my cogitations a far of, omnes vias me as praeuidisti, thou hast foreseen all my byways,& gressus meos, saith, job, dinumerasti, thou hast numbered all my paces: whereby we may justly conceive, as well fear to do evil, even in the least thought, or cogitation( seeing it cannot be hide from him) as also desire to do well, seeing our most secret good works, thoughts, and intentions, are all manifest to him, and shalbe rewarded by him.  
6 But what tongue, or pen can express, or understanding comprehend, the wonderful wisdom that God hath shewed in the creation, and conservation of the world, consisting of contrarieties, which combat continually one with an other, and yet are conserved by his wisdom with a most admirable equality, order, beauty, utility, and benefit to all his creatures, which he also guid●th,& disposeth by his providence, extending the same particularly to every thing, and specially to his seruants, 
luke. 21.  yea to every hair of their heads, whereof he saith, no on● shall perish, working nevertheless in man, and in all things else according to their own natures, with such sweetness, that he seemet● sometimes to haue no operation therein, or ear thereof, yet drawin● always good out of evil, and never permitting evil, but for a greater good, and turning all things in five, yea the evil wills of th● wickedest men, to the execution of his own will, and to his glory for the which he created man, and all things else? And therefore th● psalmist justly exclaimeth with the admiration of the wisdom o● God in all his works. 
Psal. 103.  Quam magnificata sunt opera tua Domine, omni● in sapientia fecisti? &c. How magnificent are thy works, o Lord, thou hast made or donne all things in wisdom?  
7 And what shall I say of the inscrutabilitie of his judgements, proceeding also from the bottomless depth of his wisdom? For who ca● give any reason, why he rather choose the Iewes for his people, then th● gentiles? Why he ordained the conversion of the parts of the world s● soon, 
1. Reg. 12.  and of the Indians so late? Why having taken from Roboam par● of his kingdom for his Fathers offence, he gave it to jeroboam, a wickeder man then he? Why one man is born lame, or blind, and an other with all his limbs, and eyes? Why one man is poor, and miserable and an other rich, and prosperous, and such like? Whereof, and o● all such other his divine judgements, in the disposition of mens affairs, the reason is no less just, then certain though reserved, and locke● up( as I may say) in the secret cabinet of his profound wisdom, to b● made manifest at the latter day, at what time we shall exclaim with the Apostle. 
Rom. 11.  O altitudo divitiarum, sapientiae,& scientia Dei &c. O hov● high, and profound are the riches of Gods wisdom, and knowledge! How incomprehensible are his judgements, and unsearchable are his ways!  
8 Here then may we consider, that all wisdom of men, is but, as i● were, a little beam of light, cast forth from the son of Gods infini● wisdom, 
Sap. 1.  that therefore it is the particular gift of God, not possible to be procured by human industry, other then by humble prayer, in which respect let us humbly crave it of almighty God, saying with the psalmist. Illumina tenebras meas Domine. O Lord, illuminat my darkness, 
Psal. 17. Sap. 9.  and with the wise man. Da mihi Domine &c. give me o Lord the wisdom that assisteth thy seat, to the end it may be with me, and labour with me, that I may know, what is acceptable to thee. lastly, let us aclowledge with the Apostle, 
1. Cor. 3.  that all thirdly wisdom is more folly, and say with job. Ecce timor Domini &c. Behold the fear of God is true wisdom, and to eschew sin is true vndertstanding. 
job. 28.   
9 moreover how can the infinite bounty or goodness of God, be ey●her comprehended, or sufficiently commended, seeing no creature in heaven, or earth hath any goodness at all, but only by participation ●hereof, being good, because he is good, and made all his creatures good, communicating his own goodness to them, from the highest to the ●owest. From whence proceedeth all the benefits, that man receiveth by heaven, and earth, but from his bounty? Whence is mans beauty, his strength, his health, his wealth, his ease, his honours, his virtues, whence I say, do they flow, but from the fountain of his divine goodness? How bountiful is he not only to his seruants in protecting, comforting, cherishing, pardoning, and rewarding them, but also to his very enemies, in conserving them, in expecting them to repentance, in offering them his grace, and in reconciling them to him, if the fault be not in themselves?  
10 How admirable was his bounty in his Incarnation, whereby he communicated unto us, all his own good, yea himself, and took upon himself our humanity, mortality, and misery? How stupendious was his goodness in our Redemption, as also in the divine sacraments, and spiritual power left in his Church, and specially in feeding us with his own blessed body, and blood, all I say, stupendious for the manner, for the effects,& for the fruit,& benefit to mankind, as I haue sufficiently declared diuers times before? How bountiful,& liberal is he in rewarding his own gifts,& graces in us seeing he rewardeth us for that which he giveth us; first imparting his grace unto us, to the end we may merit, and then rewarding our merits far above our merits, recōpensing our transitory, unperfect,& weak works with temporal, spiritual, and everlasting rewards, surpassing all understanding& imagination of man? The due consideration whereof, cannot but move us to two things, the one to love, and praise him, for his infinite bounty and mercy, saying with the psalmist, confitemini Domino, quoniam bonus, 
Psal. 105.  quoniam in seculum misericordia eius; confess ye our Lord, for he is bountiful, and good and his mercy is for ever. The other is to pray continually for his grace, that we may imitate his divine bounty, communicating to our neighbours, the gifts, graces, goods, and talents which he hath bestowed upon vs.  
11 Furthermore what shall I say of his iustice, which is no less ineffable,& incomprehensible then the former, whether we consider it, as he punisheth, or as he rewardeth, seeing he is no less exact in the one, then in the other, punishing all sin whatsoever without exception of persons, times, or places, from whose hand no man can escape, from whose eye no man can be hide, who searcheth most curiously into every corner mans conscience, which is more clear to him, then the sun, and s●●ueth him for an vnreprouable witness against every sinner. Scrutabor sai● he, 
Sophon. 1.  jerusalem in lucernis. I will search jerusalem with candles, and torch meaning that he will sift, and straightlie examine, the hearts, and consciences, of his own seruants. Therefore how much more narrowl● will he sift the consciences, and actions of his enemies?  
12 And so sever is his iudgement, that those sins, which seem man but light, and are, as we call them venial, deserve in his sight m●●● rigorous punishment, as may appear by the sin of Moyses, consisti●● in a little distrust, 
number. 20.  for the which nevertheless he was excluded from t●● land of promise, 
3. Reg. 13.  as also a prophet, in Samaria, was killed by a lion, because contrary to the commandment of God, he did eat a little in t●● way, being deceived by an other prophet, who pretended, to haue had latter revelation to invite him to eat, what then may we think of h●● rigour, and severity in the punishment of mortal sins, which he p●nisheth not only corporally, and by desolation of whole kingdom and countries, by famins, plagues, war inundations, fire from heaue● serpents, and such like, but also eternally, by unspeakable torment lastly so terrible is he in his iustice, and judgements, that his very ele●● seruants, and friends are advised by the Apostle to work their salvation, c●● timore, 
Philip. 2.  & tremore, with fear, and trembling, what terror then, and ho●rour ought the wicked to haue, who daily deserve the extremity of h●● wrath, and vengeance?  
13 But what? is not his iustice also as complete in rewarding? F●● although he be our Lord, and creator, and therefore oweth us nothing for our service, in respect of itself, yet having out of his bounty, an● liberality promised us reward for the same, and for every good work● he hath thereby made himself our detter, if we serve him, and is of h●● iustice so exact in the performance of his promise, that he leaveth 〈◇〉 good act( be it never so little) nor good thought unrewarded, yea an● recompenseth sometimes the services of his very enemies, yea though they serve him vnwittinglie. He advanced the Romans, as S. August●● saith to the monarchy of the world for their moral virtues, 
Aug. deciuit. dei. li. 5. c. 15. Ezech. 29. & recompensed Nabuchodonosor king of babylon, for the service which he did hi● vnwittinglie in the expugnation of Tyrus. How then will he reward hi● seruants, for good works proceeding of his grace, and directed t● his service?  
14 Therefore the Apostle most confidently expected the crown o● iustice, for the good course, which, as he saith, he had run here in hi● service, quam reddet mihi Dominus( saith he) in illa die justus judex, 
2 Tim. 4.  which ●wne our Lord being a just judge, will render unto me in the day of iudgement, ●●d no marvel seeing he rewardeth every cup of could water given in 〈◇〉 name, whereby his seruants may receive infinite comfort, 
Matth. 10.  serving such 〈◇〉 omnipotent, wise, bountiful, and just Lord, who accepteth, and re●ardeth such small services, yea, and for one tear, or sigh of true repen●●nce, giveth in recompense his own everlasting kingdom, and the ●●ernall fruition of himself. To conclude we are to consider, that as he infinitely to be admired, praised and beloved of us, for his mercy, ●●untie,& iustice, in rewarding us: so also we ought no less to admire, ●●aise, and love him for his iustice in punishing us, saying always with ●●e psalmist, justus es Domine& rectum judicium tuum; thow art just o Lord, ●●d thy iudgement is right. 
Psal. 118.   
I omit for brevities sake many other things, which might be consi●●red, as well concerning his iustice, as other his ineffable virtues, and ●ill touch only a further consideration of the three former attribuits ●he power, wisdom, and goodness of God) whereby we may be led 〈◇〉 some speculation of the inscrutable mystery of the most blessed Tri●tie, acknowledging in the omnipotency of God, the person of God ●●e Father, in his wisdom, the person of God the son, and in his ●ountie, or goodness, God the holy Ghost.  
●● For although all the three persons( being of one substance, and squall one with an other) are like omnipotent, wise, and bountiful, ne●erthelesse these attributes may be particularly, and severally applied, ●●ther to one of them, then to an other, in respect of certain properties ●elonging to their several persons, as omnipotency is applied properly 〈◇〉 God the Father, as to the beginning, or roote from whence the ●ther two persons spring; And wisdom is peculierlie applied to God ●●e son( who is called sapientia Patris, the wisdom of the Father) because and is produced by the understanding of his Father: 
S. Aug. li. de Trinitate ca. 15.  And lastie goodness ●r bounty, is attributed to the holy Ghost, because goodness proceedeth ●rincipallie from the will, as the holy Ghost proceedeth from the will ●f the Father, and the son, being their love, and as it were the link whereby they are eternally united.  
●7 moreover we may also by the further consideration of the infinite goodness of God, receive some further light for the better understanding ●f some other mysteries, belonging to the divine nature; For seeing that God is infinitely good, and therefore most communicable, I mean, that ●eeing it is most requisite to his infinite goodness, that he communicate himself to some one or other infinitely, and with the greatest communication that may be( that is to say) that he give, and impart not only his gifts, and proprieties( as he doth to his creatures) but also his who●● essence, nature, and substance( for other ways he doth not commun●cate so much as he may) it must needs follow, that there is a distinctio● of divine persons, to whom the divine nature is communicated, wh● consequently having the same divine nature, and essence, must need●● also be infinitely good,& consubstantial, that is to say, of one substanc● and nature, and therefore also coequal, and one God, which when w● haue considered, let us then lay all reason aside, and haue recourse 〈◇〉 faith, and by the light thereof consider, and admire the rest of our christian doctrine, concerning the three divine persons, and their deui●● proprieties, without further curiosity, to penetrate, that impenetrab●● mystery, 
proverb. 25.  least by searching into majesty,( as Salomon saith) we be oppr●●● with glory, for what created understanding can conceive how the vnit●● of one God can stand with a trinity of persons and their equality wit● a paternity, filiation, and procession, how the Father beholding, an● knowing himself from all eternity, begat the word his son; ho● the holy Ghost proceedeth from them both; and lastly how every person is distinct, and yet hath the other two persons in himself.  
18 Therefore that which our contemplatives aduise to be done in th● speculation of these incomprehensible verities, 
Blosius in institut. spirituali c. 8.& in speculo spirituali. c. 10. 2. Cor 10.  is, to humble ourselves in the presence of God, to aclowledge our own weakness, basnes,& unworthiness, to captivat our reason, and understanding to faith, to admire praise, and magnify the divine nature, and to exult, and rejoice wit● all ioy and jubilation, that our Lord, and Creator is of infinite perfection majesty, and glory, and finally to resign ourselves wholly into hi● hands, as his creatures and bondslaves to be disposed at his pleasure which being donne with a pure hart, a liuelie faith, and a fervent love what marvel is it, if we be so suspended in the most sweet, and delectable speculation of beauty, and bounty itself, that our soul do melt, as I may say, with the heat of his love? Or rather what marvell i● it if almighty God being infinitely good, and seeing a soul created by himself to his own image, cleansed by his grace from sin, purified, and purged from passions, and perverse affections, adorned with hi● gifts, 
Psal. 41.  wholly resigned into his hands, thirsting after him, as the stag dot● after the fountaints of water, languishing in his love, waiting, and attending in atrijs eius, 
Cant. 5. Psal. 83.  in the courts of his palace, to haue some sight of him, and saying with the psalmist Exquisiuit te facies mea &c. my face hath sought thee, o Lord, and I will seek to see thy face,( not out of a presumption, or a conceit of my own worthiness, 
Psal. 28.  but out of a pure love, and a desire to behold thee, the more to love praise, and admire thee) what marvel, I say, is it, if as the ●oadstone draweth the iron, or the son the vapours of the earth, so also his divine majesty draw unto him such a soul, embrace it, cherish ●t, yea, and be, as it were, enamoured of it, and say unto it, 
Cant. 2.& 3.  as he saith in the Canticles. Surge amica mea,& veni. arise my love, and come unto me. Quam ●●lchra es amica mea? How fair art thou my love? Veni sponsa mea. 
Ibid. ca. 4.  Come my ●●ouse, &c.  
●9 For so tender, and fervent is the love of God to a clean, 
Blosius in speculo spirituali. ca. 11.  and pure ●oule, that he contracteth an indissoluble matrimony with it, uniting himself unto it, or rather as the contemplatives speak, transforming it ●nto himself: For as iron put into the fire, and made read hot, though ●t changeth not, nor looseth the substance of iron, yet becometh ●ire: even so the soul of man, conjoined, and united with God, by a pure, and sincere contemplative love, is as it were, deified, 
1. Cor. 6. Blosius ubi supra.  and becometh divine, being made one spirit with God, and though it do not yet see him, as he is in his glory, yet it learneth by experience, how sweet he is, and that his divine nature, and perfections do infinitely surpass all that which can be said, written conceived, or imagined of him, yea and more certainly knoweth him, by an inward touch, and feeling of him, then we can see, or know, the visible sun, by the sight of our corporal eyes, and yet as a certain contemplative saith. 
Idem ibid.  Prae cognitione fit, quasi sine cognitione,&, in sapienti quadam ignoranti constituitur. It knoweth so much of the divine nature, that it knoweth as it were nothing at al, but is reduced to a kind of wise ignorance, knowing only that God( whom it now feeleth, enjoyeth and desireth to see and know) passeth all humane knowledge and understanding, and that the surest, 
li. 7. de devin. nomin. lib. de mystica theolog. c. 5.  and easiest way, to come to the knowledge of him, is( as S. Dionysius teacheth) to abstract from him, al those things, which man either seeth, or knoweth, or can conceive, and therefore the same author denieth him to be a substance, or a soul, or a spirit, or a life essence, or aeternytie( meaning in such sort, as man can understand, or conceive them to be) for that he incomparablie, ineffablie, and infinitely exceedeth and excelleth all created substance or essence, or whatsoever can be conceived or imagined by any creature.  
20 And this the Caligo, that is to say, the obscurity or darkness, whereof the contemplatives speak, according to the royal prophet. 
Psal. 96.  Nubes& caligo in circuitu eius. Clouds and darkness do environ him. And therfore also Dionysius saieth. 
Dionys. ad dorotheum. 1. Tim. 6.  Diuina caligo est lux inaccessabilis in qua Deus habitare dicitur &c. The divine darkness is the inaccessible light wherein God is said to dwell. In which respect, Aristotle, saith very well and truly, that the understanding of man is no more able to conceive those thinge● which are most manifest in nature( that is to say those things, 
metaphies. li. 2. tex. 1.  which belong to the divine essence) then the eye of the owl, can behold th● beams of the sun. But now who can express the ineffable ioy, and consolation, that the soul of man feeleth when being elevated by grac● above all force, and power of nature, it is led by almighty God, in cellam vinariam( as the Canticles say) into the wyne cellar, 
Cant 2. Psal. 36.  where it drinketh of the fountain of life, and is filled with a torrent of pleasure, and as th● royal prophet also speaketh, 
Ibidem.  inebriatur ab vbertate Domus Dei, is mad● drunk with the abundant, and sweet plenty of Gods house, reposing, and sleeping( as I may say) in the contemplation of almighty God, who is so careful to conserve the repose of such a soul, that he saith in the Canticles. 
Cant. 2.  Adiuro vos filiae jerusalem &c. I adjure yeu ye daughters of jerusalem, that you do not disquiet, nor awake my beloved, until she alist to arise; whereupon S. Bernard, 
S. Ber. ser. supper cant. 52.  expounding this text, calleth this sleep, excessum mentis, an excess of mind, or the supernatural elevation of a soul ravished with the sweetness of contemplation, and this excess is commonly called Ecstasis when it worketh any extraordinary effects, in the body, as it doth diversly, in some more, and some less.  
21 For sometimes it forceth a man to express the internal jubilation of the soul, 
1. Reg. 19.  with the external voice, and to sing as Saul did when the spirit of God fell upon him in company of the prophets. And the like we red of one Richardus, 
Richard. ●ampolitan. de incendio amori●.  a learned, and holy English hermit, who( as he writeth himself) was continually replenished with such sweetness of a heavenly melody in his soul, that he could not forbear to sing, praise and give, thanks to almighty God all the day.  
22 Sometimes again it maketh a man exult, and leap for ioy, and contentment, as the royal prophet did before the ark, who also saith of himself Cor meum& Caro mea &c. My hart, 
2. Reg. 6. Psal. 83.  and flesh exulted, or lept for ioy in the living God,& of this we haue had a notable example in our daies in B. Fa. Philip Nerio an Italian, and founder of the congregation called the Oratory, 
Antonius Gallonius in vita eius.  or Chiesa noua in Rome, who was commonly so transported with divine consolations( as oft as he said mass) that he could not stay his body from continual motion, and exultation, in which respect he was forced for the most part to say mass privately.  
23 Sometimes also it eleuateth, or abstracteth the soul from the senses in such sort, 
Dan. 10. Apoc. 1. Haymo in Apoc. Act. 10.  that the body remaineth, as it were senseless, or dead for the time, as the prophet Daniel,& S. John the evangelist testify of themselves: and the like may be thought of the excess of spirit, which happened to the Apostle S. Peter, when he saw the vision of the sheet, full of all kind of beasts. And such no doubt, was the extasis, or excess of S. paul, 
2. Cor. 12.  when he was, raptus in tertium caelum, rapt into the third heaven, not knowing as he saith whether he was in his body, or out of his body; and of this kind of Ecstase, or excess of spirit, I shall haue occasion hereafter, to allege many examples both ancient, and modern. 
Chap. 27.   
24 finally the elevation of the soul, otherwhiles is such, that it violently draweth up the body after it into the air, and then it is most properly called raptus, a rapt, 
Chap. 27.  whereof I omit to lay down examples here, because I shall do it very amply hereafter.  
25 And therefore that, which I wish to be noted further for the present, concerning the effects of contemplation, is, that as there are diverse degrees of perfection therein, so also, there are diuers degrees of spiritual consolations, and heavenly favours, which God daily bestoweth upon his seruants, in the use& exercise thereof.  
26 For some attain only to the union of the will with God, and receive thereby ineffable consolation( not withstanding, 
Camino de perfecion. M. Teresa nella vita sua c. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.& 20.  that their understanding, memory, and phantasy remain at liberty.) And some haue their understanding as well united with God as their will, with far greater consolation then the former, though their memory,& phantasy being free, do somewhat importune them, and interrupt the integrity of their repose. And some others again, haue all their powers so combined, and united with the divine essence, that they remain engulfed, and absorbed in the contemplation thereof, some more some less, whereupon follow sometimes these admirable rapts, whereof I haue partly spoken already, and will speak more hereafter.  
27 But the highest degree of contemplation, 
Bozius de sig. eccle. li. 9. c. 13. sig. 37. Henric. Harphius de mystica Theolog. li. 3. par. 4 c. 30.  is to be perfectly united with God in soul, and to receive extraordinary, and continual illustrations of the understanding, and other divine consolations, without suffering any ecstase, or rapt, in such sort, that the soul be wholly occupied, and fixed in the contemplation of God, and yet neither the actions, or functions of the body, nor any pious, or lawful negotiation be hindered thereby, so that the comefort of contemplation, and the merit of action do concur in the highest degree; which kind of contemplation the humanity of our saviour Christ, had continually in the highest perfection, and it hath pleased him also to impart the same in a high degree to many of his seruants, especially to his 
Vide lodovic. Blosium in Append. institut. spirt●al. c. 2 ex Thaulero.  blessed mother as it may be well presumed, his Apostles, besides many others in latter times, as to 
Bozius ubi supra.  S. Hildegardis a holy woman, who had such union with God, and thereby such a continual illustration of spirit, that her soul dilated itself into far countries, and saw what passed there, whether shee slept, or waked, and yet nevertheless, she had no alienation of her soul from her senses, or alteration in her body; And the like may be said of B. Fa. Franciscus Xauierus, 
P. Ribadeneyra, in vita eius.  of the society of Iesus, in these our dayes, who whilst he preached in the east India, saw in spirit, a battle, which passed betwixt the Portugueses, and the infidels, and recommended the Portugueses to the prayers of his audience, in respect of the great danger wherein they were at that time, as afterwards it proved to be true. And to these may be added many holly men and women in the church of God, who haue excelled in the spirit of prophesy, and haue had also continual or very frequent illustrations of soul, at such times as they had no extase or rapt, as the holy Abbots S. Hylarion and S. bennet S. Francis of Paula S. Brigit, S. katherine of Siena and many others, whom I omit to avoid prolixity.  
28 But of these diuers degrees of divine favours in contemplation, S. Bernard treateth notably in his sermons upon the Cantilces, 
D. Ber. supper cant. ser. 23.  where he saith that the same is signified by the diversity of the Aromatical oyntements, whereof the young women, which accompany the spouse, make mention, 
Cant. 1.  saying. In odorem vnguentorum tuorum currimus. We run, o Lord, to the sweet savours, and smell of thy ointments. And the like he also observeth in the same place, by the occasion of diuers cellars, whereto the king lead his spouse. 
Cant. 1. S. Bernard. ibid.  Introduxit me rex, saith shee, in cellaria sua. The king brought me into his cellars. whereupon S. Bernard, saith, that the king or bridegroom, hath many different cellars, many chambers, and mansions, whereto every contemplative is not indifferently admitted, but that every one hath a place of pleasure, or consolation assigned him, pro diversitate meritorum, according to the diversity of his merits; wherein he giveth to understand, that every one feeleth in his soul a different sweetness, and delectation, according to the different measure of his desert, so that he may say( saith S. Bernard) secretum meum mihi, 
Isay. 24.  my secret is to myself. And further he saith, that the access to the cabinet, or secret closet of the king, is reserved only for the spouse herself, that is to say, for a soul enflamed with such a pure seraphical love of God, that it pleaseth him to contract, as it were, a conjugal union, or matrimony with it, whereby it is perfectly united with him, and as I signified before, transformed into him, and yet nevertheless, saith he, the spouse herself cannot in this life attain ad omne quod vult secretum, to all the secret that shee desireth, meaning that perfect fruition, and sight of God, wherewith she shalbe eternally beautified in the life to come.  
29 Thus doth this great master of contemplation, signify the diverse degrees of spiritual comeforts, which God imparteth to his seruants, in the exercise thereof. Though whosoever arriveth to the least, or lowest degree of union with God, findeth such inestimable consolation, that he may truly say with the royal prophet. Quam magna est multitudo, 
Psal. 30.  &c. How great, o Lord, is the multitude of thy swetenes, which thou hast hidden, or laid up in store for them, which fear thee. As S. Augustin witnesseth of himself, 
Aug. conf●ss. li. 9. ca. 10.  and his mother, both of them replenished with such a heavenly comfort,& ioy at Ostia not far from Rome, that they detested all earthly delights, and as it seemed to thē, did for the time participat of eternal beatitude.  
30 hereupon also S. Bernard saith. Quae anima semel à Domino didicit, 
D. Ber. supper Cantica. ser. 35.  &c. The soul which hath once learned of almighty God to enter into itself, and there diligently te seek his presence, and face, I know not whether it would think the pains of hell more horrible, and insupportable for a time, then after the taste of this spiritual delectation, to go out again to feel the allurements or rather the molestation of the flesh, and the insatiable curiosity of the senses. Thus saith S. Bernard, not of the highest kind of contemplation, nor yet of that which allienateth the soul from the senses, but of that which is ordinary amongst those that practise the contemplative discipline, though worldly men( who are drowned in the beastly delighes of the world, and the flesh) do neither know, nor beleeue it, neither yet can conceive it to be true, for the Apostle saith. Animalis homo non percipit ea quae sunt spiritus Dei. 
1. Cor. 2.  The sensual man hath no feeling of those things which belong to the spirit of God; and yet reason may teach them, that as the soul in dignity, far excelleth the body, so also the proper pleasures and delectations thereof do far exceed all corporal delights, and that therefore the true felicity of man in this life, must needs consist therein and be so much the more pure and perfect, by how much less the soul doth participat of any bodily pleasure or delectation of the senses: for which respect the philosophers themselves called the boddie the plague of the soul, and held it for the greatest impediment of mans felicity, as I haue amply declared before in the seventeenth chapter where I treated of philosophical contenplation. 
Plutar. in vita Catonis   
31 This shall suffice for this time, touching the practise of our christian contemplation,& although I may perhaps seem to some to haue been over long, yet the importance of the matter considered, I hope the discreet, and devout Reader, will not think any thing superfluous, that I haue said, considering that for brevities sake, I haue omitted very many things, which otherways had been very necessary to haue been handled for the better explication thereof, as those which are exercised in matters of contemplation will easily perceive.  
32 And therefore to the end that such as desire to understand more of the practise of contemplation, may not only know where to find it, but also receive further satisfaction concerning as well the importance, as the continual use, and custom of it in Gods Church, I think it not ami●● for the conclusion of this chapter, to set down diuers learned and a●proued authors, both ancient and modern, who haue either purpose treat, or by the way handled this subject: I say diuers authors, for i● should take upon me to lay down all those that haue written thereo● I should be no less tedious to the Reader, then to myself, in respect the incredible multitude of them, besides that I should undertake mo●● then I could perform, or perhaps any man else, for that many ha● written of it in many languages, in which respect I will content my sel● with these that follow, noting in the margin the times when they fl●reshed  

S. Paules disciple converted by him at Athens. act. 17.  S. Dionysius Areopagita de mysteca theologia. c. 1.2.& 3. & de divinis no●nibus ca. 4. where he treateth admirably of the perfection of conte●plation, that is to say of a perfect union with God by the means of 〈◇〉 ecstatical love.  

about the year of our lord. 340.  joannes Climacus, in scala paradisi. wherein he leadeth his reader to th● height of contemplation, by 30. steps or degrees.  

Anno Domini. 3●0.  S. basil in his monastical constitutions. ca. 1.& 2.  

Anno 437.  joannes Cassianus in collationibus patrum, wherein he teacheth ampl●● the perfect practise of the contemplative life, giving notable rules a●● precepts for the same.  

Anno Do. 590.  S. Gregory the great in diuers parts of his works, and especiall●● Ho 16.& 17. in Ezechielem. Also li. 5. ca. 14. in 1. Reg.& li. 5. Moral. ca. 2● 23. 25.& 26. li. 6. ca. 27.& 28.& li. 23. ca. 13.  

Anno. Do. 1140.  S. Bernard de vita actiua,& contemplatiua: In parabola de nuptijs filii regi● In scala claustralium. In his sermon de conuersione ad clericos cap. 21.& 2● In serm. 5. de assumptione: In his treatise de interiori domo, especially, a ca. ● ad c. 21. and afterwards ibidem ca. 48. and 49. and lastly in his sermon upon the Canticles especially ser. 23. 31. 33. 35. 49. 52.& 62.  

Anno. Do. 1140.  Richardus de Sancto victore, in his two books entitled benjamin mi●●& benjamin maior, wherein he treateth no less notably, then amply o● the preparation to contemplation, and of the admirable effects of it.  

Anno 1260.  Albertus magnus in his treatises de paradiso ainae,& de adhaerendo De●  

Anno 12●0.  S. Thomas Aquinas in a particular treatise de beatitudine, and in 22. q. 180  

Anno 12●4.  S. bonaventure in diuers treatises, to wit de mystica Theologia Die par● bono, siue de incendio amoris: de itinerario mentis ad Deum: de stimulo amoris, 〈◇〉 7. itineribus aeternitatis, and de 7. gradibus contemplationis.  

A● o 1410.  joannes Gerson de mystica Theologia: de monte contemplationis: de meditatione de oratione,& eius valour: and in diuers other notable treatises, which 〈◇〉 pretermit.  

Anno 1460.  Dionysius Richel,( commonly cailled Carthusianus because he was a ●onke of the charter house) li. 2. de vita,& fine solitarij,& li. de laud vitae ●●tariae, ca. 8.35.36.37. and in other particular treatises 
Anno 1460.  de contemplatione: 〈◇〉 meditatione,& de oratione, to whom I might add( if I thought it need●●ll) a dozen at least of the same order: who haue written most excel●●ntlie of contemplation, and meditation.  

Circa an. 1540.  finally in the last age there wrote diuers learned and holy men ●●rie notably of the same subject, as Lodouicus Blosius, a holy abbot of the ●rder of saint bennet in canone vitae spiritualis, especially from the 14. chapter 〈◇〉 the end. Also in speculo spirituali. ca. 10.& 11. institutione spirituali,& ta●●lla spirituali: and in speculo Mona chorum.  
Henricus Harphius of the order of S. Francis de mystica Theologia: B. P. ●●natius de Loyola, founder of the society of Iesus in exercitijs spiritualibus, ●●d to omit many others, P. Rosignol, of the same society yet living, ●ho hath lately written de perfectione,& de actibus virtutum.  
All these haue written in latin of Christian contemplation, besides ●anie others, whom I purposely omit for brevities sake: And those ●hich understand the spanish, and Italian tongue may red certain mo●ern authors, who haue also written of it most excellently in those ●●nguages: as in spanish F. Luyz de la Puente of the society of Iesus in two ●omes entitled. Meditationes de los misterios de nuestra sancta fe, con la pratica 〈◇〉 la oration mental.  
F. Luyz de Granada, of the order of S. Dominick de la meditation M. Teresa a holy and admirable woman, of the order of the ( Carmelits) deal camino and la perfecion, and in the story of her life, which she wrote by the commandment of hir ghostly father.  
Also F. Pedre de Alcantara of the order of S. Francis in a little treatise in●itled Tratado de oration y meditation.  
And lastly P. Ribera of the society of Iesus in the life of M. Teresa afore●aide, which he wrote after her death.  
And these 4. books last mentioned, being written first in spanish, are ●ranslated into Italian, in which language there be also many other excellent works concerning the same matter, as Essercitio della vita spiritual, without name of author translated out of latin.  
Instructione di meditare deal padre Bartolomeo Ricci della Compania di Giesu. Pa●adiso de contemplatiui deal P. F. Bartolomeo da Saluthio minore osseruante, and di●ers other works in the Italian tongue, and in other languages which 〈◇〉 pretermit for that these may suffice for the full instruction of any man that shall desire to see the important, and necessary practise of contemplation.   

It is objected that to make a common wealth happy by such a christian, contempl●tion as hath been described, all the Citizens must be religious men, such as haue ●bandoned the world. The objection is answred;& it is proved that every me●ber of a Christian common wealth( of what degree, state, or vocation soe●●● he be) may be a perfect contemplative: and happy in his vocation: Also wh● is the perfection which Christ requireth in every Christian man:& by the w●● some what is said of the active and comtemplatiue life, according to the opinio● as well of philosophers, as of our deuins. CHAP. 22.  
BBut now perhaps some will say, that to make a commo● wealth happy by such a contemplation, as I haue here de●cribed( according to the opinion of either Aristotle an● Plato, or yet of our divines) wee must imagine and frame common wealth either of philosophers or monks,& Friers, and oth●● religious persons, seeing that none could in the opinion of Aristotle 〈◇〉 Plato, be happy by philosophical contemplation, but philosophers, 〈◇〉 that to other Christian contemplation,& the felicity consisting ther●in, are necessary required abnegation of will, poverty of spirit, an● contempt of the world, which are proper to such as profess religious perfection, whereas all common wealths do, and must needs consi●● of men( as I may say) of an other mould, to wit, princes, noble men magistrates, soldiers, men of occupation, and of such other vocation● as seem not to be compatible with the contemplatous, and religious life.  
2 Hereto I answer, first concerning the opinion of Aristotle and Plat● that they required not to the perfection of common wealth, a barren and fruiteles contemplation, without action, but a concurrence of th● contemplative and active life, and therefore they taught, that the understanding of man, is partly speculative, and partly practical,& tha● as it is speculative, it doth contemplat God, and heavenly things( whic● is properly the act, or office of wisdom) and that as it is practical, i● attendeth to matters of action, that is to say, to work, as occasion requireth, either for our private, or for the public weal( wherein consisteth the special force, and office of prudence) and that of these two, the first parte is by nature far more worthy, and noble then the other, as well for the dignity, and worthiness of the object( which as God, and his eternal truth) as also for the vnspekeable delectation, that it yieldeth, besides many other reasons alleged by Aristotle, which I ●mit for brevities sake. 
Aristot. li. 7. pol. D. Tho. in eundem. lec 2. Ibid. c. 11.   
And in this respect, these philosophers taught, that the practical vn●erstanding, is subordinat to the speculative, as to the most worthy,& ●o the end whereto it is naturally ordained, and that all action is in like ●aner referred to speculation, no less then war to peace, business to ●epose, and labour to ease, and rest: whereupon it also followeth, that ●●though these philosophers place the felicity of man and of common ●ealth, principally in speculation, or contemplation, yet they require also to the perfection thereof, the practise of all the moral virtues, 
Polit. li. 7. ca. 11.  as ●he mean to the end.  
And therefore whereas Arictotle teacheth, that there are two felici●ies as well of common wealth, as of every man, the one consisting in ●peculation, and the other in action, he far prefereth the first, and ●ouldeth it to be then most perfect, when it is seconded with the latter: 〈◇〉 which respect he declareth also, how all virtues are necessary helps ●o the speculative felicity: As first that wisdom is requisite, 
Ethic. li. 10.  because ●he speculation, or contemplation of God, is the proper act thereof: Se●ondlie that the habits of natural knowledge are also necessary, for that we are by the means of them, led to the knowledge and comtemplation of God: thirdly that those virtues which restrain the passions of the mind( as temperance and mansuetude) do in like maner help thereto, for that without them, men should be wholly withdrawn from the contemplation of God, to the delights, and pleasures of the senses, and to sensible things, yea, and would hold them for their felicity: Lastly ●l the virtues whereby we either get, or conserve temporal goods, are in like sort requisite to contemplation, for that without some mediocrity, and sufficiency of temporal commodities, neither contemplation, nor yet the life of man can subsist. Whereby it appeareth, that the practise of al virtues, and consequently the practical& political felicity, is necessary to the speculative, and that they tend thereto, as to the end whereto nature hath ordained them. And therfore Aristotle saith. Non vacamus, vt vacemus, we do not rest, to the end we may repose, that is to say, we exercise, and practise virtue, to the end we may rest in the contemplation of God.  
5 Now then for as much as the concurrence of both these felicities, practical and speculative, is requisite to the perfect happiness of common wealth, and that the practical is subordinate to the speculative, as the means, and way thereto( in which respect Aristotle adviseth the lawmaker to frame, and ordain his laws in such sort, that the prince, and people may by the exercise of virtue, tend specially to contemplation, therefore it seemed to those philosophers, that all the commo● wealth, might worthily be counted happy, if it did generally practice the moral virtues,& thereby tend to the contemplatiō of God, though neither all, nor yet the greatest part thereof, but only the principal members should attain thereto: 
Aristo. li 10. Ethic. c. 8. Plato de rep. Dialo. S.  and therefore Aristotle specially required contemplation in the prince, and magistrates; and happy saith Plato, i● the kingdom, ubi philosophi regnant, vel reges philosophantur: where either philosophers reign, or kings become philosophers. For as the body of man i● truly said to live, though all the parts thereof, haue neither life, nor ye● feeling alike( both life, and sense resting specially in the vital parts, and principally in the hart) and as an university instituted for learning, may worthily be counted learned, if there be therein eminent men in all faculties, and the rest tend also thereto by diligent study, and observation of the statutes: even so also the common wealth instituted for contemplation, may justly be counted contemplative, and consequently happy, if the magistrates, and other principal men, join contemplation with action. Though the far greater number being the inferior sort, do not arrive to that perfection, but rest only in action, which is the way to the other.  
6 And such a common wealth, I say, the philosophers counted happy, because it should be both well, and wisely governed by the prince, and magistrates, and also protected by almighty God, the author of happiness, in respect of the virtue, as well of the people, as of the princes: so that we see how in the opinion of the philosophers, the common wealth becometh contemplative, and happy, partly by the practise of virtue which is the high way to contemplation and felicity, and partly by the merit of the principal members thereof, which being happy by the use, as well of the contemplative, as the active life, do communicate both political, and speculative felicity to the whole common wealth, as the hart, head, and other principal parts of mans body, do impart the influence of humour, and life to the whole. Thus much for the opinion of the philosophers.  
7 And now to answer the other part of the objection, concerning the contemplation of Christians. Yt is first to be understood, that our Christian contemplation doth not exclude action, but admit it in the highest degree of perfection; which being declared, it will consequently appear, not only that our contemplatiō is most necessary for common wealth, but also that every man in a Christian common wealth, of what degree, or vocation soever he be, may be a perfect contemplative, and united with God, and consequently as happy, as man may possibly be in this life; which point being fully explicated, I hope the difficulty proposed willbe fully satisfied. For first it is to be considered that there are in Christian religion, three kind of lives dedicated to the service of God, 
Aug. de ciu. Dei. li. 19. ca. 19. paulo post principium.  in the which, or in any one of them, a Christian man, may as S. Augustin teacheth, do his duty, and be saved.  
8 The first is, an active life, wherein a man doth employ himself, and his talents in external works, or actions for the pure love of God, and the benefit, either of his own soul, or of his neighbours, or of both.  
9 The second is, a contemplative life, wherein a man giveth himself wholly to the internal works of the knowledge, and love of God, by the continual exercise of reading, meditation, prayer, and contemplation.  
10 The third is a life mixed, and compounded of both the other, to wit, both of the active, and of the contemplative life, when our action is joined with contemplation, in such sort, that neither our neighbour, is deprived of the benefit of our labours, nor we ourselves of the sweetness of contemplation.  
11 Of these three kinds, the two first, are distinguished, 
S. Bernard ad Sororem de modo been vivendi ser. 53. paulo post principium.  by S. Bernard thus. The active life, saith he, consisteth in the innocency of Good works. The contemplative in the speculation of heavenly things. The active life is common to many, the contemplative life but to few; the active useth well earthly things, the contemplative renouncing the world, liveth only to God. The active feedeth the hungry, instructeth the ignorant, correcteth or amendeth those, that err, reduceth the proud to the way of humility, reconcileth enemies, visiteth the sick, burieth the dead, redeemeth the captive, and provideth that which is necessary for every one, but the contemplative retaining wholie in mind, perfect charity towards God, and our neighbour, ceaseth from external action, to the end it may wholie attend to the desire, and love of our creator, and with contempt of the world fervently aspire to the vision of his face, and sing praise unto him eternally, amid the quires of Angels, &c. finally the active life is good, but the contemplative is much better. Thus saith S. Bernard.  
12 These two kindes of life, are figured and represented in the holly scripture in the two sisters, Martha, and Mary, of whom the one, 
luke. 10.  to wit Martha, represented the active life, being as our saviour said: occupata& turbata, erga plurima: busied, and troubled about many things, and therefore he also said unto her, porro vnum est necessarium, but one thing is necessary, lying that the multiplicity of things, and our over great attention thereto, doth divert us from uniting ourselves with God, our true, and only good. The other sister: to wit Mary, represented the contemplative life, sitting still at Christs feet, an● feeding her soul with the heavenly food of his divine word and therfore our saviour said of her. 
●●ib.  Maria optimam partem elegi● quae non auferetur ab ea. Mary hath chosen the best part, which shall not 〈◇〉 taken from her. wherein two things are to be noted, the one, that of the two kinds of lives, the life of Mary( that is to say the contemplatiu● life) is the most worthy, and not to be left, for that of Martha, whic● was only active; for contemplation doth not only unit us with Go● and make us like him, as I haue signified before, but doth also give perfection to our external actions, communicating unto them integriti● sweetness and fervour, which make them more acceptable to God, an● profitable both to our neighbours, and ourselves.  
13 The other thing, that may be gathered of our saviours words, i● that the third kind of life, composed of both, is to be preferred before either of the other, which our saviour signified in calling th● life of Mary, partem, a part, giuing to understand, that the perfection o● Christian life, consisteth of two parts, to wit action and contemplatio● whereof Mary had chosen the better, which nevertheless was but a part and therefore not to be compared with the whole, that is to say, wit● the third kind of life, composed of both, which being most excellent and perfect, our saviour Christ choose for himself, joining contemplation with continual action, in preaching, and labouring to gain● souls, as also S. John Baptist, and the Apostles did, besides innumerabl● other great saints of God.  
14 This perfection of the mixed life, proceedeth of the excellency, an● perfection of charity, which inclineth us no less to desire, and seek● the good of our neighbour, by our labour, and action, then our owns benefit, 
Aug. li. 19. de civitat. Dei. ca. 19.  and repose of spirit by contemplation. And therefore S. Augustin, saith. Otium sanctum quaerit Charitas veritatis,& negotium justum suscipi●● necessitas charitatis. charity, or the fervent love of truth( that is to say of God) doth seek the holy repose of contemplation, and the necessity of charitable lou● towards our neighbour, doth move us to undertake just negotiation, or action. Thus saith he, and hereupon there groweth in Gods most zealous seruants, a counterchange of action, and contemplation, as S. Bernard noteth notably upon the Canticles, where we read, that the bridegroom having given charged, that none should disquiet, or awake his spouse from her sweet sleep of contemplation, 
Cant. 2. D. Ber. supper can. serm. 58.  nevertheless raised her himself after a while, saying: Surge, propera amica mea, &c. Arise, and make hast my love. hereupon S. Bernard saith: Agnoscite vicissicudines, &c. behold the mutual succession, or counterchange of holly contemplation, and necessary action; for when the bridegroom hath suffered his spouse to repose in his bosom for some time, he in●●iteth her again to those things which are more profitable for his service, not for●ing her against her will, but drawing her thereto, by giuing her a desire of good ●vorkes, to the end shee may fructify, and be profitable to him, who is her life, and ●or whom she holdeth it her lucre, and gain to die. 
Idem. Ibid. serm. 51.   
●5 Thus far S. Bernard, and in an another place: As oft saith he, as a ●ious, and devout soul leaveth contemplation, so oft it repaireth to action, to the end, ●hat from thence it may the more speedily, and familiarlie return again to contemplation, as from one near neighbour, to an other; for these two( to wit the ●ctiue, and contemplative life) are as it were chamberfellowes, and dwell togi●her, as Martha, was Maries sister.  
●6 Thus saith he, whereby we may see, that our Christian contemplation, when it is perfection, is still seconded with most excellent action, and fruit, in respect that the pure and fervent charity of our contemplatives, doth kindle in them such a zeal,& sincere love towards their brethren( in whom they aclowledge the true image of God) that they love them for Gods sake no less, or rather more then themselves, being ready even to give their lives for them, 
Rom. 9.  in imitation of our saviour Christ, yea, and to say with S. paul. Opto esse Anathema a Christo pro fratribus meis. I desire to be separated from Christ for my brethren, rather then they should perish.  
17 Seeing then our contemplation doth not exclude action, but admit, and require it in the highest degree of perfection, for the benefit of all men, it followeth, that it is most necessary for common wealth, wherein every man ought to desire, and seek rather the public good, then his own: in so much, that whosoever is a perfect contemplative, must needs be bonus civis, a good citizen, or member of the common wealth, as well for his sincere love towards all the other members, and parts thereof, and his endeavour to advance there good, as also for his perfection in all kind of virtue, wherein a perfect contemplative doth excel, as may appear by all the former discourse concerning contemplation, whereupon it also followeth, that Christian contemplation, is most requisite in every member, or part of the common wealth,& that therefore it may stand with the state of every man, of what lawful profession, or vocation soever he be, upon which point, I will somewhat enlarge myself, as a matter very important, and considerable for many respects.  
18 First then, I wish it to be considered, that Christian contemplation, is nothing else but the perfect practise of Christian religion, inducing and leading us to a perfect union with God, as it appeareth evidently in the last chapter whereupon two things are necessarily inferred. The one that whosoever is a perfect christian, he is also a perfect contemplative, f●● that being a perfect christian, he is perfectly united with almighty Go● the other is, that seeing in a christian common wealth, every man may and ought to be a perfect Christian, every one also may yea, and ought 〈◇〉 be a perfect contemplative, of what state, degree, or condition, soever he b●  
And to the end, it may be understood what is the perfection, which require in a perfect contemplative, or a perfect Christian, it is to be co●sidered that as there are two kindes of perfection in every thing, th● one, necessary for the accomplishment of the nature of it, and the oth●● necessary for the ornament of it: as for example, a man that hath a body& a soul is a perfect man( so far forth as concerneth the nature of ma● though he bee crooked, simplo and unlearned, but when he is witha● beautiful, wise, and learned, he hath then an other perfection, whic● maketh him perfect in a higher degree.  
19 So also a Christian man may be considered to haue two perfection● the one which is necessary to make him a true Christian, that is to say the son of God, and inheritor to the kingdom of heaven( which perfection consisteth in faith, and the observation of our saviours commandments: for other ways:) Christ were not a good lawmaker, if hi● law sufficed not to make the keeper of it, a perfect Christian) and th● other perfection, is necessary for his increase of merit here, and glory, in the other world, which kind of perfection, censisteth in the observation of the evangelical counsels.  
20 Of the first of these two perfections, the Apostle speaketh, where he saith to the Corinthians. Fratres gaudete, perfecti estote &c. Brethren rejoice, be perfect &c. And to the Phillippenses. 
● Cor. 13. ●●ilip. 3. jacob. 1.  Quicunque ergo perfecti sumus, hoc sentiamus. Therefore whosoever of us is perfect, let us think this. Also S. james of the same kind of perfection. Patience hath a perfect work, to the end you may be perfect, and entire, failing in nothing. that is to say, observing all that which pertaineth to the duty of a true Christian man. This I say is a perfection, consisting in the exact observation of the commandments of God. But of the other kind of perfection( consisting in the observation of our saviours counsels) he spake himself when he said to the rich young man. 
Matth. 19.  Si vis perfectus esse &c. If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell all, and give it to the poor, and thou shalt haue a treasure in heaven. Of which kind of perfection, I shall treat amply hereafter, as also of the evangelical counsels, wherein the same consisteth.  
21 Therefore it is to be understood, that the perfection necessary to make every man a perfect Christian or comtemplatiue, is not the later( which make not in dead compatible with the state,& vocation of every one) but the ●ormer, which may stand with every mans state, be he rich or poor, mari●d or single, noble or ignoble, prince or subject, master or seruant, a per●ection I mean consisting in the observation of those things, which ●uerie man without exception may perform in his vocation.  
●2 For our saviour Christ, when he came into the world, ment not to ●●fring,& break the law of nature, or any thing that was agreeable ther●o, but to adorn& perfect it. And therefore, whereas it is convenient, ●ea,& natural to common wealth to be composed of diuers vocations, ●ualities, and conditions of men, it is to be understood, that our saviour Christ meant not by Christian religion to prohibit, the lawful state, or condition of any man, but to make every man more perfect in his voca●ion,& more profitable to his common wealth: As that the prince by ●eing a Christian, should be perfect in his degree, the magistrates in ●hers, the soldiers in thers, the lawer, physician, merchant, artificer, ma●ied man, bachelor, master, seruant,& al other of what lawful quality, or condition soever, should every one of them be perfect in his degree, and ●ocation,( as may appear by the precepts of our saviour& his Apostls, 〈◇〉 the holy scriptures for men of al degrees,& states) so that he is to be ac●ounted a perfect Christian, or contemplative, who arriveth to the per●ection of Christian religion in his state, and vocation, though others in a ●ore perfect state of life, may be more perfect, and merit more then he.  
●3 Terefore, it is now to be considered wherein consisteth christian religion,& the duty of a true christian: for the which wee shal not need to seek any other master, or teacher, then our saviour Christ himself, in his divine sermon vpon the mountain, wherein as S. Aug. saith, 
Aug. lib. de serm. dom. in monte ca. 1.  he taught ●erfectum vitae Christianae modo, the true& perfect maner of Christian life, when he first published his admirable doctrine, consisting in poverty of spirit, in purity of hart, in remission of injuries, in suffering persecution, in the ●ove of our enemies, in perfect patience, in trust in his providence, 
Matth. 5.& 6. & in all perfection of life:& afterwards again when he assembled the people,& preached unto them perfect abnegation of their parents, children,& of themselves for the love of him,& finally, the daly& continual caraig of the cross, in al which, what taugh he but our christian religion, 
Marc. 8. luke. 14. & the duty of every christian man without exception? And therfore he concluded his sermon vpon the mountain with this notable similitude. every man saith he that he reth these my words& doth thē not, 
Matth. 7.  is like unto the fool that built his house vpon the sand,& the rain fel,& the land floods came,& the wind blw,& ouerthrw it,& the ruin of it was very great. Thus saith our savour, not only those who were present at his sermon, but also of al such as should either hear it by preaching, or red it in the holy scriptures, and especially of such should profess the Christian faith: and in like maner when he preach● to the people, the abnegation and hate of ourselves before mentione● he admonished them to cast their account, 
luke. 14.  and to consider well, wh●● they should take upon them by following him, and therefore he prop●sed unto them two similitudes: the one of a man that meaning to bui●● a tower sate down,& seriously weighed with himself, what it wou●● cost him: and the other of a king, who meaning to make war with another prince, did first duly consider, how he should be able to maintai● it, and concludeth: that even so every man should maturely ponder, 〈◇〉 weigh with himself, that except he renounce al those things, whic● he possesseth, he cannot be his disciple.  
24 But here perhaps some may think, that this doctrine of our Sau●our cannot be practised generally of all men in a common wealth, without the overthrow thereof, for if every man renounce, and forsake 〈◇〉 he hath, what form of common wealth may be imagined, where no man can haue any thing in possession, for the maintenance either 〈◇〉 himself, or of the common wealth: and if every man must forgive h●● enemies, without seeking reparation of wrongs, then the whole common wealth, is also bound by the same precept, to suffer itself to be oppressed, and overthrown, and can never defend itself, against forray● enemies, nor seek restitution: Besides that it seemeth to bee above th● power of our corrupt nature, to love our enemies, and that the continual carriage of the cross( which our saviour seemed to command) was but a counsel, and that therefore it bindeth only those which take upo● them a state of religious perfection, and belongeth not to secular men, 〈◇〉 whom a common wealth in great part consisteth.  
25 To all these doubts, I will answer particularly, and briefly: An● although I make no doubt, but that some part of our saviours doctrine before mentioned, is understood by some, and according to the rigou● of the letter may well be thought, rather to pertain to his counsels, the● his precepts, yet the same is interpnted by the holy fathers, that it toucheth al men alike, and may, yea and ought to be performed by every man of what degree or state soever he be.  
26 As first for the renounciation of wealth, and possessions, our venerable S. Bede saith notably thus. 
Beda. in 14. ●ucae.  Distat renunciare omnibus,& relinquer● omnia, &c. There is difference betwixt renouncing all things, and leaving, o● forsaking all things, for it belongeth but to a few and them men of great perfection, to forsake, and abandon all things, as to lay a side all care of the world, and to thirst only after eternal, and heavenly things: but it belongeth to every man, which professeth the faith of Christ, to renounce all things, that is to say, so to ●ould, and possess the commodities of the world, that he be not detained in the ●ove of the world by them: to haue temporal things only in use, and eternal things in desire, and so to deal in matters of the earth, that he may tend with all his ●ind,& affection to heavenly things. Thus saith S. Bede.  
●7 In like sort S. Augustin teacheth that the renounciation of riches, which our saviour requireth in his desiples, that is to say in Christians, ●eformed not only by those who forsake all that they haue and give it ●o the poor, 
D. Aug. ep: 86.  but also by him Qui plus diligence Christum &c. who loving Christ more then his riches, doth traunsfer his hope from them to him,& doth use ●hem in such sort, that he bestoeth and giveth them freely, and thereby layeth up a ●●easure in heaven, and is ready to forsake them, as also his parents, children, breth●en and wife, whensoeuer the cast, or exigent shall be such, that he cannot enjoy ●hem, except he fersake Christ. Thus saieth S. Augustin, who interpreteh in ●ike manner, that other commandment of our saviour. 
Mathew. 5. Aug. li. de. ser. Do. in monte. ca. 1.  If any man ●ricke thee one the right cheek, turn to him the left, and if any man contend with ●hee for thy coat, give him thy cloak, which precept( for so S. Augustin calleth ●t) is to be understood, saith he, of the promptitude, and preparation of ●arte to suffer all kind of injuries, and not of the execusion of it, in al ●asess. For that sometimes it is necessary as well for iustice sake, as for the ●epression of wicked men, that reparation of wrongs bee sought and procured, so that the party wronged do for his own parte, remit the ●niurie fully in his heart, and say with the prophet. 
Psal. 5.6.  Paratum cor meum Deus, paratum cor meum: My heart is ready o Lord, my heart is ready, too ●uffer this, and much more: and therefore S. Augustin concludeth thus. 
August. vb supra.  In his ergo omnibus generibus iniuriarum, &c. In all these kindes of injuries, our ●auiour teacheth us, that the mind of a Christian ought to be most patient, merciful, ●nd ready to suffer more.  
●8 Thus he. who also answereth to the same effect, concerning the common wealth, teaching how it may observe this Christian precept of patience, and yet make war as well to defend itself, as to offend an enemy. and to recover any thing that shallbe vniustlie taken away, and detained from it, sunt autem, saith he, 
August. ad Marcelli num ep. 5.  icta praecepta patientiae &c. These precepts of patience, are ever to be kept in the preparation and disposition of the heart, as also the good will never to render evil, for evil, is always to be fulfilled in will,& desire. Though many things may and must be done, even against the will, for the just punishment, and correction of wicked men, and so if earthly, or temporal common wealths observe these precepts of Christ, they shal make liquor even with benevolence, for the maintenance of piety, and iustice in a peaceable society, and for the benefit of their very enemies, in chastising, yea, and overcoming them, for he is overcome to his own good, who is thereby deprived of liberty to sin, seei●● that nothing is more unfortunate, then the felicity of sins, whereby their imp●nitie is nourished, and continued, for their further punishment, and their evil wi●●( which is their inward enemy) is still strengthened,& augmented. Thus far 〈◇〉 Augustin.  
29 Hereto I add further, that the precept of our saviour being understood, according to the rigour of the letter, bindeth only in some case and this our saviour himself taught us by his own practise( as S. A●gustin also observeth: 
Aug. Ibid. ) for although he received diverse contumelies, an● injuries without any contradiction, offering himself still to receive mo●●( according to his own precept) yet being strooken on the face befo●● Annas, he offered not his other cheek to receive an other blow, but e●postulated the matter with the striker, 
luke. 18.  saying. If I say ill, bear towns of th● evil, If I say well, why dost thou strike me, so that discretion( which is the mother of all virtues) is specially to be used, in the practise of this precep● as to consider when, and how far it may be convenient to fulfil it, fo● that it cannot be presumed that our saviour meant it should bind to th● hindrance of a greater good.  
30 Therefore to declare, in what case, it ought to be observed,& whe● not, it is evident that when a private man receiveth an injury, the sufferanc● whereof may bee to the glory of God, and edification of others, with out prejudice of the common wealth, or of any other person but himself, then he may with great merit, and is in christian perfection boun● to yield so much of his own right, as not to demand reparation of th● wrong: but when the toleration of the injury, may redound either t● the dishonour of God, or to the damage of the weal public, or of an● third person, yea or to the increase of the offenders insolency and offence( whereas by his correction, and chastisement, there might be hop● of his amendment) the wronged ought not to dissemble the injury, bu● to seek a lawful reparation by way of iustice,& yet so, that he do it without all rancour, or desire of reuenge,& with a pious compassion of his aduersaries offence& punishment: And this I doubt not but many goo● Christians do fully perform, as all men may, and are bound to do● in like case, as well for the public good, which must needs redound thereof to the common wealth, as for the discharge of every man● duty towards God, and his neighbour, in regard of our Sauiour● precept, especially, seeing the remission of our sins, dependeth thereon, according to the express words of our saviour, who therefore taught us to pray to him, to bee forgiven as we forgive. And thus it appeareth, that this precept of remission of injuries, being practised in this sort, as I haue here declared, is not only most pious, but also most political, and necessary for the common wealth, of which point I haue also said somewhat before, and mean to treat more amply hereafter, 
Chap. 24.  for the confutation of certain frivolous objections of macchiavel touching our Christian man●uetude.  
●1 And now to say somewhat, concerning the precept to love our enemies S. jerome saith thereof thus. Multa praecepta Dei, 
Hieron. in 5. ca. Matth.  &c. Many men waighing the precepts of God by their own imbecility, and not by the strength ●f good, and holy men, think them impossible to be observed, and say that it suffi●eth to virtue, not to hate our enemies, and that whereas we are commanded ●o love them, the precept exceedeth the power of mans nature, it is therefore to and understood, that Christ commandeth not impossible, but perfect things, such ●s david performed towards 
1. Reg. 23.  Saule, and 
2. Reg. 18.  Absalon; and 
Act. 7.  steven the martyr ●owards his persecutors; and 
Rom. 9.  paul desired to be separated from God, for the ●aluation of those which persecuted him, and 
luke. 23.  Iesus himself, both taught, and ●ractised the same, saying father pardon them, for they know not what they do. Thus saith S. jerome, which may bee confirmed out of S. chrysostom, explicating notably how this precept is fulfilled.  
32 Sicut quod dictum est, saith he, non concupisces, 
Chrisost. in ca. Matth. 5.  &c. As that which is said in the commandment, thou shalt not covet, was not said to the flesh, but to the soul, so also, it is to bee understood of this precept( that it was given to the soul, and not to the flesh) for our flesh cannot love our enemy, but our soul may, and the reason is, that the love or hatred of the flesh consisteth in sense, but the love, or hatred of the soul is in the understanding; therefore when, being hurt, or wronged by any man, we feel in our harts, a hatred towards him, and desire of reuenge, and yet forbear to execute it, then our flesh hateth our enemy, and our soul loveth him. Thus saith S. chrysostom, 
D. Gregor. li. 22. moral. 6. 10.& 11.  to whom I will add a notable discourse of S. Gregory concerning the same precept. Inimici autem dilectio, saith he, veraciter custoditur, &c. The love of our enemy is truly kept, or performed, when we neither are sorry for his rising, nor glad of his fall, and yet it may many times so fall out, that we may with charity rejoice at his ruin, and without envy be sorry for his aduancement, as when we beleeue that by his fall some good men will rise to Gods glory, and by his rising some others may vniustlie bee oppressed; but in this point wee had need to examine ourselves discreetelie, least wee bee deceived, and under the colour of other mens hurt, or profit, give way to our own hatred, and therefore we must well weigh what min● wee ought to bear concerning the punishment of an offender, and th● iustice of the punisher, for when almighty God doth strike and punis● a wicked man, we ought not only to rejoice at the iustice of th● judge, but also to haue compation of the misery of him, that is punis●ed. Thus saith S Grigorie: And thus wee see, how our saviours precep● of the love of our enemies, may with the help of Gods grace easily bee fulfiled by any man of what state, or condition soever h● bee.  

Chrisost. ho. 36. Theoph. author. op. imp. ho. 26.  33 And now to conclude with the cairage of the cross. S. Chriostom● Theophilactus, and some others expound, that precept to be vnderstoo● of the ready preparation of our will to die for Christ, when occasion sha●● require, to the end we may always truly say with S. Peter. Domine tecu● paratus sum &c. Lord I am ready to go with thee to prison, yea to death. though S. hilary Eutyhmius, 
luke. 22. Hilar. in cap. 10. Matth. Euthym. in ca. 14. Lucae Gal. 6.  and others extend it further, to wit, to the cont●nuall mortification of ourselves, in such sort, that wee may say wit● the Apostle. mihi mundus crucifixus est& ego mundo. The world is crucifi●● to me, and I to the world. And how necessary this is to every Christia● man, the same Apostle teacheth also saying. Qui Christi sunt, carnem sua crucifixerunt cum vitijs& concupiscentijs suis. Those which are Christs, haue crucifi●● their flesh wit their vices& concupisences. so that he only may make accou●● to be Christs( that is to say a perfect christian) who crucifieth his own passions, 
Ibid. 11.  affections, and concucupiscences, practiseth perfect patienc● remitteth injuries, and is ready to abandō parents, wife, children, fri●des, lands and goods, yea and his one life, rather then to offend God i● the least thing in the world, and from this abnegation no man is excepted, be he prince or subject, public, or private person, rich, or poor● and whosoever dischargeth his duty in this behalf, performeth, tha● which is requisite to the christian perfection, whereof I now speak● which as I haue said, doth not of necessity require of secular men, an● other renounciation, or contempt of honours, dignity, substance, an● wealth, but such as may stand with the lawful use& possession of the● To which purpose the psalmist saith. 
psalm. 61. 1. cor. 7.  divitiae si affluant nolite cor apponere. 〈◇〉 your riches abound do not set yeur harts thereon: and the Apostle in like man● adviseth married men to haue wives, tanquam non habentes, as though th● had none, and rich men to enjoy the commodities of the world, ta●quam non possidentes as though they possessed them not, and to use the worl● itself, tanquam non utantur, as that they had no ice of it at all, having always before their eyes, the instability, frailty, and deceitful casua●litie thereof.  
34 And this, the very philosophers required in some sort, not only of ●heir wise, and contemplative men, but also of every man, and therefore, Seneca saith of riches, thus. No man is worthy of God, 
Senec. ep. 18.  but he which ●espiseth riches, whereof, I do not deny thee the use, but only would haue thee to ●●ssesse them with quietness of mind, which thou shalt do in some sort, if thou per●vade thyself, that thou mayst live happily without them, and dost regard ●●em, as things that are transitory, and shall perish. And again, it is, saith he, great, and rare matter not to be corrupted with the use of riches, 
Idem ep. 20.  and he may be ●unted a great, and notable man, who in riches is poor, but he is most secure that ●ath them not.  
Thus saith, Seneca, teaching, as we Christians do, not only contempt ●f riches, and a certain poverty of spirit in the abundance of worldly ●ealth, but also the great danger, that doth accompany them, and the ●ecurity of a poor, and mean estate. Though nevertheless, this diffe●ence is to be noted, betwixt our doctrine, and his, that he requireth the ●ontempt of riches to avoid partly the distraction,& vexation of mind, ●nd partly the corruption of manners, which commonly groweth of the ●nordinat love thereof; and we require it, not only for those reasons, which are indeed very important, but much more for the love of God, ●nd to imitate the volontary poverty of our saviour Christ, 
Marc. 4.  and that we ●ay the better, and more easily observe his commandments, who ●herefore compareth riches to thorns, 
Math. 5.  which chooke up the seed of Gods word in the harts of men, and not only assigneth poverty for the ●●rst beatitude, 
luke. 6.  but also saith of rich men( such I mean as place their ●onfidence, and felicity in riches) that it is as hard for them to enter into the kingdom of heaven, as for a camel to pass through the eye of an nedel. 
Matth. 19.   
●6 Now then to come to the more particular answer of the objection wherein it was supposed, that the state of princes, noble men, rich men, ●ouldiars, merchants, married men,& such others, cannot stand with contemplation: I say, that as all lawful states, or conditions of life in common wealth, admit the perfect practise of Christian religion, so also they consequently admit contemplation, which( as I haue signified sufficient●y before) is nothing else but, the perfect practise of Christian religion, consisting in prayer, accompanied, with the fervent love of God, and charity towards our neighbour, purity of conscience, resignation of will, and other Christian virtues, from the use and practise whereof, no man is excluded, and therefore, as any man may be a perfect Christian in any degree, or lawful vocation, 
S. Gregor. in Ezechi. li. 2. Ho. 17.  so also he may be a perfect contemplative as S. Gregory teacheth expressly in these words, contemplationis gratia &c. The grace of contemplation is not given to the highest or greatest, and not to the least, but oft times to the highest, and oft to the lowest, and sometimes to the married men, though it is most frequent in those that a● removed or sequestered from the world: if therefore no estate, or vo●●tion of the faithful, bee excluded from the grace of contemplation, followeth that whosoever hath his hart recollected within himsel●● may bee partaker of the light thereof: Thus saith S. Gregory: here●● there is daily experience, and always hath been, as shall appear in t●● next chapter.   

To prove that any Christian man may bee a perfect contemplative in any lav●full vocation, diuers exampls are alleged of holy, and contemplative King● Wherouppon it is inferred, that meaner men, who haue less occasion to ●●uert themselves from contemplation, may bee perfect contemplatives. CHAP. 23.  
1 ALthough many fearing the danger, which doth common●● accompany worldly wealth, honours& business, do retire themselves wholly from the affairs of the world,& abandon all th● commodities, and pleasures thereof, to the end, they may th● more easily be united with God by perfect love,& contemplation, nevertheless there may be,& ever hath been great contemplatives of me● of al sorts, degrees,& conditions in every country, and common wealth yea, of those whose states seem most incompatible with contemplatiō by reason of there abundance of all seely honours, wealth, pomp& pleasures, and of their continual occupation in affairs& business, mean kings and princes, of whom, I will allege some few example● partly of those who living, 
job. 29 Vide Bed. in comment. in job. c. 29. Theophanes ep. 2. de patientia. Isidor. de vita& morte Sanctor. Caesarius dia. 3. Vide Pineda in job. job. ca. 1. 29. 30.& 31.  either under the law of nature, or law o● Moyses, believed in Christ, that then was to come, and partly o● Christians, that haue professed the faith of Christ, since his coming.  
2 The first shall be job, who being king of Edom,& flowing in prosperity, and worldie wealth, was replenished with al those virtues, which a●● requisite to the perfection of contemplation, in a man of his estate, as tru● humility, contempt of the riches and honours wherein he abounded mansuetude, patience, charity, and pity to the poor, conjugal chastity iustice, purity of hart, and the fervent love of God, as appeareth in th● holy scriptures, which make him a very mirror of all virtue, besid● that S. Bernard proposeth him for a perfect pattern both of the contemplative,& the active life, gathering the same out of his own words, when he said. Si dormiero dicam quando surgam,& rursus expectabo vesperam. If I sleep or repose, I will say when shall I rise, and then again, 
Ibid. 7.  I will expect ●●e evening: meaning saith S. Bernard, that when he had reposed in the eue●ing or night of contemplation, he desired the morning, that he might ●rise to action,& then again expected the evening, to the end he ●ight return to repose of contemplation: Thus saith S. Bernard, 
D. Bern. ser. de cantico. regis Ezech.  and ●hat heavenly contemplations, job received in his contemplative exercise,& prayer, it may be gathered by the revelations, and gift of prophe●●e which he had, even in his affliction, and by the favour which al●ighty God did him to speak to him, yea& to appear unto him, as 〈◇〉 seemed by the words of job, saying. I haue heard thee o Lord with my ears, 
Cap. 42.  ●●d now my eyes also see thee.  
And who may be counted, or was in deed more contemplative then Moyses, being so united with God, and so familiar with him, that God ●alled him. Fidelissimum in omni domo sua. 
Num. 12.  The most faithful seruant in all his ●●use, and talked with him face to face, and shewed himself unto him, not ●s he did to others, by representations, and figures, 
Ibid. S. Aug. de Symbolo ad Catecumenos li. 4. c. 3.& in Genes. ad litter. D. Tho. 22. q. 174. ar. 4. c.  but palàm saith the scripture, manifestly, in so much, that some of the Fathers hold, that he saw ●he very essence of God: And yet never any man had more cause of dis●raction from contemplation then he, having the conduct of such per●erse people, so mutinous, and rebellious, through so many dangers, in ●he desert, for so many yeares together, that if we should measure him ●y the humour, and custom of worldly men, we might think he should ●ave little list, and less leisure to attend to contemplation, but he being ●ndewed with heavenly wisdom,& grace, and knowing that al states ●tand principally by the protection of God, sought the assurance of his state,& the good success of his actions, by the means of contemplatiō, ●ssuring himself that his union with God, would be a means to unite ●he people with God and him,& therefore he joined together the con●emplatiue, and active life in al perfection.  
● This S. Gregory observeth saying of him, 
D. Gregor. de p●st. cura. par. 2. c 5.  that he went continually in& out of ●he tabernacle,& that whiles he was there, he was ravished in comtemplation,& whiles he was abroad, he attended to negotiation,& that in the tabernacle, he ●id contemplat the heavenly secrets of almighty God,& abroad, he bore the heavy burden ●f his earthly charge. And how aualeable his contemplatiō was to his state,& to al his subiects, it appeareth sufficiently by their victory against the Amalecits, obtained by his prayers, vpon the mountain, 
Exod. 17. Exod. 31.& 32. num. 14.& 21.  whiles Iosue and his army fought, as also by his frequent pacification of Gods wrath towards thē when God had determined other ways to destroy thē for their sins.  
5 In like manner, was their ever a greater comtemplatiue then king david, seeing that neither the pomp of his royal dignity, nor the plenty of his princely wealth, nor the prosperous course of his victories, nor yet 〈◇〉 serious occupation in public affairs, could with hold him, from t●● continual and exact exercise of contemplation? For, as he testifieth himself, he used to 
Psal. 142.  meditat on all the works of God, to 
Psal. 76.  swepe, and cle●● his spirit, or conscience by diligent examination, to 
Psal. 6.  irish his bed every nig●● with tears, to 
Psal. 118.  praise God seven times in the day, and to 
Ibidem.  rise at midnight to co●fesse him, and further, that in this 
Psal. 38.  meditations, he felt a burning heat, a●● such abundant consolation, that he inviteth all men to the trial, a●● taste thereof by his own experience, saying. 
Psal. 39.  Gustate,& videte, quoni● suauis est Dominus. taste, and see, for our Lord is sweet; and so fervent was 〈◇〉 love to God,( which is most requisite to contemplation) that he comp●red it to a continual Thirst. 
Psal. 41.  Citiuit, saith he, anima mea ad Deum font● viuum; My soul hath thirsted after God, who is the living fountain; yea, a●● so vehement, was his burning, and languishing love to God, that 〈◇〉 very soul fainted, 
Psal. 83.  and, as it were, melted there with: Concupiscit, saith 〈◇〉 & deficit anima mea in atria Domini: that is to say, so ardent, and feruoro●● is my love to my Lord, and so excessive my desire of the joys of 〈◇〉 kingdom, that my soul feigneth, and faileth me, in the contemplati●● thereof. Thus saith he, signifying the Extases, or rapts which he had, 〈◇〉 doubt, many times in his meditations, no less then the other prophet of God, in whom the same were ordinary. If therefore kings, and prin●● were so contemplative in the law of nature, and the law of Moyses, wh● may they now be in the law of grace?  
6 This may appear by many notable Christian princes in all countrye● who haue excelled in Christian contemplation, and haue been so vnit● with God thereby, that their memory remaineth glorious in the church which hath canonised very many of them for Saints, as namely Hen●● duke of Bauyer, the first Emperour of that name, two Wenceslai kin● of Boemia, 
S. Beda eccles hist. gentis Angelic.  Lewis king of France, Lucius, Sebbi, Sigbert, Oswald, Oswy● Edmond, and the two Edwards, the martyr, and confessor kings of E●gland, Canutus, king of denmark, Lewis the ninth king of france, St●phen king of Hungary. 
Bosius de sig. Eccle. li. 11. c. 1. sig. 50. To. 1.  Cazimirus king of Polonia, Henricus king of Slauoni● Olaus king of Norway: Pelagius king of spain, and diverse others who● I omit for brevities sake, whose lives were so exemplar to the world, 〈◇〉 acceptable to almighty God, that his divine Majesty glorified them wit● notable, and evident miracles, partly whiles they lived, and partly aft●● their deaths, where upon followed their canonization by the hol● Church, to the greater glory of God, and their eternal honour, as well i● earth as in heaven.  
7 Henry the Emperour aforenamed, was no less renowned,& famous for his prows in war, then for his iustice, and religious piety in peace, whereby he greatly advanced the christian faith, for he subdued first the Vandals and Boemians( who being then infidls, infested greatly the christian empire) and after expelled the Saracins out of Italy, in which warres and diuers others, he shewed more confidence to God, 
Bonfin. de reb. Hung. des. 2 li 1. Baron. an. 1022.  then in his own force, and therefore he always made his whole army communicate, and received the Blessed Sacrament before he gave battle, and used also himself very great and extraordinary deuotions, whereby he had sometimes, miraculous victories, being assisted by Angels, whom he saw other whiles go before his army together with S. Lawrence, S. George and S. Adrian, to whom he had particular devotion. And such was his care and desire to advance by al means, the glory and service of God,& the propagation of christian religion, that he procured the conversion of the Hungarians, in so much, that he was called by many their Apostle. Besides that he was so pious towards the Church, that he partly founded ●nd partly restored, and repaired many monasteries,& Cathedral Churches, being withall most liberal to the poor, and wounderfully addict to all works of piety, which he accompanied with such fervour of devotion, that he was no less contemplative in frequent, or rather continual prayer, then active in procuring the good of others: in so much, that it is written of him, that he passed sometimes whole nights in contemplation in diuers Churches, and places of devotion, and that also he received there very great and particular favours, and consolations of almighty God, by visions, and revelations, and sometimes by raps, and as Rubertus witnesseth: he never determined, 
Rupert in vit. S. Hereberti.  or attempted any matter of ●mportance concerning himself, and others, but he first disposed himself thereto by prayer, and alms, vt mens eius saith he, & actus caelesti regimine gubernarentur, to the end, that his mind, and action might be governed by heavenly direction.  
8 Furthermore, amongst many other most excellent virtues, which he had in great perfection, one was most singular, and rare in a man of his state, to wit, such contenencie, and entire chastity of life, that although he was married many yeares, to satisfy the importunity of his subiects, 
Baron. an. 10 24. ex Leone ostensi. li. 2. c. 47.  who pressed him thereto, yet both he and the Empresse, his wife( called Cuneguntis) by mutual consent, lived chast all their lives, as appeareth at this death, at what time he said to her friends, in her own presence, that he restored her unto them a virgin as he received her of them, which was sufficiently testified to be true, by her own virtuous life, both before his death, and after, whereby shee merited, to be canonised also for a Saint, as well as he.  
9 And such was his religious humility, and reverent respect to th● clergy, 
Baron. an. 1006. Ditmarus. in Chron. Baron. an. 1007.  that being present in a synod of Bishops at Francford, he prostrated himself upon the ground, before he would speak unto them, an● would not arise until Willegisus Arch-Bishop of Mentz, lifted him up, a● Ditmarus bishop of Meresburg( who was present) testifieth. Also whe● Romualdus the Abbot of S. Emeran died, and was to be butted, the Emperour would needs help to carry him to his grave, and so did, bearin● parte of the beer on his shoulders. Finally being by the evil counsel,& calumniations of some abused for a time, and wholly averted from th● holy bishop of Colen Herebert, and admonished at length by a vision in hi● sleep, of the bishops innocency, and sanctity, he went unto him, an● laid himself prostrat at his feet, craving pardon of him for the wrong opinion which he conceived of him.  
10 And to conclude, though to avoyde prolixity, I am forced to let pass many notable things which might be observed in his life, I can not omit one, to show by his example, the benefit which groweth of th● continual meditation, and expectation of death, which is most proper t● the contemplative life.  

Surius in vita S. Henreci. 14. julij. vide Baron. an. 1007.  This Henry, before he was Emperour being one night long at his deuotions in Ratisbone, in the abbey, and at the tomb of S. Emeran, understood by revelation that there was a writing in a wall near to the sepulchar of S. Wolfgang which he was admonished to take out,& read and therein he found only two words, to wit, post sex, after six, whic● when he saw, he imagined that it might be some forewarning of hi● death to ensue within six daies, whereupon he prepared himself, to die with all care, and diligence, and seeing the six daies pass without th● effect, which he expected, he persevered in his former preparation, fo● six weekes, and when he saw his expectation also deceived therein, h● continued the same first for six months, and after for six yeares, whic● being expired, it pleased God to fulfil the prophecy, though not as he● expected, for upon the first day of the seventh year, he was chose● Emperour, having in the mean time laid such a sound foundation o● virtue, by means of his continual preparation for death, that hi● imperial honours could never change his manners, in so much that fo● the two and twenty yeares, which after the count of the Germans he reigned most prosperously, he still continued his former course, o● true piety, and virtue: Whereby we may see, how true it is which th● Preacher saith. 
Eccles. 7.  Memorare nouissima tua,& in aeternum non peccabis. Remember always thy last, that is to say thy end, and thou shalt never sin Thus much for the emperour Henry.  
11 The other two of whom I haue promised to treat, shallbe of our own country, the one a martyr,& the other a Confessor, to wit, S. Oswald, and S. Edward, S. Oswald being first a Pagan, and converted to the christian faith in Scotland, whiles he was banished there, came, by the death of his brother Eangfred, to bee king of Northumberland, and was so eminent in all virtue, 
Beda. histor Anglic. li. 3. c. 1.  that it is hard to say, whether he excelled more in the contemplative, or in the active life: For first to speak of his contemplation, S. Bede witnesseth that his devotion was such, that from the time of matins( which was at midnight) he continued very oft in prayer until it was day, 
Beda. histor. Anglic. li. 3. c. 12.  and that being accustomed always to hold up his hands towards heaven, when he prayed, he got such a habit by the frequent use thereof, that whensoever he sate, he held his hands upright.  
●2 And of this his devotion proceeded no doubt the fervour, and zeal he had to pious actions, and to all works of charity, as first to gain sinners to God, wherein he laboured notably: For having procured the bishop Aidan to come from Scotland to preach to his people, who were then Pagans, and understood not the Scottish tongue, he was content to be the bishops interpreter, expounding in the Saxon tongue that which the bishop preached in Scottish, whereby he converted them speedily to the christian faith, and calling into England many religious men to labour in that harvest, and vineard of almighty God, he bestowed liberally for their maintenance, and built many Monasteries, and Churches, in so much, that within a while, the Christian religion flourished notably in his dominion, which therefore it pleased almighty God to enlarge in such sort, that within a few yeares, all the princes of Britanny( which as S. Bede witnesseth were then divided into four tongues, to wit Britons, Picts, Scots and English) became subject unto him, and yet nevertheless saith he ●auperibus,& perigrinis semper humilis, benignus,& largus fuit, 
Ibid.  he was always humble, benign and liberal towards the poor, and strangers: whereto Polidore addeth, 
Po●id. Virgil. li. 4.  that Mira fuit in homine sanctitas &c. His sanctity ●r holiness was unsuccessful,& his love to piety, for he never rendered evil for evil, but following the example of our saviour Christ, the king of kings, wished well to his very enemies,& to those who had done him injury, desiring to do good to all men, he visited& comforted the sick; he released prisoners, he paid the debts of such as were poor,& not able to pay them, he defended widows,& punished their oppressors. finally his piety, and liberality to the poor, was suc● that understanding once whiles he was at dinner, 
Beda. histor. Anglic. li. 3. ca. 6.  that there were many poor folkes at the court gate, he caused a silver platter full of meate t● be carried unto them from his own table, and not only the meate, bu● also the dish, to be distributed amongst them, which when the holy bishop Aidam, who dined with him saw, he took him by the right hand and said. Nunquam putrescat haec manus. God grant this hand may never ro●● Whereof, 
Idim. Ibid.& Polid. verg. li. 4.  S. Bede noteth a notable effect, witnessing, that his arm, an● hand, being cut of from his body by the balsams, when he was slain and after recovered by his successor, remained incorrupt until hi● time, who also addeth that. Loculo inclusae argenteo in ecclesia Sancti Petri seruantur& digno a cunctis honore venerantur. they are kept saith he, enclosed in silver case, in the city called Bella, and the Church of S. Peter, where they ar● worthilie reverenced of all men. Thus saith S. Bede.  
13 moreover this great charity, and devotion of this holy king i● time of peace, was accompanied with noe less valour in time of warr● as may appear by the great overthrow he gave to Caduallo Britons, whom he slw, and a great part of his huge army, delivering the English natio● from the most fierce, and potent enemy, that they had of many yeare● in which wars he also shewed the great piety, and confidence in God which concurred with all his other actions. For being come to th● place of battle, 
Beda. li. 3. ca. 2.  he cased a cross to bee made, saith S. Bede, with al speed, and a hole to be digged, wherein he set it, with his own hand and held it up until it was fastened there by his soldiers, which bein● donne, he commanded all his army to gail down with him, and t● pray to God for victory, 
Idem Ibid.  in respect that their war, and quarrel was just, and so saith S. Bede, the next morning setting upon their enemies Iuxta meritum suae fidei victoria potiti sunt: According to the merit of his faith they obtained the victory. And S. Bede further addeth, that in the same plac● of his prayer. Innumerae virtutes sanitatum, noscuntar, esse patratae, ad indicium videlicet,& memoriam fidei regis, There are saith he, innumerable mirac●● done vpon the diseased in the recovery of their health, in token, and memory of th● kings faith.  
14 And this devout valour, or valorous devotion, he shewed also i● the like occasions, and specially in the last battle which he gave to th● Pogan king of the Mercians called Penda, against whom he made warr● for the defence of Christian religion, in which battle it pleased God, to suffer him to be slain to give him the crown of Martiredome. For, his army being discomfited, and he himself so environed with his enemies, that he saw he was presently to die, such was his charietie, that he was more careful for the souls of his soldiers, then for his own, in so ●uch that he was slain praing for them: whereupon their grew this ●rouerbe. God haue mercy on their souls, quoth King Oswald, 
Beda. hist. Anglic. li. 3. ca. 12.  when he vas killed ●●mselfe. And how great( saith S. Bede) was his faith to God, and his devotion, appeareth after his death by many miracles, for in the very place, where he died ●●●ting against the Painimes, many diseased persons, and sick cattle do still recover ●●eir health. Thus saith S. Bede, who recounteth amply, and particularly ●●rie many euedent, and famous miracles, which it pleased God to show ●●well at his tomb, as at the place where he was martyred, and this shall ●●ffise for king Oswald. Wherein I wish thee good Reader, to note by the ●●ay of what religion he was, and others in our country, in that our pri●itiue Church, seeing he set up crosses, and prayed for the dead, and ●●at relics of Saints, were so reverenced in those daies, which was a ●housand yeares ago.  
And now to say somewhat of king Edward, commonly called the ●●nfessor, The famed of his great virtue, and devotion, and the testimony, ●●at God gave thereto, by many manifest miracles, is so notorious, that 〈◇〉 cannot bee doubted, but that he was a most perfect contemplative, ●reatlie united with almighty God, and highly in his favour:& therefore Polidor vergil, observeth very well of him, 
Polid. Verg. hist. Anglic. li. ●.  that God gave him a continual and prosperous peace, for ninteene yeares together, to the end he ●ight the better, and more fully satisfy his holy desire in the contem●lation of heavenly things, which was, saith he, all his study, and de●ight, and therefore Mathew of Westmister calleth him. Regem pacificum, 
Math. West. an. 1065.  Angliae dicus, indagatorem solertissimum: A peaceable king, the ornament of ●ngland, and a most diligent searcher of the heavenly secrets.  
And although he was counted simplo( being so humble and meek, ●hat he could not be angry, and therefore was held at the first to be unfit ●o govern) yet as Willam of Malmesbury writeth of him, he was won●erfull reverenced of his subiects, and greatly feared of his enemies, & ●ouebat saith he, eius simplicitatem Deus, vt posset timeri qui nesciret irascij, and God fostered, and protected his simplicity, to the end he might be feared, 
G●liel. Malm.  who could not be angry. Thus saith Willam of Malmesbury, who lived in his time, or presently after. And further testified of him, that amid the business, ind affairs of his kingdom he led an Angels life, being affable, and courteous even to the poorest, liberal to all good, and religious men, an enemy of exactions, spare of diet: And though he was rich, and sumptuous in his royal robes, upon festival daies( as was fit for the dignity of his person) yet it euedentlie appeareth, that he rather sought Gods glory therein, then his own delictation: His only warldly recreation, was hunting, and hawking, whereto nevertheless 〈◇〉 would never attend, saith the same author, until he had heard deui● service; his love to his people was singular, as appeareth both by 〈◇〉 remission of the great and grievous impositions laid upon them, 〈◇〉 his predecessors, as also by the care he took of the administration 〈◇〉 Iustice, 
A●red. in vit. Edwar.  and of the ordinance of good laws; his chastity was adm●rable, insomuch, that having married a faire and beautiful Lad● at the earnest suite, and request of his nobility, he persuaded her 〈◇〉 make a vow of chastity, and so they lived both of them contine● during their lives: And so he was( as Alredus writeth of him) hu●ble towards priests, pitiful to the poor, a father of orphans, a p●tron of widows, 
Ared. in vit. Ed. var.  and a contemner of riches. finally his purity 〈◇〉 conscience, and fervour of devotion in prayer, and contemplation v● such, that God imparted unto him exceeding favours, of visions, r●uelations, and the spirit of prophesy, besides many famous miracl● which God wrought by him, 
G●lic●. Malmesbur.  both in his life, and after his death, 〈◇〉 all the authors that writ of him do testify, and is evident also 〈◇〉 the hereditary gift or grace of God given to his successors to heal th● disease, 
●olid. Virg. hist. Anglic. li. 8. Ibidem.  called the Kings evil, and to bless rings for the cramp, a● falling sickness, which was practised by the kings of England fro● his time, so long as catholic religion remained there.  
16 Now then of these examples I infer two things, the fir● concerning kings and princes, to wit, how erroneous, and impio● is the suggestion that sicophants commonly use to whisper into the ears, that the devotion, and religious piety, which I call contemplation, is more fit for cloisters, then for courts, and better beseemin● monks, or priests then princes: whereas it appeareth, by the foresai● examples, and many others which might be alleged, that neither the princes power, nor his dignity, and majesty, nor his lawful recreations, nor the defence of his state, and person, nor yet the iu● offence of his enemies, is any way hindered by his integrity of conscience, and religious devotion: but his power increased by the assistance of the divine power, his dignity, and majesty augmented, hi● recreations made more sweet, and pleasant, his state assured, his enemies daunted, his name eternised, and his kingdom, or dominio● translated in the end, from earth to heaven, and from misery to immortality, and everlasting glory.  

2. ●●g 6.  17 And therefore when Michol daughter to king Saul despised, and derided king david her husband, for dancing in levites attire before th● A●ke of God( when it was removed from the house of Ob●d●●●● ●to the city of david) he said unto her, that seeing God had cho●n him, rather then her father, or any of his house, to be king of ●s people, he would the more humble himself in his own sight, to ●he honour, and praise to God, not doubting but he should by that ●eanes be more glorious even in the sight of men: and how much and irreligious vanity of Michol, displeased almighty God, 
Ibid.  the scrip●re, declareth, signifying that in punishment thereof she became ●rrein.  
This religious humility, and fervent devotion of king david, see●ed to S. Gregory, more laudable and admirable, then his great valour ●d victories in war, and therefore he saith notably thus. 
D. Greg. exposanoral. li. 27. in c. 37. job. 1. Reg. 16.17.  Let us ●sider, saith he, what great gifts, and virtues david received of al●ghtie God, and how humble he was withall, for who would not ●ue benne extolled in mind, if he had broken the jaws of lions, ●membred bears, and overthrown a giant, as david did? Or if ●ing a private man he had been annoynted king in steede of one al●adie in possession, and in the end obeyed of all without contradi●ion, as david was? 
2. Reg 3. 2. Reg. 16.  And yet when the ark of God was removed to ●erusalem, he danced before it amongst the common people, as ●ough he had been no better then they, and so he, whom God ●d preferred before all men, contemned himself for the love of God ●d matching himself with the meanest, neither remembered his ●incelie power, not yet feared, that by dancing before the ark, and should be less esteemed of his subiects, but acknowledged him●lfe, as mean as the meanest, to render honour to God, who had 〈◇〉 highly honoured him. What other men think of his act, I now not, but for my part I more admire him dancing then figh●ng, for when he fought he subdued his enemies, but when he ●aunced before the ark of God, he overcame himself.  
●● Thus saith, S. Gregory, giuing therein a notable document to ●rinces, co consider by the example of king david, how honourable 〈◇〉 is for them to humble themselves in matters that appertain to the ●onour and service of God, thereby to aclowledge of whom they ●ould their honour, and state, and to show themselves grateful ●o him for the same: as not only king david did when he daun●ed before the ark, but also our good king Oswald, when he ●as content( as I haue signified before) to be interpreter betwixt ●he Bishop Aidan, and his people for their instruction in the faith, ●nd erected a cross, holding it up, with his own hands, until his soldiers had fastened it in the earth. And the like also may be observed in that which I signified of the holy emperour henry. w● helped ro carry on his shoulders, the body of S. Romoald, to his burial, 〈◇〉 laid himself prostrat before the Bishops in a synod at Francford. 
Alr●d in vit. Edward.  Wher● I may add a rare example of religious humility& piety, in king Edw● the Confessor, not mentioned before, to wit, that he disdained no● carry on his back, an Irish cripple, born lame, and strangely deform● from his palace at Westmister, unto S. Peters Church, for that the cri● humbly requested the same of him, having had as he said, a reuelati● that he should recover his legs, if the king would do him the char● to bear him one his back to the Church: And it pleased God to glor● himself in the humility, and charity of this holy king, that the cri● was cured of his lamnes in the sight of all the people, whiles he was upon the kings back.  

Baron. an. 6 28.  20 But most nitable in this kind, was the example of Heraclius, the emperor, who having recovered out of Persia, the holy cross, where our saviour suffered( which the Persians had before taken away fro● jerusalem) carried it up to the mount calvary, upon his own sho●ders bare footed, and simply apparelled, having attempted before to ca● it in his ryall robes, which he could not do, nor so much, as remove o● foot with it, until he had put them of. Whereby almighty God taug● him, and all princes to humiliat themselves in his sight, and to consid● that though they are more potent, and mighty then other men, and w●thylie honoured, obeyed, and served of their subiects, yet before hi● they are but terra& cinis, earth and ashes, that is to say, made of the sa● mould, that other men are, and as subject to him, as the meanest. Th● much for the first point, which I wish to be observed in the example before alleged.  
21 The other is that for as much as the greatest emperours, and king● may be perfect contemplatives, without prejudice, yea, and with inco●parable benefit to themselves, and their states, it cannat be denied, b● that inferior persons, of what degree, or state soever they be may al● arrive to the perfection of contemplation, seeing they haue less ca● of distraction, and that nothing is required thereunto( as I haue amp● shewed already) but the grace of God, and the perfection of Christia● religion, which doth stand with every mans state,& vocation& is t● only means to perfect the same.  
22 Therefore although in respect of the infirmity, and malignity 〈◇〉 mans nature, it cannot be expected, that every one in the commo●wealth, shallbe contemplative, or truly religious, yet it is evident, by 〈◇〉 this former discourse, that every one may be, and that the greater is th● number of contemplatives in the common wealth, the more happy it is, ●nd consequently, that the true felicity of common wealth consisteth ●n christian contemplation, not only in respect of the ineffable conso●tions spiritual, and taste of immortality, which every member thereof, may even in this life receive thereby( as I haue proved at large in the ●1. chapter) but also of the temporal favour and protection of almigh●e God, redounding thereof both to the whole state in general, and to ●uery one in particular, as I will prove more particularly in the third ●arte of this treatise, when I shall treat of the different fruit of true, ●nd false religion in kingdoms and states.   

●ertaine frivolous objections of macchiavel against Christian religion are answered, and his impiety, and ignorance discovered. CHAP. 24.  
having hitherto proved the excellency,& necessity of christian religion, for the perfection of common wealth, 
Macchia. li. 2. de discorsi sopra Tito Liuio. c. 2.  I think it convenient to answer here two foolish and impious objections of macchiavel: the one, that our Christian religion ●eaching as it doth, all humility, mansuetude, patience, contempt of the ●orld, poverty of spirit, and remission of injuries, maketh men base ●inded, cowerdlie and timorous, in which respect, he prefereth the religion, and valour of the Painimes before ours, for such reasons, as shall and declared, and examined hereafter.  
● The other objection is, that our christian names taken from Saints, ●re not so fit for common wealth as the names of Caesar, Pompey,& other Pagans, renowned greatly for their valour, by whose example, men might bee stirred up to the execution of famous, and valarous acts.  
● Thus teacheth, or rather trifleth this atheistical politic, no less ●bsurdlie, then wickedly, bewrayng as well his own ignorance,& folly, ●s his notable impiety. And first concerning the first objection, what can bee more absurd, then to think that the virtues, of humility, mansuetude, patience, and remission of injuries should any ways hinder the magnanimity, valour, and fortitude of men? would any man teach this, that knoweth what belongeth to the nature of these virtues? For who knoweth not( if he haue but any taste of moral philosophy) that no one virtue can be had in perfection, but with a connexion of all the rest( if not of the acts, yet at least of the habits) whereby a man that is truly virtuous, shalbe sufficiently disposed, and able to do all the acts of virtue, as his estate, time, place and occasion shall require? and therefore a●though on the one side magnanimity doth raise, and elevate the mind 〈◇〉 man to worthy, and great actions, and one the other side humility do● as it were, depress him to a lowly, and base conceit of himself, and 〈◇〉 acts correspondent thereto: yet by reason of different respects, they a● oposit, and contrary the one to the other, but one man may haue the h●bits, and perform the acts of them both, when just occasion shallb● offered: yea it may rather be truly affirmed that without true humility 〈◇〉 man is truly magnanimous, but a coward and slave to his own pass●ons, and by them hindered to practise true magnanimity.  
4 For as magnanimity inciteth a man to vndartake great, and honor●ble actions upon the consideration of the high, and worthy end wher● to God hath ordained him,( and in respect of the dignity of Gods imag● in him, 
S. Thom. 22. ●. 129. ar. 3. ad 4.  and of other good gifts, and favours received at Gods hands) 〈◇〉 also humility, respecting the defects, and imperfections in man, moue●● him to haue a true conceit of his own infirmity, or rather of his own nothing, and to show it in due time, place, nd occasion by eternal acts: s● that a magnanimous Christian, will not only do generous and hono●rable actions when it seemeth to him convenient for the honour, an● service of God, but also will deject himself to all offices, and actions o● humility, when like just occasion shall require it. And therefore wher● as al moral virtues are reduced to four heads,( to wit, Prudence, Iustice Fortitude and Temperance, which are therefore called the four Cardina● virtues) it is to be understood, that humility and magnanimity, are so fa● from being opposite, or contrary the one to the other, or yet to Fortitud● that S. Thomas accounteth them both as potential parts of Fortitude, reducing them thereto, 
D. Tho. virt. q. 1.12.26.  as to their head.  
5 And forasmuch as magnanimity is as Aristotle saith, decor& ornamentu● virtutum, a beauty, grace, and ornament to all other virtues, and tendet● always to perfection in the exercise and practise of them( that is to say when it concurreth to the operation of any other virtue, 
Aristot. Ethic. li. 4. c. 3.  it maketh th● act most excellent and perfect) thereupon it followeth, that when 〈◇〉 magnanimous man doth the acts of humility, he surpasseth all other men therein, performing them in the highest degree of perfection: An● noe marvel seeing that he which is truly magnanimous, being withall truly prudent( for otherways he could not bee truly virtuous) an● esteeming every thing according to the true worth, and value thereof, hath such a base conceit, of al earthly and human things( in respect of the heavenly and divine) that no man contemneth them so much as he, when occasion requireth.  
6 Therefore Cicero teacheth expressly that magnanimity is: Animi cum ●●tione magnificentia humanas res, vt decet, contemnens: A magnificence, 
Tuscul. q. li. 4.  or ●reatnes of the mind joined with reason, contemning all human things, as it is convenient. And further he saith, that the magnanimous, and valiant man, s. Constans, sedatus, gravis,& humana omnia premens. Constant, sober, quiet, ●raue, and one that treadeth all human things under his feet. So that although he be inclined to honour and glory, yet it is with such modera●ion, and due regard of his own desert, that he is neither vain, glorious, ●or presumptuous, nor ambitious, weighing al his deserts, and actions in the ●alance of reason( for otherwise, he should loose the commendation of ●is virtue, and fall into 'vice) and therefore whensoever he seeth the respect of human honour, glory, or earthly commodities, encountered ●ith the consideration of Gods honour, and glory, or of heavenly, and ●uerlasting joys, he so much despiseth the former in respect of the latter, ●hat he treadeth them under his feet, and triumpheth over them by true ●umilitie, contemning yea, and abandoning both them, and himself, for ●he glory, and service of God, saying with S. paul: omnia arbitror, vt stercora, 
Philip. 3.  ●t Christum lucrifatiam. I hold all things for no better then dung, and dirt, that 〈◇〉 may gain Christ. Whereby it appeareth that magnanimity is not empeach●d by Christian humility, and that the true magnanimous Christian, may ●rulie say with the same Apostle: Scio,& humiliari, scio& abundare &c. 
Philip. 4.  I ●now how to be humble, I know how to abound, I am framed, and disposed every where and in all occasions to be full, to be hungry, to abound, to suffer pennry, yea, I ●an do all things in Christ, who strenghtneth me. Thus saith the Apostle, who ●as a true mirror, as well of perfect magnanimity, as of true humility, and ●ll other virtues.  
● The like is also to be understood of the concurrence of Christian mā●uetude, or meekness, with true Fortitude, seeing that no man can bee ●rulie, and perfectly valiant, if he bee not withall, mansuit, benign, and meek.  
For whereas mansuetude, or meekness, is the virtue which properly represseth the excess of anger, and desire of reuenge, it is evident that no man can haue perfect Fortitude, without mansuetud, for he that is transported with choler, anger, and an appetite of reuenge, is rather to bee counted temerarious, or furious, then valiant, 
Cicero Tuscul. quaest. li. 4.  seeing that true valiour never draweth a man beyond the bonds of reason, for as Cicero saith. Non est vlla fortitudo, quae rationis expers est. It is not any fortitud, at all which is without reason.  
8 Therefore the Lacedemonians, who were a most valiant people, 
Pl●tar. ●pus. de Ira reprim●nda.  were accustomend alwaise before their battailes, to sacrifice to the muses, to the end they might be able( as they thought by some good influence, or instinct of theirs) to moderat their passions, and used also to temper th● exorbitant choler of their soldiers in war, with the sound of soft,& sweet instruments, 
Idem. in comparat. Marcel.& Pelopidae.  and specially of flutes. And Plutarck commendet● greatly the valour of Chrysantus( of whom Xenophon maketh mention 〈◇〉 for that he had such absolute command over his passions, and was with all so obedient, and observant of military discipline, that having lifted v● his sword to strike his enemy,& hearing the sound of a retreat, he withdrew his hand, and forbore to strike out his blow.  
9 Seeing then the proper office of Christian mansuetude, is no other but to restrain, and repress the furious excess of anger, in such sort, tha● we may be masters thereof, and use it as a whetstone to valour, and fo●titude( that is to say, only to sharpen it in due manner, time, place, an● occasion) who seeth not the ignorance and folly of macchiavel in that h● holdeth Christs precepts, and counsels of perfect meekness, benignity,& patience, to be prejudicial to true valour, and consequently to commo● wealths: as though it could be with any reason imigined, that the meaning of our saviour Christ, was to bind us to the performance thereo● with the public detriment of common wealth, or the private injury o● any third person, or the dishonour of God, which were not virtue, bu● 'vice, 
Chap. 22. nu. 28.  and an offence to God, as I haue declared more particularly, in th● 22. chapter, where I haue also signified out of S. Augustin, how christian may, and do justly make war, notwithstanding our saviours precepts of sufferance of wrongs,& remission of injuries.  
10 Furthermore who knoweth not that the pardon of injuries, whe● no third person, nor the common wealth, is damnified thereby, proceedeth of true generosity, and magnanimity,& is an evident sign of mo●● excellent virtue: 
Aristot. li. 4. ethic. c. 3.& li. de virtut.  And therefore Aristotle describing the virtue of th● magnanimous, and valiant man, saith that he is nether vindex iniuriarum, vindicative, or a revenger of injuries, nor yet memor earum, nor so much as mindful of them, but both forgiveth and forgitteth them. And Plato teachet● that Neque vlcisci decet &c. 
Plato. li. 8. de rep.  A man ought not either to reuenge any injury don● unto him, nor to hurt any man what wronge, or damage soever he hath receiue● of other men. And Cicero speaking of the clemency of Iulius Caesar in pardoning his enemies, prefereth it before all his famous conquests, an● victories yielding thereof this notable reason: that his exploitis and victories in war were not so entirely, and wholly his own but tha● his armies, and soldiers, yea fortune, and chance might challenge parte● of his praise, whereas the praise of the victory, and conquest which he got over his own passions, and himself, when he pardoned his enemies, was holy his own, and not to be communicated with any other. And finally he concludeth notably thus. Animum vnicere &c. 
Cicero pro M. Marcel.  To conquer ● mans own mind, to repress anger, and passion, to be moderate in victory, and not ●●lie to raise a potent, and noble enemy, when he is fallen, and ouerthrowne, but also to amplify, and increase his former dignity, he that doth this, I will not compare ●im with the worthiest men, but I judge him to be most like to God. So he.  
●1 We red also, that the remission of injuries was notably practised ●y many other eminent men amongst the paynims, as by Licurgus the ●awmaker of the Lacedemonians, who having one of his eyes strooken ●ut by a young man, that meant to haue killed him, 
Plutar. in Licur.  not only pardonned him, but also took him into his house, and taught him philosophy, ●hereby to correct his manners, and made him in time a notable subject, ●nd member of his common wealth.  
●2 Also Phocian, a famous captain of the Athenians, being most vniust●ie, and ungratefully condemned to death by his common wealth, charged his son, both to forgive, and forgot it  
●3 And Seneca, highly commendeth Augustus Caesar, 
Seneca. li. 1. de clement. ca. 9.  for pardoning a great noble man called Cinna, who had conspired his death, which clemency, he saith, wrought most notable effects, not only in Cinna himself( who ever after remained most affectionate, and faithful to Augustus) but also in all other men. For whereas Augustus having in forme● times been most cruel,& vnidicatiue, was never free from conspiracies, nullis amplius insidiis saith Seneca, ab ullo petitus est: he was never after endaingered by the treasonable attempts of any man. And of this point, many other examples might be alleged, which I omit, seeing it is evident enough, that our saviour Christ commanding remission of injuries, ordained no more for the substance of the act, then that which the Painimes themselves both highly praised, and most prefitablie practised, though the end and motive which moved them thereto, was no other but either some vain glory, or else the desire to gain mens affections, by the reputation of clemency, or perhaps to avoyde the anguish, and torment which accompanied the passion of anger, and desire of reuenge, whereas wee Christians, remitting injuries, for the pure love of God, and our neighbour, do gain not only worldly honour, ease,& contentment of mind, and the love of men as the Painimes did, but also the love of God,& our assured hope of a heavenly,& everlasting reward.  
14 What then can be imagined in Christs doctrine of humility, mansuetude, and remission of injuries, either contrary, or any way prejudicial to true fortitude? Was there ever any man more meek, and humble, 
1. Reg. 24. 2. Reg. 16.& 18.  or that more freely pardonned his enemies, then king david, in whom our saviours ineffable mansuetude, humility, and charity was prefigured? And yet there was never any man either more valiant or victorious thē he●  
15 And the like may be said of Moyses, who was not only, most valian● but also as the scripture saith. Mitissimusomnium &c. The most meek, and ge●tle of all men that lived upon earth. 
Num. 12.  And such were also the other two christian, and contemplative kings above name, to wit Henry the Emperou● and our king Oswald of England, in whom singular valour, and milita● fortitude, notably concurred with perfect humility, mansuetude, and tr●● Christian simplicity.  
16 And of this concurrence of all the moral virtues in Christians, M●chiauel could never haue been ignorant, if he had not been so graceless● as not to consider the effects of Gods grace,& that the same only giue● perfection of moral virtue, as I amply proved before. Besides that h● evidently shewed either his ignorance in history, or his malice in disse●bling that which he had red, seeing he ascribed want of valour, an● cowardice to Christians, whose valorous acts, and victorious conquest are celebrated by the histories of all countries, by the which it is manifest that christians are much to be preferred before paynims, for marti●● prows, and military valour, as may appear by the famous victories 〈◇〉 our Christian Emperours, 
Eginard in vita Caroli. Baron. an. 772.& 804. Paul. Aemilius. in Carolo Magno& Carolo Martello. Baron. an. 731. joan. Vassaeus in Annalib. Hispan. Baron. an.  Constantin Theodosius, and charlemagne all thre● surnamed Magni, the great: in respect of their most famous, and worthy e●ployts in war, of whom the last, to wit charlemagne, twice ouerrann● and conquered all Germany, which neither Iulius Caesar, nor all the force o● the Roman empire could ever subdue before his time: to whom may b● added Charles Martel, and his son pippin king of France, Pelagius, Froila, R●nimirus, and three Alfonsi, all kings in spain, and Ferdinand count of C●stil, and many others who with small forces in respect of their enemies overthrew infinite numbers of Painymes, Saracens, or other Infidels.  
17 I omit to speak of the great prows, and valour of many other inferior princes& Christian captains, renowned in all histories, 
451. 8. 530.  Aeti●● b Bellisarius, 
553.  narses, 
Paul. Aemil. in Philip. 1 Baron. an. 1098.  Godfroy of Bullen, 
Naucler. gener. 49.  Franciscus Sfortia, our two Englis● captains, 
polydore. Vergil. li. 23.  Talbot, and g Aucut, the former terrible in France even unt● this day, and the latter famous in Italy. Besides 
Guicciard. li. 5& 6.  Consaluus surnamed the great captain, and many others even in our daies, whose valorous acts 〈◇〉 omit, not to trouble thee( good Reader) with a needles proof of common experience, which is as clear in itself, as the day light, or sun shine: and therefore it may be wondered how Machiauel could be so bewitched, or rather drunk with the dregs of atheism, as to teach that our Christian religion maketh men cowardly, and base minded.  
18 But now let us examine briefly the validity of the reasons, which move him to prefer the paynims before Christians, for Magnanimity, ●nd valour. The first is because the paynims placed their felicity in worldly honour, dominion, and victories, and therefore directed al their ●ctions thereto: whereas Christians do place it, saith he, in poverty of spirit, humility, and contempt, of the world, in which respect he suspo●●th them to become base minded, and cowardly. Wherein I beseech thee ●od Reader, to note his malicious folly, in that he maketh Christian hu●ility, and contempt of the world, the end, or felicity of Christian reli●●on, whereas it is but the means to the end: for who knoweth not, if and be a Christian, as Machiauel professed to be, that the felicity which ●hrist promised, and the Christians expect, is to be united with God, first this life, and after eternally in everlasting bliss: and that the same is to 〈◇〉 obtained by poverty of spirit, contempt of the world, and other ver●es, and yet so; that no lawful vocation in any good common wealth nor ●y mans duty towards his country, nor the lawful desire, or possession 〈◇〉 riches, and honours, nor the execution of valorous, and magnanimous ●ts either in war, or peace, is hindered thereby, but all the same perfited 〈◇〉 the highest degree, as I haue sufficiently proved already in all this for●er discourse concerning Christian religion, and especially in this, and ●●e two last chapters.  
●● Whereby the malice of Machiauel may appear, in that he not only ●raftily dissembleth our Christian doctrine, concerning aswell mans felici●●, as the means to obtain it, but also idly compareth the end( which and paynims proposed to themselves) with some part of the means that Christians use to arrive to their end, and therefore he maketh not his op●osition, and comparison, betwixt the desire of honour( which was the ●nd of the paynims) and mans union with God, and everlasting joy, which is the end; and felicity of Christians) but with humility, poverty ●f spirit, and contempt of the world, which our Christian religion teach●th, as the way to our end.  
●0 Yf therefore we compare our end, and true felicity, with that other ●nd, and supposed happiness of the paynims, and examine whether of ●oth may be more forcible, and potent to move men to acts of magnani●ity, and valour, we shall easily see Machiauels absurdity extreme igno●ance, and folly.  
●1 For first, who is so simplo that knoweth not, how far the assured ●ope, and expectation which Christians haue of eternal joys, and felici●y, ouerwayeth all temporal respects of transitory honour, pleasures, or commodities? Which is evident in common experience, seeing that, infi●it numbers amongst Christians in all times, and ages since our saviour Christ, haue abandoned all worldly wealth, honours, delights, yea their very lives for the love of God, and the hope of heavenly joys, and li● everlasting.  
22 Secondlie who knoweth not also, that the true Christian is no mo●● debarred, or excluded from the lawful desire, acquisition, and possessio● of wealth, honour and dignity, then the paynim, yea, and that Christia● both may, and do possess, and enjoy all worldly honour, and commod●ties no less then any paynim ever did, and with so much more conten●ment, and security, by how much more they refer the same to the honour, and service of God, and use it only as a mean to obtain eternal felicity: 
Matth. 6.  according to our saviours precept. Primum quaerite regnum D● &c. First seek the kingdom of God, and the righteousness, or iustice thereof, a● all things shalbe added unto you. Where upon it followeth, that the christian, hath not only the end, and temporal happiness, that the Paynmes sought( to wit honour, wealth, and dominion) in greater perfectio● then they: but also the assured hope, and expectation of everlasting ioye● which being added to the other, and incomparablie exceeding it in es●●mation and value, must needs be of far more force to move men the acts of valour, and every way to discharged their duties to the prince, and common wealth, then the bare, and only hope, or desire any temporal, and transitory felicity, as for example.  
23 Let us put the case, that a Paynim, and a Christian go together the war to fight for their country, and that the Paynim hath this on● hope, that if he behave valiantly, and escape death with victori●● he shall haue great honour, and temporal reward, and if he be sla●ne, he shall leave behind him an eternal famed of his valour. A● on the other side the Christian hath not only the same hope of tempora● honour, famed, and reward( whether he live, or die) but also an assur● expectation of eternal felicity; who then seeth not that the Christia● hath both greater advantage of benefits, and also a far greater motiu● and spur to valour then the Paynim? Besides that, it cannot be denie● but that he, who putteth his felicity in seely things, willbe loth 〈◇〉 leave them, and consequently loth to die, and therefore the wise ma● saith very well, 
Eccl. 41.  and truly. O mors, quam amara est memoria tui, &c. O dea● how bitter, is the memory of thee, to a man, that hath peace, and contentment● his substance? That is to say, that placeth his felicity in the world, and 〈◇〉 worldly things.  
24 whereupon it followeth, that such a one is commonly timorou● fearful, and loth to venture his life in any occasion: whereas he, whic● according to our Christian doctrine, esteemeth the world, and all the honour thereof, to be no better then traslie, and holdeth death to be bot● and end of human miseries, and the way, or door to eternal felicity, and saith with the Apostle. I desire to be dissolved, or to die, and to be with Christ. 
Philip. 1.  such a one I say, willingly, and joyfully, ventereth his life in any just occasion, and therefore is truly valiant, which is so evident of itself, that ●t needeth no further proof. So that I may well conclude, that if Machia●●l had not been either extreemelie ignorant, and blind in not knowing the end, and felicity of Christian religion( being himself by profession a Christian) or else most malicious in dissembling his knowledge thereof, he could never haue been so absurd to affirm that Painimes, were more valiant, and magnanimous then Christians, by reason of the end, and felicity which they proposed to themselves. And thus much for his first reason.  
●5 His second reason is that though Christians do esteem Fortitude, for a virtue, yet they place it, principally in suffering, and not in doing, or attempting, which as he supposeth, maketh them more patient in suffering ●niuries, or torments, then courageous in assailing their enemies, and in that respect he holdeth them to bee less valiant then the Painimes. Wherein he also notably bewrayeth his ignorance, concerning the nature, and office of true Fortitude, seeing that Aristotle, and all the paynim philosophers, requiring thereto specially two things: the one patience to suffer, and the other, courage to attempt, do principally place it in the former, and not in the latter, as appeareth manifestly, not only in the Ethics of Aristotle, but also in the Tusculan questions of Cicero, 
Aristotle. Ethic. li. 3. c. 6. 7. 8.& 9. Tuscul. quest. li. 4.  who giuing diuers diuinitions of Fortitude out of the philosophers, al to one purpose, and effect, concludeth it to be according to Crisippus. Scientiam rerum perferendarum, the science, or knowledge to suffer things, or affectionem animi in patien●●,& preferendo, humanae legi parentem, an affection of the mind, obeying the highest, and chief law, in bearing, or suffering with patience. And again, in an other place, he saith, that as Fortitude, is most proper to man, 
Ibid. li 2. Seneca. praefect. li. 3. natural. quest.  so it consisteth principally in the contempt of death, sorrow, or pain. And finally Seneca affirmeth that the highest, and most perfect part, or virtue in man, is to suffer all maner of trouble, and adversity with alacrity. Whereby we may see, that although courage to assault, or offend an enemy, in a just cause, is very requisite to fortitude: yet the special commendation, and praise thereof, consisteth in he contempt, and patient suffering of death, or pain: it being most evident, that it is not only far more difficult, but also more contrary to our infirm nature, to sustain, and suffer death, or torment then to assault an enemy: and the reason why cowards dare not encounter or assail other men, or undertake great attempts, is the fear they haue of death, or of some pain, and harm, and he which is resolute ta endure, and, suffer death cannot want courage to assault, or attempt, and consequently he h● both the conditions requisite to fortitude.  
26 And in this respect, our saviour Christ( who was the master& t● mirror of al virtue) choose rather to show his most eminent fortit● in suffering, then in attempting, wherein also the glorious martyrs of ● Church haue imitated him, and thereby excelled all other sorts of men● the virtue of fortitude, seeing, as I haue said, it is most manifest, that th● who haue courage, and force to endure unspeakable torments and cr● death, that our martyrs( as well women and children, as men) haue suff● would haue been as ready to attempt any thing whatsoever possible man, or to assail whole armies of men, if respect of conscience, and th● duty had required it: whereupon it followeth that Christians, who Machiauels own confession do place fortitude, rather in suffering, then attempting, and show far greater resolution, and courage therein, th● ever the Painimes did, do not only conceive truly of the nature, office of that most excellent virtue, but also haue it in the highest degre● and greatest perfection that may be, whereby it appeareth that Machiau● second reason, against the valour of Christians, serveth for no other purpose, but to discover his ignorance, and to prove the Christians to be fa●● more valiant, then the Painimes, which he absurdly denieth.  
27 It resteth now, that I examine a third reason, which he giveth to t●● same purpose, affirming that the ancient Painimes were more valiant, t● the Christians are, because they were more disposed thereto by the vse● bloody representations, and spectacles, as of the continual slaughter beasts, which were daily sacrificed every where, and of the combats● the gladiators, used ordinarily amongst the Romans, in sight and present of all the people.  
28 But if this reason were good, it would follow, that butchers,& tho● which dwell near about the butchery, or shambles, and barber surge● which use daily to let men blood, yea, and hangmen, or other mineste● of iustice, who are accustomend to kill, and quarter men, should bee ve●● valiant, and especially the people of Mexico in the west Indye, before th● were conqured by the Christians, should also by this reason, haue excell● in valour, and fortitude, seeing they used to sacrifice men in such abou● dance, that sometimes five thousand were sacrificed in Mexico in one da● and yet nevertheless Hernando Cortes the Spaniard with a handful of me● I mean some six, 
Acosta; Histo. Indiae occid.  or seven hundreth, overthrew many thousands o● them in diuers battles, and in the end conquered their country.  
29 And no marvel, seeing that the use,& custom of shedding blou● doth rather induce men to a beastly freity, fiercnes, and cruel, then 〈◇〉 true valour, for which cause butchers, and hangmen, and such other mi●isters of iustice, are in our country, excluded from Iuries of life,& death, ●s cruel, and merciless men, who may consequently, bee presumed to bee ●owardlie, and fearful, and therefore far from true valour, seeing that ●owardise, and cruelty do commonly concur: 
Zouar. Annal. to. 3. Nicephor. li. 18. e. 41. Baron. an. 602. Paul. Diacon. li. 16. in fine.& alij.  which Mauritius the ●mperour, observed, and justly feared in Phocas, who after slay him, and ●is children: for when Philippicus told Mauritius that Phocas was coward●e, and fearful, then saith Mauritius, he is cruel, and bloody, as I ●ave signified more at large, upon an other occasion, in the 
Chap. 35. nn. 30.  first part ●f this treatise.  
●0 So that whereas true valour, and magnanimity( which never pass ●he limits of reason( are according to the doctrine of all philosophers, all●aies accompanied with humanity, and piety, and compassion: this Archpoliticke Macheauel, imagineth a kind of valour, fraught with beast●●e inhumanity, and bloody cruelltie, and disposeth men thereto, by hor●ible, and inhuman spectacles of murdering combats,& effusion of blood, ●he custom whereof, though it may seem some way to mitigate, and ●emper the exorbitance of fear, yet provoketh, and draweth men in the end to feritie, and cruelltie, which as I haue said, is commonly, seconded, with temiditie, and cowardice, and can never accompany true valour, and fortitude.  
●1 But what should I say of his other fond devise, in rejecting, our Christian names, and preferring the names of Painimes, as more fit for common wealth? As though Alexander the great, or Iulius Caesar, Pompey, 
First part. 10. chap. nu. 11. 12. 13. 14. 2. part. chap. 15.& 16.  or Brutus, or any other Infidle, may be compared with our Christians in ver●ue, seeing I haue made it manifest, a heretofore, that though some Pai●nimes had the famed, and commendation of some one, or a few virtues, yet none of them had ever any perfection of virtue, and that the same, cannot bee had but only by Gods grace, which is proper to Christian religion: In which respect our Christians, following the example,& docttrin of our saviour Christ, and being assisted with his grace, and holy spirit, arrive to the highest perfection of virtue, that human frailty, may possibly attain unto: whereupon it followeth, that the use of our Christian names, is most political, seeing they are motives to draw us to ●imitat the most holy, and virtuous exampls of those blessed Saints, whose names, we bear, and so to bee excellent members of our common wealth, by practise of all virtue: besides that they do also admonish,& move us to crave their help, and succour, and to obtain Gods merciful assisttance by their intercession, for ourselves, and for the common wealth, with exceeding great benefit to both: as I would show here by many reasons, 
Chap 15. per totum.  and examples, were it not that I haue sufficiently performed already in the 
an. 544. procopius de bello Goth.  first part of this treatise, when I treated of miraculo● victories, and shewed by evident examples, not only that true valour, 〈◇〉 fortitude, is the special gift of God, and that all good success, and vict●rie in war proceedeth of Gods will, and favour, but also that man● towns, and cities, whole provinces, countries, kingdoms, and armi● haue been very oft defended, and concerned, miraculously by the patr●nage and protection of Angels, and Saints. As the city of 
an. 544. procopius de bello Goth.  Sergiopolis d●liuered from the siege of Cosdroes king of Percia, by S. Surgius: 
an. 601. Aimon. li. 4. c. 87.& 88.  the arm● of the kings Theodobert, and Theodorik in France, assisted against Clotarius 〈◇〉 an Angel: and an 
an. 602. Paul. Dicon. li. 4. c. 5.  other army of Ariulphus duke of Spoleto in Italy, pr●tected, and helped against the Romans by S. Sabinus: besides the like benefit, and miraculous victory which 
an. 718. Rodericus toledan. l. 4. c. 2. vassaeus. chro.  Pelagius king of spain had against the saracens by the assistance of the blessed virgin Mary: as also king 
an. 749. Baron. to. 9. hoc anno.  P●pin of France, had the like by S. Swibert: king 
an. 880. Polidor. Vergil. li. 5. Guliel. Malmesb. li. 2. ca. 4.  allured in England, against the Danes by S. cuthbert: 
an. 825. Vassae. in annal. Rodericus li. 4. c. 13.  Ronimirus king of Leon in spain, against the Moo● by S. james: 
an. 915. Sigonius de regno Ital. hoc anno. Luitprandus li. 2. c. 14.  Pope John the tenth against the same people in Apulia, b● S. Peter, and paul: 
cod. Seculo. joan. Curopal. hist.  Zimisces Emperour of Constantinople, against the Scith●ans, by S. Theodorus the martyr: 
an. 1098. Paul. Aemil. in Philip. 1. Baron. hoc anno.  Godfroy of Bullen against the Turkes, Sar●zens, and Persians, by an apparition, and admonition of S. andrew: 
an. 1212. Roderic. toledan. l. 8. c. 10  Alpho●sus the eight king of Castil, against the Sarizens, by the blessed virgin Mar● 
an. 1480. Naucler. in Chron. Generatio. 50  The knights of the Rhodes against the Turkes, by a Saint, or Angel, wh● fought for them in the air: 
eod. Seculo. Maffaeus histo. Indiae.  The king of Congo, a Christian in Ethiopi● against his brother an Infidel, by the invocation of the holy name o● Iesus, and of S. james: 
an. 1532. Surius comment. hoc anno.  The town of Guintium in Hungary against Solym● the Emperour of the Turkes by an Angel, who appeared, and fought o● horsebake in the air: and finally that the 
eod. Seculo. Pietro Genti●e● Vandonio of the Siege of malta.  castle of S. Elmo in Malta, was defended against a potent army of the same Soliman in the last age, by th● glorious virgin Mary, S. paul, and S. John Baptist: Of all which example I declared the particuliers in the fifteen chapter, of the first part of th● treatise, and therefore content myself to haue only touched the sam● breefflie here in this place, to the end it may appear what sovereign b●nefit wee Christians and our common wealth, haue by the protection o● Angels, and Saints. whereupon I conclude, that seeing the use of the names may animat us, not only to emirate their most excellent vertue● but also to seek, and procure their help, and succur, as well in our public, as our private distresses it followeth that the same are without comparison more behouefull unto us, and fit for common wealth, then th● names, of Pagans, and infidels, who neither after their deaths can relieve us, nor in their lives could leave us any example of true, and perfect virtue, but only a shadow of some good parts( for so I may rather term them, then virtues) and those for the most part stained, if not overwhelmed with notable vices.  
32 For who seeth not, that he which shal propose to himself the example of Alexander the great( who was held for a mirror of valour, and fortitude) shall rather become vicius, then truly valorous, or virtuous, seeing his vices were so many, and such, that they not only drowned his supposed, virtues, but also drew him to his untimely death, making him so odious to his best friends, that they poisoned him? And what true virtue was there in Iulius Caeser and Pompey, whose prows, and valour tended to nothing else but to satisfy their insatiable ambition, which in the end destroyed both them, and their common wealth? whereas the volour of Gods faithful seruants, and Saints( as of Moyses, Iosue, Gedeon, david, the maccabees, and of our christian soldiers, and captaines, S. Mercury, S. George, S. Sebastian, S. Martin, S. Mauritius, S. Eustachius, and many others) was accompanied with all virtue, with true christian charity, mansuetude, patience, and humility, and never tended to other end, but to the service of God, and to the good of their country? Who then can deny but that the names, and examples of these, are more fit to animate men to perfect magnanimity, valour, and virtue, then the names and examples, of Painimes, who had neither true valour, not any other virtue in perfection?  
33 Now then to conclude concerning these objections of Machiauel,& his reasons, I doubt not but thou seest good Reader what a grave, and learned doctor the world hath got of this Archpolitike, who to make good his new doctrine( which was devised, no doubt by the devil for the destruction of men, and common wealths) not only impugneth, the Christian religion, Which he himself professed, but also frameth an other moral philosophy, then hath hitherto been heard of in the world, all tending to the establishment of an inhuman barbarous, and tyrannical policy, which howsoever it is admired of sensual, and ignorant men, yet being weighed in the balance of reason, and tried with the touchstone of true, and solied learning, presently bewrayeth both the ignorance, and the malice of the forger, or author theteof. And this shall suffice touching him until an other occasion be offered.   

That the Christian religion which giveth true felicity to common wealth, is no other but the catholic Roman religion, because the same only hath the true Christian, and evangelical perfection, consisting in the imitation of Christ: an● that consequently it hath the only means to unit man with God. CHAP. 25.  
1 I Hope, good Reader, thou hast already sufficiently seen in the precedent discourse, as well the verity of Christian religion as also the dignity, excelencie and necessity of it in common wealth, seeing I haue evidently proved the admirable effect thereof in uniting man with God, wherein consisteth not only the perfection of religion, but also the true felicity of man, and common wealth. And therefore I will now accomplish the rest of my promise,& show that the christian religion whereof I haue hitherto treated, is no● other but our catholic religion, so called to distinguish it from the sects that profess also the faith of Christ in these dayes. And this I shall perform sufficiently, if I proeue, as I hope to do, two things, properly belonging to this subject, The one is, that no other religion but the catholic Roman hath the means before declared to unite man, and common wealth with God. The other is, that all the sects of these dayes, do hold, and teach many points of doctrine, repugnant both to the verity o● Christian religion, and also to true policy wherein nevertheless I mean not to treat particularly of the opinions of every sect( for it would require a larger discourse then can stand with, my present intention) but only to touch principally lutheranism, and Caluinisme, concerning those poynt● only where in they, and all other sects for the must part agree, amongst themselves, and dissent from the Church of Rome, and therefore proving my intent in them I shall prove yt in all the rest.  
2 Now then to speak of the means that are in our catholic Roman Religion to beatify man, and common wealth, thou mayst remember, good Reader, that I haue amply proved three things, both by philosophy, and divinity. The first is, that the end, and felicity both of man in this life, and of common wealth, 
Chap. 4. 20.& 21. Chap. 17.& 21.  consisteth in mans union with almighty God specially by the means of contemplation. The second is, that in this union with God there is such ineffable sweetness, and delectation, that it may worthily be counted mans felicity in this life. The third, that the only way and means for man, and common wealth to attain to this union with God, and felicity, is the perfection of Christian religion, consisting in true faith perfect charity, contempt of the world, 
Chap. 18. 19. 20.& 21.  abnegation of ourselves, pouert● of spirit, chastity, and purity of heart, mortification of our passions,& affections, the continual use of the sacramens of Gods Church, and finally meditation, and mental prayer, all which concurring together, do make that true Christian contemplation, which I haue proved to be the end, and felicity of man in this life, and of common wealth. And therefore, if I show that all this concurreth in most excellent manner in our catholic religion, and that no other hath any use, or true knowledge thereof, it cannot be denied, but that I prove the same, to be that true Christian religion, wherein the happiness of man,& common wealth consisteth.  
3 This I hope to prove clearly by evident reasons, and by manifest experience, both which do couince that the evangelical perfection which our saviour taught, as well by his example, as by his doctrine is, and always hath been practised only in the Roman Church. Therefore whereas the perfection of Christs doctrine consisteth partly in his Precepts, partly in his Counsels( as I will make it manifest hereafter) I will now declare for the present; first, what were the Counsels of our saviour, Secondly that not only his Apostles, but also infinite other Christians in their time, observed the same, Thirdly that there upon grew the contemplative, and religious life, instituted first by the Apostles themselves, and after propagated throughout all christendom, and derived to our time by the most worthy, and famous men that haue been in the Church of God: And lastly, that the Roman catholics having the true practise of our saviours Counsels in religious disciplyn, haue also the true means to arrive to perfect union with God, which is the end, and felicity of man and common wealth.  
4 For although not only religious men, but also every man of any lawful state, or vocation, may be a perfect Christian, and united with God( as I haue amply proved in the 22. and 23. chapters) yet, for as much, as there are two kinds of perfection, and diuers degrees therein, if I prove that the highest degree of Christian perfection consisteth in the observation of the evangelical Counsels, and that the catholic Roman Church, hath the true use, and practise thereof, yt must needs be granted, that the same Church, hath the highest degree of Christian perfection: which being proved, it will also follow, that it hath all the inferior degrees subordinate thereto, and consequently that it hath all the perfection of Christian religion.  
5. The Counsels of our saviour( which comprehend in themselves all the perfection of his precepts) consist principally in three 〈◇〉 to wit, voluntary poverty, chastity and obedience, which are called his counsels, 〈◇〉 distinguish them from his Precepts( to the observation whereof, eue● man is bound( where as no man is bound to observe his Counsels, fa●ther then he list to bind himself, and therefore our saviour invited an● encouraged us thereto, with the proposition, and promise of extraord●nary rewards: for as we see in all well governed common wealths, th●● extraordinary remunerations are given to those, that do heroical ac● whereto, they are not bound by the law( as amongst the Romans beside the ordinary pay ordained for every souldyar there were dyvers crown and other particular honours appoynted for such as shewed extraordina●● valour, and did notable services, beyond their obligation) so also o● saviour ordained in his law singular, and specall rewards for tho●● which shal perform the heroycal acts of his Counsels, whereto he boun● no man.  
6 And although yt may perhaps be expected that before I pass further I should prove, the same more amply, as also that there is a distinctio● to be observed in the scriptures betwixt our saviours counsels, and hi● Precepts( which our adversaries deny) yet because I mean to perform both the one, and the other, very fully hereafter when I shall treat of every evangelical Counsel in particular( which I intend to do only in general) I will therefore content myself for the present, to show the groun●des in the holy scripture, from whence we deduce our saviours Counsels and then proceed to declare how they were performed by the apostles and other Christians in their time, and derived from them to us by a continual succession of doctrine, and practise.  
7 The first evangelical Counsel whereof I spoken, was voluntary pouer●● which our saviour counseled, when he said, to the rich young man. Si v● perfectus esse, 
●atth. 19.  &c. Yf thou wilt be perfect, go, and sell all that thou hast, and give it 〈◇〉 the poor, and thou shalt haue a treasure in heaven. The second, which was chastity he advised, when speaking of the theree kinds of Eunuchs, and particulerl● of those who held themselves for the kingdom of heaven( by voluntary chastity) he added, 
●id.  qui potest capere capiat, he that can take it, let him take it. The thin●( which was obedience) or rather al three together he counseled, when he said Qui vult venire post me abneget semetipsum, 
●atth. 16. ●arc. 8.  tollat crucem suam,& sequatur me. 〈◇〉 which will come afterme, let him deny himself take up his cross and follow me. In whic● words he included al religious perfection consisting in the imitation of him in his perfect obedience to his voluntary poverty, in his most chast and singl● life, in the abnegation of himself, and in the carriage of his cross wherein i● added in S. Luke, 
c. 9.  quotidie, every day, giuing to understand, that he which wil● follow our saviour Christ, as he adviseth must not only bear with patience the crosses and afflictions which now, and then may by chance fall upon him, or bee laid one him by others, but also must daily carry his ●wne cross, that is to say crucify his own flesh, as the Apostle saith, 
Gal. 5  with and concucupiscences thereof, mortifiyng his passions and affections, with continual penance, and austerity of life.  
● These were the Counsels of our saviour, which not only he him●elfe, but also his Apostles practised, and performed, as appeareth by ●hat which S. Peter said to him, Ecce saith he, reliquimus omnia, 
Matth. 19  & secuti ●●mus te, quid ergo erit nobis? behold Lord, wee haue forsaken al that we had& ●ave followed thee, what therefore shal we haue? In which words of S. Peter, ●re included these three points of perfection before mentioned, as the ●o first( to wit, poverty and continency) in that he said we haue forsaken ●ll things, whereby as S. jerome noteth against jovinian, it is signified, 
D. Hierom. li 1. in jovin.  ●hat such of them as were married, had left their wives, as well as their ●arents, and substance( for otherwaise they left not all) and this he also confirmeth by the answer of our saviour to S. Peter, 
Matth. 19.  wherein he ●ade mention of wives, saying. whosoever shall forsake his house, or brethren, 〈◇〉 sisters, or father, or mother, or wife, or lands, for my name, he shall receive a ●andreth fold, and haue life everlasting.  
Also S. jerome affirmeth, that though some of the Apostles, 
Hieron. ubi supra.& Apol. ad. Pam.  were ●aryed before their apostelship yet afterwards, they had no use of ●heir wives. And in an other place he saith, that al the Apostles were ei●●er virgins, or post nuptias continentes, continent after their marriage..  
Furthermore their obedience was also signified in that S. Peter said. ●ecuti sumus te, wee haue followed thee. Meaning that they had resigned ●hem selves wholly to him, to obey him as their Lord, observing ●xactlie his commandments, and instructions, as his disciples, sub●ects, and seruants.  
●0 And these virtues were not practised only by the Apostles, but also by innumerable other Christians, in their time, partly severally,& ●artlie jointly: for we red in the acts of the Apostles, that very ma●y of the first Christians in jerusalem, lived in common, having sold all ●heir possessions, and goods, and laid the price thereof, 
Act. 4.  at the Apostles ●eete, and that Ananias, and Saphira were both of them punished by S. ●eter with sudden death, for retaining part of the price of that which ●hey had sold. We red also, that many used in the same time, 
bidem. c. 5.  not on●ie to abstain from marriage and live continent, but also to bind themselves thereto by vow, as the widows did, which were received to ●he ministery or office of women Deacons, of whom S. paul saith, 
Timoth. 5.  that they had a will to mary, having damnation because they had broken their first faith, 

Act. 21. Euseb. li. 3. Eccle. hist. c. 30.  
marshal. ep ad Tholosa. c. 8.  
Abdias in vit. S. Matthei.  
Baron in Mar●yrologio 21. die Septemb.  
Gregor. Nissen. ho. 4. in cant.  
Ambros. li. 2. de virgin.  
Epiphan haeres. 78. vide. martyrol.  
Baron. die. 23 Septem.  
1. Cor. 7.   that is to say, their vow of continency, and chastity, as shal be decleared further hereafter.  
11 Also the acts of the Apostls do testify, that Philip the Deacon h● four daughters virgins who( as yt appeareth by the testimony 〈◇〉 polycrates, alleged by Eusebius) remained virgins all their lives. A● Martialis, a disciple of our saviour, saith of himself, that he perswad● Valeria the virgin, to vow her chastity to God. And Abdias witness that S. matthew the Apostle, did consecrat Iphigenia, the daughter o● king in Ethiopia, to the service of God, that is to say, he did veil her 〈◇〉 the custom is still in the Church) to serve God in virginity. And Ambrose, S. Epiphanius, and diuers others testify, that Thecla being co●uerted to the Christian faith by S. paul, did by his instruction, and pe●suasion, forsake her spouse, to whom she was handfast, and remains a virgin. And no marvel that S. paul moved her thereto, seeing h● exhorted all men, and women to a single, and continent life, after 〈◇〉 own example, volo, saith he, omnes esse sicut meipsum. I desire that all m may be as I am, that is to say unmarried, and continent, of which point shall haue occasion to speak more amply hereafter, for here m meaning is, but to insinuat these things concerning the Euangelica● Counsel of chastity, leaving the further discourse, and proof there●● to other occasions, which will bee offered hereafter, as I haue signified before.  
12 Therefore to proceed; not only poverty and continency, but all obedience was practised jointly with them in the Apostles time in retired religious, 

S. Hierom. de script. Eccleciast.  
Euseb. Eccl. hist. li. 2. ca. 16.  
Cassian. li. 2. ca. 5.& collat 18. ca. 5.   and contemplative life, consisting in the practise o● those three virtues, and in all kind of mortification, as appeareth evidently by that which diuers ancient Fathers, and other approved authors do testify of great numbers of Christians, embracing that ma●e of life, under S. mark the evangelist, at Alexandria in egypt, where he was bishop.  
13 And for as much, as all Christian perfection( consisting in the observation of our saviours counsels) was exercised in that kind o● life, at that time, I will relate some particulars thereof, out of an ey● witness of the same, though he was himself no chirstian, to wit Phil● the jew; 
Philo. de vita. contemplat.  who in his treatise de vita contemplatiua, describeth the mane● of life which the first Christians lead at Alexandria under S. mark; For which cause S. jerome placeth him in his catalouge of our ecclesiastical writers, 
S. Hieron. de scriptor. ecclesiast.  quia librum, saith he, de prima Marci &c. because he wrote 〈◇〉 book of the first Church of S. mark at Alexandria wherein he greatly commended our Christians, and signified that they lived not only there, but also in diuer● other provinces, and called their houses monasteries. Thus saith S. jerome, and ●ddeth further, ex quo apparet &c. whereby it appeareth, that the first Church ●f the faithful was such, as our monks do now desire, and endeavour to bee &c. 
Euseb. eccles. hist. li. 2. c. 16.  ●u●eb●●● also affirmeth the same of the first Christians in Alexandria, al●eadging out of the same book of Philo, that those which professed the contemplative life in diuers parts, and especially about Alexandria, renounced all their possessions, and the care of worldly business, that ●hey retired themselves from towns, and cities into the fields, and ●olitarie places, under certain particular heads, or gouernours: That ●hey had a holy place, or dwelling called Monasterium, a Monastery where ●hey lived, and celebrated their mysteries of holy life. That they laid ●he foundation of continency in their souls, to build other virtues upon it. That none of them did use to eat, or drink, before the sun was set, that some of them did not so much as think of meate, once in three daies, yea that some abstained six daies together. That ●heir refection was commonly bread and salt, and their drink water, ●nd that those which were more delicate then the rest, added sometimes ●issop to their bread. That there were also amongst them, ancient and ●ould women, professing chast life, and contemning the pleasures of the body, who in their congregations, were seperat from the men. That they had the same exercises of reading the holy scriptures, of singing ●himnes, and psalms, of fasting, and watching( especially about the time of our saviours passion) the very same saith Eusebius that were used in his daies, and finally, that certain men, 
Idem ibidem.  to whom the charge of the ecclesiastical ministry was committed, governed the rest.  
●4 This with much more, which for brevities sake I omit, is related by Eusebius out of Philo concerning the contemplative, and monastical life, of the Iewes, converted to the Christian faith about Alexandria,& diuers other places of egypt, which book he entitled, de vita contemplatiua s●pplicum, of the contemplative life of suppliants, or those whose special office was to pray, and praise God; whom he also calleth in the same book Therapeutas, that is to say, worshippers▪ giuing to understand, that their contemplation( which he also called philosophy) consisted principally in prayer, and such other things as belong properly to the worship of God.  
15 And although Philo doth not name those of whom he writeth Christians, but Essaei, 
joseph. li. 2. de bel. Iud. c. 7.& antiquit. li. 18. ca. 2.  and therfore may seem to treat of a sect of the Iewes called by Iosephus Esseni, whose institut in some things resembled our Christian religion( for so do our aduersaries say, to answer us concerning this testimony of Philo) yet it is to bee understood, fir●● that those Esseni which Iosephus mentioneth, were far different fro● the Essaei of whom Philo treateth, for that they used many erroniou● and superstitious things, which are not ascribed by Philo to the Essa●● Secondlie, that there were three different sorts of men, whereof tw● were called Esseni, 
Epiph. de. haeres. haer. 10. li. 1. Iosephus. ubi supra. haeres. 29.  and the third Essaei, or Iessaei. The first were Samaritan called Esseni, of whom S. Epiphanius maketh mention in his book 〈◇〉 heresies. The second were Iewes, called also Essaeni, of whom Ioseph● treateth largely in his book de antiquitatibus,& de bello judaico. Th● third were Christians called Essaei, or Iessaei( as S. Epiphanius readeth it i● Philo) so name either of jesse Dauids father, or of Iesu, because( saith 〈◇〉 Epiphanius) they proceeded from him, and believed in him, to whic● purpose he also noteth, that the faithful, who first believed in Ies● Christ, were called Iessaei, before they had the name of Christiani, whic● was first given then at Antioch. 
Act. 11.  And of these Iessaei saith S Ephiphaniu● Philo wrote who celebrating their praises, and treating of their mona●steries circa Mariam paludem, 
Epipha. ubi supra.  about the marsh, or lake called Maria n● de aliis, saith he, narrauit quam de Christianis, treated of no other sort of me● but of Christians.  
16 Thus saith S. Epiphanius, who was himself a jew by birth, and ve●ry learned in their laws, and ceremonies, and therefore could we● enough distinguish betwixt their sects, and the Christians. Besides tha● not only S. jerome, and Eusebius( as I haue declared before) but als● Sozomenus, 
Sozom. li. 1. c. 12. Beda. in prologo sup Mar. Niceph, li. 2. c. 16.  S. Bede, and Nicephorus do plainly affirm, that the Essaei, whos● contemplative, or monastical life, Philo describeth, were the Christian who lived in Alexandria, under S. mark: so that no man can deny th● same, except he will be so shameless to oppose himself to the vniform● consent of so many ancient, and learned Fathers of the Church; and h● that list to see further proof thereof, let him red cardinal Baronius i● his first tome, 
Baron. To. 1. an. 64.  an. 64. where he handleth this matter amply, an● learnedly.  
17 Therefore it is evident that monastical life was instituted by th● Apostles themselves, 
1▪ Pet. 1. Philo de vita Contemplat.  seeing it cannot with any reason be imagined that S. mark the holy evangelist, ordained it in egypt, without the consent, or rather the express order of S. Peter, who converted him to th● faith of Christ, and loved him so dearly, that he called him his son, and made him bishop of Alexandria, and gave him all his instruction● for the writing of his gospel. Besides that it appeareth in Philo, tha● there were the like monasteries, and places designed for Christian contemplation in diuers parts at the same time as well in Greece, as other countries, where the Christian faith was received, which could not be 〈◇〉 general in the Apostles time amongst Christians, if they( I mean ●●e Apostles) had not been the chief authors thereof.  
And all this will yet bee much more clear, if we consider that S. ●●●sius Areopagita, S. Paules disciple, not only wrote an Epistle, 
Dionis. ep. ad demo. hil. monachum.  ad ●mophilum monachum, to Demophilus the monk( wherein he signifieth ●●at he made him monk with his own hands) but also in his book 〈◇〉 the ecclesiastical Hiearchy, he deriveth the institution of monastical ●fe, and the very name of monk, from the Apostles, themselves saying ●uini precaeptores nostri &c. Our divine masters, 
Dion. de eccl Hierar. ca. 10  or teachers( for so he cal●●th the Apostles) would haue them to be name partly Therapeutas, that is say worshippers, and partly Monachos, monks, by reason of their pure wor●●ip, and service of God, and of their solitary, and undivided life, whereby ●●ey become one, by the holy coniunction of things divided, to the end they may ●aine to perfection, grateful to God, and to a divine union. Thus saith he, and ●terwardes he describeth, and explicateth the rites, and ceremonies, ●hereby the monks of that time were consecrated, and dedicated to and service of God.  
●● For first he saith, that the priest standing before the altar, pro●ounced a prayre fit for that purpose, and the same being finished, ap●roched to the party that was to be professed, and asked him, whether and was fully resolved to renounce his secular life, and to separate him●elfe wholly from it; and when the party had made a full promise, and ●ouenant thereof( for so signifieth the greek word) the priest declared unto him, that most perfect manner of life, which he was to vnder●ake, admonishing him that he ought from thence forth to excel the ●ommon sort of men in life and manners, being now to become of the ●ighest, and most perfect order of men, and that being a monk, or re●igious man, he might not do many things, which be lawfully donne ●y men of the inferior order, because his end, and intention was to be ●oyned, and united with almighty God: And after this S. dionysius shew●th how the priest signed the party with the sign of the cross,& cut of his hair, calling upon the blessed trinity, and that then he took of his clothes, and vested him anew, and finally, that when all those which were present had saluted him, and congratulated with him, the priest gave him the holy Communion.  
20 And this being declared, by S. dionysius, then he explicateth the reason of these ceremonies, giving to understand that he which was to be professed, was signed with the cross, to signify that he was to die, to concupiscence, crucifiyng, and mortifiyng in himself all carnal desires: and that his hair was cut of, to the end, he might vndersta●● that he was from thence forth, to cast of all human, and earthly o●●naments, and to labour to make himself acceptable to God, by t●● only beauty of his soul: that his change of garment did signify th● change of his mind, and admonished him, that as much as his habit d● differ from the common habit, so much ought he to differ in manne● from the common sort of men: That the congratulations of the assi●tants, did represent unto him the ioy which as our saviour said, the A●●gels in heaven haue for a soul that is joined with God: and lastly th● he communicateth of the blessed body of our saviour Christ, to th● end he might understand for what cause principally that institute 〈◇〉 monastical life was ordained, to wit, to the end that man might thereby arri●e to perfect coniunction& union with almighty God.  
21 Thus much I haue thought good to allege out of S. dionysius,& whereas our aduersaries( or at least many of them, not knowing ho● to answer him otherways) do deny his works, as not written by hi●( because Eusebius, and S. jerome make no mention of them) it may ap●peare, how little reason they haue, if we consider two things: the on● that both 
Eusebiu. eccle. hist. li. 5. c. 26.  Eusebius& 
S. Hierom. in Catologo. scriptor.  S. jerome do acknowledge that there were man● authors before their time, whom they had not seen: and the other, that not only diuers ancient Fathers, but also the 
synod. Constantinopol. 6. Act. 4.  sixth general Counsel hath alleged, and highly esteemed them. For 
S. cyril Alexandrin apud Liberat. in Breuiario. ca. 10.  S. Cyril bishop of Alexandria who lived,& flourished in S. Hieromes time, citeth his works, as Libiratus testifieth 
S. Greg: ho. 34. in evangel.  S. Greg. the great, who also wrote about a 1000. yeares ago, allegeth him, and calleth him an ancient, and venerable Father. 
S. joan. Damascen. li. 1 de fide orthod. ca. 15.  S. John Damascen. 
Euth●mius in Panoplia. par. 1. Tit. 2.  Euthymius:,& other very learned, and ancient authors, do also city his works: Besides that diuers of our aduersaries themselves do partly allege him,& partly aclowledge him for a very ancient writer of the primitive Church: For 
Fulk against the Remish testament in. 2. Thess. 2 sect. 19.  master Ful● thinketh that this dionysius, whose works wee haue under the name o● Areopagita, lived in Origens time, which was long before Eusebius, and S. jerome. 
Sutlif de presbyterio. ca. 13.  M. Sutlif, calleth him the most ancient, and best witness of antiquity. 
Doctor Humphrey in Iesuitis. par. 2. rat. 5. pag. 513.  Doctor Humphrey confesseth that Gregorius Turonensis,& Michael● Singelus( who wrote above a thousand yeares ago) and Suydas did beleeue that dionysius Areopagita, S. Paules scholar, was author of the caelesti●, and ecclesiastica Hiearchia: our of the which this testimony concerning monks is taken. Also my Lord of 
In his anwer to the admonition. pag. 105. sect v●●ee the Apology of the Romā Church. sect. 3. nu. 4.& num. 13.  Canturbury writing against the Puritans, allegeth dionysius Ariopagita de caelesti Hierachia. Besides others of our aduersaries mentioned together with these before name, by the learned author of the Apology of the Roman Church, an excellent work lately published. And if any man desire to be further satisfied, ●●uching these works of S. dionysius, let him red the second tome of ●ardinall Baronius anno. 109 with the appendix belonging thereto, 
Baron. anno. 104.  ●here he clearly proveth them to be his, and fully answereth whatsoever can be said to the contrary.  
●● Yt is therefore evident in this most ancient,& famous Father, that ●ontemplatiue,& monastical life was ordained by the Apostles them●●lues, and that the perfection of Christian religion consisteth therein 〈◇〉 reason of the union with God, which is obtained thereby, 
Dionis. Areop. ubi supra. Philo de vita contemplat.  in respect ●hereof he calleth men of that profession, not only Therapeutas or ●le●res, as Philo doth, but also Monachos, monks, because( as he saith, they ●orsake all multiplicity, to unite themselves to the true unity, that is to 〈◇〉, to God himself. And both he, and Philo do also call monastical ●iscipline, philosophy, because religious men, who profess the same, do ●ould the same place amongst the Christians, that the Philosophers ●eld amongst the Gentills, 
Chrisostome● ho. 17. ad pop. Antio. ho. 11. in act.&. li. 3. contra vituperat. vitae monasticae. Nilus de Christ. philosophia. Chap. 17.  professing contempt of the world and the ●udy of wisdom:& therefore S. chrysostom commonly calleth monks or religious men, Philisophers, and Nilus writing of monastical life, in●●tuled his book de Christiana Philosophia, of Christian Philosophy, because it is the consummation of the philosophy of the gentiles, which ●ending to the contemplation of God, and union with him, by the ex●rcise of the moral virtues( as I haue declared) cannot possiblly arrive ●hereto, without the help of this Christian philosophy, consisting in ●he heavenly doctrine of our saviour Christ: who being wisdom it ●elfe, infuseth into the souls of his seruants, both true knowledge,& ●rue virtue, and so both teacheth, and giveth the means to attain to ●he perfection of virtuous life, and consequently to that perfect union with God which is the end of all true philosophy.  
23 To conclude this point concerning the first institution of monastical discipline, and religious life, all the ancient Fathers of the Church, do refer it to the time of the Apostles, yea and that S. chrysostom called it ●hilosophiam a Christo introductam, a philosophy brought into the world by Christ: 
Chrysos. ho. 17. ad Pop. hom. 11. in Act. li. 3. cant▪ vituperat. vitae. monast  and saith also, that monks in his time, did live as all the faithful lived in jerusalem, in the beginning of the Church, and that the Apostles performed all that, which those monks did practise, and this no doubt they did in the highest degree of contemplation, and Christian perfection. joannes, Cassianus 
Cassian. collat. 18. c. 5.  also saith, that Caenobitarum disciplina, a tempore praedicationis apostolicae sumpsit exordium. The discipline of monastical, or religious men, began in the time, that the Apostles preached.  
The same is also affirmed, not only by S. Ephiphanius, S. Hierom, Eusebius and Sozomenus( as may appear by that which I alleged out them before) but also by S. Augustin, 
S. Epiph. haer. 29. S. Hieroni. de sc●ipt. eccles. in philone. Euseb. li. 2. ca 16. Sozom. li. 1. ca. 12. Aug. ser 2. de commun. vit cleri●. Possid. in vit Augustini. Isidor. l●. 2. de office. c●. 15. Nicephor. li. 2. ca. 16.  Possidonius, Isidorus, and Nicepho● to omit many other later then they.  
24 Well then seeing, that the perfection of this our Christian phi●●phy, consisteth, as I haue shewed in the exercise of our saviours co●●sells, that is to say, of voluntary poverty, chastity, and obedience, and that t● same was practised in all perfection, not only by our saviour himself and his Apostles, but also by innumerable Christians in their times, y● and that even then began the practise of this contemplative, and m●●nasticall life, tending to a perfect union with God: it resteth now, th● I prove, and make it evident, that only the Roman catholics ha● at this day( as ever hitherto they haue had) both the perfect exerc● of this Christian philosophy, and also that perfect union with Go● wherein consisteth the happiness of man: of both which points, I shall not need to produce any other proof, then experience. First the● will speak of the first point, and after of the second, and show that th● Roman catholics haue them both in all perfection, and afterwar● I will make it clear, that their aduersaries haue neither of both i● any sort.  
25 And to the end it may appear, as well in this matter, as in other which I shall handle hereafter, that our catholic religion, is deriue● by a continual course, 
Dionis. eccles. Hierar. c. 10.  and succession of doctrine, and practise from th● time of the Apostles, and that therefore it is that true christian religion which they taught, and delivered unto us, I will deduce the exercise o● this contemplative, or religious life from their time, to these our daies though in diuers orders of religion, yet all agreeing in substance, that i● to say, in the observation of our saviours counsels aforesaid.  

Damas. in vita Tele●pho. an. 117.  26 I haue already shewed, that the contemplative, or religious life was instituted in the first age after Christ( as S. dionysius affirmeth) by the Apostles themselves, who he saith name those religious person( whose solemn profession he describeth) cultores, 
20. q. c 1. c. virgines. an. 147. Soter. ep. 2. an. 161. Hierom. cattle. scriptor. Eccles. an. 193 Tritemius de script eccl.  & Monachos worshippe● and monks. And there is no doubt, but that the same manner of life, was continued both in men& women, during al the time of the primitiu● Church, whereof we find sufficient testimony. For wee red, that S. Telesphorus, who was pope in the second age, whiles. S. dionysius lived, was an Anchor, or hermit, before he was pope, and that the popes pus,& Soter, who lived also in the same age, made certain decrees, concerning Nunnes, or religious women, consecrated, and dedicated to the service of God: and that Serapion bishop of Antioch also in the same age, pro, fessed religious discipline.  
27 This also further appeareth in an epistle of S. Ignatius disciple to ●. John the evangelist, who writing to the Tarsenses, 
Ignat. ep. ad Tarsens. Idem. ad Philip. ep. 8. S. justin. in Apolg. 2. Clemens. Alex. li. 2. stromat. Origen. ho. 17.& 19. in Lucam. Tertuli. de velan. virgin.  commandeth them to honour the virgins that were dedicated to God, and exhorted the virgins themselves to remember, and aclowledge to whom they were consecrated: and in his epistle to the Phillippenses, maketh mention of colleges of virgins: Also S. justin the Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus,& Origen, do writ of religious virgins in their dayes, which was also the second age.  
●8 In like manner Tertullian in the same age wrote a treatise, yet ex●ant, de velandis virginibus, of veyling virgins( that is to say, of consecra●ing them to the service of God) distinguishing them from secular virgins, and declaring their obligation, to serve God in perpetual chastity, and in the habit which they had taken upon them: For, speaking of some who had presumed to bereeue them of their religious habit, ●he exclaimeth against them, and saith, O sacrilegae manus &c. O sacrilegious ●ands, which could take of the habit dedicated to God! And after again, he maketh express mention of their vow of continency, 
Ibid. ca. 11.  and giveth to understand, that they made an oblation to God of body,& soul,& that they ●onsecrated their whole substance, and essence unto him: and lastly he saith, 
Ibid. c. 13.  that they were married to Christ, and had delivered their flesh to him: And the like saith S. Cyprian, 
S. Cipryan. de discipli.& habitu. Virginum.  in the third age, in his book entitled de disciplina,& habitu virginum, of the discipline, and habit of virgins. Quae saith he, se Deo di●auerint& a carnali concupiscentia recedentes tam carne, quam mente, se Deo ●ouerint, who haue dedicated, and vowed themselves to God, abstaining from al ●arnal concupiscence of body, and mind. Thus saith S. Cyprian of the religious virgins in his time. And in the same age S. Dionysius the pope, 
Damas. in vita Dionis. Baron-an. 30i  and martyr, was a monk before he was bishop of Rome. Besides that, wee red that in the persecution of Dioclesian and Maximian, monasteries of men,& religious women were subverted,& some of the virgins sent to the stews, whose chastity God preserved, and defended miraculously.  
29 And S. Athanasius witnesseth, 
S. Athan. in vita Anton  that monks lived in monasteries in the fields, not far from towns, and cities before S. Antonies time( who was born in the year two hundreth and fifty) and that the said S. Antony being young, and desirous to dedicat his life wholly to the service of God, took example,& instructions of those monks, and especially of an old man, who from his youth had professed monastical life: Whereby it appeareth, how false it is which the Magdeburgenses, 
Magdeburg. cent. 4. ca. 6.  in their history affirm, to wit, that S. Antony began monastical discipline, seeing that he learned it of old monks, when he himself was very young, though indeed it pleased God greatly to amplify and propagat religious, and monastical profession under him, who bei●● but eighteen yeares of age, and hearing in the gospel our saviour counsel to the rich young man( that if he would bee perfect he shou●● sell all he had, 
S. Athanas. in vita. S. Anton.  and give it to the poor) sold the greatest part of h● possessions, and bestowed the money in alms: and shortly after, hearin● again by an other place in the gospel, that our saviour commaund● us not to be solicitous, or over careful for to morrow, he sold all t●● rest, and gave the money to the poor, and retiring himself into t●● deserts of egypt, grew to bee of so great famed for his rare virtue, a●●drew unto him so many disciples, that at last he peopled the deserts, n● only of egypt, but also of armoniac, and Nitria, with monasteries, 〈◇〉 Monks, and Nunnes.  
30 Also S. Hilarion by the example, and instructions of S. Antony, r●●plenished Siria, and Palestina, and all the east parts with monasteries, a● may appear by that which I haue alleadegd before in the fifetent● chapter, 
Chap. 15.  out of Palladius,& Theodoretus, when I treated of the admirab●● effect of Gods grace in Christian Religion: where also it may be seen in what sanctity, mortification, and abnegation of themselves, the lived▪ 
August. de moribus. eccl.  practising( as before I haue signified) the virtues, of voluntar● poverty, chastity,& obedience, in all perfection, whereupon S. August● saith to the Maniches in his treatise, de moribus ecclesiae: behold saith he the excellency of perfect Christians, the poverty of their lives, an● their singular continency, and chastity. But you cannot bee ignoran● of that which I am about to tell you, for who knoweth not what ● multitude of most religious Christians is dispersed throughout th● world, and especially in the east, and in egypt. I speak not of thos● which dwell in Hermitages in the desert, but of them who being wor●thy of al admiration, and praise, do despise al the pleasures, and delights of the world, and assemble themselves into monasteries, when they live, and employ their time in holy exercises, and prayer. Thu● far S. Augustin  

D. Chrs. in ca 2. Math. ho. 8.  31 S. chrysostom also speaking of the monks of egypt in his time, saith thus. Si quid nunc &c. If any man now do come to the deserts of egypt, he● shall find them more worthy then any paradise of pleasure, and shall see innumerable companies of Angels shine in mortal bodies &c. And 2 little after. Non ita varijs &c. The heauens do not so glister with variety of stars, as th● deserts of egypt are beautified,& illustrated with innumerable habitacles, or mansions of monks, and Virgins. S. Thus saith S. chrysostom.  
32 In like maner, S. jerome, calleth the monastical order of Monks, and virgins. 
●ieron. pe. li. 2. ep. 8. ad Marcellam.  Florem quendam,& preciosissimum lapideminter ecclesiastica ornamenta. A certain flower, and most precious ston amongst the ornaments of the Church. And describeth also the notable manner of life of the religious, as well women, as men in his time.  
33 To conclude, Sozomenus saith of the religious men of those times, 
Hierom. ad Eustochi. in Epitapluo Paulae. Sozom. histo. Trip. li. 1. ca. 11. & of their profession( which he calleth an admirable philosophy) that they despised all worldly glory, and resisted manfully all the assaults of passions: that they had their understanding fixed one God their creator, whom they did contemplat day, and night: that they exercised themselves all their lives in patience, mansuetude, and humility, approaching by contemplation to the divine majesty, as near as it was possible for human nature. Thus saith Sozomenus in substance, with much more to the same effect, which I omit for brevities sake,   

A continuation of the same matter, to prove the continual discent of religious discipline, from the first 300. yeares after Christ, until our time, by the occasion whereof, the beginnings, and authors, of al the different professions, and order of religions in Gods Church, are declared: with the reasons, and causes, why it is c●nuenient, that there should be so many different orders in the Church of God, and that his merciful providence, and bounty evidently appeareth therein: finally that the most holy learned, and famous men in Gods Church, haue professed, or allowed religious life, and that the later orders of religion, do not differ either in matter of faith, or in substance of religious discipline, from the first monks, or religious of the primitive Church. CHAP. 26.  
1 HEitherto I haue shewed, that the contemplative, and monastical life, containing the perfection of Christian religion, was instituted by the Apostles,& continued in the Church of God, for the first three hundreth yeares, and then greatly augmented, and propagated by S. Antony, and his imitators, 
Circa. an. 360. S. Basil. 63.& 79. S. Gregor. Nazianz. orat. in laudem Basili●. Platus. de bono status religiosi. li. 2. ca. 22.  in the reign of Constantine, the great: And now to proceed to the ensuing ages presently after the death of S. Antony, S. Basil instituted an order of religious men, or monks in Greece, differing from those of S. Antonyes institution, in two things especially: The one in that he laboured more to join the active life with the contemplative,& therefore ordained, that his monks should draw nearer to cities, and towns, to the end they might as well by their example, as instruction, gain more souls to God: The other was, that whereas in former times, the superiors of monasteries, governed them for the most part, according to their own iudgement, and wisdom, without any prescript of written laws, or statutes, he wrote certain rules for th● government thereof, 
S. Basil. constitut. monast.& regulae breves.& Ascetica. Item de institutionib. monacho.  prescribing a certain time, and manner for th● probation of novices, before they should bee professed, and other statutes for their direction after their profession, all tending to the bette● observation of our saviours counsels, consisting( as I haue oft said) i● the virtues of poverty, chastity, and perfect obedience: which rules of 〈◇〉 Basil are extant in his works,& until this day observed by the monke● in Greece, 
Baron. an 363.  and haue served for a form, and pattern to al others, tha● since his time haue instituted new orders of religion.  
2 Some yeares before the institution of S. Basils order( to wit abou● the year 340) monastical discipline passed into the west parts by th● occasion of 
Circa. an 340.  S. Athanasius, and other priests of Alexandria, who being banished thence, and flying for succour to Rome, taught it to 
Baron. hoc. anno.  Marcell● a holy woman, and first began to profess it herself, and drew so many other, both men, and women to follow her example, that ther● were shortly after( as 
Hieron. ep. li. 3. ad Principiam. ep. 16. Circa. an. 386.  S. Hierom affirmeth) many monasteries of women, and an innumerable multitude of monks, in, and about Rome: besides that we red, 
S. Aug. li. 8. confessi. ca. 6.  that S. Ambrose, in the same age, maintained a monastery of religious men at Milan, and that 
S. Sulpitius severus de vita S. Martini.  S. Martyn erected others in France, and about the same time( as it is likely) the Britons received their first monastical discipline( conform to that of egypt) either from Italy, or from France, seeing that the monks which were in the monastery of 
Beda. eccl. histo. Anglor li. 2. ca. 2.  Bangor, at the conversion of the Saxons, lived all by the labour of their hands, as the monks of egypt did, as may appear in S. Bede.  
3 Also about 
Circa. an. 390. Baron. an. 395.  the year of our Lord 390. S. 
Possidius. in vita Aug.  Augustin erected a monastery in Afric: 
Platus. de bono stat. religiosi. li. 2. ca. 23.  And because he builded it in a solitary place, those that followed the institut which he ordained therein, were called Hermits,& though they were many yeares after commanded by pope 
Aug. ser. 1. de commun. vita cleric.  Innocentius the fourth, to live in towns, to the end that their holy conversation, might be more profitable to their neighbours, yet the said Innocentius ordained, that they should retain their old name of Hermits, whereby they are distinguished no less, then by their habit, and rule, from an other order instituted also by 
Possid. in vita Aug.  S. Augustin, who whiles he was bishop of Hippo, made a monastery within his own house, as he had also made an other joining to the Church before he was bishop, wherein he and other priests lived al in common, having nothing proper, imitating therein( as 
D. Ambros. ep. 82.  Possidius his disciple writeth in his life) the community used in the time of the Apostles p, and from this roote are sprung the diuers orders of Chanon regulars, observing the rule of S. Augustin at this day.  
4 And the first of them that went from afric into other parts, were ●rought I haue red to the contrary, Gelasius, and certain compani●s of his, who came to Rome, by reason that Hippo was destroyed, and ●frick overrun by the Vandals, and Gelasius being within a while af● chosen pope, assigned the Church of S. John Lateran, to his former ●●mpanions, whose successors remained there almost eight hundreth yea●, until pope Bonifacius the eight removed them, and put secular can●●ns in their places, distributing to every one of them a portion of the ●●ts which the regular cannons had enjoyed in common.  
● And it is likely, that as Gelasius, and his companions, so also others the same order of S. Augustin, passed from afric into other parts at and same time, upon the irruption of the Vandals, whereupon it fo●ed, that all christendom was afterwards replenished with Can●n regulars, of S. Augustins order, besides that many founders, and au●●●s of other religious orders since his time, haue built the same upon and foundation of his two rules, of Hermits, and Chanons, in so much, that ●me haue noted, about thirty several orders of religious men, 
F. Paulo. Morigia. hi●t. del orig. delle religion●.  and ●omen in diuers partes of christendom, observing the rule of S. Augustin in substance, whereof I shall haue occasion to name some hereafter.  
● But to return to the time of S. Augustin,& to show the progress ●f monastical or religious life in other orders until our daies. There ●●ned in the next age after him S. Benedict, or S. bennet: a man most fa●ous in Gods Church, and admirable for his virtue, and sanctity, as ●ay appear by his life written by S. Gregory the great. 
S. Greg. li. 2. dialog. an. 520. Ibid. c. 36.  This holy man ●ue a most excellent rule, which he practised himself at Subiaco 40. ●iles from Rome, and after in his famous monastery of Cassinum, in the kingdom of Naples, from whence it spread exceedingly in a short time, ●to other parts of Italy, and sicily, and then into France, and other pla●es, in S. Benedicts own daies, and afterwards throughout all Christen●ome, as may appear by the infinite number of monasteries of Benedi●●n●, which are to bee seen, even at this day in all the Christian cun●●ies of europe: besides that many orders are sprung also from him at ●iuers times, either imitating his rule, or restoring it to the first inte●ritie in some places where it was decayed, or else adding there to some ●ore religious constitutions of their own, all tending to the more ●erfect observation of our saviours Counsels, whereupon their fo●●owers were distinguished from Benedictins by a new name, taken ei●her from the authors of the reformation, and additions aforesaid, 〈◇〉 from the monasteries that were reformed.  

Paul. Morigia. Platus. ubi supra. ca. 22 an. 913.  7 Such were the Cluniacenses, so called of the Abbey of Cluny in Fran●● reformed by Odo, the Abbot thereof, in the year of our Lord N● hundreth and thirteen, whose example was followed, by so many z●●lous Abbots at the same time in Italy, spain, England& Germany, t●● there were in a short time two thousand monasteries reformed, a● restored to their ancient severity of discipline, from which they w● much declined.  
8 About eighty seven yeares after this, the Hermits called Camal●●lenses, 
An. 1000. Idaem. ibid.  were instituted by S. Romoaldus upon the Apennin hills in ●●taly, where they still remain, observing for the most part S. Bened● rule, with additions of greater austerity, fit for the heremiticall 〈◇〉 which they led, to the great admiration,& edification of al those th● visit their holy cells.  

an. 1073. Idem. ibid. Hist. di Gionan. in villani. li. 4. c. 16.  9 And twenty three yeares after them, there arose also an oth● order in those parts, called de valle Ombrosa, under a holy man nam● joannes Gualbertus a Florentin, upon this occasion. This Gualbertus b●●ing a singular man, and having a determination to kill one, who h● slain his brother, and meeting him one day at such a time, and in su● a sort, that he had him at his mercy, was content nevertheless to fo●giue him, yea, and to make a firm friendship with him, because he de●●●red him to pardon him for the love of our saviours passion. And chanced the same day that Gualbertus went into a church,& prayed befo●● a crucifix, which miraculously bowed the head towards him, as it we● acknowledging the charity he had shewed towards his enemy, f● our saviours sake, 
Baron. an. 1051.  wherewith he was so moved, that he present● resolved to forsake the world, and to become religious, and was afte●●wards so exemplar of life, and famous for his miracls, that he dre● very many to imitate and accompany him, whereupon he erect● diuers monasteries under the rule of S. Benedict, with some constitu●●●ons of his own, tending to more severity, and rigour of monastic● discipline, and because his chief monastery was in a place called v● Ombrosa, all those of his institution took the name thereof.  
10 After these began the Cistercienses, about the year of our Lo●● a thousand ninety eight under S. Robert, 
An. 1098. Baron. hoc anno. Paulo. Morigia nella hist. del org●ne delle religione.  Abbot of Molisme in France, who h●●uing noted, that the monastery where he lived, was much declin● from the austerity of S. Benedicts rule, found means to erect a poo● monastery, first in Molisme, and after in Cisters, in which two places, h● began a notable reformation, and after, within a few yeares, S. Berna● prosecuting the same, brought it to so great perfection, and increas● that he himself founded a hundreth, and threescore reformed monasteries, of S. Benets order, and in respect thereof, as also of his great ●me, and wonderful sanctity( which the whole world admired) the ●●ligious of those covents, following his rule of reformation, are called ●well Bernardini, as Cistercienses.  
●● Besides these holy men above name, who were properly chil●●en of S. bennet, there haue been also diuers other great seruants of God, ●ho upon the mould, or pattern of his institut, haue framed others ●f singular edification, and rare perfection. The first was Bruno, 
Idem. ibid. Platus de bono stat. rilig.  a great ●octor of Paris, who being present at the exequyes of a cannon of our ●adies Church, and seeing his dead body raise itself from the hearce ●●ree times, and say first, that he was accused, and after that he was ●●dged, and lastly that he was justly condemned, was moved there●ith to abandon the world, and with six companions, retired him●elfe into the desert of Grenoble in dauphin, 
Baron. anno. 1086. & there began the most ●olie contemplative, and religious order of the Carthusians, called com●only in England in times past, the Charter house monks, famous even at his day, for their solitude, contemplation, silence, perpetual abstinence ●rom flesh, and continual prayer, accompanied with the exact disci●lin of monastical profession, and no where more then in the mona●eries of our English Carthusians at Mechlyn in flanders, who being as it ●ere the offspring, and succession of the famous covent of their order ●n England called Sheen( dissolved in the beginning of the late Queens ●aigne) haue ever since upheld, and conserved that religious body, and ●or their most holy, and contemplative life, are notable ornaments, ●swell of our country, as of the Church of God.  
●2 About a hundreth, and twenty yeares after the institution of the Car●husians, there began an order of Cannon regulars, 
an. 1120.  founded by a holy man called Norbert Archbishop of Magdeburg, in a place name Premo●re, in the bishopric of Laon in France, whereupon they were called Praemo●tratensi, and such hath been the increase of that order in France, 
Baron. an. 1120. ex Hugone de xita Norberti.  spain, and other countries, that they haue above a thousand five hnudreth monasteries in one place,& other. Their rule is of S. Augustin, though with some little difference.  
13 In the same age also was instituted an order dedicated to the blessed Trinity, by two holy men, the one called john of Malta, 
an. 1197. Paul. Morigi a. vbupra. Sabellicus Ennead. 9. li. 5.  and the other Felix an Anchorit:& besides their rules common to al other religious, they bind themselves to go into turkey, and other countries of the Infidels to redeem Christian captives, which they do yearly, procuring the delivery of many. They are called the order of the Trinity.  
14 Within three yeares after the foundation of this order, the religion of the Carmelits came first into Italy, 
an. 1200.  and from thence dilated it selfe itself● to other parts of christendom, having been instituted long befor● the year of our Lord, four hundreth and twelve, by John patriarch jerusalem, 
Idem. ibid. Paulus. Morigia.& Platus. ubi supra. Tho. Waldensis. de Sacramentis. Tit. 9. 84.  or as some grave authors say, but only restored then by h● for that it was( as they suppose) extant in the time of the Apos●● upon the mount Carmelus, whereof they say, the whole order to the name, and that being afterwards spread over al Palestina, it was out by the saracens, when they subdued that country: this order be very exemplar for poverty, and all perfection, flourished in times pa● our country, as well in learning as virtue, under the name of the w●● Friars, by reason of their white habit.  

an. 1212.  15 Within twelve yeares after that the Carmelits came into Italy pleased God to raise two new orders of Friars( as wee commonly ● them) under S. Francis, 
Platus. ubi supra. Paulo. Morigia. & S. dominic, two lights of the world, shiny in miraculous works, and excelling in all the religious virtues, ● making special profession of a most exact, and evangelical pouer● above al the religions of former times, with whom it pleased almig●●ty God to cooperat wonderfully in the conversion of sinners, and ●●crease of their orders, in so much, that S. Francis holding a gene●● Chapter at Assisio, assembled five thousand of his order, and admit●● thereto five hundreth more, before the chapter broken up, and within while after, all christendom was replenished with them, who a● now divided into three orders, to wit, Conuentuals, observants,& Cap●●chins, under three several generals.  

an. 1216. Idem. Ibid. Platus. ubi. supra,  16 And the like also may be said, of the propagation, and incrase the holy order of S. dominic, which in very short time was spre● through christendom,& because his special institut was to prea● for the conversion, as well of the heretics Albigenses( of whom h● himself converted great numbers) as also of all sorts of sinners, tho● of his order were called the Friar preachers, though in our count● they were best known by the name of black Friars, by reason of the uppermost weed which is black, though they wear white under i●  
17 Although the same time also( to wit within sixteen yeares after began the order of the servi or Seruitae at Florence, 
an. 1232. Idem. Ibid.  by the occasion of sea●uen rich and noble gentlemen' who retiring themselves to a hill no● far from thence, to do penance, grew within a while, to be so exem●plar, and famous for their holy life, that very many joined themselves with them, 
Paulo. Morigia.  who daily multiplyinge, were at last divided into diue● monasteries, under the name of servi della B. virgin, seruants of the B. vir●gin mary, in respect of their particular devotion to hir, and diuers apparitions of her to them. They observe the rule of S. Augustin, with ●●me little difference, whereby they ar distinguished from the Augustins.  
●● In the same age, about thirty yeares after, 
an. 1264. Idem. Ibid.  there began in spain an ●der of religion, called de la Merced, of the redemption, whose obligation like to that of the order of the trinity before name, to wit, to re●●me Christian captives. This order was instituted dy Don Iayme king● arragon, according to the rule of S. Augustin, but do wear a white ●eede with an escuchon vpon their habit, having in it a white cross ● a red field, with the arms of arragon under it.  
●● About ten yeares after this, a holy man called Pedro Moron, 
Circa. an. 1274. Idem ibid. Platus. ubi supra. Sabellicus ennead. 9. li. 7.  having ●ued many yeares in a desert, grew to be so famous, partly for his holy ●fe, and partly for his great miracles, that many resorted to him out 〈◇〉 all partes, and submitted themselves to his direction, for their ma●●er of life, to whom he prescribed religious rules, and so many were ●s disciples in a few yeares, that he was fain to procure diuers mona●eries for them, and his rule being confirmed by the sea apostolic, ●●d he himself some yeares after chosen pope, and called Celestinus the ●●ft, those of his institution were name Celestini.  
●● And to pass over the rest briefly, seeing all tend to one end( to ●it, to contemplative life, and the perfect observation of our saviours ●ouncells) the Oliuitani, 
Paulo Morigia. Platus. an. 1320.  had their beginning of a holy man called Bernar●s Ptolomeus, who professing the study of philosophy in Sienna, with●ew himself with two companions, in the year a thousand three hund●th and twenty, to a mountain, not far from thence called Oliuetus, ●here they passed their time in such fervour of devotion& penance, ●d drew so many to follow their example, that there grew a particu●r order of that name.  
●● Also not long after( to wit in the year a thousand three hundred fifty ●) there began in the same city of Siena, 
An. 1356. Platus. ubi supra. Paulo Morigia.  an other order of religious ●●en called Iesuati, because they had ever the name of Iesus in their mou●es. Their first founder, was a gentleman called joannes Columbinus, a ●an of singular perfection, and austerity of life, who out of his great ●umilitie ordained, that none of his order should be priestes, for the ●●uerence he bore to the dignity of priesthood, for which respect also ● Antony, S. Hilarion, S. Benit, S. Francis, and very many relgious men in ●ncient times forbore to bee priestes. nevertheless now very lately, it ●ath seemed good to the popes holiness to ordain, that the Giesuati shal ●ave priestes, as other religious haue. These also of this order, do use ●o get their living with their labour, and therfore employ themselves commonly in the distillation of all kind of wholesome waters, for the benefit of the sick, and in diuers other things, besides their obligation of P●●uerty, chastity, obedience, much prayer, and many mortificatio● which they haue common with al other religious orders.  

an 1383. Idem ibid.  22 And within a few yeares after this, one Pedro Ferdinando a Spani● abandoning the court and favour of his prince, Peter king of Castil, newed the rule instituted about twelve hundred yeares ago, by S. Hie● in Bethleem, which is now observed by the Hieronimits in spain, a Portugal, with exceeding great edification for their notable discipli● and perfection of monastical life.  

Idem ibid. Sabellicus. ●nnead. 9. li. 6.  23 In like maner the Crucigeri, having first their beginning from a co●●pany or congregation, instituted by S. Cletus, the second bishop Rome after S. Peter, to receive, and asiste poor Christian pilgrims travelers, which should come thither, and being by reason of the gr● persecutions under the pagan Emperours dissolved, were restored fi● by pope Vrbanus the second, with the addition of the name of Crucigen● the same time that Godfrey of Bullen recovered jerusalem from the ●●razens, and afterwards they were augmented, by the popes Innocen●● the third, Alexander the third, and pus the second, which latter also the year a thousand four hundred and sixty, 
an. 1460.  and in a general counsel he● at Mantua, changed their habit from ash colour, to blew.  

circa. an. 1450. Platus. ubi supra. Paulo Morigia. ubi. sup  24 About the year of our Lord a thousand four hundred& fifty, the h● order of the Friars called Minimi, which is of singular edification in 〈◇〉 church of God at this present, was instituted by the famous Fath● Francisco de Paula, a man for austerity of life and virtue of miracles, he● inferior to none of the founders of the ancient orders.  
25 Lastly to conclude this point concerning contemplative and r●●gious life, 
an. 1528. Idem. ibid.  two other orders of religious priestes are sprung in the ●●●mory of man yet living, to wit, the Theatins, and the society of Ies● commonly called jesuits, whereof the first was instituted by pope 〈◇〉 the fourth, before he was pope. And because he had been Archbish● of Theata, and was stil so called when he began that order, they were 〈◇〉 lead Theatins, who though they are not spread out of italy( for aught know) yet their life is so exemplar, and of such edification, that th● are of no small profit in the Church of God, in those places where th● live,  

Idem ibid. Platus. li. 2. ca. 23. an. 1540.  26 The other order of regular priestes, was founded by Ignatius de 〈◇〉 yola, a Spanish gentleman, whose strange vocation, from a secular a● military state, to all religious perfection, and to so great a work was the institution of the society of Iesus, sufficiently appeareth to ha● proceeded from the special operation of the holy Ghost, not only for 〈◇〉 strange maner thereof,& his admirable virtues( which I haue not now ●●e to relate) but also for the notable effects& fruit which the said so●●ety hath wrought, and daily doth work, in the conversion of souls ●om Infidelity, heresy, and sin, throughout the whole world even the east and west indy, where they haue notably propagated the ●hristian faith: besides their continual labours and endeavours in all ●rts of Christendom, in the instruction of youth in al kind of learne●g and virtue, which is one special end of their institut, as also to join ●●e active, and the contemplative life together in al perfection, in imi●tion of our saviour Iesus Christ, to whose holy name, their order or ●cietie, is specially dedicated, by the occasion of his apparition to Fa●●er Ignatius their founder, as he, 
Riba dene●ra. in vita Ignat. l. 2. ca. 11.  and two of his companions( F. Fabro ●nd F. Laynez) were going to Rome. In which voyage our saviour ap●eared unto him, with his cross vpon his shoulder, and said with a lo●ing and gracious cheer. Ego vobis Romae propitius ero. I will be favourable vn●● you in Rome.  
●7 This shal suffice, concerning the propagation of religious orders, ●hough I might ad many which ar in particular cities, not dispersed or ●et known abroad in other places, of whom some haue care of hospi●als others of orphans and poor children, and other of other works of charity and piety. Besides that, I might also ad hereto, if I thought ●t needful( diuers holy orders of religious women, by whom our Christian philosophy and contemplative life, hath been always exercised in all perfection, ever from the Apostles time until these our dayes, 
Philo. de vita contemplat. Euseb. eccles. hist. li. 2. c. 16.  as may appear by those religious women, who( as I haue declared before) were in the Church of Alexandria, in the first age under S. mark the evangelist, and those other veiled and consecrated virgins, mentioned by Tertulian, and S. cyprian, in the second and third age, 
Tertul. de veland. virgin. S. Cypri. de discipli.& habitu. virginum.  and innumerable others in the fourth, fifth, and sixth age, in egypt, Palestina, jerusalem, and italy, or rather over al Christendom, as I haue sufficiently proved already out of the Fathers who lived in those ages, and from that time forward, I think no man doubteth, but that there hath been a continual descent and succession, of monastical discipline, as well in women as men, under the rules of S. Augustin, S. Benedict, S. Francis, 
ludovic. Blosius. nappendice. mouilis spiritualis. Paulo Morigia. del origine d●lle religione.  S. Dominick, the Carmilits, and lastly of the blessed S. Brigit, who being descended of the royal race of the kings of Sweden, and married to Vlpho prince of Nericia, did not only herself, embrace a religious life after his death, but also induced and drew many others thereto, and finally left an excellent order, of religious men and women of hir own institution, whereof there is at this day, a notable monastery of our country women in Portugal, being as I may say, the daughter of the famo●● covent of Sion, which in the beginning of the last queens reign, pa●ed into voluntary banishment, and now after great variety of fortu●● by sea and land in diuers countries, is seated in lisbon.  
28 Whereto I may also ad, other covents of religious women of o● nation in flanders, professing monastical discipline under diuers rul● to wit, of S. Augustin, S. Benit, the Carmelits, commonly called Teresi●( because the holy mother Teresa reformed that order, as I shal haue o●●casion to declare more particularly in the next chapter:)& lastly of t●● holy virgin S. clear, who being in Assissio in Italy, as S. Francis also w●●& living there in the same time that he did, received hir rule of hi● And so exemplar are the lives of al these our religious country wome● aswell in Portugal as flanders, that I may well say, they shine like 〈◇〉 many stars in the perfect practise of contemplation& mortificatio● being true patterns of all religious perfection, besides that many 〈◇〉 them are no less remarkable and eminent, for the nobility and wo●●thines of their linag, then venerable for their virtue, being most of th● gentlewomen of good houses, and some of them of the most noble an● honourable familyes in England, and this I could not omit to touch b● the way, partly in respect of their great merit, and partly for Gods gre●ater glory, to the end it may appear how powrful is his grace and vocation in them, seeing that nether the weakness of their sex, nor th● delicacy of their education, nor the natural love to their country, parents, and friends, nor the difficulties and dangers of the sea or land could divert them from so hard a choice, as it seemeth to be to flesh& blood to undertake a voluntary banishment, and to lead a religious and monastical life in a foreign country. In which respect I may boldly say, that every one of them, far better deserveth to be honoured with a statua, 
Tit. Liui●s. Dec. 1. li. 1.  or image, for an eternal monument of their valour, then tha● Roman Claelia( mentioned by me before in the epitome of the Roma● history) who received the like honor in Rome, for that being an hostage in the hands of king Porsenna when he besieged the city, shee escaped away together with hir companions, over the river Tiber, being moved and drawn thereto by the love of hir liberty, country, parents, and friends: whereas these religious and holy women, haue undergone infinite dangers by sea and land, with the loss of liberty, friends, and al worldly commodities, to perform the most heroical act that may be, that is to say, to tread and trample under their feet, al the honours and delights of this life, for the pure love of God.  
29 well then, by al the former discourse in the last chapter and this, it appeareth, first, that the practise of contemplative and monastical life ●egan in the time of the Apostles, and by their institution. Secondly, ●at it hath been ever since continued in the church of God without ●●terruption, aswell in women as in men. Thirdly, that the propaga●rs, and practisers thereof since the apostles time, haue been of the ●ost famous men for virtue and miracles( and very many of them also ●r learning) that haue been in Gods church, as those which I haue ●entioned, to wit, S. Antony, S. Hilarion, S. Basil, S. Athanasius, S. Hie●●, S. Martin, S. Augustin, S. Chrisostom, S. Benedict, S. Gregory the great ● Bernard, S. Romuald, S. Gualbert, S. Francis, Dominick, S. Petrus Celestinus, Francis de Paula, to omit other not yet canonized, though of immor●l famed for their exemplar life, and singular virtue.  
●● Fourthlie it is to be considered, that although there haue been,& and different rules, in the different order of religious men, and women, ●et all of them tend to one end, that is to say, to the perfect obseruati●n of our saviours Counsels( consisting as I haue said, in voluntary po●erty, chastity and obedience, whereto they all bind themselves) as also ●hat the reformations, or restitutions of religions decayed, and all mu●tions, or additions of rules, which haue been at any time in the said ●rders since the Apostles time, haue had no other end, but the further ●ugmentation of the aforesaid virtues, and of the perfection of christian contemplation, thereby to attain to a perfect union with God, ●hich is the end of al religion, and giveth true felicity to man, and ●ommon wealth.  
●● Fiftly the great providence of almighty God, and his merciful ●oodnes towards his Church, may be noted, in the multitude of religious men, and in the variety of their orders: for even as in the diffe●ent Hierarchies, and diuers orders of Angels, and in the whole course ●f nature in heaven and earth, he hath ordained that there shall bee multitude, and variety, to the end he may communicate his own per●ections, the more amply to his creatures, for their greater good, and ●is greater, glory: so also he hath most mercifully disposed, that there ●hallbe the like in his church, to the end, that the endless treasure of his ●race, may be the more abundantly distributed amongst his children, ●nd seruants, to their greater benefit, and the more evident manifesta●ion of his bounty: whereby also his spouse the church is maruilous●ie adorned, and beautified, being as S. Bernard 
S. Bernard. in Apo●●a● Guliel. Psal. 44.  saith. Circumamicta va●ietatibus. revested, and clad al over with variety, like the queen mentioned in the psalm.  
●2 Besides that the admirable force of his grace, and the verity of christian religion, is also evidently seen therein, seeing that so ma● of both sexes, are contented to abandon the world, and all the delights thereof, yea, and themselves also, for the love of him, to the en● they may imitate him in carriage of his cross, during all their liue● which being a thing so contrary to mans corrupt nature, as it is, ca● not bee ascribed to any other cause, then to the wonderful force 〈◇〉 Gods grace, and is so much the more glorious to our saviour Chri●● by how much greater is the multitude and number of those which fo●low him, with so much worldly discomoditie, and bodily affliction 〈◇〉 themselves.  
33 again, the variety of these religious orders, testifieth his prou●dence and bounty, in that he so mercifully provideth for the differe● necessities of his church, by the different orders of religions. For as 〈◇〉 cities and common wealths, it is convenient for the public, and common good, that there be diuers trades, and occupations to supply al th● temporal necessities thereof: so also in this spiritual city, or commo● wealth of the church, it is no less convenient, that there bee many, a● different professions of religious orders, to serve, and supply, the spir●tuall necessities of the faithful, and therefore some orders apply the●selues to prayer( recommending to God the necessities of the church no less then their own:) others excel in mortification of the flesh, 〈◇〉 austerity of life( as well to pacify the wrath of God for the sins 〈◇〉 men, as to excite others to penance by their example:) some also e●ploy themselves most in preaching and teaching( to instruct the ignorant, and to gain them to God) and though al religious orders ha●● the practise of al the christian virtues in a high degree, yet to the 〈◇〉 that every virtue may bee the more specially recommended, and t● more eminent in the eyes of men, for their example, and Gods glori● diuers orders, do diversly excel in prticuler virtues, some in obedience, some in poverty, some in contemplation, and some in action, 〈◇〉 that every man may by this variety, receive very particular edific●tion, instruction, and example, according to the need, or want, he m haue more of one virtue then of an other.  
34 moreover the goodness of God, and his infinite wisdom appeare● wonderfully, in that having special consideration of mens habilitie● yea, and of their different humours( whereby they are moved even 〈◇〉 spiritual matters, some to take one course, and some an other) he ha● mercifully provided such different professions, and orders of religion( some more strait and hard, and others more easy, and yet all te●ding to perfection) that every man may find some order, or other, a● well to his humour, and liking, as also fit for his strength, wherein he may to his contentment, dedicate himself to the service of God, and ●●rtaine to the highest perfection of Christian life: besides that he hath ●o less mercifully, and prouidentlie ordained, that new orders shall ●pringe in his Church from time to time, not only to succeed others, which by human frailty do in time fall to decay, but also to serve for medicines, and remedies, against the new diseases, which grow many ●imess in faith and manners, and to renew in men the decayed fervour of ●euotion, by their fervorous endeavours, furthred not a little, even with very novelty thereof, seeing that novelty, is ever of itself grateful to mans nature, and potent to move him, either to good, or bad: so that goody see how mercifully, almighty God doth use to accommodate his ●ocation of us, to our own infirmity, inviting,& drawing us to perfection sweetelie, even with respect of our own humours& dispositions.  
●5 Finally the providence, and bounty of almighty God towards his seruants, appeareth admirably in the sustentation, and maintenance of such an innumerable multitude of religious men, who haue forsaken the world, and all the wealth thereof, to serve him in poverty, in so much, that we evidently see therein, the accomplishment of our saviours promise of, Centuplum in hac vita, a hundreth fold in this life, 
Marc. 10. Matth. 19.  even in temporal commodities, besides the spiritual, and heavenly consolations, whereof I shall speak amply hereafter.  
36 For as S. chrysostom observeth notably in the Apostles, 
S. Chrisost. in ca. 19. Math. ho. 65.  that they received a hundreth fold temporally in this life( who instead of their poor ●netts, and angle-rods, which they left for Christ, had all the goods of the faithful laid at their feet, yea, and their persons at their devotion) so may wee say of all religious men( as joannes Cassianus noteth a thousand two hundreth yeares ago) for in recompense of some one, or two, or a few houses of their own which they sell, or abandon for Christs sake, they haue as many houses, as there are monasteries of their order: and for a father, and a mother, or a few brethren,& friends( and them many times unkind, unfaithful and ingrat) they haue as many true and sincere friends, brethren, fathers and mothers( for sincere affection) as there are true religious of their order, yea, or as there are good men in the world, whose goods and riches, are always at their devotion, rather then they should want, as evidently appeareth in the plentiful alms daily given to religious men, by the good, and virtuous people, in such abundance, that many worldly and uncharitable men, exceedingly repined and murmur thereat.  
37 So that we see, it is truly fulfilled in the religious, which S. paul said to the Corinthians. 
1. Cor. 3.  Omnia vestra sunt, siue mundus, siue praesentia, siue ●●tura. All things are yours, whether it be the world, or things present, or thinge● come, and as Salomon saith, fidelis viri totus mundus divitiarum, all the riches the world, belong to the faithful man. Wherein as I haue said, manifest● appeareth the singular providence, and infinite bounty of almigh● God: besides that it may also serve for an encouragement to al the fait●●full, to follow the counsel of the psalmist, 
Psal. 54.  who saith. lacta curam tu● supper Dominum,& ipse te enutriet. Cast thy care upon our Lord, and h● will nourish thee. Thus much I haue thought good to say briefly, concerning the multitude and variety of religious orders in Gods church  
38 Furthermore, I wish it also to bee noted by the way, that as t●● contemplative, and religious life, hath descended from the apostle time to this, so also the true Christian religion, hath in like maner de●●cended therewith, seeing it is evident, that all the aforenamed propagators of religious life( who were also the lights of the church in the times) haue been all of one religion, and of the self same that our religious now profess, For otherways, let it be shewed, how S. Anto● differed in faith from the monks of whom S. dionysius speaketh, or ho● S. Basil, S. Augustin, or S. jerome, differed from S. Antony, or wha● difference there was in faith betwixt S. bennet, or any of these aforenamed, and S. Bernard, S. francis, S. Dominick, or the monks, and religious that observe their rule, or lastly, betwixt these of our dayes, and they predecessors, let it I say be shewed, how they differ in faith, and beleefe● one from an other? But this cannot be shewed by any means, it being most evident that the succession of religious discipline in the church o● God, hath been always accompanied with the succession of one, an● the self same faith, as will most evidently appear hereafter, b● the discussion, and examination of matters in controversy betwixt th● protestants, and us,  
39 Therefore I will conclude for the present upon all the premises, that for as much, as I haue made yt manifest before, first, that the felicity of man and common wealth, consisteth in a perfect union with almighty God, by the means of Christian contemplation: And secondly, that the true practise and exercise of this christian contemplation, is the special subject of religious discipline: And lastly, that the same religious discipline hath descended to our time from the Apostles, without interruption, therefore it must needs follow, that the Roman catholics( who haue the true practise of the contemplatyue, and religious life) haue also the true means to arrive to a perfect union with God, and consequently to the true felicity of man, and common wealth: where upon it also followeth, that they haue the verity of christian ●●●igion, al which shall be yet more evident in the next chapter, where will show the same by manifest experience.   

〈◇〉 God hath in all times and ages, given testimony of his union with religious ●●en, by many extraordinary favours bestowed upon them, as by exstases, and ●rapts, by visions, revelations, the spirit of prophesy, and the operation of miracles, whereof examples are alleged in every age, from the primitive church, ●euen until this day: And thereupon it is concluded, that the Roman catholics, having the true imitation of Christ in religious discipline, and all the external signs of Gods internal union with them, haue not only the perfection of Christian religion, but also the chief felicity of man in this life, and of common wealth. CHAP. 27  
THou hast seen good Reader, in the last chapter, not only the antiquity of religious life, but also the end, and fruit thereof, which as I haue shewed, is noe other but a perfect union with God, and noe marvel, seeing therein is con●ined the perfect practise, and exercise of christian contemplation, ●onsisting, as I haue often signified, in meditation, and mental prayer, ●●companied with the true love of God, contempt of the world, abne●●tion of a mans self, chastity, poverty, obedience, and the perfection ●f all virtue: Al which being the special effects of Gods grace, do ●●spose the soul of man, to the perfect union with God, which not on●●● wee that bee christians, but also the pagan philosophers, do teach bee the end of contemplation, as I haue amply declared in the sea●ententh, eighteenth, nintenth, twentieth, 
Chap. 17.18.19.20.& 21.  and one and twentieth chap●ers, where I haue proved that almighty God( whose special delight is, 〈◇〉 he himself saith, 
provver. 8.  to be with the sons of men) doth of his infinite bounty 〈◇〉 communicate himself to a contemplative soul, purifieth with his ●race, and inflameth with his love, that he uniteth it with himself, 
Cant. 4.& 9. & as the holy scriptures do speak) espouseth it, imparting such ineffa●le consolations unto it, that it remaineth many times absorbed in his ●ove, and alienated from the senses of the body, whereupon ensue ●hose admirable rapts, whereof I spake in the aforesaid chapters, ●nd promised to speak further afterwards, which I will now per●orme.  
● nevertheless, I think good, first to advertise thee good Reader, that it is not my meaning to show here, that there is no union of ● with God, but in rapts, or alienation of the soul from the senses, se● I haue sufficiently declared before, that almighty God uniteth h●●selfe with his seruants diversly, according to the different capacit● every one of them: For even as the sun doth perfectly illumi● the air, when it is pure, and clear from clouds, and at other time● so doth impart so much light unto it, as the multitude, or thickne●● the clouds doth permit, and entereth into every house, more or less, ●cording to the capacity of the windows, holes, or slifters, whereb● may pass: 
jo●●. 1.  even so almighty God being lux vera, the true light, as evangelist saith, and true goodness, doth impart the light of his gra● and communicate himself to his seruants, according to the puriti● their harts: so that when he findeth in them no clouds of passions ● worldly affections, he uniteth himself with them in great perfecti●● and never faileth to enter into every devout soul, more or less, ●●cording to the disposition he findeth therein: which disposition ●●●uertheles, is to bee understood to proceed also from his grace, w● out the which, 
2. Cor. 3.  we cannot think as much as a good thought.  
3 And although the effects of his presence, and union, are for ● most part so internal, 
Esay. 24.  and secret, that his seruants, who enjoy the sa● may say with the prophet, secretum meum mihi, my secret is to myself: it hath pleased his divine majesty in all times, and ages, for the enc●ragement and example of others, and for his own greater glory, give testimony thereof to the world by external signs, and dem●strations, as some times by extases, or rapts, some times, by visions, a● apparitions of our saviour Christ, or his Saints, sometimes by reuela●ons and the spirit of prophesy,& other whiles by the aboundance● tears, proceeding either of hearty contrition, or of wont love, a● devotion, and some times also, by an evident redoundance of the i●ternall and spiritual comforts, to the external, and corporal parts ● it appeared in Moyses, 
Exod. 24.  whose face was so glorious upon his con●●rence with almighty God, that the children of Israell could not behou● it) and finally by miraculous works, which manifestly witness his ●●pernaturall assistance.  
4 Therefore I intend to make it manifest here, that the Roman C●tholikes haue always had, and at this day haue, this external testim●ny of Gods internal union with them, such catholics I mean, ● practise true christian contemplation in religious life, not that I ty● these extraordinary graces and favours of almighty God, 
Chap. 22.& 23.  only to cloisters, and religious houses( for I haue shewed sufficiently before b● diuers examples, that secular men of al states, and vocations, may be so ●●rtified, that they may also participat thereof) but because the se●●ar state( especially in such as are married, and haue care of chil●●en, and family) is so subject to the distraction of worldly cares, and ●●fines, that it very rarely admitteth true mortification, and the ex●●cise of perfect contemplation, therefore I say, it is seldom seen, ●●at secular men attain thereto in so high a degree, as religious men ●●e, who having abandoned the world, and given themselves wholly the study, and practise of true christian contemplation, do with ●eater facility arrive to the perfection thereof, and receive in al abo●●dance, that Centuplum, or hundreth fold which almighty God pro●●sed to give even in this life to those, 
Matth. 19.  which should forsake the world ●t his service, such being his bounty towards them, that he giveth ●●em( as S. Bernard saith) not only eternal life for their reward in the ●●d, but also spiritual joys, and consolations for their entertainment 〈◇〉 the mean time, for so, saith he, men are also wont to give their worke●e● meate whiles they work, and their hire, or wages, 
Bernard ser. ecce nos relinquimus &c.  when they haue finished ●●eir work,& so soldiers haue their pay whiles they serve, and a greater donative, gift in the end, and so also the children of Israell were fed with manna in the de●●t, and arrived in the end to the land of promise. Thus saith S. Bernard, who ●so addeth further, that this is notably signified unto us, in the book ●f wisdom, where it is said, that God will give to the just the reward of ●●eir labours, and in the mean time led them, in via mirabili, 
Sap. 10. Psal. 118.  in a mer●●llous way, and this way saith he, is that wherein the psalmist saith he was de●g ted, sicut in omnibus divitijs, as in al riches: whereby we may see, that the ●ay which God leadeth his seruants, is both pleasant, and marvelous, ●nd therefore the psalmist doth not only say, that God is sweet, 
Psal. 33. Psal. 67.  but also ●hat he is mirabilis in sanctis suis, marvelous in his saints, and no marvel, see●ng he is so marvelous, and wonderful in all his works.  
● What wonder then is it, that carnal and fleshly men, who haue ●ot so much as any taste of matters of spirit, and commonly beleeue ●o more, then that which they see, know, or feel with their hands, do not beleeue nor can conceue the wonderful, and ineffable manner of ●lmighty Gods proceeding, with his seruants here in earth, nor the in●rinsical familiarity that he useth towads a devout contemplative ●oule, wherewith he is united? Which I will now make evident, by the experience that hath benne seen of Gods extraordinary favours, and the external signs of his internal union, imparted to religious men, and women since our saviours time, to show thereby as well the veri●ie and continual succcession, of catholic religion in religious profession: as also the unspeakable consolation, and true felicity, whi● it affordeth to those that embrace, and practise it in perfection, whe● by it shall also appear( as before I noted out of the psalmist) th● Deus est mirabilis in sanctis suis. 
Psal. 67.  God is marvelous in his saints.  
6 In the One and twentieth chapter, where I treated amply of the i●ternal union of man with God, 
Chap. 21.  by the means of christian conte●plation, I spoken sufficiently of some special effects, and external sign thereof, as well in the prophets of the old testament, as in S. Peter, John, the evangelist, and S. paul, to wit, their revelations, and rap●● mentioned in the holy scriptures. And I further signified, that the sa● was not peculiar, and proper only to them, but also common to oth●● of the faithful in the new testament; concerning which point, I no● say further, that the same appeareth sufficiently in S. dionysius Areop●gita, 

S. Dionis. de misti. theolog.& de divi. nomin.  
Idem ep. ad S. joan. evang.  
Idem Epist. ad Demophilum monachum. Idem de divin. nomin. ●. 2. per. 1. in fine.   S. Pauls disciple, who maketh mention not only of his own r●uelations, touching the delivery of S. John the evangelist from his b●nishment in Patmos, but also of a very strange vision, and reuelatio● which S. Carpus, a bishop in Creta, had in his prayers, of whom als● he saith that for the purity of his soul, he was, aptissimus ad dei specul●tionem, most fit to speculat, and contemplat God, and that therefore ● had alwaise some holly, and favourable vision, before he celebrated 〈◇〉 divine mysteries( that is to say before he said mass:) and further he al●● signifieth, that S. Hierotheus, was illuminated with holy inspiratio● concerning the mysteries of the christian faith, patiendo diuina, suffrin● divine things, meaning the excess of spirit, which he suffered by th● abundant influence of Gods gracious visitations, whereby he arriue● saith S. dionysius, to that mystical union,& faith, that the Apostles the●selues had, which could not be taught, or obtained by human industry  
7 Seeing then this learned father, acknowledged these divine favours, and external signs of gods union in himself, and others in hi● time, it cannot be with any reason denied, but that he thought, an● knew the same to be most proper to religious men, seeing he taught that the union of man with God, is the special end, and effect of monastical discipline, 
Chap. 26. nu. 20. 22.& 24.  as I haue proved out of him in the last chapter.  
8 And the same no doubt, would haue benne manifest to us in th● monks or religions of that time, if their lives had been particularly written as were the lives of the Hermits, and religious, which lived shortly after, namely of S. paul the Hermit, and S. Antony, both which flourished in the very next age after S. dionysius. For whereas he died in the second age after Christ,( to wit in the year a hundreth and nineteen) they were born in the third age, and S. paul, who was a few yeares more ancient, then S. Anthony, began his heremitical life, about ●he year of our lord, two hundreth and fifty, at what time also S. Antony was born, who, as I signified before, replenished the de●erts of egypt, with monasteries, and learned monastical discipline of ●n old monk, which had professed, and observed it from his youth.  
● Let us then see, what is testified by approved authors, concerning ●he spiritual favours, and consolations imparted to these two, whose ●yues were written by two of the most famous Fathers of Gods church, to wit, S. Athanasius, and S. jerome, who lived in their time, 

S. Athanas. in vita S. Anton.  
S. Hieron. in vita S. Pauli.   ●nd S. Athanasius, was familiar with S. Anthony, of whom he also ●earned so much, as the church of God hath hitherto known of ●he life of S. paul the hermit, and witnesseth of them both( as also S. jerome doth) that having lived many yeares in one wilderness, they ●nderstood one of an other by divine revelation, and that there upon S. Anthony going to seek, and visit S. paul, they saluted each other by their own names at their very first meeting, and that where as a crow had for threescore yeares together, brought to S. paul half a loaf of bread, for his dayes allowance, shee brought him at that ●ime a whole loaf, with diuers other things concerning S. paul, which ●estify how highly God favoured him.  
10 And the like appeareth concerning S. Antony, 
S. Athanas Ibidem.  by that which S. Athanasius writeth of him, as that he had such heavenly consolations in his prayers, and meditations, that many times he continued them whole nights throughout, and complained of the light of the morning sun, that it disturbed him, and deprived him of the true light, which he had beholded in his contemplations. Besides that he ad many apparitions of our saviour, many rapts, and revelations, and did such wonderful miracles, that all the world admired him, as may be seen in the history of his life, which was most famous in S. Augustins time, 
S. Aug li. 8. confess. c. 6.  and wrought wonderful effects in them who heard, or red it, in so much, that S. Augustin confesseth of himself, that he, and Alipius, were maruelouslie moved, and amazed when they heard it first related, before he was converted. Stupebamus, saith he, audientes &c. We were a●tonished to hear things, so marvelous in the true faith, and in the catholic church, tam recenti memoria,& prope nostris temporibus, testatissima, which were so fresh in memory, and most manifestest almost in our time.  
11 Thus saith, S. Augustin, and further recounteth the strange effect that the reading of S. Antonies life wrought in two great courtiers, who suddenly there upon forsook the world, and entred into religion, whereof I haue declared the particulars already, 
Chap. 76.  when I treated of the sudden, and admirable effects of gods grace. Th●● much concerning S. Antony, 
Obiit. an. 361.  and the favours which he received 〈◇〉 almighty God, in the exercise of contemplative, and monastic life.  
12 With him I will join a disciple of his, to wit, S. Hilario● who also greatly increased monastical disciplyn( as I haue declare● before) whose continual penance, mortification, meditation, an● prayer, 
Chap. 25. nu. 32. S. Hieron. in vita S. Hilario. Obiit. an. 383. S. Ephr. in orat. in laud. Basil. Obiit. an. ●0. S. Greg. Nazian. orat. in laud. Basil. Amphil. in vit. eius. Theod. li. 4. c. 17. Zonar. in valente. Baron. To 4.  S. jerome amply declareth, and signifieth with all, man notable miracles, which he did, and the divine illustrations, and revelations which he had, even in the presence of many thousands 〈◇〉 people, who came to see him in the wilderness.  
13 There lived also in the same time, to wit, in the forurth age, tw● notable men, and great pillars of the church, S. Basil, surnamed th● great, and S. Ephraem; the first a graecian, and the other a Syrian, both o● them religious men, great friends the one to the other, and glorious for their miracles, revelations, and other heavenly favours, in so muc● that S. Ephraem compareth the miracles of S. Basil, with those of Elia● and Elizeus, and testifieth, that as he himself was admonished by 〈◇〉 divine vision, to go seek saint basil to the end he might receive spiritual comfort of him:) so also S. basil knew of his coming to him by divine revelation, besides that the miracles, prophesies, and rapts o● S. Basil, are witnessed partly by S. Gregory Nazianzen, partly by S. Amphilochius, and partly by Socrates, Theodoretus, and Zonaras, in their histories.  
14 And such was the famed, and estimation of S. Eprhems learning and holy life, that his homilies were publicly red in churches, nex● after the scriptures in S. Hieroms time, 
S. Hieron. de Scriptor. eccl.  as he testifieth, who lived in the same age, and died not many yeares after S. Ephraem. Besides that, we also red, 
Platus de bono stat. relic. li. 3. ca. 7. Obiit. an. 370.  that he was wont to feel, such an inundation of sweetness in his prayer, and contemplation, that his hart seemed to him ready to burst with the abundance thereof, in somuch, that he often said to almighty God. Recede a me domine &c. go from me o lord, for the infirmity of my vessel, is no longer able to endure this.  
15 And no less admirable was S. Martin, at the same time, who having benne a monk, before he was bishop of Tours, would not altogether leave his monastical life afterwards, 
S. Sulpit. Seu●r. in v●ta S. Mart.  but lived for the most part in a monastery, with fourscore other monks his disciples. And it appeareth in the history of his life( written by S. Sulpicius who lived with him) that he had very many apparitions of Angels, and some of our saviour himself, and that he had the spirit of prophecy, in admirable ●●aner, and did so many stupendious miracles, even in raising the dead, 
Obiit. an. 402. Baron. eod. n. a S. Hieron. ep. 22. ad Eustochium.  ●●at he converted thereby infinite numbers of gentiles to the Christian with, and was held over all christendom for an apostolical man.  
●6 S. jerome, also lived both in the Fourth, and fift age, who lead a ●onastical life in Bethlem, and affirmeth of himself( calling God to ●itnesse of it) that whiles he lived in the desert, and passed whole ●ayes, and nights in contemplation, fasting, prayer, and tears, he had ●●ch heavenly meditations, visitations, and spiritual come forts, that it ●eemed to him very oft, that he was amongst squadrons of Angels, and ●id joyfully sing the verse of the canticles; 
Cant. 1. Obiit. an. 420. joan. Cassia. col. 19. c. 14. a. Obiit. an. 435.  post te in odorem vnguentorum ●●rum, curremus. We will run after thee, to the sweet savour of thy oint●ents.  
●7 We red also in Cassianus, who lived at the same time, to wit in ●he fift age, and died within a few yeares after S. jerome, that an Ab●ot of a monastery in the desert of Scithia, who had lead before an he●emitical life, was oft times in the desert so ravished, and abstract ●rom his senses, with the sweetness of contemplation, that he knew not at night, whether he had eaten any thing that day, or yet the day before, and that therefore his allowance of bread for the whole week was given him at once, by seven equal portions, to the end he might know, as well at the weekes end, as every evening, whether he had eaten his daies allowance, or no: And the same author also wri●eth upon his own knowledge, diuers other notable, and strange things, of the heavenly contemplation, of many other religious men, which I omit for brevities sake.  
18 In like maner Palladius, 
Palladius hist. lausiaca, vel sanctor. patrum  a bishop of Capadocia( who wrote a history of his own peregrination, wherein he visited the monasteries in the deserts of egypt) recounteth most admirable things, not only of the severe discipline, and angelical life of the religious there, but also of the great graces which almighty God bestowed upon them, in the operation of miracles, the spirit of prophecy, rapts, and celestial consolations, namely of the famous Macarius, who he saith, 
Idem in Macario. Idem in Isidoro.  was almost continually ravished in spirit: And the like he affirmeth, of one Isidorus, who was so contemplative, that he fell many times into his rapts, whiles he was at meate amongst his brethren. And if I should confirm this point further by the examples of S. Augustin, S. chrysostom, S. Grego●y Nazianzen, and others( who were religious men, and great ornaments of Gods church, in the Fourth, and fift age) and also add thereto, many admirable things which might be alleged to the same purpose, out of Theodoretus in his history, of the religious lives of h● Monks, 
Theodoret. histor. religiosa. an. 550.  and Nunes in his time( which was the sixth age, to wit abo●● the year of our lord, five hundreth, and fifty) I fear, I should 〈◇〉 much to tedious, and therefore I will omit, not only those examp●● but also many other, no less admirable in the ensuing ages, contenti●● myself from henceforth with some one, or two in every age.  
19 Therefore to proceed, in the sixth age, flourished S. Benedict, fou●der and patriarch of the holy order of the Benedictins, who being a tr●● mirror of monastical discipline, was highly favoured by almigh●● God, 
Obiit. an. 519. S. Greg. in vita. S. Benedict. joannes Diacon. in vita S. Greg.  with the spirit of prophecy, with divine revelations, with m●● wonderful miracles, whereby he raised two dead men, besides oth●● things no less miraculous, testified by S. Gregory the great, who liu● in the same age and wrote his life, and may also serve for an examp●● of this matter, having benne himself a monk, and an abbot of a monastery before he was pope. And how much he was favoured by almighty God, yt may appear, in that being chosen pope, and fled fro● Rome, to hid himself in a rock, he was discovered from heaven, by 〈◇〉 bright pillar, 
●aron. To. 8. an. 590.  which hanged over him in the air, whereby he was found, and brought back to Rome: besides that, he had also diuers apparitions of our saviour, and of Angels, and did notable miracles, recounted by johannes Diaconus in his life, wherein it is also witnessed tha● petrus Diaconus, 
Obiit. an. 604.  who lived familiarly with S. Gregory, saw diuers times the holy Ghost upon his head in form of a dove.  
20 In the seventh age, died the blessed monk S. Augustin, our Apostle, sent by S. Gregory aforesaid, into our country, to convert th● same from paganism, to the faith of Christ, which he performed, giuing sufficient testimony of his union and familiarity, with almighty God, not only by the notable effect of his apostolical preaching, in the conversion of King Ethelbert, and his subiects, but also by his prophesy of Gods punishment upon the monks of Bangor, for their refusal to preach to the Saxons: as also by the miracle which he did, in restoring sight to a blind man by his prayers, as S. Bede our famous country man testifieth. 
Beda. li. 2. hi●tor c. 2. Obiit an. 609.  And therefore I cannot but note here by the way, how much England is beholding to monks& religious men, seeing it received the light of christian faith from them.  
2t Wee red likewise in S. Bede, that S. cuthbert, who lived also in the seventh age, being disposed once whiles he was very young, to spend a whole night in prayer, 
S. Beda in vita S. Cuthberti. c. 4.  had such heavenly consolations and visions, that he determined presently to leave the world, saying to himself, if with one nights prayer, I haue obtained so great a favour at Gods hands, what may I expect if I bestow al my hole life in prayer, and con●●●plation? And so repaired presently to a monastery, 
Idem ibid. ca. 5. 6. 7. 8. &c. obijt. an. 88.  where he en●●d into religion, and had afterwards, many visions of Angels, and ●●rified God greatly, by many notable miracles, both before& after 〈◇〉 death, whereof S. Bede writeth very particularly.  
In the eight age, 
joan. patria arc. Hierosolim. in vita S. Damas.  S. John Damascen( who was also a monk) flo●hed in al virtue, and learning( as appeareth by his notable works yet ●ant) and how acceptable he was to almighty God, and how effect●● were his prayers, it is evident enough by the famous miracle of the ●●titution, and healing of his hand, cut of by the commandment of a ●●g of the Saracens, which great grace and favour he obtained of al●●ghtie God, by his prayers to our blessed Lady, who appeared unto 〈◇〉 in his sleep, and restored his hand, and reunited it to his arm, 
obijt. circa. an. 730.  〈◇〉 testifieth John the patriarch of jerusalem in the history of his 〈◇〉.  
In the age following, which was the ninth, there was an Abbot, 
obijt. an. 846. Metaphra●. in Ioannicio.  ●●lled Ioannicius, who as Metaphrastes witnesseth, so exceeded in con●●mplation, that he was often elevated into the air, whiles he was 〈◇〉 his prayer: besides that he was very eminent for the spirit of ●●ophesie, and many miraculous works, which I omit for breui●●s sake.  
In the tenth age, lived and died S. Dunstan Bishop of canterbury, 
obijt an. 988 Osbert. in vita Dunsto. apud Surium. 19 maij. Matth. westm. an. 979. Polid. histor. Ang. li. 6. obijt. an. 1027. S. Petrus. Damian. in vita S. Romualdi. Baron. an. 1027.  ●ho was a monk before he was bishop, and after built forty eigh ●onasteries, and had throughout the course of his life, many celesti●● comforts, rapts, visions, apparitions of Angels, and conference o them, and excelled also in the operation of miracles, and pro●●etical predictions, testified by al our ancient historiographers, which ●rite of his time.  
In the next age, S. Romualdus, founder of the Hermits of Camaldo● was famous throughout al christendom, for his holy life, his mi●●cles, his revelations, his spirit of prophesy, his illuminations, and ●eauenlie visions, related by the famous Cardinal, S. Petrus Damianus, ●ho wrote his life, within fifteen yeares after his death, whiles ●●e famed, and knowledge thereof, was yet fresh in every mans me●orie.  
●6 In the same age, lived the famous Hildebrand, who being first a ●onke in the Abbey of Cluny, and afterwards pope, 
Baron. an. 1073.  called Gregory the seventh, was so contemplative, and had such divine illuminati●ns, that he was some times ravished in spirit, amid his temporal ne●otiations, and had frequent rapts in his private deuotions: besides that he had many revelations even in mens thoughts, and vision● Angels, 
Guliel. Mal. mels. de gest. reg. Angl. l. 3. Baron. an. 1061.  and the spirit of prophesy, as testifieth William of Malmesbu●● an historiographer of ours, who understood some strange particul●● which he writeth of him, by the relation of the Abbot of Cluny, w● knew him, and witnessed the same upon his own knowledge, a● experience.  
27 In the age following, died our notable prelate, S. Anselmus, w●● was first monk, and after Abbot of Beck in Normandy, and lastly bish● of Canterbury, famous throughout the christian world, for his gr● virtue& learning, whereof sufficient testimony remaineth until t● day, 
Edinerus. in vita Anselmi.  by his learned books: of whom Edinerus( who lived with hi●& wrote his life) witnesseth that he had many notable revelations, v●●ons,& rapts in his prayers,& that a globe of fire, was once seen ab● his head, whiles he was at his deuotions, and finally that almighty o● wrought by him wonderful miracles, 
obijt. an. 1109.  whereof he recounteth v● many.  
28 In the same age, lived and died S. Bernard, the honour of religi●● men, of whose stupendious and continual miracles, al the histories t●● treat of him,& his time, give ample testimony: besides that his vni●●& entire familiarity with almighty God, abundantly appeareth by 〈◇〉 prophetical predictions,& by the innumerable souls which he conu●ted to God, with his sermons& conferences, in so much that wou● were fain many times to shut up their children,& divert their h●● bands from hearing him, least otherwise they would forsake the wo●●● as his father, uncle, brethren& sisters,& very many others had don●& dalie did by his example,& persuasion, of whose great grace in 〈◇〉 operation of miracles, I shall haue so just occasion to speak am● hereafter, that I think good to omit it hear.  
29 After him in the next age, three Apostolical& evangelical m were of singular famed in Gods church, to wit, S. Francis, S. Dominick, S. Thomas Aquinas. 
S. Bonauent. in vita S. Francisci.  Of the first( who instituted the holy order of 〈◇〉 grey Friars) the famous S. bonaventure witnesseth in the history of 〈◇〉 life, that besides the virtue of miracles, which he had in wonderf●● manner, he had also many divine visions of our saviour, many re●●lations,& very frequent rapts,& the same some times most stupendio●● being raised,& elevated into the air, as high as the clouds. Lastly th● in one of his rapts, two yeares before his death, the mark of our Sa●●ours most sacred wounds, were printed in his hands, feet& side, a● that they remained there during his life, whereof there were innum●rable witnesses, 
obijt. an. 1226. & amongst others, Pope Alexander the fourth, who i● sermon( whereat S. bonaventure, as he writeth was present) testified that and had seen them himself.  
●0 S. Dominick also( who was the founder of the holy order of the black Friars, 
obijt. an. 1221. S. Antonin. hist. Tit. 23. c. 4. parag. 7. In vita eius. apud Surium. 4. Augusti. Obijt. an. 1271. Ibid. 7. mar.  or Friar preachers) was no less admirable for his miracles, and namely for reviving the dead, then for his revelations, prophetical predictions, and most strange rapts, whereby he was someti●es elevated, and detained in the air, a cubit above the ground. And the very like wee red of S. Thomas Aquinas, who was a Dominican Fri●●, and no less favoured by almighty God, then his founder S. Dominick, with divine visions, revelations,& admirable rapts, in so much that he was also sometimes elevated in the air, besides diuers miracles, which ●t pleased God to work by him, aswell in his life, as after his death.  
●1 And although I haue for brevities sake, omitted heretofore di●ers notable women, whose miraculous works, revelations& rapts, ●hewed evidently their great union, 

Lodouicus Blosius in Apolog. pro Thaulero ca. 2.  
Idem in monili spirituali ca. 2.  & familiarity with almighty God( as namely S. Gertrud, S. Mechtild, S. clear, S. Elizabeth abbess of Spalbec, ●al of them admirable for rapts,& revelations,& specially the two last, of whom we red, that S. clear was very oft a whole month together, ravished in spirit without any use of her senses: and S. Elizabeth of Spal●ec, was commonly seven times a day abstracted from her senses in such sort, that shee had neither sense, nor breath, but was stife& could, as if she had been stark dead:) though I say I haue omitted these,& diuers other famous contemplative women, yet I cannot let pass two, which succeeded in the next age after S. Thomas, to wit, 

Paulo Morigia dell'origine delle religioni. Obijt. an. 1373.  
Blosius in moni. li. spirit. Chap. 26. nu. 27.   S. Brigit& S. Katerin of Siena, of whom the first being descended of the royal race of the kings of Sueden, as I haue signified before, and married to a prince called Vlpho, gave herself after his death, to monastical and contemplative ●ife, wherein shee profited and excelled so much, that being oft-times ravished in spirit, shee had very many apparitions of our saviour, who amongst many other things, revealed unto her, the holy rule which shee left to those of her order( whereof I haue also spoken before:) besides that he imparted unto her so great a grace, and such a hate and horror of sin, that if any man that was in mortal sin came to her presence, shee could not endure the savour of him, but was fain, either to stop her nose, or to depart from the place.  
32 S. katherine of Siena, dedicated herself to the service of God, and to religious life, even from her infancy, 
Obijt. an. 1380.  and afterwards taking the habit of S. Dominick, became as I may say, the wonder of the world in her time, for the infinite favours she received of almighty God,& the ineffable familiarity she had with him, 
F. Raimund. de Capua. in vita S. Katerinae Senensis.  which appeared in her superna●●ral gifts, of more then human wisdom and prudence, her most 〈◇〉 raculous works, her prophesies, frequent rapts, continuing ordina●● two, or three houres, after she received the blessed sacrament, and o● three daies together, during which time, she had no use at all of 〈◇〉 senses, and some times in these rapts, shee was drawn up into the a● and finally in one of them, shee received of almighty God the sa● favour, which S. francis did, having the signs of our saviours 〈◇〉 blessed wounds, printed in her hands, feet, and side, all which is te●fied, not only by two most religious, and grave personages, who li●● with her, 
P. Stephanus Carthus. P. Raymundus Dominic. Obiit. an. 1463. Francis. Pena,& pietro Galesino in his life.  and wrote her life, but also by pope pus the second, in● Bul of her canonization, upon due and evident proof thereof.  
33 In the next age, lived S. Diego de Alcala in spain, a lay broth●● of the holy order of S. Francis, a man of such rare virtue, and so hig● contemplative( though altogether unlearned) that he was seen ma● times, elevated into the air in his rapts( as before I haue also sig●●fied of diuers others:) and so many were the miracles donne by hi● not only in his life, but also after his death, that he was after due e●●mination and proof thereof, canonised by pope Sixtus the Fift, in 〈◇〉 year a thousand five hundreth eighty eight, at the suit of Philip the seco●● last king of spain, vpon the miraculous recovery of his son Charl●● who being in Arcala at the point of death, and given over by the p●●sicians, had an apparition of S. Diego, and there upon recovered 〈◇〉 health. The life, and Miracles of S. Diego, were written by a very learned man, called Francisco Penia, auditor of the Rota, at this present, a● by Pietro Gallesino, pronotario Apostolico, and others.  
34 In the same age, lived also S. francis de Paula, founder of the hol● order of the Minimi( whereof I haue spoken before) and so famo●● was he for his sanctity, and holly life, his many, and wonderful miracles, his prophesies, and revelations, his infused, and supernatural wisdom, that Lewis the eleventh king of France, procured that pope Sixt● the Fourth, commanded him to pass from Calabria in the kingdom of Naples into France, for the said kings consolation, and in what admiration he was there held, 
Phil. coming. du Roy. Louis. c. 130.  it may appear by the testimony of Phil●● de Comines, upon his ow●e knowledge, affirming that he had hear● him oft times discourse so wisely, and deuinely in the presence of kin● Lewis, of king Charles his son, and of all the peers of France, that 〈◇〉 seemed that the holy Ghost inspired him, and spake by his mouth( 〈◇〉 I haue signified in the first part of this treatise:) and further the sam● author saith, that in his opinion he never saw so holly a man, and tha● he forbeareth to speak more particularly of him, because he was then living. His passage into France, was about the year of our lord, a thousand four hundreth eighty, and he died in the beginning of the next age following, to wit in the year a thousand five hundreth, and seven, 
Obiit. an. 1507.  being Ninety one yeares old, having lived an hermits life, from the age of twelve yeares, as Philip de Comines also witnesseth.  
35 Being now come to the last age, whereof the greatest part doth not pass the memory of man, I will conclude with the examples of certain holy personages, known to many yet living. The first shalbe the blessed Father Ignatius de Loyola, founder of the holy society of Iesus, of whom I haue also spoken sometimes before. 
P. Ribadenieyra della vita deal. P. Ignat.  Of him it is written, by a reverend and learned grave man yet alive( who was intrinsical with him) that after he had fully abandoned the world, and given himself wholly to the service of God, yea, and passed some grievous temptations( as commonly all those do which tend to perfection of life) he had exceeding great consolations from almighty God, in his meditations, and prayers: As for example, being one day in S. Dominicks church in Manresa, saying our Ladies office, as he daily did, he was suddenly illuminated in his understanding, and had such a lively representation therein of the blessed Trinity, with such an inward ioy and heavenly comefort, that he burst out into tears, which he could not stay for a long time, and all that day after, could not talk, or discourse of any thing else, but of that blessed mystery, which he explicated admirably, to the astonishment of those which heard him; and though at that time he had studied nothing at all, neither had any ability of learning, but only to writ, and red, yet he wrote presently a treatise of the blessed Trinity, of eighty, sheets of paper, and ever after during his life, had particular consolation, and sweetness, in the meditation of that profound mystery.  
36 The like light he also received at diuers other times, concerning diuers other articles of our faith, and was sometimes wholly ravished, 
Idem ibid.  and transported with the contemplation of heavenly things, and specially once most admirably at Manresa, where he had a rapt, which continued eight daies, in such sort, that no life appeared in him, but only by his pulse, and a little panting of his hart, which this author saith, was related to him, and others, by them who were eye witnesses of it. And so abundant was the sweetness, and spiritual comefort which he commonly had in prayer, that the abundance of his tears, proceeding thereof, had almost made him blind. finally his great union with almighty God, appeareth also sufficiently other waise, as well by diuers apparitions which he had of our saviour, our bles● Lady, and other Saints, as by his revelations and prophetical pre●ctions of things to come, which may be seen in the history of 〈◇〉 life, 
Obiit. an. 1556.  and proved by other sufficient testimony of men, yet living; be●des many notable miracles donne by him, and his intercession to Go● both since, and before his death, whereof authentical informations, a● profess haue benne for some time, and are daily taken by order of t●● sea apostolic.  
37 In like maner, the Blessed Father Franciscus xaverius, one of t●● first companions to Father Ignatius in his holy institut, 
P. Petrus Ribaden in vita eius& Horatius Tursellin. in vita B. Xaue●ij li. 2. c. 7.  and sent by hi● afterwards in to the east India, was also most admirable, not only fo● his revelations, prophesies, and miracles( which he did in the conversion of the Indians, and namely for reviving four dead persons but also for the abundance of spiritual consolations in his prayers an● deuotions, wherein he passed, and spent whole nights many time● before he was ware: and so insupportable was the sweetness whic● he felt therein, that he hath been over heard to say to almighty God No more o lord, 
Platus de bono status relic. li. 3. cap. 7.  no more, this is enough take me o lord, unto thee or da● me not this favour, for it is intolerable to feel thee, and not to see thee Thus was he some times heard to say in his private, and secret deuotions; besides that, he was so transported, and absorbed many time with his heavenly meditations, that when he went any iourne●( which he did alwaise on foot) he lost his way, and went into th● briars and brambles, 
Obiit. an. 1552.  before he was ware. And to conclude concerning him, his apostolical virtues, and union with God, are further sufficiently testified, by the fruits of his holy labours, in Capo de Camorin( where he built above forty churches) and in Mazane( when he converted two kings and a great number of their subiects) an● in Malacha, the islands of Molucche, the island of Moro( where the people were most savage, fierce,& barbarous:& lastly in Giapone, in whic● places he converted an innumerable multitude of souls to the christian faith, cured the sick, healed the lame, restored sight to the blind, and life to the dead, as I haue said: besides that his body remained a long time after his death uncorrupt, and fresh( as it still doth, for ought is yet known to the contrary) of all which, Don John the third of that name, king of Portugal, caused authentical, and public testimony to be taken, in those parts where he had preached.  
38 To these two, I cannot omit to add two others of the same society, the one father Fraciscus Borgia, and the other father, Lewis Gonzaga, both of them princes of birth, to whom almighty God, im●●rted his favours abundantly, in prayer, and meditation. The first ●o wit, father Borgia, being duke of Gandia in spain, and much estee●ed of the Emperour Charles the fift, abandoned his estate, 
P. Pedro Ribaden. en la vida deal P. Francis. Borgea.  and digni●ies, and took the habit and name of the society, in the year of ●ur lord a thousand five hundreth fifty, and one, and within a short time, ●ade so great progress in contempt of the world, and mortification of himself, that he was admired of all that knew him, and after some yeares, was made general of the society: and( to omit other particu●ers of his admirable virtues, 
Andreas Schottus in vita eius.  and Gods great favour towards him) the heavenly consolation, and visitations which he had in prayer were such, that he was very oft deprived of all sense, and feeling for a time: and it chanced once in the college of the society at Medina deal Cam●●, that the Rector called Father Ruis Portillio, entering into his chamber upon a sudden, whiles he was at his prayers, found him all environed with a heavenly light, and his face casting out beams like the sun. As also an other time, a doctor called Ayala, coming suddenly to him in the night at Berlanga, whiles he was praying without candle or fire, found all his chamber full of light, proceeding as it seemed to the doctor, from the fathers face, and eyes. 
Obiit. an. 1572.  I omit for brevities sake his prediction of diuers things to come, and knowledge of things donne, in places remote, and other his miraculous works, which may be seen in the history of his life, written in latin, by Father Andreus Schottus, and in Spanish by Father Ribadeneira yet living.  
39 Father Lewis Gonzaga, eldest son to the marquis of Castiglione, of the house of Mantua, being but twelve yeares of age, 
P. Virgil. Seppa i●e la vita deal P. Luigi Gonzaga.  had wonderful illuminations of almighty God, and such grace of prayer, and contemplation, that even then, he gave himself wholly to devotion, and by importunate suite to his parents, obtained after a few yeares, leave to renounce his right in their state to his younger brother, and to enter in to the society of Iesus, and within a while grew to be so contemplative, and recollected in himself, that he commonly passed whole houres of meditation, without any distraction in the world of other cogitations, in so much that if any entred into his chamber, during the time of his ordinary prayer, he had no understanding, or knowledge thereof: and such was the sweetness, and celestial comfort he felt in his soul,& so fervent his love of God, that commonly his hart melted, as it were, into streams of tears: and he had these heavenly motions of Gods love not only in his meditations but also in his ordinary vocal prayer, not being able many times, to vt● the words thereof, insomuch that his superiors were forced to allo● him double time to that which others had, for the saying of his offi●● Yea and which is more, it fell out very oft in common conuersatio● that when there was any speech in his presence of our saviours passion or of his love to man, he grew to such an agony, and pang of deui● love, that his hart would swell, and beate, as though it would brea●● or leap out of his body, in which respect many did forbear to spea● of such matter, whiles he was present: and such was withall his pu●●tie, and innocency of life, that he was held of all that knew him, fo● very saint on earth, though he was in the flower of his youth, bei●● not above twenty three yeares of age when he died, 
Obiit an. 1591.  which was b●● sixteen yeares ago: sithence which time, it hath pleased God, to gl●rifie his own name, and to give testimony to the great virtue of h●● seruant, by many notable, and manifest miracles, done as well here 〈◇〉 Rome were he died, and is butted, as also in diuers other parts, and n●mely upon the Duke of Mantua his kinsman, who having benne he● not past three yeares ago, in the year a thousand six hundreth and fiu● and returning back to his state by Florence, was suddenly deliuere● from most greeveous pains, and diseases, with the only applicatio● of a relic of Father Lewis, to the affencted parts: whereof he present●● after, advertised by his letters, the Marques of Castiglione, younger brother to father Lewis, and ambassador for the Emperour at that tim● here in Rome, as he also is at this present, which letters are printed wit● the history of Father Lewis his life, and the relation of above seauent● notable miracles, and of the authentical proofs thereof.  
40 I omit to speak of two notable men, who died but a few year past, partly for brevities sake, and partly because they were not professed of any order of religion, though ecclesiastical persons, and lived most religiously, I mean the famous Cardinal Carolo Boromeo, Archbishop of Millan, and father Philippo Nerio, the institutor of the congregation of priestes, called the Oratory in Pozzo Bianco, or Chiesa noua, both of them highly favoured by almighty God, with the gift of contemplative prayer, accompanied with many evident miracles, both in their life, and also since their death, which I omit, I say, to the end, that I may say somewhat of a notable, and holy woman, called Mother Teresa de Iesus, who died in spain, not past five and twenty yeares ago.  
41 This mother Teresa, being a Carmelitan nun, and the first author of the late, and notable reformation of that order, as well of the men as of the women, received admirable graces, and gifts of ●●mightie God, to his great glory, and the edification of his church. ●●r she had not only the spirit of prophesy, frequent rapts, and some●●mes elevations in the air, in the sight, and presence of her religious ●ers, but also ordinary apparitions, and most loving, and famlliar ●●sitations of our saviour, and conferences with him, wherein he ●●mforted, advised, and directed her in matters as well concerning ●●e reformation of her order( which as I haue said, shee notably ●eformed, and reduced to the first perfection) as also for her own spi●●tual come fort, and the direction of others in matters of spirit, and ●●ntemplation, whereof she wrote most deuinelie by the instruction ●f our saviour himself, as appeareth in the history of her own life, ●hich shee set down by the commandment of her ghostly father, in such sort, that whosoever readeth it, may easily see, that it ●●rre surpasseth the capacity of a woman, yea, or of any man else, without the special assistance of the holy Ghost: and in confirmation ●f all former favours, which almighty God bestowed upon her, and ●thers by her means in her life, it pleased him also, to honour her ●ody after her death, with most sweet and fragrant savours, which 〈◇〉 cast forth, to the admiration of all that were present, and not only ●er body yielded the same fragancie, but also all the clothes that shee used in her sickness, had, and retained the same a long time after: Be●●des that the body being also visited six yeares after, was still vncor●upted, retaining that fragrant savour, and communicating the same ●o all things that touched it, 
P. Ribera in vita M. Teresae.  as the grave and learned father Ribera who wrote a most excellent coment upon the lesser prophets) wit●esseth in the history, which he wrote of her life, affirming the sa●e upon his own knowledge, describing the maner how he saw ●er body stand upright uncorrupt, and breathing forth a most sweet ●dour, in the year a thousand five hundreth eighty eight( which was ●●xe yeares after her death:) and further he declareth, the great ●uite in law, which was betwixt the towns of Alua, and Auila ●or her body, and how pope Sixtus Quintus decided the controversy, ●y his sentence in favour of the town of Alua, in the year a thou●and five hundreth eighty nine, besides diuers notable miracles, which and affirmeth to haue been done by her relics.  
42 And forasmuch as this holy woman, in her notable book above mentioned, relateth certain admirable things, concerning a religious man of her acquaintance, I will set down some part thereof, because it also partly concerneth herself, and is very pertinent to the ma● which I now treat.  
43 This holly father was a Spaniard, called F. Pedro de Alcantara, w● living in the austere rule of the Franciscans, called observants, added th● to an incredible austerity of penance, and mortification, for the sp● of Forty seven yeares, whereof shee recounteth many strange parti●lers, which I omit, because I treat not of matters of that kind, bu● spiritual favours, and consolations, accompanying the exercise christian contemplation, to which purpose shee testifieth, that prayer, and contemplation was such, and so continual, that som●mes he passed eight daies without meat, by reason of his frequent, 〈◇〉 rather continual rapts( whereof shee herself was once an eye ●nesse:) and that a year before he died, he appeared to her in a visi● being many leagues distant from her, and that when his end app●ched, he called for all his brethren, and having made them a nota● exhortation, he began the psalm, Letatus sum, &c. And as soon, a● had ended it, kneeled down, and gave up the ghost, and appeared her presently, saying, that he went to repose, which shee  told to so at the same time, and within eight daies after, the news came, t● he was dead. Finally shee also witnesseth, that he appeared unto afterwards in great glory, and said unto her amongst other things, t● it was a happy penance, which he had donne in this life, seeing it 〈◇〉 so highly rewarded. Thus much concerning her, and him.  
44 And having had now this occasion to speak of this holy m of S. Francis his order, I will add two, or three others of the same p●fession, for the devotion I haue to that great Saint, and the hono●● bear to those that observe his rule. And although there is no prin● testimony extant, of that which I mean to relate, concerning th● holly men of whom I am to speak, yet I haue understood the sa● by so good, and certain relation, of men worthy all credit, and r●pect, that I make no doubt of the truth thereof.  
45 Father Antonio da monte Cicardo, an Italian, professing the rule S. francis, in the holy order of the Capuchins, was a man of wonder perfection of life, elevation of spirit, and fervour in mental pray●● wherein he received very many heavenly visitations, and divine co●solations, and had withall so great a grace of miracles, that he 〈◇〉 only miraculously cured, and healed very many sick men in diuers p●●ces, but also raised a dead child at Ascoli in the kingdom of Naples.  
46 Also Father Antonio Corso, a man of great austerity of life, a● mortification, was so wholly given to mental prayer, that he spe● commonly the greatest part of the night in the church, and of the day ●n the woods. And other whiles he was so abstract in contemplation, ●hat he passed some daies without meate, or drink, and had withall ● notable grace, and gift of miracles, as to give sight to the blind, to ●eale the sick, and to cast out devils, and after his death a blind man ●eceiued sight, by putting on his spectacles.  
●7 In like maner, an other holly Capuchin in Italy, called F. Giouanni ●●agnolo( because he was a Spaniard) was so contemplative, that most commonly after mass, he passed eleven or twelve houres together 〈◇〉 mental prayer, and many times had great rapts, and notable reuela●ions, which he would never utter for humilities sake, but only when Father Francisco da Ghiesi, the general of his order, commanded him ●o do it upon obedience, for the edification, and comefort of his ●rethren. He foretold, that he should be martyred, as afterwards he ●as: for, having got leave of his general to go into Barberie, to ●reach unto the Mores, he was killed by them, and as it is constantly ●eported, his head being cut of, as he was preaching, continued his ●peech almost an hour after. All these three Capuchins, died near ●bout one time, to wit, about the year of our Lord, a thousand five hun●red sixty six.  
48 I will now conclude these examples, with two religious women, whereof the one died, in Siena the 30. of july, in the year of our Lord 1606. and was called Suora Caterina, who having benne in her ●outh, of a very dissolute life, and falling into affliction became so re●entant, that shee proved an other Mary Magdalen, and after she had ●ome yeares lived very retired, and so mortified with continual penance, that shee grew admirable to all that knew her, she entred into the monastery of the cōuertites in Siena, where shee daily increased ●n fervour of devotion, and arrived in time to so high a degree of contemplation, that shee was very oft abstracted from her sences, and wholly absorbed with the sweetness of her inward consolations: and this happened oft times, not only in her private prayers, but also in her ordinary conversation with others. And further shee had the grace, and spirit of prophesy, and did many miraculous things, which were also confirmed by other miracles, as well at the time of her death, as afterwards, whereof the truth may easily be known, by such of our country men, as travell into these parts, as many yearly, do, whom I remit to their own information, as occasion shalbe offered.  
49 The other holy woman, was called Maria Magdalena di Pazzi, who died in Florence, the five and twentieth of May, in the year followi●● to wit, 
an. 1607.  a thousand six hundred, and seven. And although there pa●● in the course of her religious life, many admirable things worthy be recounted, yet I will content myself for brevities sake, to tou● a few only, which may suffice to show the stupendious effects, of G● union with a contemplative soul, enflamed with his love, which her was so abundant, that shee did often in her meditations exclai● My sweet Iesus, I can no longer endure this, I die, I burst, this my vesse● earth cannot suffer so great a flamme, with such other like words. A● this was also verified, by diuers other strange effects, proceeding fr● the heat, and flamme of Gods love, which being kindled in her sou● had such a redundance to her body, that shee was fain oft times the depth of winter, to cast whole buckets of could water into ● own bosom, in so much that shee might truly say with the psalms Concaluit cor meum intra me, 
Psal. 38.  & in meditatione mea exardescit ignis. My h● was heated within me, and in my meditation there burned a fire.  
50 And albeit this is very rare, and may seem marvelous to such ● do not consider how marvelous God is in his saints, 
Psal. 67.  yet the like ha● been also experimented in these our daies, in a holy young man, a P● of the society of Iesus( called. B. Stanislao) who for the same cau● was very oft forced, to apply to his naked breast, linen clothes we● could water, and often renewed, to delay, and temper the heat that ● dounded from his hart to his external parts, in so much that the ph●tians being consulted, concerning the cause thereof, determined t●● it was supernatural: which also sufficiently appeared by many oth● signs concurring therewith, all testifiing that his heart being, a● may say, a very furnace of divine love, caused those external, and m●raculous inflammations in his breast, whereof there are many w●●nesses yet living: besides that the wonderful miracles wrought by ●mightie God, through his merits, both before, and since his death, d● notably confirm the same, as appeareth in the history of his life.  
51 But to return to the holy woman of whom I spake before. T●● strange effect, and diuers others, happened unto her many times upo● the meditation of these words of the evangelist. Verbum caro fact● est. The word was made flesh. Whereby she was commonly reple●●shed with an extraordinary love of God, and drawn into freque●● and wonderful rapts, wherein her face did cast out such beams ● light, that the eyes of those which did behold her, dazzled the● with. And in these rapts she continued some times, four and twe●● houres, and sometimes three, or four daies and nights together, a●● once from whitsun eve, until the feast of the blessed trinity, which was eight daies, excepting only two houres every day, during which time shee came to herself, and took some little refection of only bread and water, and without any other sleep then, as it were, a silent repose upon her knees, and leaning vpon her arms some part of those two houres.  
52 And at these times, shee received most admirable illustrations, concerning the incomprehensible mystery of the blessed trinity, and many divine impressions of most heavenly, and saraphical conceits, which shee uttered oft times in very good latin, though shee never learned the latin tongue, and applied many obscure places of holly scripture very aptly to her purpose. finally, so many and marvelous were her speeches in this kind, that some quires of paper remain written thereof, being set down at the same time, and in the same manner that shee uttered them.  
53 Shee had also the spirit of prophesy in great abundance, and frequent visions, and apparitions of our saviour, of his blessed mother, and of other saints: besides that, it hath pleased almighty God( for the confirmation of his other favours towards her, and his own greater glory) to work many notable miracles by her, as well in the expulsion of devils, as in the cure of incurable diseases, and diuers other admirable things, not only in the time of her life, but also since her death, even until this day, as will shortly appear in print under public authority, with such authentical proofs of the particulars thereof( as also of all that which I haue here related) that I may be bold to say, curiosity itself may rest satisfied therewith.  
54 This I haue thought good to set down, concerning the contemplative and religious persons of our time, omitting to speak of many others, no less admirable then they, because I hold these sufficient. And I forbear also to speak of diuers, living at this day, because no man yet knoweth how they will persever, for such is the mutability, and frailty of man, that the holly Ghost adviseth in Ecclesiastes. 
Eccles. 11.  Ante mortem ne lauds quenquam: praise no man before his death. yet this I may bouldy affirm, that there are amongst the catholics very many in in religion, to whom almighty God communicateth himself in no less familiar manner, then he hath donne heretofore to most of these others, of whom I haue here spoken: and further, I make no doubt, but that there are innumerable other catholics, partly religious, and partly secular, who do participat of such celestial sweetness in prayer, that they find how true it is, which God promised to the faithful, by the prophet Esay, 
Esay. 56.  saying. Addutam eos ● montem sanctum meum& laetificabo eos in monte orationis meae. I will br● them in to my holy hill, meaning his church, and I will make them glad, 〈◇〉 joyful in the mountain of my prayer. Thus saith the prophet, giuing to v●derstand, the great consolation, that God promised, and giveth ma● times in prayer to his seruants: whereof all those I say, which are tr●● members of his catholic church, and withall truly contemplative( 〈◇〉 what state, or vocation soever they be) haue sufficient experience, 〈◇〉 sting, and drinking now, and then of that heavenly wine mentioned 〈◇〉 the Canticles, whereof I haue spoken amply before, and will now co●clude with S. Bernard, saying. Orando bibitur vinum laetificans, &c. In pray● we drink the wine that maketh us merry, 
Bern. ser. 18. in Cant.  that is to say, a spiritual wine, wh●● maketh us drunk, and causeth in us an oblivion of all carnal pleasures. Th● he, who had sufficient experience thereof himself.  
55 How then can it be denied, that the true contemplative man, wh● receiveth such inestimable favours of almighty God, is most happy e●● in this life, though in the mean time, he should endure never 〈◇〉 great affliction,& torment? For if the pagan philosopher( of whom Cicero maketh mention) being extremely afflicted with the goute● could say to his pain: nihil agis dolor, pain thou preuailest nothing at 〈◇〉 that is to say, thou art not able to shake, or trouble the constancy 〈◇〉 my mind, or to deprive me of the comfort of my virtue, how muc● more truly may the contemplative christian say the same, to all the to●ments, and miseries of the world, seeing he hath not only true peac● of conscience, much more, then any pagan could haue, but also a supernatural sweetness of divine consolations, which so replenish, an● fortify his soul, that the comfort, and strength thereof, redoundet● also to the very body, making the same partaker in some sort, of heavenly felicity?  
56 We may understand, how true this is, by the example of Arnulph●● who being persuaded by S. Bernard to forsake the world, 
Vide Platum de Bono status religio si li. 3. c. 13. ex histor. ordinis Cister●●en.  and to abandon the great wealth, and pleasures wherein he lived, undertook 〈◇〉 religious life in the Abbey of Clareual, where having passed som● yeares in great austerity, he was withall miserablie vexed with th● torments of the colic, and having one day, endured such an extreme pang thereof, that he had been long without speech, or sense, he came at last to himself, and suddenly exclaimed, saying. A● is true, o Lord, which thou hast said: which he so oft repeated, that those who were present greatly wondered thereat, and asked him the cause why he said so, and when he still repeated the same words, and answered nothing else, but that all is true which our lord said, they were persuaded that he spooke idly, and knew not what he said: no saith he, I know well, what I say, for our Lord hath said in his gospel, that if any man renounce his riches, kinsfolks, and friends for his sake, he shall ●eceiue an hundreth fold for it, even in this life, which I now prove ●o be most true; for in these very torments, which I endure, I find such ●weetenes, in respect of gods mercy, that I would not want them, for ●ll the wealth which I haue forsaken, no, though it had benne a hundreth times greater then it was. Thetefore if I that ame a wicked, and ●infull wretch, do receive such contentment, and ioy of these my afflictions, that they are a hundreth times more sweet to me, then were all my worldly pleasures, what may be thought of the contentment, which the good, and fervent religious men, receive of their spiritual ●oyes, and consolations?  
●7 Thus said he to the great admiration of all those which were present, whereupon I conclude, that hereby it appeareth, that the opinion of the stoics( to wit, that a good, and wise man, is happy even in corporal torments, and misery) is truly verified in perfect christians, and especially in those that live in perfection of religion, who by the assistance of gods grace, and holy spirit, do glory, 
Rom. 5.  as the Apostle saith, in tribulationibus, in their tribulations and afflictions, and feel sweetness in sorrow, pleasure in pain, and felicity in corporal misery, being in soul united with their chief good, and the autour of all felicity: and therefore S. Ambrose, speaking of the beatitude, or felicity of a perfect christian, saith. Non frangitur doloribus corporis, &c. 
Ambros li. 1. de jacob.& vita beata. ca. 7.  He is not dismayed with the pains of the body, nor with other discommodities, and miseries of this life, which cannot any way impair his happiness, or diminish the sweetness, and pleasure thereof. Thus saith he.  
58 And this shall suffice for contemplative, or religious life, and the experience that there is at this present, and hath benne in all ages, of Gods extraordinary favours towards those, who live in the perfect exercise thereof. And what I will further infer thereon, shall appear in the next chapter.   

That the aduersaries of the Roman Church at these dayes, haue no perfect imita●●on of Christ, and therefore no perfection of Christian religion, nor unity w● God, and consequently, no true felicity either for themselves, or for the comm●●welth. And for this purpose it is proved, that they haue no practise of the Eua●gelicall Counsels of our saviour: and first touching voluntary poverty, the pr●ctise whereof, is deduced from our saviours example, and express words, besides the authority, and uniform consent of all the ancient Fathers: and by t●● way, the distinction betwixt our saviours precepts, and counsels( denied by 〈◇〉 aduersaries) is clearly proved, the shifts and false gloses of Luther, Calui● and their fellowes, discovered, and confuted. CHAP. 28  
1 YT is manifest by that which I haue handled hitherto i● this treatise. First, that the felicity of man in this life, an● of common wealth, consisteth in mans union with God. Secondly, that the same is to bee obtained, specially by th● highest perfection of christian religion( consisting in the performanc● of our saviours Counsels, that is to say, in true poverty of spirit, chastiti● obedience, and the perfect mortification, and abnegation of a mans self● Thirdly, that the said Counsels of saviour, were practised and perfo●med, not only by himself and his Apostles, but also by very man● christians in the Apostles time, in the exercise of religious life. Fourthlie, that religious discipline hath benne derived from the Apostles tim● to this our age, by the approbation, and practise of the most famous learned, and godly men, that haue benne in the church of God. Fiftly that God hath evidently concurred with the true and perfect profe●sors thereof, by al the external signs, that he is ever wont to show o● his internal union with man, to wit, by revelations, by the spirit of prophesy, by rapts, by a corporal participation of spiritual comforts,& by miraculous works. lastly, that the Roman catholics, which liu● at this day, haue not only the same practise of our saviours Counsels and religious life, but also that they haue in like manner, al the external signs of internal union with him, as evidently appeareth in th● last chapter.  
2 Now then, all this having benne sufficiently proved, I inferr● thereon two things. The one, that the Roman catholics, haue as well the perfection of christian religion, as also the effect thereof▪ which is true union with almighty God, and consequently the tru● felicity of man, and common wealth. And the other is, that their ad●ersaries, namely the Lutherans, and Caluinists, haue none of these, that 〈◇〉 to say, they haue no perfection of christian religion, nor union ●ith God, and consequently no true felicity, either for themselves, 〈◇〉 for common wealth.  
● And because, the former of the two inferences, which concerneth ●nly the catholics, haue been partly proved already,& willbe much ●ore clear hereafter, I will now treat of the latter, concerning ●●therans, and Caluinists, and make it manifest, that they haue not any ●erfection of christian religion. And forasmuch, as they not only ●eny, that christian perfection consisteth in the observation of those ●uangelicall councils( whereof I haue hitherto treated) but also ●each that there is no distinction at all of our saviours councells,& ●recepts( interpreting the scriptures which we allege for the same, far otherwise then wee do,) I will therefore, first clearly deduce ●he evangelical councells, out of those words of our saviour, which 〈◇〉 alleged, to that end, in the five and twentieth, chapter, and will confir●e our interpretation thereof, as well by the circumstances of the ●laces themselves, as also by the authority of the most ancient, and ●earned Fathers of the church.  
● Secondlie I will prove, by the same authority of Scriptures,& ●athers, that the evangelical counsels, are necessary to the perfection ●f christian religion:& lastly I will make it clear, that the sectaries ●f this time, haue no practise thereof at all, where upon it must nee●es follow, that they haue no true christian perfection. In all which ●iscourse, I will also by the way evidently show, the distinction of our ●auiours counsels,& precepts,& both discover,& also confute the ●hifts,& cavils of our aduersaries, concerning the interpretation of ●hose places of scriptures, hereupon we ground our Cath. doctrine.  
● Therefore, to the end, that the whole discourse hereof may be the more clear, I will treat of every one of the evangelical counsels a ●art, and first I will begin with voluntary poverty, undertaken for the ●ove of God, which how grateful it is to him, and necessary to chri●tian perfection, may easily be judged, as well by the example of our saviour Christ, as by his doctrine, seeing he not only preached it, but also practised it himself, for our example, as may appear by the ●ourse of his life, which I laid down briefly out of the holy scriptures, when I treated of contemplation.  
6 For he choose to be born of a poor mother,& in a poor stable, to be visited, first by poor sheppards, to make the poor mans offering at his presentation in the temple,& to be brought up in poverty. He li● in his youth( as may be gathered in the scripture) by joseph his suppo● fathers trade( in which respect, it may be thought, that he was ca● faber, 
Marc. 6.  the carpenter:) and afterwards when he preached, it appear●● that he lived by alms, whereof Iudas was the purse-bearer, qui ha● loculos, 
joan. 12.  saith the evangelist, ea quae mittebantur portabat, who having the p● se, carried those things, which were cast in, that is to say, he had the char● of the alms, which was given by good people, for the maintena● of Christ, and his disciples: besides that, the holly women, which 〈◇〉 companied him from Galilaea( as the evangelist also testifieth) minis● bant ei de facultatibus suis, did minister unto him, that is to say, did assist 〈◇〉 help him with their goods, and yet nevertheless when tribute was 〈◇〉 maunded of him, he was not able to pay it of his own store, but co●maunded S. Peter, 
Matth. 17.  to take it out of a fish, which S. jerome noteth, an evident argument of his poverty, saying that he was so poor: vnde tributa pro se,& Apostolo redderet, non haberet that he had not wh● with to pay the tribute, 
S. Hierom. in mat. 17.  for himself, and his apostle: and then addeth furth● that if any man, will object, that Iudas had money in the purse, wh● he carried, respondebimus, faith S. jerome, rem pauperum in vsus suos cōuer●nefas putavit, 
Matth. 8. luke. 10. Matth. 10. S. Aug. de de consensu. evang. li. 2. c. 30. Mar. 6. luke. 7. 8. bonaven. opus. see S. jerome epist. 22. ad Eustoch. Lira in 1. jo. Replicator. Mar. 1. Abulens. q. 68 in 3. Math. Suarez de vita Christi Tall. in 1. joan. annot. 61. Matth. 19.  we will answer, that Christ held it, for a wicked act, to convert 〈◇〉 goods of the poor to his own use, so he: giuing to understand, that Ch● had not so much as any part of the common alms in particular, a● therefore would not employ it to his own private use.  
7 moreover he had not, as he witnesseth himself, so much as a po●● cottage to dwell in. Vulpes foueas habent, saith he, &c. Foxes haue their ●les, and birds their nests, but the son of man, hath not where to lay his head. 〈◇〉 so he choose poor disciples, and sent them to preach with express ●der to carry neither gold, nor, silver, nor so much as a purse, wallet, 〈◇〉 scrip, nor to wear shoes, but sandals( as S. Augustin affirmeth:) a● so it also may be gathered out of S. mark, which sandals were a ki● of show, or slipper, having only a sole without vpper leather: and t● same sort of show, it seemeth also Christ used himself( if he used a● being other waise barefoot, as it appeareth in the holly scripture, f● that Mary Magdalen, could not haue washed, wiped, and anointed 〈◇〉 feet, as he was at meat, if his feet had not been bare, at least on t● vpper part.  
8 Furthermore, he did inculcat nothing more unto his disciples, a● hearers, then the contempt of riches, comparing them to thorns, th● choke up the good seed, representing the dangerous state of ri●● men, affirming it to be as hard for thē to enter in to the kingdom of heaue● 〈◇〉 for a Camel to pass through a needles eye, counseling them also to sell 〈◇〉 that they had saying, vendite quae possidetis,& date elemosinam, 
luke. 12.  sell ●●se things which you possess and give alms:& after again to the rich ●ng man: si vis perfectus esse vade, 
Matth. 19.  & vend omnia quae habes &c. if thou ●●lt be perfect, go and sell all that thou hast, and give it to the poor.  
● This then being so, to what purpose did he both practise such an ●●ct poverty, and also preach, teach, and council it, but to the end ●at some at least, should imitate his example, and follow his coun●●ll? And therfore although he would not bind any man thereto by ●ccept, or under pain of sin, and punishment, yet he invited, ●●d encouraged every one thereto, by the promise of extraordinary, ●nd eternal rewards, as to a special point of christian perfection. And this is most manifest, by that which he said to the rich young ●an who demanded of him, what he might do to obtain life euer●●sting, whereto our saviour answered, that he should keep the ●ommaundements, and when he replied that he had kept them from ●is youth, and desired further to know, what he yet wanted, our saviour added: If thou wilt be perfect, go, and sell all that thou hast, 
Ibid.  and give ● to the poor, and thou shalt haue a treasure in heaven, and come, and follow 〈◇〉: thus said our saviour. And now because the sense of his wor●es, and doctrine therein, is much controversed betwixt our aduersa●ies, and us, let us see what some of the most learned, ancient, and ●olly Fathers of the church understand thereby.  
●0 S. Ambrose, having notably declared the difference, betwixt a ●recept and a council( saying, that where there is a precept, there is a ●aw, and where there is a counsel, there is grace, and that a precept is given ●o recall men to the law of nature, by terror of penalty, and a coun●ell given to stir men, and provoke them to good works, with ●he proposition, and promise of rewards) having I say taught this, and much more to the same purpose, he proposeth an example of the one ●nd the other in Christs words, to the rich young man, saying. 
Ambros. li. de viduis vltra medium.  Vt intel●gas distantiam praecepti, atque consilij, &c. To the end thou mayst vnder●●and, the difference betwixt a precept, and a counsel, remember him ●o whom it was prescribed in the gospel, that he should not commit ●urther, or adultery, or bear false witness( for there is a precept, or commandment, where there is a penalty of sin) but when he ●aid, that he had fulfilled the precepts of the law, then council was given him to sell all he had, and to follow our lord, haec enim non pro ●racepto dantur, said pro consilio deferuntur: For these are not given as a commandment, but as a council.  
11 Thus saith S. Ambrose; wherein two things are to be obseru● against our aduersaries, the one is, the distinction of our saviours, pr●cepts,& counsels noted by S. Ambrose expressly; the other is that o● saviour counseled to the young man voluntary poverty, advising hi● to sell all he had,& to give it to the poor: where vpon also diuers ●ther things must needs be inferred, as first that voluntary pouer● undertaken for the love,& service of God, is most grateful to him, shalbe highly rewarded by him, seing he counseled it, as S. Ambr● teacheth& expressly promised, thesaurum in caelo, a treasure in heaven, f● the performance of it: secondly it also followeth, that voluntary p●uerty is necessary to the perfection of christian religion, seing our S●uiour not only said, if thou wilt be perfect, go,& sell all thou hast& ● but also added, & veni, sequere me,& come follow me: signifying that v●luntary poverty, is necessary to the perfect imitation of Christ, wherein consisteth the perfection of christian religion: thirdly, it mu● needs also be understood, that this counsel of our saviour, was n● given only to the young man( as some of our aduersaries affirm, namely Peter Martyr, 
Petrus Mar. li. de Calìbatu& votis. & Osiander) but also to all men in general, and therefore S. Ambrose allegeth those words of our saviour, to prove th● difference of precepts and councils given to all men alike, and n● to particular persons: besides the very circumstances of the te● make the same most clear, for, as when our saviour said, if th● wilt enter in to life everlasting, keep the commandments, he gave to v●derstand, that the observation of the commandments, was a n●cessarie mean for all men to attain to salvation: so also whe● he added, if thou wilt be perfect, sell all thou hast, &c. he signified that poverty is a necessary mean for all men to arrive to perfection.  
12 This appeareth also most manifestly, by that which followet● in the text, for after that S. Peter, had heard our saviours word● and saw the young man go away sad, as Origen noteth, he sai● behold we haue left all that we had, and followed thee what then sh● we haue? 
Origenes in ca. 19. mat. ho. 9.  as who would say, we haue done that which thou ha● counseled this young man to do, we haue abandoned all that w● had and followed thee, what then shalbe our reward? whereto h● answered, not that his words were to be understood, as spoken t● the young man only, but to the end they might understand, that h● spoken also to them, and to all men else, he said, that they,( to wi● the Apostles) which had left all, and followed him, should sit upon twelve seats, and judge the twelve tribes of Israell, and added further, whosoever shall forsake either brethren, or sisters, father, ●other, wife, children, or possessions for my name, shall receive a ●ndreth fold for it, and possess life everlasting.  
●● Thus said our saviour, giuing plainly to understand, that both and council of voluntary poverty, which he gave to the young ●n, and also the promise of everlasting reward for the same, was ●neral to all men: whereby also it appeareth, 
Caluin li. 4. Instit. ca. 13. ss. 13.  how frivolous is the ●asion of Caluin, to avoid the force of this place, who saith, that ●here as the young man had said to our saviour, that he had kept the ●mmaundements from his youth, our saviour meaning to signify ●at he had lied therein, proposed unto him, that he should then sell 〈◇〉 he had, and give it to the poor, as if a man, saith Caluin, should ●oast that he knew all things, it might be said unto him, then tell me ●ow many grains of sand there are in the sea cost: but that this ●asion, I say, of Caluin, is most vain, it is evident by our saviours ●swere, to S. Peter, promising the reward of eternal glory, yea and 〈◇〉 hundreth fold in this life, to whosoever should perform that ●ounsell of his.  
●● Therefore S. Augustin expounding this same place, 
Aug. epist. 39. q. 4.  calleth the counsel which our saviour gave to the young man. Grande,& praecla●● perfectionis consilium, de vendendis rebus suis. A great, and notable ●●nsel of perfection for the selling of his goods: and further addeth, that ●hose which haue not received, or followed his counsel, and yet shal●e free from mortal sin, non sedebunt, saith he, cum Christo sublimiter ●dicaturi: they shall not sit with Christ to judge in sublimity, or dignity ●s he promised to his apostles) said ad ipsius dextram stabunt misericordi●● judicandi: but shall stand on his right hand to be judged mercifully. ●hus saith he, signifying thereby the eminency, and excellency of ●●eir reward, who follow our saviours counsel of perfection, in ●omparison of those, who are otherwaise good men, and do not ●ollow the same: and therefore, the same holy Father saith also in the ●●me place: Magister bonus mandata legis ab ista excellentiore perfectione ●stinxit. Our good master, or teacher( that is to say our saviour) di●●inguished the commandments of the law, from this more excellent perfection: ibi enim dixit &c. for there he said, if thou wilt come to life, 
D. Chrisost. in locum Apostoli ad Rom. sal●tate Pris●●●, paulo ●●●t princip●●●●.  ●eepe the commandments, and here he saith, si vis perfectus esse, vend om●ia, if thou wilt be perfect, sell all.  
●5 Also S. chrysostom, noting the difference of a precept,& a coun●ell in the same words, of our saviour saith, whereas he said, if thou wilt and perfect &c. he spoken it by the way of counsel, and admonition,& it is not all one to give a council, and to make a law, for he which maketh a law, 〈◇〉 haue that which he ordaineth to be fully performed, but he which counsell● and exhorteth, leaveth yt to the iudgement, and will of the hearer, to ch● what he will, of that which is said unto him, and so, faciendorum domi●● lord, or master of those things which are to be done. Thus far S. Chriso●●●me, who also in an other place, noteth the like difference of a co●●sell, and a precept, in those very words of our saviour to the you man, 
Idem ho. 21. in 1. Cor. 19.  whereof I here specially treat. In diuite, saith he, alia praece● alia permisit, libero animi arbitrio &c. In the rich man, he commanded s●● things, and left some other to the free will of the mind, for he said not 〈◇〉 all thou hast, but if thou wilt be perfect, sell all. &c.  
16 These are the words of S. chrysostom, wherein it is also to be ●●ted, 
Petrus Martyr.& Caluinus ubi supra.  that he understood not those words of our saviour, as spoken the young man only,( as Peter Martyr affirmeth) or as of a thing which did not wish, should be performed( as Caluin teacheth,) but as spoke● and counseled to all men in the person of the rich man, and therefore, S. chrysostom, doth not say, diuiti alia praecepit, Christ commaun● some things to the rich man, but in diuite, in the rich man, meaning th● in his person he commanded some things to all men, as the obseru●tion of the commandments( when he said unto him, if thou w● enter into life keep the commandments,) and left some other things their free wills, as namely voluntary poverty, when he said, if th● wilt be perfect, sell all, &c.  
17 In like manner S. jerome, expounding the same words of o● saviour, saith. In potestate nostra est &c. Yt is in our power, wheth● wee will be perfect, 
S. Hiero. in ca. 19 mat. Idem ad Demetriadem ep. 8. de ser. virginit. circa medium.  or no, but whosoever will be perfect, he ought to s● all that he hath. And in an epistle to Demetrias the virgin, having said, that it is a point of apostolical, and perfect virtue, to sell all, and give it to the poor, he addeth, si vis inquit perfectus esse non cogo, non i●pero &c. Yf thou wilt be perfect, saith our saviour, I do not comp●● thee, I do not command thee, but do only propose unto thee the priz●● and show thee the reward, it is in thy hands, to choose, whether th● wilt be crwoned for the victory in the combat. Thus saith saint Hi●rome,  
18 lo then how clearly S. Ambrose, S. Augustin, S. chrysostom, an● S. jerome, deduce the distinction of precepts, and counsels of ou● saviours own words,& how evident it is, that he counseled voluntary poverty, as a special means to the perfection of christian life yea,& promised a far greater,& more excellent reward for the same then for the only observation of his commandments, and lastl● how vain, and absurd are the shifts of Caluin, and Peter martyr, in the ●position of this place, seeing they contradict therein, not only the ●●c, and doctrine of the Fathers, but also the very circumstances of the ●●●t itself.  
●● Besides that the impudence of Caluin may bee wondered at, in that 〈◇〉 sticketh not to affirm in his Institutions, that omnes veteres, vna vo●damant nullam voculam a Christo emissam esse, cvi non sit necessario obtempe●●dum, that al the old Fathers cry out with one voice, that there is no ●●e little word uttered by Christ, which must not of necessity be obey●● as though the Fathers affirmed, that Christ counseled nothing, but ●ommaunded all things, whereas you see, these Fathers manifestly ●ach the contrary, distinguishinge clearly betwixt his precepts, and ●is counsels, as also all the rest do, that haue just occasion to handle ●●at matter, as shall further appear in some of them, 
Origen. in c. 15. ad Roman.  when I shall ●eat of the next evangelical counsel, and in the mean time for bre●ities sake, I remit my reader to the places cited in the margin, out of Origen, S. 
Cipri. de discipli.& habitu virg.  cyprian, 
Euseb. li. 1. evang. demonst. ca. 8.  Eusebius, S. 
Basil. li de virg.  basil, S. 
Hierom. li. 1. in jovin.  Hierom, S. 
Grego. Nazian. orat.& in I●●●ā.  Gregory Nazian●●, 
Theodor. in 7.1. ad Cor.  Theodoretus, S. 
Greg. li. 15. moral.  Gregory the great, and 
Theophil. in ep. ad Titum. S. Aug. li. 1. de adulter. coniug. c. 14.& li. 2 quaest ivan. ca. 19. S. Pa●lin. ad Seue●● Sulpitiu●. ep. 4.  Theophilact, to omit ma●y others, or rather al other ancient Fathers, who to use Caluins own ●ordes, vna voice clamant, do cry out with one voice, that our saviour com●aunded some things, which must of necessity be observed, and coun●elled some other things which he left to our choice, and therefore ●rigen in the place before cited, calleth the latter, supra debitum, things ●●ue our duty, or more then we are bound to, or more then is commaū●ed, which is also signified by the word supererogare, to bestow or give ●ore then is due, as S. Augustin and S Paulinus observe in the words of ●ur saviour, speaking of the good Samaritan, who having gi●en to the ●●steler two deniers to cure the wounded passenger, said unto him, quod●nque supererogaueris reddam tibi, whatsoever thou shalt lay out, or be●●ow over and above that which I haue given thee, I will render it un●o thee: which words of our saviour, the Fathers aforesaid apply to ●he performance of his Counsels, as surpassing the bounds of duty, whereupon groweth the phrase, or manner of speech which Catho●ikes use, of works of supererogation, utterly rejected and derided by ●ur aduersaries, though waranted by the ancient Fathers, and grounded upon the verity of the holy scriptures.  
●0 It being therefore most evident, by that which I haue said already, that our saviour counseled voluntary poverty, not only to the ●ich young man, but also to every man, and a special means to attain ●o christian perfection, let us now examine what practise the Lutherans, or Caluinists, haue thereof? Was it ever seen, that any of them sol● forsook all that he had for Christs sake, to give it in alms, and to i●tate our saviour and his Apostles in poverty? Nay doth not the d●●●rin of their masters, Luther, and Caluin teach the contrary, as that 〈◇〉 unlawful, and superstitious for a man to make himself poor, w● intention to please or serve God thereby? Wherein they revive the o● heresy of Vigilantius, who taught that it were much better for a 〈◇〉 to keep his goods, and to give alms thereof by little and little, the● sell the same out right, 
S. H●eron. ●ontra Vigilan. circa fine,  to give the money at once to the poor: to wh● S. Hierom ansuereth thus. Non a me, saith he, said a Domino respondebitur& It shal be answered not by me, but by our Lord, if thou wilt be perfect, go& se● thou hast, and give it to the poor: wherein our Lord speaketh to him that desire● be perfect, who forsaketh his father, ship and net, as the Apostles did, whe● this other degree, which thou( Vigilantius) dost praise, and commend( to wit, keep a mans goods, to give alms thereof) is but the second and third ●gree which we also allow, so that it be understood withal, that the first& highest ●gree, is to be preferred before the second and third.  
21 Thus saith S. jerome, wherein I wish two things specially to b● noted. The one that he understandeth no less then the Fathers befo●● alleged, that those words of our saviour to the rich young man, w● a general and serious counsel, or aduise given to al men, and not spok● to him alone, or only to confounded him, as Peter martyr& Caluin wo●● haue it.  
22 The other is, that voluntary poverty undertaken for Christs sa●● is both most acceptable and grateful to God, and also a point of t● highest perfection of christian life, and consequently to be perform●● not only to avoid the care& danger, that acompanie worldly wealt● or for the better commodity, of study, and contemplation, as the ph●losophers did, or yet to the end, we may preach the gospel more free●●( for which respect the aduersaries seem some times to admit it) b● for the pure love of God, and the true imitation of our saviours p●uertie, which were the motives which induced, not only the Apo●●les to forsake all they had, but moved also the faithful in their tim● to sell their goods, and to lay their money at the Apostles feet.  
23 For I would gladly know, what other cause moved so many 〈◇〉 that time to embrace poverty? was it to the end they might the mo●● freely preach the gospel? How can that be understood, either of m●nie of the common people, whose office, or ability was not to preac● or else of women, who might not so much as speak in the congregat●on? And yet as well women as men of all sorts, sold their goods an● lived after in common. Therefore, what else could induce them there● but that they understood, that Christ did not only live himself ●oore life, to give us example, but also that he promised the king●me of heaven, to all those that would forsake their riches, and pos●ions for his name, that is to say, for the love of him? In which res●t S. Bernard, 
S. Bernard in verba evang. ecce nos reliquimus, paulo post principium.  treating of S. Peters words to our saviour ( behold we 〈◇〉 left all, and followed thee) and of our saviours answer to him, ●th. Haec sunt verba &c. These are the words, which haue throughout the ●●le world, persuaded men to the contempt of the world, and to voluntary ●eny. These haue filled cloisters with monks, and deserts with hermits, ●se do spoil egypt, and carry away the vessels thereof, this is the lively, 〈◇〉 effectual speech, which converteth souls, with a happy desire of holly 〈◇〉,& veritatis promissione fideli, and with the faithful promise of ve●.  
Thus saith S. Bernard, ascribing as you see, all the practise, and ●●ercise of our saviours counsel, touching voluntary poverty, to the ●●ce of his words, and promise of eternal reward, which S. Bernard ●leth, fidelem promissionem veritatis, the faithful promise of verity, or o, that is to say of Christ who is verity itself, and yet how po●●tsoeuer his example, words, and promise haue benne in the world, ●●m his time, until this day, yet they haue not had the power to ●●ke any Lutheran, or Caluinist( for ought that ever I haue heard) sell his substance, and to give it to the poor for Christs sake, wher●s some of all sorts of men( be they never so rich, and powerful, ●uer so noble, never so wise, or learned do amongst the Roman ●tholikes, abandon their worldly wealth, power and nobility, re●●unce, and resign their wills, wisdom, learning, and themselves holy to serve God in religion, for the love of him, which S. jerome, 
S. Hieron. ep. 26. ad Pamachium: paulo post principium.  ●o acknowledged, and admired in his time, saying. Nostris temporibus ●ma possidet &c. Rome hath and possesseth, that in our time, which the world ●ew not before, for in times past, it was rare to see wise, potent, and no●● monks. Thus saith S. jerome, which hath also appeared to be true 〈◇〉 all ensuing ages, even until this day, whereof infinite examples ●ight be alleged, but for brevities sake, I will content myself ●nly to name some Emperours, kings, and princes, that haue been ●oued with the words of our saviour, according to S. Bernards ob●●ruation, to change their imperial, royal, and princely dignities, sta●●s, and riches, with religious poverty.  
●● So did in Grece the emperours 
Zonar. Annal. To. 3. Baron. an. 1059.  Isaacius Comnenus, and 
Vide Platum de bono status religiosi.  joannes Brena, which latter being both emperour of Constantinople, and king jerusalem, took the habit, and profession of the poor Franciscan Fr● upon an apparition, which he had in his prayers of S. Francis off● him his habit, wherein he died within a few daies after. 
Nicepho. Gregor. li. 3.  Also the gr● emperour Theodorus Lascaris the second of that name, took a monast● habit in his last sickness. And in our west parts 
Baron. an 855.  Lotharius having 〈◇〉 Emperour Fitfteene yeares, abandoned the empire, and all worldly ●●nours and pleasures, to serve God in religion.  
26 Of kings there hath been such a number, that I cannot rec● them all. and no where more, nor so many, in any one country( 〈◇〉 ought I red) as in ours, 
Beda.& F●●dor. Virgil. hist Angli.  after the coming in of the Saxons, as 
An. 640.  ●bertus, 
An. 704.  Ethelredus, 
An. 710.  Chenredus, Offa, 
An. 740.  Inas, 
An. 737.  Ceolulfus, and Egbertus, other countries there haue been very many, as 
Baron. an. 750.  Rachisuis king of Lumbards, 
An. 805.  Pipinus king of Italy, 
An. 674.  Bamba, 
An. 786.  Veremundus, 
An. 1150.  Ranim● king of diuers parts of spain, and 
Baron. an. 747. Vide Platum de bono stat. religio. li. 2. ca. 26.  Carlomanus king of Austratia, Sueuia in Germany, of whom it is written in the chronicle of the ●●mous abbey of Cassinum( where he was monk of the holly orde● S. Benedict) that being set by Petronace the abbot, to keep the she● of the monastery, he was so diligent in his office, and careful of flock, that once, when one of his sheep was fallen lame, and co● not go with the rest, he took her up, and carried her upon his sh●●ders to the fold.  
27 Furthermore to these may also be added, 
Platus ibidem.  Trebellio king of Bulg●● the age following, 
Baron. an. 945.  Hugo king of Italy, and of latter times, 
Platus ubi supra.  Sigism● king of Burgundy, Henry king of Cyprus( who was famous for his m●●●cles) and finally 
Ibidem.  John king of armoniac, which two last, choose to se● God in the poor habit, and religion of the Franciscan Friars, 〈◇〉 live altogether upon alms. These emperours, and kings, besides ●uers others, whom I haue not name, and many more Empresse● queens( whom I purpofelie omit for brevities sake) haue for love of God, voluntarily, and joyfully, forsaken their imperial, 〈◇〉 royal riches, and dignity, to embrace religious poverty.  
28 And if I should take upon me, to set down the names of other princes, who haue in like maner abandoned the world, and taken themselves to religion, I mean all those, who though they not the title of kings, were nevertheless descended of royal race, otherwise either absolute princes, or of princely state, and digniti● fear, I should be over tedious, seeing that I haue observed in the● stories of our own country, above sixty sons, or daughrers, ●●phewes, or nieces of kings, who ended their daies in monastical, 〈◇〉 religious life, whereby it may be judged, how many such may haue ●●nne in all other countries. I will therefore let all other pass, and ●ention only some men of great wealth, title, and state, who haue ●●ken the same course in these our daies, as Don Francisco Borgia, 
Obiit 1572.  Duke ●f Gandia in spain, who entred into the society of Iesus, and was ge●●ral thereof, as I haue signified before. And the duke of Ioyeuse in ●●rance, who some yeares ago, took upon him the poor habit, 
Chap. 7. nu. 38.  and ●eligious rule of the Capuchins, and having benne here in Rome, at the ●hapter general of his order this last summer, died in his return to ●●ance, leaving behind him an eternal memory, of his most religious, ●●d exemplar life.  
●9 In spain, also there are at this day, four heires of the most ho●orable, and ancient family, of the earls of S. Agadea, and Buendia, best known abroad by the title of the Adelantado of Castile) who ●●ne after an other, renounced their estates, and inheritance, to serve God in religion, of whom the eldest, to wit Don Antonio Padillia, ●eing in possession of his estate, unmarried, and having no brethren, re●●gned it to his eldest sister, and entred himself into the society of Ie●●●, wherein he still continueth, with great famed of learning, and ver●●e: and his sister after shee had a while possessed her state, gave it over also to her younger sister, retiring herself into a monastery, where ●hee became religious, and so liveth until this day. And although her ●onger sister, was by the importunity of her friends, forced much ●gainst her will, for the maintenance of her house, to mary one of ●er own name, and family, nevertheless after her husbands death, ●hee entred into religion, resigning her whole estate to her eldest ●onne, who died without issue, not past two yeares ago, his second ●rother( to whom the state then belonged) being newly entred into ●he society of Iesus: and although he was then but a novice, and had ●ot made his profession, yet he could not by any means be persuaded to return to the world, but continueth in his former purpose, and re●igious profession, having passed over his title, and states to his younger brother.  
●0 I omit father Lewis Gonzaga, son, and heir to the Marques of Castiglione, of the house of Mantua, in Italy, who died in the society of ●esus some yeares ago, and( as I haue declared before) hath benne no less glorious for miracles, then he was admirable in his life for his exceeding great virtue, and sanctity. I also let pass many younger sons to princes, and dukes, who are at this present in diuers orders of religion. As namely two sons of the present viceroy, or governor of the kingdom of Naples, who entred a few yeares past, the● into the society of Iesus, and the other, into the order of S. Dominio● whom I might add, Don Inigo de Mendosa, heir apparent to his bro●● the marques of Mondexar( one of the grandies of spain) which Inigo, having served the catholic king some yeares, in diuers hono●●ble employments, and lastly in the ambassage of Venice, abandoned world, and died a novice in the society of Iesus, seven or eight ye● ago. But on these, I say, and diuers others of like quality, I me● not to insist, to conclude with Don Inigo de Gueuarra Duke of Bou● and great marshall of the kingdom of Naples, who having had m yeares the possession of a great estate, left the same three yeares a● unto his son, bestowing also great sums of money in pious w●kes, and entred into the society of Iesus here in Rome, where I he● him protest, whiles he was in his Nouiship, that he could not i●●gin before he tried it, what true pleasure, and contentment God ●ueth to his seruants in religious life, and that he had written to friends, and kinsfolks, that they little knew the comfort that he, 〈◇〉 others received in S. Andrewes( for so is called the Nouiciat for 〈◇〉 society in Rome) where he then lived, since which time, he hath ●●metimes for his better mortification, begged for the prisoners, and down Rome, with a wallet on his back, according as the noui●● of the society, other whiles use to do.  
31 This I haue thought good to signify, concerning such great p●●sonages, as in my own knowledge haue in these our dayes, accou●ted all the wealth, honour, glory, and delights of the world, for better then detrimenta,& stercora, detriments, and dung, for the lo● of Christ, 
S. Bernard. ep. 109.  insomuch that we may say, as S. Bernard said of such his time. Legeram &c. I haue red, saith he, that God hath not cho● many noble men, nor many worthy wise men, nor many potent men, 〈◇〉 now contrary to that rule, a wonderful number of such are converted to G●● through his admirable power, for now the present glory of the world is c●●temned, the flower of youth trodden under foot, generosity dis-esteemed, w●●dome of the world reputed folly, flesh, and blood not regarded, the affectio● and love of parents, knisfolkes, and friends renounced, the favours, honour and dignities of the world, held for no other then dyrt, or dung, to the e● that Christ may be gained.  
32 Thus saith S. Bernard of his time, as also S. jerome said the li●● before, as you haue heard of the time wherein he lived, and the sam● may we say still of the Roman catholics in these daies, wherein every man may see, how much God is glorified, showing continually ●●ch admirable effects of his grace, in the catholic Roman church, ●o the undoubted testimony of the truth which is taught, and deli●ered therein, whereas the Lutherans, Caluinists, and other sectaries, ●ave so little experience, or knowledge thereof, that very many ●mongst them, or rather the most part of them in our country( where ●o public exercise of catholic religion is permitted) are utterly ●gnorant, that any such things pass in the world abroad: whereby ●hey are deprived, not only of the good example, that such men give by their contempt of the world, but also of the consolation, that and catholics receive, by seeing the great glory of God daily augmented, by such a manifest demonstration, of the force, and power of his grace, to the confusion of the devil, and the conquest of the world, and the flesh. Where upon I conclude, concerning the evangelical counsel of voluntary poverty, that as the sectaries haue no use, or practise thereof, so also consequently they haue no perfection of christian religion, which partly consisteth therein, as I haue sufficiently proved, and therefore I will now pass to an other evangelical counsel, to wit, single, and continent life, which shall be the subject of the next Chapter.   

Of the evangelical counsel of Chastity, grounded upon our saviours example, and express words, according to the interpretation of the ancient Fathers. Also the cavils, and perverse gloses of our aduersaries, are detected, and rejected. CHAP. 29.  
1 THe evangelical counsel, of single, and chast life, is deduced, as I haue signified before, out of these words of our saviour to his Apostles. 
Matth. ●9.  Sunt Eunuchi qui de matris utero &c. There are Eunuchs, which are born so from their mothers womb, and there are Eunuchs which are made by men, and there are Eunuchs, which haue gelded themselves for the kingdom of heaven, he which can take it, let him take it. Thus saith our saviour: wherein it is to be observed, that he did not command, but counsel continency, in that, having said, there are Eunuchs which haue gelded themselves for the kingdom of God, he added, qui potest capere, capiat, he which can take it, let him take it: for so do all the ancient Fathers understand by those words, and therefore S. cyprian, 
S. Cyprian de discipli.& habi: virgi.  speaking of voluntary Eunuchs, which gu● themselves for the kingdom of heaven, addeth. Nec hoc jubet do●nus, said hortatur. God doth not command this, but exhort unto it. Also S. A●gustin, having distinguished plainly betwixt a counsel, and a prec●( saying, 
Aug. serm. 61. de tēpore.  aliud est consilium, aliud praeceptum, a counsel is one thing, and a pre● is an other:) exemplifieth the counsel of virginity in those words 〈◇〉 our saviour: Qui potest capere capiat: he which can take it, let him take 〈◇〉 S. jerome 
Hieron. in ca. 19. Math.  also expounding the same words, saith. Hortantis domini 〈◇〉 est,& milites suos ad pudicitiae praemium concitantis. Yt is the voice, or sayi●● of our lord, encouraging his soldiers to the reward of chastity. And against having alleged the same words of our saviour against jovinian, 〈◇〉 saith thus. 
Idem contra Iouinianum li. 1.  He proposeth a reward to his champions, he inviteth them to the cou●● he holdeth the prise of virginity in his hand, he sheweth the most pure fou●taine, and crieth, he which thirsteth, let him come, and drink, &c.  

S. Chrisost. ho. 63. in Matth.  2 Also S. chrysostom, interpreting the same words of our saviour saith, that forasmuch as he knew, that it would seem grievous 〈◇〉 exhort men to virginity, he therefore sought to draw them to the desire thereof, by representing unto them the necessity of the law, concerning the indissolubilitie of matrimony, and then to show also, th●● virginity was possible, he said that there were Eunuchs, which we● born so, of their mothers, and others made by men,& others against which haue gelded themselves for the kingdom of heaven; quibus verbis, saith he, latenter eos ad eligendam virginitatem inducit, dum eam virtute● pos●ibilem esse astruit: in which words, he doth secretly induce them to mak● choice of virginity, whiles he affi●meth yt to be a virtue possible to be obtaine●▪  
3 Thus gathereth S. chrysostom of our saviours words, and afterwards concludeth that whereas our saviour added, 
Ibidem.  he that can take i● let him take it, he propounded the possibility of virginity, together with the difficulty thereof, vt voluntatis studium plus augeatur, 〈◇〉 the end that the desi e of mans will, might be the more increased, and stirred v● to seek it. In all which is to be noted, that S. chrysostom teacheth no● only, that Christ counseled virginity, but also that he shewed with all, the possibility of it, of which point, I shall haue further occasion to speak amply hereafter.  
4 But what need I produce the testimony of the Fathers of the church to prove virginity, and continency, to be an evangelical counsel, seeing that the Apostle also, led with the spirit of his master our saviour Christ so expressly, and seriously counseleth the same, that it may be wondered that any christian man will deny it. Bonum est, saith he mulierem non tangere, 
Cor 7.  it is good not to touch a woman,& again: Art thou free: or loose from a wife? Then do not seek a wife. Also I say to those that are vnma●●ed, and to widows, it is good for them if they remain so, as I do. And again 〈◇〉 haue no precept of our Lord, concerning virgins, but I give counsel, as one that ●ave obtained mercy of God to be faithful. In which words he giveth to vn●erstand, that the counsel which he gave in this behalf, was not human, but divine, seeing he saith, 
S. Hieron. li. 1. aduersus jovinian.  that he gave it as a faithful minister ●f God, which he signifieth also most evidently afterwards as S. Hie●●n noteth, when having said, that the widow may marry when shee ●ill, he addeth. Shee shal be more blessed or happy, if shee remain so still( that 〈◇〉 to say a widow( and I think that I haue also the spirit of God.  
● behold then how seriously the Apostle exhorteth to continency, ●scribing his counsel to the holy Ghost in so much, that the impuden●y of Luther may be wondered at, who is not ashamed to say that S. paul doth not counsel, but dissuade continency in that epistle to the Corin●hians, for that he speaketh also there( as Luther supposeth) of the necessity of matrimony, because having said: It is good for a man not to touch a woman, he addeth immediately, propter fornicationem autem unusquisque suam habeat vxorem: let every man haue his wife to avoid fornication: as though he should say( saith Luther) I would exhort al men to continency, were it not for one thing, to wit, for the danger of fornication, for in respect thereof, let every man marry. And this is also the opinion of Caluin, and other sectaries, as shall appear more amply hereafter.  
6 But to the end, it may be seen, how these new gospelers pervert the sense of the Apostle in this place, contrary to the circumstances thereof, and to the interpretation of all the ancient Fathers of the church, it is to be understood, that the Corinthians, being troubled with the erroneus doctrine of false apostles and preachers( who amongst other things, taught that married men being converted to the christian faith, ought to abstain from their wives, or utterly to leave them) wrote to S. paul, to haue his resolution concerning the same, who therefore ansewred: De quibus scripsistis &c. As for the matters whereof you wrotte unto me, bonum est homini mulierem non tangere, 
Loco. cit  it is good for a man not to much a woman, meaning his wife, as some of the Fathers understand it,& as it is more plain in the greek where the word Ginaicos, signifieth a wife as well as a woman, and therefore S. Hierom readeth it, it is good for a man not to touch his wife: so that the sense is, according to that exposition, that it were good that even married folkes, would abstain from the act of matrimony: and then the Apostle addeth: propter fornicationem autem: but to avoid fornication( whereinto the one, or both might fall, in case they should continually abstain the one from the other let every one of you haue vxorem suam, his wife, as S. Hierom vndersta●deth it, that is to say, the wife that he had before he was converted the christian faith.  

Hieron. li. 1. col. a jovin. post princip.  7 This I say, is the interpretation of S. Hierom, who in his book 'gainst jovinian saith thus, Non dixit &c. The Apostle saith not, let eue● man to avoid fornication mary a wife, but let every one haue his wife, suam i● quit habiat, sua utatur quam habebat antiquam crederet. Let him haue saith he, 〈◇〉 use his wife, which he had before he believed: quam bonum erat non tange● &c. Whom it were good for him not to touch, but after the faith of Christ to kno● her as his sister only, and not as his wife, were it not that the fear of fornicati●● doth excuse it. Thus saith S. Hierom, concluding that the question e●pounded by the Corinthians, and answered by the Apostle, concerne● only those who were married before they were converted to the faith and the same also S. Ambrose affirmeth in his commentary upon th● epistle. 
S. Ambros. in 7. ep. 1. ad Corin.   
8 And although some other Fathers do understand, that S. Pau● speaketh generally of all men, as well of the unmarried, as the marie●( and so it may bee very well understood) yet none of them ever s● much as dreamed of that which Luther avoweth, to wit, that the Apostle diswadeth from virginity, and exhorteth to marriage, yea some o● them teach expressly, that he not only exhorteth to virginity, bu● that also in some sort, he dissuadeth from marriage, which is flat contrary to that which Luther affirmeth.  

S. Chrisost. d● virginitate.  9 This is evident in S. chrysostom and S. Augustin, two principal pillars of the greek, and Latin Church. S. chrysostom, alleging th● words of the Apostle: propter fornicationem &c. to avoid fornication let every one haue his wife, &c: addeth, in quo videtur &c. wherein he● seemeth to give a reason, why marriage is granted or allowed, but indeed he dot● secretly praise and extol continency. Thus he, and a little after he saith, tha● the apostle representeth to the Corinthians, the inconveniences of married folkes( as their mutual subiection, and servitude the one to the other) like a fisher, that covereth his hook with his bait, eo consilio saith he, vt illo ipso sermone de nuptijs deterreat: with the intent to withdraw them from marriage, by his very speech, and discourse of marriage. And again afterwards, yielding a reason, why the Apostle did not invite the Corinthians, to the love of virginity, by the hope of heavenly rewards, and ascribing it to their incapacity of heavenly things, he concludeth. Idcirco &c. Therefore by the relation of earthly, visible& sensible things he both exhorteth them to virginity, and diswadeth them from marriage.  
10 Thus saith S. Chrisostom. And the same also S. Augustin observeth, 
S. Aug. de sancta virginitate. ca. 16.  〈◇〉 the Apostles manner of writing to the Corinthians. Hoc modo saith he, ●●rtatur ad virginitatem, continentiamque perpetuam, vt aliquantulum, ●●m a nuptijs deterreret. He exhorteth them so to virginity, that he did some●at dissuade them from marriage. Thus saith this holy and learned Fa●er, little imagining that an apostata from his order( for so was Luther, ●●ing an Augustin friar) should a thousand two hundreth yeares after him, ●●ch expressly the contrary. And if perhaps the sectaries do say( as ●●metimes they do not stick to do) that these Fathers, and wee fo●wing their doctrine, do condemn marriage, I beseech thee, good ●eader, suspend thy iudgment therein, for a while, and thou shalt hear ●em anon answer, both for themselves, and vs. In the mean time ●ou seest, that whether the words of the Apostle, be to be understood 〈◇〉 those only, who were married before they were converted, or of all ●en in general, our aduersaries exposition thereof, is clean contrary 〈◇〉 the sense that the holy Fathers delivered, who made noe other con●●ruction of them, but that it is better for every man( that hath not ●ound himself voluntarily to single and chast life) to mary then to ●●mmit fornication, and this they also gathered out of that which fo●●weth afterwards, to wit. Qui se non continent nubant. 
1. Cor. 7.  Those which do not ●●●taine, or live chast, let them mary. Melius enim est nubere, quam uri. For it is ●●tter to mary then to be burnt. Not understanding by the word, vrio, to be ●●mpted( as our aduersaries will needs haue it to be understood) but 〈◇〉 be overcome by temptation, which is also manifest, partly by the ●ext words before: Qui se non continent. Those which do not live chast, and ●rtlie by the very nature of the word uri, to be burnt, which signifieth a ●onsumption, or a detriment, and damage received by fire, and there●re gold which endureth and resisteth the flamme, though it bee made ●ever so hot, cannot properly be said to be burnt, but straw or wood ●r such other matter as suffereth damage, and is consumed thereby, in ●art or in all, and therefore just men, who resist temptations, are com●ared in the scripture to gold which is tried in the fire. 
S. Hieron. in apol. l. contra jovinian.   
●1 hereupon S. Hierom saith. Si autem se continere non possunt &c. If they can●t contain themselves, and will rather quench the fire of lust with fornication, then ●ith continency, it is better to marry then to be burnt, that is to say, it is better to ●arie, then to commit fornication. thus saith he.  
●2 Also S. Augustin. Yt seemeth to me, saith he, that now at this time, those ●●lie should mary who do not live chast, according to that sentence of the Apostle, 
S. Aug. de bono c●i●g. ca. 10.  ●hose which do not contain themselves, let them mary, for it is better to mary, then to be burnt. 
S. Ambros. in 1. Cor. 1.  In like manner, S. Ambrose upon the same word● When the will, saith he, consenteth to the heat of the flesh, it is burnt: 〈◇〉 to suffer desires( that is to say temptation) and not to be overcome, is 〈◇〉 act of a worthy, and perfect man.  
13 And Theodoretus in like manner, observeth, that the Apoctle, 〈◇〉 not call burning, cupiditatis molestiam, the trouble of desire or of temptatised ainae mancipationem, but the servitude, and slavery of the soul: t● is to say, when the soul is tyrannised, and overthrown by 〈◇〉 temptation of the flesh. So that we see, that the Apostles meani●( as the Fathers teach) is not to dissuade men from single, and ch● life, or to persuade them to marriage, as Luther dreameth, nor t● every one who is strongly tempted, or may fear fornication, sho● mary, but that such only as fall into fornication, and will not 〈◇〉 their endeavour, by prayer, or other means to resist the temptatio● that such, I say, should use the remedy which God hath ordained, t● is to say, take a wife, propter fornicationem, to avoid fornication.  
14 Furthermore it is evident, that the Fathers understand the apostles counsel, or permission of marriage, not to belong to tho● who haue by vow bound themselves to chastity, 
S. Ambros. ad virginem lapsam ca. 5.  and therefore S. A●brose, saith to a professed virgin, who was fallen from her vow: D● aliquis &c. But some doth say, melius est nubere, quam uri, it is better to m●● then to be burnt, but this saying of the Apostle, doth belong to such a one, is not yet promised, and hath not received the holy veil, but she which h● promised herself to Christ, is already married, and joined to an immo●● husband, and if shee will mary, according to the common law of marria● shee committeth adultery, and becometh the hand maid of death. Th● saith he. And in the same place a little before, he saith. Nescio an possit● condigna mors aut paena cogitari. I know not wheher there can be im●gined a sufficient death or punishment for such a one.  


Theodoret. Epitome divin. decreto. cap. de virginit. prope finem.  
S. Chrysost. li. de virginit. c. 39.   15 And Theodoretus, saith of those words of the Apostle. Non pe●● si nubat, shee sinneth not if shee mary. Hoc non peccat, saith he, dicit ●iis &c. These words, shee sinneth not, he speaketh of those, who ha● not made, pacta, conuenta, seu vota virginitatis, pacts or bargains, covenants vows of virginity.  
16 And in like sort S. chrysostom distinguishing, betwixt the wido● that hath made no vow, and an other that hath consecrated her sel● to God, saith that the Apostle giveth liberty to the first to mary, b● to the latter, saith he. Non his ergo said illis dixit, qui se non continent nuba● Not to these but to those he saith, those which do not live chast, let them man● Thus far S. chrysostom.  
●7 To whom I will add, the learned, and holly Father, S. Ephraem, ●ost famous in the church of God, even in his own dayes, for lear●ing, eloquence, and purity of life, who being demanded, to whom ●oe properly belong, these words of the Apostle. Yt is better to mary ●●en to be burnt, not only satisfied the demand, but also by the occa●●on thereof, expounded notably diuers other places of the Apostle, according to our catholic doctrine. Audi, saith he, 
S. Ephraemto. 1. paulo post princ. in Resp ad fratrem sciscitatē ad quem hoc dictum partineat. melius est nubere quam uri.  Apostolum dicen●em &c. hear the Apostle saying, I desire, that all men, should be as I 〈◇〉, but every man hath a proper gift of God, some in one sort, and some in 〈◇〉 other: for he neither forbiddeth men that are at liberty, lawfully ●o mary, neither doth he deliver those which haue renounced the ●orld, from the law of continency, for to them that are free, and at liberty, he granteth marriage, saying: To avoid fornication, let every ●●e haue his wife, and again: Marriage is honourable in all, and the bed im●aculat, and God will judge fornicators and adulterers, but to those, who ●ave renounced the world, he commanded continency, when he ●aid: every one that contendeth or striveth for the mastery, doth abstain from ●ll things &c. Therefore to secular men, he permitted lawful marriage, ●ut he would that religious men should live continent, for if those words, it is better to mary, then to be burnt, should concern, or be●ong to every one, no man would haue exercised that virtue of continency, neither Helias Thesbites, nor Elizeus, nor John, nor those ●hat haue gelded themselves for the kingdom of heaven, and haue conserved their flesh chast unto God, neither would the Apostle himself haue lived continent, if he had not had respect to the reward. Thus far S. Ephraem.  
18 The like is also taught by 
S. Aug. li. de bono viduitat. c. 8.  S. Augustin, 
S. Hierom. lib. 1 in jovinian.  S. jerome, 
S. Epihan. haer. 61.  S. Epiphan. 
S. Gregor. pastor. li. 3. admonit. 28.  S. Gregory, 
Theodor.  Theodoretus, 
Theophil.  Theophilactus, 
Oecum. in 1. cor. 7.  and Oecumenius, whose words I forb●are to allege, because that which I haue said already, may suffice for this point, besides that I shall haue further occasion to touch the same hereafter, when I shall treat more particularly of vows. In the mean time it appeareth manifestly( if I be not deceived) that Luther and his progeny, do shamefully pervert the sense of the holy scriptures, concerning virginity, and matrimony, contrary to the interpretation of the most ancient, and learned Fathers of the church, which yet will be much more manifest, when I shall haue examined an other shift of theirs, touching the counsel of virginity, which S. paul giveth so evidently, that they cannot possibily deny it, with any appearance or show of reason, and therefore granting much against their wills, that he at least prai●● and commended it, they find this evasion, that though he allowe● for temporal respects( because virgins, and continent men, are 〈◇〉 from the troubles of marriage, for so saith Luther) yea, and for so kind of spiritual consideration, as to attend the more freely to pr●●ching, and prayer,( for so saith Peter Martyr, and Melanchton:) yet by 〈◇〉 means say they, 
Peter. Mar. in verb. Apost. bonum est homini mulierem non tangere. 1. Cor. 7. Melanch. in loc. 15. c. de castitate.  it is to be applied to the worship of God, as a thi● grateful to him for itself, or meritorius of the kingdom of heau●●  
19 I will therefore prove, that the Apostle commended, and cou●selled virginity, and single life, not only for temporal commodity, 〈◇〉 to the end we may preach, or pray the more freely, but much mo● for respect of the eternal reward, which is due to chastity, as to a thi●● most acceptable to God, and therefore to be dedicated to his hono●● and service.  
20 For this purpose our saviours own words( whereof I haue a●readie treated amply before) are first to be considered, who inviting 〈◇〉 virginity( when he spoken of voluntary Eunuchs) specified the cau●● why they geld themselves, saying. Castrauerunt se propter regnum caeloru● They haue gelded themselves for the kingdom of heaven. 
Matth. 19.  signifying, n● only that he would reward it with everlasting life, but also that it is 〈◇〉 be undertaken for the love of him, to the end we may thereby ete●nally enjoy him, and be united with him: and this he signified al● plainly, when he said, to his disciples, whosoever shall forsake h● wife, propter nomen meum, saith he, for my name( that is to say for t● love of me) he shall receive in this world a hundreth fold, 
Ibidem.  and life euerl●sting in the next.  
21 Therefore S. Augustin, worthily taxeth jovinian the heretic, an● and others his followers, of extreme folly, in that they taught( 〈◇〉 Luther, and other Sectaries do in these daies) that virginity was no● necessary for the obtaining of heaven, but for temporal respects. M●rabiliter saith he, 
Aug. de sancta virginit. ca. 13. Aug. in Enchiridio. ca. 121.  desipiunt &c. They are notable fools, who think that th● virtue of continency, is not necessary for the kingdom, of heaven, but for th● present world. And in an other place, Quaecunque mandat Deus, saith he &c▪ What soever God commandeth,( of which sort this is, thou shalt not comm●● fornication, or adultery,) and whatsoever he commandeth not, but specia●● counseleth, or dissuadeth( of which sort this is, it is good for a man not 〈◇〉 touch a woman) it is then well performed, when it is referred to the love o● God, and of our neighbour in this world, and in the world to come. Thu● far, S. Augustin, teaching that virginity, and chastity, was not only ●eciallie counseled, and advised by our saviour, but also that it ●ught to haue the same scope, and end which all other virtues, and ●ood works haue, that is to say, both the love, and service of God in ●is world, as also the everlasting sight, and fruition of him in the ●ext, whereby we may reign eternally with him, and this is pro●erlie that, which our saviour signified, when he said, propter regnum ●larum, for the kingdom of heaven. 
S. Hilarius. in 19 Matth. paulo. post. princip. S. Hieron. 19. Matth.   
●● And therefore also S. Hilarius, understandeth those words of our ●●uiour, not as Peter Martyr doth, to be spoken of those who are con●●nt to live single, and chast, to the end they may the more freely ●reach the gospel, but of those that do it, spe regni caelestis, for the hope 〈◇〉 the heavenly kingdom, which S. jerome also signifieth plainly, when and saith. Istis( Eunuchis) &c. To this third kind of eunuchs, there is a re●ard promised, but to the other, whose chastity proceedeth of necessity, 
S. Cipri. li de habitu virg. prope finem.  and not 〈◇〉 their will, nothing is due.  
●● Also S. Cyprian, alluding to those words of our saviour, confor●eth virgins, representing unto them, that whereas there ar many diffe●ent habitations, or mansions in the kingdom of heaven, our Lord ●hewed unto them the better sort, and then addeth. Carnis desideria ca●●antes, maioris gratiae praemium in caelestibus obtinetis. When you do gueld 〈◇〉 cut of the desires of the flesh, you obtain the reward of a greater grace in ●eauen. And again in the same treatise, he exhorteth virgins, to study ●o please only their Lord, from whom they expect the reward of vir●inity, seeing he himself saith, that there are Eunuchs, which haue ●uelded themselves for the kingdom of God. And thus you see, that S. Cy●rian, also teacheth, that the kingdom of heaven, whereof our saviour spoken, is to be understood, as promised by him, for the reward ●f virginity. 
S. Chrisost. ho. 63. in ca. 19. Matth.   
●4 S. chrysostom, in like maner, expounding our saviours words, ●aith to the voluntary Eunuch. Gratias agas Deo &c. give God thankes, for thou shalt haue, magna praemia,& rutilantes coronas, great rewards, and ●littering crownes. In which words, he giveth to understand, what our saviour meant, when he said, propter regnum caelorum, for the kingdom of heaven.  
25 Furthermore, the same may be confirmed, out of the prophesy of Isayas, who in the person of God, 
Isay. ca. 56.  promiseth to the Eunuchs which shall keep his law, a place in his house: Et nomen melius a filiis& filiabus, nomen aeternum quod non peribit: A better name then to sons, and daughters, an everlasting name, which shall not perish. Which word● the prophet, 
S. Basil. de ve●a virgin. S. Amb. in exhort ad virgin. S. Hieron.& S. Ciril. in ●●c locum. S. Aug. de virgin. c. 24. S. Gregor. 3. par pastoral. c 29. Petrus mart. li. de cae●ib.& votis. S. August. de sanct. virginit. c. 24. Ibid. 25.  S. Basil, S. Ambrose, S. jerome, S. cyril, S. Augustin, 〈◇〉 S. Gregory, to omit others, do uniformly understand, to be spo●● of the voluntary Eunuchs, of whom our saviour spoken in the sa● place before alleged. And for as much as jovinian, and some ot● his followers, did in derogation of virginity, interpret those wor● of the prophet, as spoken only of true Eunuchs, which are eit● born so, or made by mans hand( as also the Lutherans, and Caluin● make the like construction thereof in these daies) S. Augustin obs●●ueth notably, that though any man would contend, that the prop● speaketh of true Eunuchs, yet the dignity and merit of virginity confirmed thereby. For if there be, saith he, greater glory promised, to ●nuchs who live chast, whether they will or no, then to the just married men● must needs follow, that much rather the same is promised to voluntary ●nuchs, who live chast, when they might do otherwise. Thus reasoneth t● worthy Father, with great reason, and saith further in the same tre●tise. Quid tergiuersaris, impia caecitas &c. Why dost thou seek shifts, wic● blindines, why dost thou promise only temporal commodity to the continent, chast saints, and seruants of God? Nomen aeternum dabo eis. I will give th● an everlasting name, &c. And a little after. This everlasting name, saith 〈◇〉 what soever it is, shall not be common with many, though in the same kin●dome, and in the same house, for that it signifieth a certain proper, and e●cellent glory, and therefore perhaps it was called, nomen, a name, because distinguisheth them to whom it is given from others.  
26 Thus far S. Augustin, wherein he teacheth two things out 〈◇〉 the prophet, which make evidently against our aduersaries. The fi● is, that the prophet speaketh not of true Eunuchs( as our aduersari● affirm) but of voluntary Eunuchs, who as our saviour said. Gu● themselves for the kingdom of heaven. The second is, that it is impi●ty, and blindness in any to teach( as Luther, and other sectaries do● that virgins, and others that live continent, and chast, are to expe● no other benefit, or reward thereof, but that which is temporal● and to be had in this life, seeing, that God promised by the prophet an eternal name, which S. Augustin interpreteth, to be a certain peculiar and excellent glory, that shall not be common with man● other saints, as it is manifest in the plain words of the prophet, saying Dabo eis nomen melius, a filiis& filiabus. I will give them a better nam● then to sons, and daughters, that is to say, to other children, and se●uants of God, that are not voluntary Eunuhcs.  
27 Therefore I cannot omit, to note also here by the way, the ab●●ditie of Peter Martyr, 
Petrus ma●t. in li. de caelibatu& votis.  who to avoid the force of this place of the ●●ophet, doth interpret the Eunuchs there mentioned, to be such Eu●chs, as did live well, and justly amongst the Iewes, whom he saith, and prophet in the person of God comforteth, for their natural infir●itie promising to esteem, and hold them more dear, then sons or ●●ughters, meaning other Israelites, who should not keep his law, as ●●ough the wicked Israelits, who did not observe Gods law( and there●re were children of the devil) could be called the children of God. ●esides that, it is evident, that the prophet promiseth to those Eunuchs, ●f whom he speaketh, an eternal name, which whether it be vnder●ood of eternal glory in heaven, or of a temporal name, and famed in ●●rth, it overthroweth the opinion of Peter Martyr, and our ad●ersaries: For if they take it for heavenly glory, then they must ●cknowledge with us, that the kingdom of heaven is due to virgi●itie, and continency, which they flatly deny: and if they say, that it ●s to be understood of tempo●all famed in this world, then we are to ●emaund of them, in what true Eunuchs amongst the Israelits, the ●●me hath been fulfilled, and who they were, that were so famous, as ●he prophet promiseth( whereof I think they can show very few ●xamples) whereas on the other side, we can show an infinite number ●f holy virgins, and voluntary Eunuchs, whose names, and famed remaineth glorious in Gods church until this day, and will do to the ●orlds end.  
28 Therefore the true sense thereof is, that such as being voluntary Eunuchs, and do with all live well and justly, shall haue a higher place, and greater glory in heaven, then other good men that are married, which also the Apostle himself teacheth, when he prefereth virginity before marriage, saying, that he which marrieth his virgin doth well, 
1. Cor. 7.  but he which doth not mary her doth better. And counseling the widow to remain unmarried, he saith. Beatior erit si sic permanserit, shee shalbe more happy or blessed( that is to say, saith S. Ambrose, 
S. Ambr. in haec verba Aposto ●. S. jerome pro lioris contra jovinian. apolog. ●p. 50.  dignior in futuro seculo, more worthy in the world to come) if shee remain so still. And the same is, in like manner inferred by S. jerome, upon our saviours parable, concerning the good ground, whereof one part yieldeth, a hundreth for one, an other threescore, and the other thirty, wherein saith he, is signified, the difference of the three states, of virginity, widowhood, and marriage,& that by the hundreth for one, is understood the excellent dignity, and merit of virginity, by threescore, the widowhood, and by the ●hirty the married state. I omit to allege his words, both because I hold it needless,& for that he hath written expressly upon the sa● point against jovinian, who taught at that time, to the wonder of t● world, that marriage is equal with virginity, for which opinion amō● others, he is registered in the catalogue of heretics by S. Augustin● his treatise of heresies, 
S. August. re●●●●tat. li. 2. ca. 22.  who also in his book of Retractions, calle● it, haeresim Iouinianam, the heresy of jovinian, and saith further of hi● Huic monstro sancta ecclesia quae ibi est fidelissimè, ac fortissimè resistit. T● holly church which is there, that is to say at Rome, doth faithfully, and stron●ly resist this monster. Finally this holy Father, wrote also his learn● treatise, de bono coniugali, specially to confute that heresy of Iouini●●  
29 And now to add, a word, or two more, concerning the cau● why virginity is principally to be undertaken, and the end whereto is to be referred, the Apostle himself doth sufficiently declare it, whe● he saith, 
1. Cor. 7.  that the virgin, and unmarried woman: cogitat quae domini su● vt sit sancta,& corpore& spiritu: thinketh of those things, which belong 〈◇〉 God, to the end she may be holly both in body, and soul. Whereby w● may understand, that single, and chast life, was not counseled by ou● saviour, and the Apostle, only to the end that we may the more free●● attend to prayer, as Peter Martyr, and Melanchton say, but also, that w● may be sanctified thereby, and please almighty God: in which respe●● S. jerome saith upon the same words of the Apostle, 
S. Hieron. contra jovin. li. 1. circa medium. Ibidem. Ante medium libri.  that pure vi●ginity is, hostia Christi, the sacrifice of Christ, signifying that God is wo●shipped, and served thereby, and again. Grandis fidei est &c. It is 〈◇〉 point of great faith, and of great virtue, to be the most pure temple of Go● and to offer ourselves wholly for an holocaust, or burnt sacrifice, to our lor● and to be, according to the words of the same apostle holly, both in body, an● soul.  
30 Lo then how this most learned Father, understandeth by the words of the Apostle, that God is worshipped, and served by virginity as by a most acceptable, 
S. Cyprian de disciplina& habitu v●●gin. Tertul. de veland. virginib.  and grateful sacrifice, in which respect als● the most ancient Fathers, Tertullian, and S. Cyprian do say, that virgins do wholly dedicat, consecrat, and vow themselves to God, and make oblation to him of their souls, and bodies, consecrating their whole nature unt● him. Which is also sufficiently testified, by the solemn manner o● veiling virgins, used from the very apostles time to this day, signifiin● their renunciation of the world, and dedication of their virginity to the service of God, as appeareth in the places before alleged, ou● of S. Cyprian, and Tertulian, of whom the first, wrote a treatise of th● habit, and discipline of virgins, and the other, of veiling virgins.  
31 Finally S. Augustin( besides the places, which I haue alleged ou● of him before( teacheth our catholic doctrine in this point, expres●●lie in his book de sancta virginitate, saying, virginity is not hono●●d, because it is virginity, said quia deo dicata est, but because it is de●●cated to God, which though, it be kept in the flesh, yet it is kept with the religion, and devotion of the spirit, and therefore the vir●●●itie of the body, which pious continency doth vow, and keep, is ●●so spiritual. Thus saith S. Augustin of virginity, when it is vowed, ●nd dedicated. So that it is evident, both by Scriptures, Fathers, and ●he very practise of the church, from the Apostles time to this, that ●●iginal, or single life, is to be undertaken not only for temporal ●espects( as Luther saith) or for the better commodity of prayer( as ●eter Martyr affirmeth) but principally to honour God, by conse●rating ourselves wholly, as well body as soul, to his service, and for ●he kingdom of heaven, as our saviour himself expressly taught. 
Matth. 19.   
●2 This then being most manifest, how can it be doubted, but that ●his evangelical counsel, of single life, and chastity, is most requisite ●o the perfection of christian religion, especially seeing I haue pro●ed, that it was not only counseled by our saviour, but also recommended by his own example, and by the example of his mother, and ●f his Apostles, besides the particular reward, which God promi●ed by his prophet Esay to virgins. Nomen melius à filiis,& filiabus. 
Esay 56.  A ●etter name, then to sons, and daughters, as I haue signified before: ●hereto may be added, the testimony, of the evangelist S. John, in ●is Apocalypse, where he witnesseth, that the hundreth, 
Apo. 14.  forty and ●oure thousand virgins, who followed the lamb where soever he ●ent, had a particular reward, and different glory from the rest, in ●hat, he saith, they song a canticle, or song, which none could sing, ●ut they, and then addeth. Hi sunt qui cum mulieribus non sunt conquinati, ●●igines enim sunt. These are they who haue not benne defiled with ●omen, for they are virgins.  
●3 And although our aduersaries, seek also to draw this saying of S. ●ohn, to a mystical sense, as to be understood of those who had not ●enne polluted with idolatry( which is called the fornication of the ●reate hoore of Babylon) yet it is evident by the very words themselves, that they cannot be so understood. For S. John doth not say that ●hey were not contaminated, cum muliere, with the woman( as he would haue ●aid, if he had meant the hoore of Babylon) but cum mulieribus, with women. ●esides that it is manifest, that the far greater part of the saints, were ●ree from Idolatry, whereas those virgins, whereof S. John speaketh, ●ere but few in respect of al the rest, who he saith, were so many, that no man could number them. 

Tertul. li. de resurrect. ca. 27.  
S. Hier. cont. Heluid. in fine. S. Aug. de virgin. ca. 2. S. Greg. part. 3. pastor. ad. 29. S. Bede. S. anselm Primas. Oecum. in hunc locum S. Hier. pro libris contra jovinian. Apolog. ad Parumachium epist. 50.& in Psal. 80. ad finem. S. Chrisost. de virginitate non long a principio.   Lastly, Tertulian, S. jerome, S. August● S. Gregory, S. Bede, S. anselm, Primasius, and Oecumenius, do all of th● expound that place of true virgins: and to omit what the rest of the say hereof, S. jerome alleging the same place against jovinian sai● that the one hundreth forty four thousand, of whom S. John speaketh, a● such of the twelve tribes of the Iewes, as shall beleeue in Christ, and 〈◇〉 virgins with all, and further gathereth the pre-eminence of virginit● before widowhood; or marriage, out of these words that follow in t● same place. Hi sunt primitiae Dei,& Agni: for if virgins, saith he, be the f● fruits to God, and the lamb, then widows, and married folkes, shalbe after 〈◇〉 first, that is to say, in the second, and third degree. Thus saith S. jerome.  
34 And now for as much, as the sectaries, are wont to cry out agai●● us, and to say, that we are those of whom S. paul gave warning, wh● he said, that some should come in time, and forbid to mary, and to e●● the meats, which God hath created to be taken with thankes giuin● The ancient Fathers, shall answer both for themselves, and vs.  
35 S. chrysostom foreseeing, that some would peruerslie interpret● high commendation of virginity, to be a prohibition of marriage, pr●uenteth that cavil by the way of preoccupation, saying. Qui prohi● connubium& c? How do I forbid marriage, who do not reprehend tho● which do mary, and do severely punish fornicators, and adulteri● with suspension from the sacraments, and from the communion of t● church, where as I do yield perpetual praise to those that led the m●ried life, so that they do it chastened, &c. He which dispraiseth marriag● doth wholly take away the glory of virginity, and he which comme●deth, and praiseth it, doth make virginity much more admirable& ● Bonum est connubium &c. Marriage is good, and therefore virginity is 〈◇〉 be admired, because it is better, then that which is good, yea; and 〈◇〉 much better, by how much the master of the ship, is better then t●● sailors, and rowers, the captain then the soldiers &c. heaven the● earth, and Angels then men. Thus saith S. chrysostom.  
36 S. jerome, in like sort, preventeth the like objection against hi● self, 
S. Hieron. contra jovin. in principio.  in his learned confutation of the heresy of jovinian, saying. Neq● nos Marcionis& Manichaei dogma sectantes, &c. Neither do wee deroga● from marriage, following the opinion, or doctrine of martion,& M●nichaeus, neither do we think, that all maner of carnal copulatio● is filthy, or abominable, for we are not deceived with with the erro● of Tatianus, who was the chief, and head of the Encratitae, and co●demned not only marriage, but also the meats, which God hath cre●ted to be used. Thus far S. jerome, who also being afterwards calunniated by jovinians friends, wrote an apology for himself, and for ●is book against jovinian, 
Idem Apologia pro libris contra jovin. Paulo, post princip.  wherein amongst many other notable things, he saith in his own defence. Erubescat calumniator meus &c. Let my ●alumniator be ashamed to say, that I condemn the first marriages, ●eeing he may red in my book, non damno bigamos,& trigamos,& si dici ●●●est octogamos &c. I do not condemn those, that haue been twice ma●ied, and thrice married, nor if I may so say, those that haue benne eight ●imess married: it is one thing not to condemn, and an other thing to ●raise, it is one thing to give leave, and an other to recommend a ver●ue &c. We reprehend Tatianus the head of the Encraticae, who rejecteth matrimony &c. It is the property of heretics, to condemn marriage, and a little after. Ecclesia non damnat matrimonia, said subiicit. The church doth not condemn matrimony, but make it subject, that is to say, it prefereth virginity before it. lo then, how S. jerome, not only defendeth himself against his calumniators, but also teacheth it to be the heresy of Tatianus, martion, and Manichaeus, to condemn marriage,& sheweth also, what was the doctrine of the church in his dayes, concerning matrimony, and virginity, to wit, the same that wee stil hold, and defend against the sectaries, who haue in these dayes revived the dead heresy of jovinian.  
37 In like manner S. Augustin, to signify how far he was from condemning marriage, though he far preferred virginity before it, wrote his notable book, de bono coniugali, of the good of marriage, and gave it that title, as he witnesseth, because jovinians friends, 
Retract. li. 2. ca. 22.  bragged that no man could answer him, with the praise, and commendation of marriage, but with the dispraise, and rejection of it: and therefore he giveth the due praise to christian matrimony, commending it not only for diuers other respects, but also for the sanctity, 
S. August. de bono coniugali c. 18.  and hollines of the sacrament, which he acknowledgeth therein, saying. In nostrarum nuptiis plus valet sanstitas sacramenti, quam faecunditas vteri. In the marriage of our women, the holiness of the sacrament, is of more worth and value, then the fecunditie, or fertility of the womb. And again: 
Idem Ibid. ca. 24.  Bonum nuptiarum &c. The good of marriage, saith he, throughout all nations, and amongst all men, consisteth in the cause of generation, and the fidelity of chastity, but for as much as belongeth to the people of God, it consisteth also in the holiness of the sacrament. Thus saith S. Augustin, in his book de bono coniugali, wherein nevertheless, he far perferreth the excellency of virginity before marriage, notably confuting jovinians heresy, throughout al that learned treatise.  
38 Finally it is also evident, that though wee catholics at this day, do with S. Augustin, S. chrysostom, S. jerome, and all the other father yea with the Apostle himself, teach virginity to be far morre worthy in the sight of God then marriage, yet we are so far from conde●ning marriage, that we honour it, much more then our aduersaries, t● sectaries do, seing that we aclowledge it, for one of the sacraments ● the church, 
Luther. li. de captivit. babylon. Ca●uin l. 4. Institut. cap. 19. 34. & that it giveth grace,& is also indissoluble, all which th●● points the sectaries, especially Luther& Caluin deny. For Luther te●cheth, that neither any sign was instituted in matrimony by almight● God, nor promise of grace annexed thereto. And Caluin affirmeth, th● there is no more reason of a sacrament in matrimony, then in husband● or in the trade of the shoemaker, or the barber, so contemptibly do th● speak of Matrimony,& what their opinion is concerning the indissolubility of it, shal appear in the next chapter. So that it is hereby manifest, with how little reason they may object, either against the Father● or us, that they or we condemn matrimony, because we prefer virg●nity before it.  
39 Now then, to come to the conclusion of this question, and chapter we see by al the premises, that the holly Fathers in all ages, haue no● only held, and taught, our catholic doctrine concerning virginity,& chastity, but also grounded the same, even as wee do upon our saviours counsel, and express scriptures, in which respect also, they always accounted it for a most special point of christian perfection, a● may further appear by that which followeth.  
40 
marshal. ep. ad Tolosanos. Matth. 19.  S. marshal, one of the disciples of our saviour, recounting three degrees, or states of christian life, excelling one an other, to wit, marriage▪ widowhood,& virginity, calleth the last, excellentem gradum, perfectum,& pe● omnia similem Angelicae puritati: an excellent, and perfect degree, and most like to the angelical purity, whereto saith, he, our saviour invited us saying. No● omnes capiunt verbum hoc, said qui potest capere capiat, all men do not take, or receive this word, but he that can take it, let him take it  
41 
S. cyprian. de habitu. virg.& de discip-& bono pu- dicit.& ser. de. nativit. Christi. in fine.  S. Cyprian saith, that virgins are: Illustrior pars gregis Christi. The mo●● worthy part of the flock of Christ, and that no necessity, or precept doth compel to virginity, said perfectionis suadet consilium, but the counsel of perfecti●● doth move, or persuade unto it. 
S. Athan. l. de virginit. in fine.  S. Athanasius calleth virginity. An indeficient wealth, or treasure, a never decaying garland, the temple of God, the habitation of the holy Ghost, a precious jewel, the ioy of prophets, the glory of the Apostles, the life of Angels, and the crown of Saints. 
S. Hieron. ep. ad Heliodor. circa. medium.  S. jerome writing to Heliodorus the monk saith, that when he left the world, and gelded himself for the kingdom of heaven, quid aliud, saith he, quam perfectam secutus e● vitam? What didst thou else but follow the perfect life, 
S. Greg. Nazianz. in illud dictum evang. cum consumasset. Iesus.  S. Gregory Nazianzen, saith also of the virgins life. Nonne planè Angelicum est &c. Is it not truly ●●angelical thing, for one that is tied to the bonds of the flesh, not to live accor●●ng to the flesh, but to be more higher, and more eminent, then nature itself, be●●des that he also wrote verses in the praise of virginity, wherein he ●●tolled it with singular, and rare commendation.  
●2 Furthermore, 
S. Sulpitius de virtut. monachor. orient.  S. Sulpitius disciple to S. Martin, saith that, Nihll vir●initati est comparandum. Nothing is to be compared to virginity. 
S. Ciril. Hierosolem. catach. 12. in fine.  S. cyril cal●eth it. Angelicam coronam,& supra hominem perfectionem. An Angelical ●●wne, and a perfection more then human. 
S. Ambr. li. 1. de virginibus paulo post principium.  S. Ambrose, saith that it is no ●arueile, si angels comparantur, quae Angelorum domino copulantur. Yf vir●ins be compared to Angels, who are coopled, or married with the Lord of Angels. And 
S. Aug. de sancta virginit. ca. 52.  S. Augustin exhorteth virgins saying. Pergite( virgines Dei) 〈◇〉 sublimitatis, pede humilitatis. proceed ye virgins of God in the way of sub●●●ity, with the foot of humility: and in his book, de moribus ecclesiae, he saith. 
Idem de moribus eccles. c. 31.  That the perfect christians, do not only praise, but also undertake, sum●am castitatem, the highest kind of chastity, giuing to understand, that virginity is a special part of christian perfection. To which purpose, I might allege also many other testimonies, aswell out of him, as out of all the rest of the old Fathers, if I thought it needful, having set down these the more particularly, and in the greater number, to the end, that thou mayst, good Reader, confront with them the doctrine of Luther,& his fellowes, which I shal haue occasion, to lay open unto thee in the next chapter,& therfore I beseech thee, to bear them in mind.   

To the end it may appear, that our aduersaries neither haue, nor according to their principles can haue, any practise at al of the evangelical counsel of Chastity, their Mahometical doctrine( teaching an impossibility to live chast) is amply, and particularly declared out of their own works, and proved to be most absurd, in respect both of reason of state, and also of experience, and common sense, yea, sufficiently controwled, and confuted by the Painimes and Infidels. Also the bad and beastly effects of that doctrine, are testified by the licentious lives of their chief masters, or teachers. Finaliie diuers of their frivolous objections, and vain cavils concerning this point, are fully answered. CHAP. 30.  
1 having proved by the authority of the holy scriptures, and ancient Fathers, that single and chast life, is an evangelical counsel, necessary to the perfection of christian religion, and having discovered by the way, the vain shifts and evasions of Luther, Caluin, and their fellows, and followers in their perverse, and false interpretations of the holy scriptures, concerning those points, I will now examine how this evangelical counsel is o●serued, and practised by Lutherans and Caluinists, and to this purpose will first lay down the doctrine of their masters, concerning single l● and virginity, whereby it will evidently appear, what practise th● haue, or can haue thereof, if they stand to the grounds of their pr●fession.  

Luther to. 5. de matrimonio fo. 119.  2 Luther in a certain sermon of his concerning matrimony, sai● that. Crescite,& multiplicamini, increase and multiply, is not a precept, b● more then a precept, that we cannot hinder, nor omit it, but that it is as necessa●● as to eat, drink, spit, purge, sleep, and wake, and as it is not in mans hand, to 〈◇〉 other then a man, so it is not in his power to be without a woman &c. And gain in a neither place, if of a married couple, saith he, the one refuse 〈◇〉 yield the duty of marriage to the other( as there are many froward, 〈◇〉 obstinate women, which though their husbands should commit adu●terie ten times, are nothing moved there with) then is the time for t●● husband to say, if thou wilt not, an other will: if the wife will not, le● the waiting maid come, yet so that the husband admonish his wi● thereof, two or three times, yea and make others privy of her obstin●cie, to the end it may be manifest, and shee publicly reproved. And 〈◇〉 shee will not then yield, dismiss her saith he, mary Hester, and put ● way, Vasthi, as king Assuerus did. For the wife hath not power of h●● own body, saith S. paul, but her husband, and so one the other sid● he saith of the man, therefore when any of the parties denieth to ye● the duty of marriage to the other, it dissolveth the matrimony. Thu● saith he. Who teacheth also, that if the husband bee impotent, the wi●● may either mary an other, or else with his consent lye secretly with h●● brother, or some other man.  
3 Behold then how Luther maketh no bones, to teach adultery to b● lawful, 
Idem in colloquiis germanicis c●. de matrimonio.  vpon pretence of necessity, to satisfy a mans lust. But let 〈◇〉 here some more of his good doctrine. As no man saith he, can live without meate, or drink, so no man can abstain from a woman &c. Th● cause is, that wee are conceived in a woman, and nourished there, an● born of a woman, fed, and bread by a woman, and thereupon it followeth, that wee cannot bee by any means separated from women▪ Also in the same book he saith thus. S. jerome writeth many things of the temptations of the flesh, ah a small matter, a woman in a man house, may remedy the disease, Eustochium, might easily haue helped or reliued jerome in that case. Thus saith he, and could any shameless● ribald, speak more shamefully of Gods seruants, and holy Saints. And again in an other place, he saith. As God did diversly command thou shalt not kill, thou shalt not commit fornication, 
Idem praefatio in Oeconomiam Menij. To. 4. Germanic. fo. 463. Luther. ep. ad Wolfgang Reissembuchs.  or adul●●rie, so in the same manner, and much more it is commanded, thou ●●alt mary a wife, thou shalt take a husband.  
● finally in an epistle to Wolfgangus Reisembuchs, he teacheth that a ●●●gle man, who meaneth to live chast, doth undertake an impossibi●●tie, and fighteth with God. That to live chast, is no more in our han●es, then to to do miracles, that he which meaneth to live continent, ●ust lay a way the name of a man, and make himself an Angel, or a spirit, for that God doth not grant it to man, by any means. Thus saith and, and much more to the same purpose, his hart, being so full of filthy ●●st, that he belcheth it forth every where most beastly as you see.  
● Caluin, though he be not altogether so extravagant in his manner of ●peach, yet is absurd in effect, saying that these words of S. Paul. 
Caluin. in comment. huius. loci.  Bonum est ●●mini mulierem non tangere, it is good for a man not touch a woman, are ●●ke as if a man should say, it were good for a man not to eat, nor to ●rinke, if it could be, but because it cannot be with out a miracle, therefore let every man eat and drink. Thus saith Caluin, inferringe a ●ecessitie for al men to marry, because no man can live chast, but by miracle.  
6 Also upon our saviours words. Non omnes capiunt verbum istud, 
Idem. come. in. 19. mat.  he ●eacheth that al men ought necessary to mary, or that otherwise they ●re impious, and wicked, except only to those whom God hath revealed, that they are able to live continet, and chast. And further he ●ffirmeth in his Institutions, that it is not our part, 
Idem. li. 4. in Statut. cap. 13. 55. 17.  to haue hope or confidence to obtain at Gods hands such a special gift, as continency, or chastity is,  
7 In like manner Huldericus Zuinglius saith, that we must look to the ●nstruction of God, and marry in good time, except wee be certain, 
Zuing. in 1. c. Matth. Conrad. pelican. cap. 1. match.  ●hat God hath other ways determined of vs. And Conradus Pellicanus, addeth, that no chastity possible to man, is greater then that of marriage neither is more profitable even to holy men, except they know certainly, that they haue a spccial grace, and vocation of God, and he signifieth further, that there is a manifiest law, and institution of God against single life, ordaining that men and women ought to mary.  
8 finally Bucer also teacheth the very same, and addeth that those, which transgress or neglect Gods law, and ordinance of marriage, 
Bucer. in ca. 1. Matth.  to choose a sing life, full of danger, shal be greueously punished for their temeritie, and arrogancy, and that no man ought to demand, or request of God the gift of continency, except he surely know, 
Bucer. in ca. 19. Matth.  that God will give it him. Whereby it appeareth, that these masters, and reformers of the world( for such they would seem to be) do not only ●pugne cotinencie, which our saviour, and his Apostles counseled, ● practised, but also seek to deprive themselves,& al there follow● of the means to obtain it, teaching that it ought not to be so m as craved and requested of almighty God. 
Chap. 14. nu.  All which absurd doct● they ground upon Mahomets beastly principle, to wit, that it is i● possible to live chast, as may appear in the Fouretenth chapter, wh● I treated of Mahomet, and his Alcoran.  
9 But now let us consider a little, what must needs follow of this th● Mahometical doctrine. Yf therefore it be no less necessary for eu● man to haue the company of a woman, then to eat and drink, 〈◇〉 more possible for him to contain, then to do miracles, and again i● be presumption in any man, to hope that God will give him the gift continency,& much more to demand it, then it must needs follow first, that fornication, in those which are justly hindered from maria●( as any man may be at least for some time) is no sin, seing it is vnpo●sible for him to be continent. As put the case, that a bachelor, or a w●dower, being desirous to mary to avoid fornication, can find none th● will mary him, in respect either of his poverty, or of some notab● deformity, or of his bad conditions, what shall this man do? He ca●not by their doctrine contain, neither can he, or ought he, to hope f● the grace or gift of continency at Gods hands, must not he then of force commit at least fornication, if not some greater sin of the flesh And therefore, seeing it is in the opinion of these men, impossible fo● him to contain, it were absurdity for them to think, that it were an● more sin, then to eat, drink, or sleep, which no man can cont●nuallie forbear without miracle.  
10 Furthermore, put the case, that a man do use the only remed● for fornication, which these men assign, to wit, that he is married and that his wife haue some long sickness, or lieth in childbed, o● that he himself hath necessary occasion to be from home for som●time, what remedy hath he? For according to their opinion, h● cannot live continent, and therefore must perforce commit adultery▪ Besides, what a wonderful gap is opened to jealousies, and suspicions betwixt man and wife, to their continual torment, and to th● breeding of endless brawls, and jars, and consequently to the dissolution of marriages, and of whole families? For he that is persuaded in his conscience( as by this doctrine every Lutheran, and Caluinist must be) that no man, or woman can live chast, how can he forbear to suspect his wife of incontinency, if he be sick, or never so little from her, whereby he shall also grow to suspect bastardy 〈◇〉 his children, and what inconvenience is like to follow thereof, to and whole family, any man may judge.  
●● moreover, how reproachful is this doctrine to all the unmarried ●omen, that profess the same, seeing it followeth thereof, that ●ere cannot be an honest woman amongst them, if she can possibly ●ave any means, or opportunity to satisfy her lust? Yea and for what ●s doth it serve but, as I may say, for bellows to blow the fire of ●oncupiscence, and to kindle in mans corrupt nature, an inextingui●le flamme of lust? For he that is persuaded, that he cannot possibly ●ppresse his concupiscence, must needs think it vain and labour ●ost, to strive against it, and by that means, he must needs resolve to ●ose the bridle to lust, and give himself wholly unto it, which if it ●ere general in all men, and women( as it should be if this religion ●ere generally received) it could not but work most brutish, and ●eastly effects in common wealth, as shall partly appear after a while, ●y the fruits thereof in the professors of it, whereof I shall haue oc●asion to say some what hereafter.  
●2 But what will you say, if the necessity of marriage, which these men imagine and teach as a divine precept, driveth them to allow not only adultery, but also polygamy, or having of many wives at once, which is the worst kind of adultery? whereto, not only their doctrine, ●ut also their practise, tendeth. First therefore I will show, how they allow adultery.  
●3 This may appear partly by the divorce, which as I haue signified already, Luther ordaineth in case the wife be obstinate, and will not render the duty of marriage, and partly by the decrees of the genevian, 
Canon. Geneuenses. an. 1560.  and German churches, wherein it is determined, that if a woman depart from her husband, either for wickedenes of life, or for dislike of him, that then her husband may cause diligent inquiry to be made after her, and demand of the minister letters of provision, and cause her to be proclaimed in the church three sundays, and if shee cannot be found, or appear not within six weekes, that then her husband may take an other wife.  
14 In like manner if a young woman haue a husband, 
Corpus doctrinae christ. Germanica in Repetit. confess. August. ca. de coniugi●.  that is long absent, though it be by reason of some long sickness, shee man cause him to be proclaimed, and cited, and if he appear not, then shee may present herself unto the minister, and demand a divorce, and the minister must grant it her, and the former husband, though he return afterwards, and find her married, shall never more enjoy her. Also if a man go a long voyage, then his wife must expect him ● a year, living continent, and recommending herself to God in ● mean time, but if he stay longer abroad, and that it be thought ne● full for her, to haue the company of a husband, then shee may ha● licence to mary an other. Thus is it decreed, and practised amon● Lutherans, and Caluinists, in Germany, and Geneua.  
15 But here I would be glad to know by the way, how this last ●cree can stand, either with their own doctrine, or with our saviour For whereas they ordained, that the wife for a year, shall reco●mend herself to God, and live continent, and chast, in case that 〈◇〉 husband be absent, how may shee demand continency of God, sei● that, according to their opinion, shee neither knoweth whether ● will give it her, neither yet ought to presume it? Could shee live ● long without meat, drink, or sleep, which they say, is as possible ● the other? And if they grant, contrary to their former grounds, t●● she may by recommending herself to God, contain for a year, m shee not also, by the same means live continent, two, or three ye●res, or more if need be? For if God assisted her one year, had sh● not more reason to hope, that he would continue his assistance sti● then to seek to dissolve a matrimony, which by Christs own d●ctrin is indissoluble? For howsoever they may pretend at least, so● show of scripture, for the dissolution of a true marriage, in case ● fornication, by reason of our saviours words in the fift of S. Matthe●( to wit, 
Matth. 5.  whosoever dismisseth his wife, except it be for fornication, and marie● an other, committeth adultery, &c. which words nevertheless they inte●pret contrary to the plain and literal sense of other texts, in S. Mar● S. Luke, and the Apostle, and against the uniform consent of all t●● ancient Fathers, and the continual practise of the Church, as Ca●dinal Bellarmin, and others do prove:) yet they haue not so much ● any show of scripture, to dissolve, contrary to those express word of our saviour, a ratified, and true marriage, when no cause or pr●tense of fornication occurreth. And yet they admit, not only a diuo●ce, but also a new marriage for Eight other respects, which our learne● contriman M. William Reinolds, 
Reginald. li. 2. ca. 10.  setteth down particularly, in his worthy treatise entitled, Caluinoturcismus, whereto I refer thee goo● Reader for brevities sake.  
16 But to return to Luther, what else doth he, by his doctrine, but prepare the way to Turkish polygamy, or plurality of wives? nay will h● make any scruple think you, to allow a man many wives at once▪ No truly, and this is manifest in his own works, where treating of the Bigamy of bishops, he saith, 
Luther de bigamia. Episcop. proposit. 62. Idem in Genes. ca. 16. Ienensi.  that the polygamy of the Iewes ●o whom it was lawful to haue many wines at once) is neither ●ommaunded to christians, nor forbidden, but least to their choice, ●●d the same also he confirmeth else where, adding further, that as he ●ould not introduce such a new custom, so neither would he for●●d it.  
●● Therefore it is no marvel, that one of his brood, namely Ochi●, insisting upon his grounds, directly teacheth the plurality of ●●iues to be lawful, inferring the same upon S. Paules words to ●●●●thy, where he ordained, 
1. Tim. 3.  that a bisoph should be the husband of one ●●se, wherein the Apostle meaneth( as the catholic church both vn●erstandeth and practiseth) such a one, as hath benne but once ma●ied) as all the ancient Fathers of the church, do also understand it. ●ut Ochinus following the interpretation of Luther, Beza, Caluin, Peter ●artyr, and the rest of the sectaries,( who expound it to be meant ●y such, as haue but one wife at once,) argueth, that seeing S. paul ●orbad many wives at once to Bishops, and Deacons, he did conse●uentlie allow them to all other men. Pauli mens haec est, saith he, 
Ochin. Dialogo. li. 2. dialo. 21. pag. 200.& 204. vide Caluino Turcis. li. 2. c. 10.  vt ●●ristianis plures uxores habere liceat, ac episcopis singulas, ne multitudo vxorum, 〈◇〉 a populi salute procuranda auocaret. The meaning of paul is, that it may and lawful for christians, to haue many wives( at once) and to bishops, ●nly one, least the multitude of wives, may withdraw them from procuring the salvation of the people.  
●8 Thus saith he, and yet a little after, he alloweth also to bishops, more wives then one at once, and teacheth that they are only forbidden to haue many wives, as kings were prohibited in old time, to haue many horses,( not because they might not haue more then one, but least having a great number, they might put more confidence in them, then in God:) even so also, saith Ochinus, the prohibition to Bishops of many wives, is to be understood, 
ubi supra pag. 204.& 205.  de immodica vxorum multitudine, of an immoderat multitude of wives.  
19 behold then how these men use the holly scriptures, wresting them to serve their turn, for the maintenance of their sensuality, and lust, whereby also you may see, how dangerous a thing it is to leave the common sense of scriptures, given by the church( which is the pillar of truth) to follow any mans private, and particular interpretation, by which means all the heresies, that haue hitherto benne in Gods church, haue been bread, and maintained, and by the same means haue sprung so many sects from Luther, as we see at this day, every one of them building upon his grounds, and foundations, what he thought good, and interpreting the holy scriptures by 〈◇〉 example, according to their own fancies, whereby the Anabap● fell first to the plurality of wives, and after to a community of wom● whereto Luthers doctrine of the necessity of copulation, and his ●●bertie in the interpretation of the scriptures, opened the gate 〈◇〉 evidently appeareth, in the history of the first Anabaptists, in M●ster, whereof I omit to recount the particulars for brevities sake.  
20 And this shall suffice concerning the doctrine of Lutherans, a● Caluinists, touching marriage, and single life, whereby it may eas●● be imagined, what practise they haue of our saviours counsel of v●●ginitie, and continency, seeing it is evident, that the seed of t●● doctrine, being sowed in the harts of men, and watered with 〈◇〉 daily due of our bad inclination, and ripened at length with t●● heat of concupiscence, can produce no other fruit, but corruption 〈◇〉 manners, dissolute life, fornication, adultery, all enormity, a●● extremity of 'vice. whereby it may easily be judged that the ene●● of mankind, having already overthrown christian religion in t●● east parts of the world, by the sensual, and carnal doctrine of Ma●●met, hath also attempted now in these latter times, to work the li●● effect in the west parts, by the like sensuality of Luther, Caluin, Be●● and such others, who having prostituted themselves, both soul, a●● body, to all lust, and carnality were the fittest instruments that 〈◇〉 could find, to help him to deflower, as I may say, the virginal puri●● of the catholic faith, instiling heresy into the mindes of me●● together with the plausible, and pleasing doctrine, of all sensual ●●bertie.  
21 Therefore we may see, how true is that which I insinuated the first part of this Treatise, 
1. par. chap. 9. num. 19.  and promised to show more amply her● to wit, that the law of the flesh( which I proved there to be fa● more potent, then civil, and political law) hath not only her pr●cters, and advocates, but also her preachers, and doctors, and a religion of her own, as appeareth evidently in this doctrine, of the● sectaries, and shall farther appear by their vicious lives, whereof am now to treat.  

Luther in in colloquiis mensalibus vide Caluinoturcismum Reginaldi li. 2. ca. 11.  22 For if any man do doubt, whether their lives were corresponden● to their doctrine, he may be sufficiently resolved, by reading partl● what Luther, and some others of them writ of themselves, and partl● what one of them writeth of an other. Luther signifieth, that in th● beginning of his ghospelling,( before his sacrilegious, and incestuou● marriage, with katherine Bore the nun) he was almost mad with th● heat, and vehemency of lust, and the love of women. And in his com●ent upon the words of Salomon, where he praiseth a good matron, 〈◇〉 addeth this marginal note, nothing is more lovely, and sweet upon earth, 

Anno●atio Lutheri in ca. proverb. 31.  
Luther to 5. comment in 1. Cor. 7. fol. 100.& 107.   〈◇〉 the love of a woman, and this he saith he learned of his hostess at ●mack, and knew it to be true by his own experience. Besides that 〈◇〉 writeth, that matrimony is most worthy to be called, a spiritual, ●●auenly, and divine state, and that the nature thereof is such, as it moveth, vr●●th, and inciteth a man to the highest and most spiritual work, that is to say, faith. whereby it appeareth that he was so drunk with the filthy ●●lights, and pleasures of the flesh, that he placed all his felicity ther●●, as the Mahometans do.  
●● As for Caluin, Conradus Schlusselhusius, a Lutheran, testifieth of him, 
Conrad. Schluss. Calui.  ●●at he was marked with a hot Iron, at Noyon in France for Sodomy, and ●hat for shane thereof he sold his bnfice, and went into Germany. ●nd Hieronymus Bolsec, who had benne a physician at Geneua, 
Hieron. Bolsec in vita calvini.  and lived ●ith him there, witnesseth also the same in the history of his life, ●hich he wrote afterwards being converted to the catholic faith, ●nd he addeth, that a gentleman called Iacobus de Burgundia, was per●uaded by his wife to remove from Geneua, to barn, for the great in●●ance, that Caluin made to corrupt her, and that he oft abused an other mans wife, as it was confessed by her maid.  
●4 These, with diuers other particulars, are also witnessed by the ●earned bishop Lindan, upon the common famed thereof. Non desunt, 
Lindan ●n sua christomachia vide Stanisla●m Reschium li. 1. de Atheismis euangeli. cor. c. 9.  ●aith he, plurima &c. There want not many signs, and tokens of Caluins public adulteries, with those his faire and fine shee-disciples who were wont to come unto him, with their bibles under their arms, to be resolved of their doubts in the scriptures, having only some little child in their company of two, or three year old, which disciples of his he used to catechize with the doors and windows shut. And in like maner it is constantly reported, that he was wont often towards the evening, to go out of Geneua, to visit a mans wife in her husbands absence. Besides that our contriwoman Ealesia, was foreste to remove with her husband, from Geneua to barn, because he importunatelie solicited her to mary him, upon pretence that her husband was weak, and sickly, as shee herself was wont oft times to testify to her friends. finally, he cannot deny his incest, with a nun of the monastery of Veilmur, who being run out of her cloister, was at his request, maintained with a public stipend of two crownes a month, by the town of Geneua, to serve him for a chamber maid to make his bed for five yeares together, until at length he got her with ch●● and when shee was four months gone with child, he married he● a certain apostatical cannon, who lived at Losanna. Thus far ●dan, and this shall suffice concerning Caluin.  
25 Of Beza, there needeth no other testimony of his lasciuious●●● then his own filthy epigrams, which Tilmanus Hesshius a Luther calleth sacriligum carmen, a sacrilegious verse, or poem, wherein saith Til●●nus, he song to the world, his own abominable love, his fornicatio● and filthy adulteries, and amongst the rest, there is yet there to besee●● a most beastly epigram concerning a boy, called Audebert, and Can●●● a taylors wife, 

Hieron. Bolsec. in vita Bezae.  
Conrad. Schlus. Caluinist Theologiae. li. 1. fo. 92.   wherein he debateth, whether of them he should p●●ferre before the other. And Hieronimus Bolsec, writeth also in his li●● that the true name of Candida, was Claudia, and that in the end, 〈◇〉 enticed her away from her husband, and fled with her to Geneua, wh● he kept her as his wife. Finally, Conradus Schlusselhusius, the Lutheran foresaid, witnesseth that Beza, spent his whole life in lust and lasci●ousnes, in so much, that the same author saith, he was transform● in Meretricum lenam& cinedum, which I am ashamed to explic●●● in English, but bee it true or false, so saith one of his brethren in t●● gospel. 
Zuinglius. alijque euangelici. to. 1. fol. 115. Vide Caluinotur. li. 2. ca 11.   
26 Furthermore, Huldericus Zuinglius, of whom the sect of Sacr●mentaries called zwinglians, take their name, confesseth plainly ● himself, and other ministers, in an epistle which he wrote in the● name and his own, to the Suyssers, that the works of the flesh, an● heat of concupiscence, had made him and them, infames coram eccles●● infamous in the sight of their church, or congregations. And in an other ●pistle to the bishop of Constancia, 
ubi supra. fol. 129. Caluinotur. ibid.  whereto diuers other principal evangelists subscribed, he affirmeth of himself, and them, that they h●● so burned with lust, that some amongst them, of forty yeares of age, h●● donne many things unseemly.  

Villagagnon. contra. artic. Richer.  27 Also I cannot omit to say somewhat of that which Villagagno● a French man, writeth of his own experience touching the vnbri●led, and exorbitant lust of certain evangelical ministers, and preachers, who went with him by the order of Caluin, Beza, and the mag●strates of Geneua, to Noua Francia in America, with designment to plan● the gospel there, of whom Villgagnon testifieth, that as soon as the● came one land, they did not only preach many things different an● repugnant one to an other, but also that some of them, who had lea●● their wives at Geneua, married again, and that other of them, were s●● monstrous for their dissolute life, that even those barbarous people after a while abhorred them, for their brutish intemperance, and their ●●●ny, in so much that one amongst the rest, ravished his own sisters ●●ne, and when some would haue had him, and the rest punished, ●●erus( who was chief minister there) excused him, and them, saying 〈◇〉 consideration must be had of mans infirmity, for that, as the ●●ostle teacheth. Diuisiones sunt gratiarum, there are divisions of graces, also no iustice was donne upon them.  
●● Thus writeth Villagagnon, who was present, and chief commaun●● in the voyage, being then a Caluinist, though afterwards he was ●nuerted to the catholic faith, and wrote against certain Articles 〈◇〉 Richerus aforesaid, in which book he testifieth this, 
Villag. c●tra. articul. Richeri. li. 1. c. 90.  which I haue ●●re related.  
●● Seing then the doctrine of Luther, and his fellowes, wrought this ●ect in themselves, who had the very first fruits of the evangelical spirit, and the purity of it( if there were any purity in it) what may and think of the common sort of people, that followed their instru●●ions, and example?  
●● The truth whereof appeareth in a German writer, called Czecanouius, 
C●ocanouius de co●ruptis moribus vtriusq●e parts. Caluinotur. li. 2. c. 11.  ●ho bewailing greatly the lamentable state of germany saith, that ●he sin of the flesh, was never in former times so inordinate, and ●●cessiue in those partes as in this age, for now, saith he, the doctrine of ●●her( that a man can no more live without the company of a woman, then without meate) is held for a divine law, and so published every where, that it is ●●ught impossible for any young man or maid, to abstain, when they begin once ● be ripe. And hereupon( as not only Czecanouius, but also, 
Wigandus. de bonis.& malis German.  Wigandus ●ffirmeth) it followed in germany, that boyes, and girls committed ●reat enormities, pretending for their excuse this doctrine of Luther, and ●hat therefore their parents were forced to mary them so young, that ●here could not but grow great inconvenience thereof to their common wealth, by their untimely procreation.  
●● Lo then, what is the fruit of Luther, and Caluins doctrine, whereby 〈◇〉 appeareth evidently, that it serveth for no other purpose, as before I ●aid, but to blow the coals of concupiscence, and to kindle an unquenchable flamme of lust, in all those that embrace it, seeing it tea●heth an impossibility to live continent, contrary to the light of rea●on, and the common experience, not only of Christians, but also of ●he very paynims, who though for the increase of their common wealths, they commonly moved men to marriage, yet they held chastity for a great virtue, which they would not haue donne, if they had not thought, yea and known it, to be possible.  

Plato. 8. de leg.  32 This may appear in Plato, who in his laws ordaineth punishm● for adultery, fornication, and the sin against nature, proving th● quitie of his law, and the possibility of continency by experience namely of the wrestlers and champions in the games of Olimpus, w● were wont to live most continent, during al the time of those exe●ses, only for the desire of victory, and the love of honour, where●pon he saith: And shal not then other young men be able to contain themse● to the end they may gain a greater victory, that is to say, vt voluptate victa ●liciter vivant, that by the conquest of pleasures, they may live happily? Thus r●●soneth he upon common experience, and further saith, that if by 〈◇〉 help of good laws and other means, there were a firm opinion conceit bread general in the mindes of men, that fornication, adulte● and other sins of the flesh, were odious to God and man, it wo●● make men as continent from other women, as they are from their s●ers and daughters, from whom al men, be they never so wicked, ab●●aine for the very horror that is commonly conceited thereof. Mo●●ouer, he also persuadeth the equity of his law, and possibility of co●tinency, by the example of birds and beasts, which do procreat w● great moderation, only in due time and seasons, and therefore saith 〈◇〉 It is a great shane that reasonable men should be worse, and more incontinent 〈◇〉 brute beasts. Finally he concludeth, that the fury of lust may be tem●red, and chastity preserved, by the use of continual labour, and t●uell.  
Thus discourseth Plato, purposely to prove that continency possible, contrary to the opinion of some dissolute men in his time, w● whom he also confuteth Luther and his fellowes, yea and conclude them to be worse then beasts.  
33 But what? Had not the balsams also their virgins, whom th● held in great estimation? We read, that the vestal virgins amongst t● Romans, 
Onuphrins in Coment. reip. Rom. de civit. Rom.  were so respected and honoured, that whosoever met them the way( yea though he were consul and supreme magistrate) ga● them place: and if a malefactor being led to excecution, did chaun●● to meet them, he was freed from death, besides many other hono●●ble priueldges which they had by the Roman laws. And whereas was ordained that they should be butted alive, in case they were inc●tinent, was it not an evident argument that the lawmaker& magistra●● thought continency to bee possible? For otherwise their law h●● benne unjust, neither would any woman haue undertaken that ki●● of life, if they had persuaded themselves that it was impossible, as the sectaries teach now a dayes. How many notable virgins do wee re●● 〈◇〉 in profane histories, whose memory, and famed was highly ce●●brated, and recommended to all posterity? whereof many particu●●rs may be seen, in S. Hieroms most excellent books against jovinian, ●hose heretical opinion, concerning the equality of marriage, and vir●●nitie he confuteth, and sheweth by the way how much virginity ●as prized, and honoured amongst the very balsams. 
S. Hieron. Contra Iouiuinian. li. 1. versus finem.  To which ●●rpose he mentioneth Atalanta of Calidonia, Harpalice of Thracia, Ca●●lla queen of the Volsci, Chalchaeus, Iphigenia, the ten Sibillae, Cassan●●a, the virgins that served in the temples of Diana, Tauricia, and Vesta, ●ho he saith, were innumerable. Also the daughters of Phido in Greece, ●ho drowned themselves to save their virginity, and fifty Lacedemo●●an virgins, who suffered death, rather then they would consent to be ●orrupted by the Messenians, as also Stimphalides an Orchomenian, an ●ther of Thebes, and seven Milesian virgins, who saved their virgini●●e with loss of their lives. Besides that diuers others whom he na●eth slay themselves, because they were ravished against their wills: ●s the two daughters of Scedasus, and a Theban maid, who in the re●enge of the injury donne unto her, first slay him, that forced her,& ●fter slay herself, being loth, saith S. jerome, either to live after the ●osse of her virginity, or to die before shee had revenged it. Finally he ●oncludeth with the daughter of Pithagoras( who was perfect, or go●ernesse of a company of virgins, and red them a lecture of chastity) ●o whom he also addeth five daughters of one Diodorus, who were of ●uch singular commendation, partly for their learning, and partly for ●heir chast life, that th● Philosopher Philo, master to Carneades, wrote a ●arge history of them, so that wee need no deeper divinity, to con●ute this brutish doct●in of these late sectaries, then the experience of Painimes and Infidels.  
●4 For although it cannot be denied, but that they had some extraor●inary, and special help of almighty God, as some times the wickedest men may haue, to do some moral works( which S. Augustin observeth ●n Polemon, who being a very riotous man, 
S. August. ep. 130. To. 2.  became very sober& tempe●ate upon a sudden, by the doctrine and persuasions of Xenocrates, ●ith the special help of God, for otherwise saith S. Augustin, it could not be:) yet it must needs be granted, that seing God of his infinite mercy, assisted them in the preservation of their virginity, who had no ●ntent to honour him therein, he is, and ever will be much more ready, to assist his faithful seruants, that shall humbly crave his grace, to that end, with desire to honour and serve him, and to follow the example, not only of Christ himself, his mother, S. John Baptist, and of all the Apostles after their vocation, but also of diuers holly men in the o● law, for as S. jerome saith. Virgo Elias, Helizeus virgo, virgines filii ●phetarum, 
S. Hiero. ep. 22. ad Eustochium circa medium. judith. 1. luke. 2.  Hieremiae dicitur,& tu ne accipias vxorem. Elias was a virgin, ●zeus was a virgin, the sons of the prophets were virgins, and it was sai● Hieremy the prophet, and do not thou take a wife. Thus saith S. Hiero● whereto may be added the chast widowhood of judith, and Anna prophetess, who as the Gospel witnesseth, having benne married 〈◇〉 only seven yeares, remained widow serving God in the temple to fo●● score, and four yeares of her age.  
35 But now if we consider the experience, that is, and ever h●●● benne, since our saviours coming, of the most continent, ch●● and pure life of innumerable christian virgins, and other religion persons of both sexes, we may wonder at the absurdity of the n● ghospellers, who measuring other mens integrity, by their own corruption, and dissolution, do impudently deny that, which infinite nu●bers of men, and women in the catholic church, haue for so ma● ages experimented, and do daily try in themselves, as appeareth 〈◇〉 the wonderful multitude of virgins in the primitive church, thro●ghout all the east partes, as I haue amply shewed already out of t●● Fathers, and historiographers, of the first five hundreth yeares aft●● Christ; 
S. Ambros. li. 3. de virgin.  whereto I will only ad here, that S. Ambrose, speaking of t●● churches of afric, of Alexandria, and of the east in his time, sait● Pauciores hic homines prodeunt, quam illic virgines consecrantur. Fewer m appear in these partes, 
Idem. li. 1.  then virgins are consecrated there. Besides that, he al● signifieth the great concourse of virgins to Millan, to be veiled ther● not only out of other partes of Italy, but also from the furthest bounds of Mauritania. And what infinite numbers of holly virgins,& oth●● religious women there haue benne ever since, and are at this da● throughout all christendom, no man can be ignorant, so that the experience, even of our own time convinceth, that continency is no● only possible, but also easy, with the assistance of Gods grace, for otherwise such multitudes of the weaker sex, neither would so willingli● undertake religious life, as they do, neither could so happily perform it. But so blind, and absurd is heresy, that it teacheth many time things repugnant, not only to the light of reason, but also to common sense, and experience.  
36 Therefore can any man with any reason imagine, that these me● learned this their absurd doctrine out of the holy scriptures, as they pretend? Let us then briefly examine their grounds, to see of what validity they are. They teach out of the scripture( and that very truly) tha● continency is the gift of God, for so saith, Salomon. 
Sap. 8.  Non possum esse con●e●s, nisi deus debt. I cannot be continent, except God give it. And our Sa●●our in like sort, speaking thereof, saith. Non omnes capiunt verbum istud, 
Matth. 19.  ●●quibus datum est. All men do not take this word, but those to whom it is gi●●●. And lastly the Apostle, having exhorted all men to led a single,& ●ast life, like to him, added. 
1. Cor. 7.  said unusquisque proprium donum habet ex 〈◇〉, alius quidem sic, alius vero sic. every one hath a proper gift of God, one in 〈◇〉 sort, and an other in that. upon which places, and such other to the ●●ke effect, they infer, that seing continency is the gift of God, 
Caluin. li. 4 Instit. c. 13. Bucer in ca. 19. Matth.  it is no ●ore in mans power to be continent, then to be a prophet, or to do ●iracles, yea, and that it were no less presumption to pray for the gift ●f continency, then for the gift of prophesy, as I haue signified 
Num. 6.& 8.  be●ore.  
●7 But who seeth not the absurdity of this inference? is it not eui●ent that there is great difference in Gods gifts, and that some of them ●ay justly be said to be in our power,& other not? For although some things are given us by almighty God, without our cooperation, or ●ny endeavour of ours( as the gifts of tongues, of prophesy and such ●ike,) which therefore are no way in our power, yet to other gifts of ●od, is required our cooperation, and diligence, to obtain the same, ●hich are promised unto us, in case wee seek them duly by prayer,& ●uch other means, as God hath ordained,& such are the gifts, not only ●f continency, but also of faith, hope, and charity, and all other ver●ues, which therefore may justly be said to be in our power, because we may assuredly haue them, if wee will use the due means to obtain ●hem.  
●8 And betwixt these two sorts of gifts, this difference is also to be ●oted, that those of the first sort,( as the gift of tongues, prophesy,& ●uch like) are not necessary either for our salvation, or for our perfection, but only are given by almighty God extraordinarily, to some particular persons, at some times, and in some places, as to his infinite wisdom seemeth most convenient for his own glory, whereas the other gifts of the latter sort( to wit continency faith,& other virtues) ●re necessary, either for every mans salvation, or at least for that perfection whereto our saviour invited,& counseled every man, in which respect he is ever ready to bestow them upon us, whensoever we do duly labour for them, and humbly crave them at his hands, as he promised when he said. Petite& accipietis, pulsate& aperietur vobis. ask, 
Matth. 7.  and you shall receive, knock and it shalbe opened unto you.  
39 For were it not ridiculous to think, that our saviour, or his Apostles, would so seriously exhort us to continency( as I haue p●ued they did) but that God will give it us if wee do humbly, and d● demand it of him? Did they ever counsel us to do miracles, or prophesy, or such other things, as God giveth without any endeuo● of ours? again are not faith, and charity gifts of God( as I ha● said) as well as continency? 
Philip. 1. 2. Thess. ca. ultimo.  Vobis datum est, saith the Apostle, vt in e● credatis. Yt is given to you, that is to say, it is Gods gift, that you bele●●● in him. Also, non omnium est fides, belief is not every mans. And again Nemo potest venire ad me nisi quem pater traxerit. No man can come to me, 〈◇〉 he that my Father draws. 
joan. 6.  And in like maner, the Apostle saith of ch●ritie, 
Rom. 5.  that, diffusa est in cordibus nostris per spiritum sanctum qui datus est no● Yt is spread, or powred in to our harts by the holly Ghost which is given vs. N●uer thelesse, forasmuch as the obtaining of these virtues, depende● in part upon ourselves, we are exhorted in the scripture to beleeu● and to love God, and our neighbour, which exhortation( as I haue ●●gnified before) were vain, if it were not in our power to perform 〈◇〉 with the help of Gods grace, which he promiseth to give to tho● which demand it.  
40 Therfore it followeth not, that because continency is Gods gi●● therefore it is not in our power, for so should neither faith, nor ch●rity, be in our power; where upon it would also follow, that no ma● should justly be damned for want of faith, or charity, for no man ca● be justly punished, because he wanteth that which he cannot by a● means compass, or procure. And therefore although almighty Go● doth punish no man because he doth not prophesy, and do miracles( which are not in our hands, or power) yet he justly condemne● Infidels, for want of faith, and bad Christians, for want of chariti● adulterers, and fornicators, for lack of continency, and for th● same cause also justly punisheth those, which break vows of chastity, as the Apostle testifieth of the young widows, who he said had damnation, 
1. Tim. 5.  for that they broke their first faith: and the reason is because they might haue lived chast, if they would haue donne their due diligence, and used convenient means to obtain the grace, and gift o● chastity at Gods hands.  
41 But let us hear what the ancient Fathers say concerning thi● matter, I haue shewed before, that S. Chrysostome expounding thos● very words of our saviour, 
S. Chrysost. Tom. 2. Ho. 63. in ca. 19. Matth.  which these men pervert to their purpose,( to wit, non omnes capiunt verbum istud &c. teacheth expressly, out of the circumstances thereof, not only that our saviour did seriously exhort us to continency therein, but also that he encouraged us thereto, by proposing unto us partly the worthiness, and greatness ●f the virtue, and partly the possibility of it, and then he maketh this ●biection against himself. But if this, saith he, be a matter of our election, ●hy did our saviour say in the beginning of his discourse, that all men do not ●●e, or receive this word, but those only to whom it is given? Mary this he ●●d, vt singular certamen esse discas, non vt sort datam necessitatem suspiceris. ●o the end thou maiest learn, that it is a single combat, and not a necessity ●●uen by lot, that is to say, that it is a thing, which any man may haue, if and will fight for it, and not that some men haue it, as it were by lot, ●●d that others can not haue it:) his enim datum est qui sponte id eli●●t, for it is given to them, who choose it willingly, and therefore( our Sa●●ur) said so to signify unto us, that if wee will haue the victory in this ●hat, we haue need of help from above, which help is readdy for all ●●se that crave it. Thus saith he. And a little after. Si supremae solummodo ●●ationis est &c. Yf( chastity) be only the gift of God, 
Idem ho. 63. in c. 19. Matth.  and that those ●ho conserve themselves in perpetual virginity, do not seem to confer, 〈◇〉 contribute any thing at all thereto, the kingdom of heaven is promised them ●●perfluously, or without cause, neither doth( our saviour) worthily distin●uish them from other eunuchs.  
●2 Thus saith S. Chrysostome, notably confirming our catholic do●trin, out of our saviours own words, and confuting as well the in●erpretation that our aduersaries make thereof, as also their doctrine of ●he impossibility of continency, which he proveth to be possible for ●uery one( that will duly labour for it) because our saviour exhorted, ●nd encouraged us unto it, with promise of eternal reward, which ●romise, saith he, had benne superfluous, if it were only Gods gift, in ●uch sort, that it did not also partly depend upon ourselves, that is to ●●y, upon our own diligent endeavour, as well in seeking the help of Gods grace, as also in using such mortifications, as are requisite to the ●●pression of concupiscence.  
●3 For the same reason also Tertulian, rehearsing the same words of ●ur saviour, saith. Elige quod bonum est, si non potes, quia non vis, 
Tertul. li. d● Monogamia prope fin●m.  posse enim 〈◇〉 velis ostendit, quia tuo arbitrio vtrumque proposuit &c. Choose that which is ●ood, if thou canst not, because thou wilt not, for he showeth, that thou mayst if thou wilt, seeing he leaveth it to thy choice, thow must depart from him, whose ●ill thow wilt not do. So he: alluding to the rich man, in the gospel, ●ho went away from our saviour, because he would not follow his counsel, in selling his goods and giving the money to the poor. 
Matth. 19. Origen. in ca. 19. mat.   
●4 Also Origen in his commentary upon that gospel, and the same words, saith. Qui vult capere verbum &c. He which will take the word of our saviour concerning chastity, 
S. Hieron. in 19. ca. mat.  let him crave it, believing him that said and shall receive it, not doubting of that which was said( by him) omnis 〈◇〉 petit accipit, every one which asketh receiveth. Thus saith Origen.  
45 And with these agreeth S. jerome, who expounding the sa● words saith. His datum est &c. Yt is given to them, who haue craved who would haue it, and haue laboured to receive it. To conclude all the F●thers of the church, which haue occasion to treat of virginity, d● uniformly hold,& affirm the same that these do, amongst who● S. Augustin, 
S. August. li. 2. de adulter. in coniugiis ca. 10. 13.& 20. S. Basil. in lib. virginitate vltra medium.  and S. Basil( who were two of the most famous for le●ning, and holly life) do expressly, and amply teach, that continent is so possible to all men, that even those may, and do observe it, w●● are forced against their wills,( as many times it happeneth) to vnde● take some condition, or state of life that requireth chastity, thou●● they never determined it, or thought of it before.  
46 Therefore whereas some of these Fathers before alledge● do seem sometimes to speak of some, that cannot live cha● or exhort those to chast life, who cannot perform it, they are not 〈◇〉 be thought to contradict themselves, and to deny that any man m haue the gift of chastity, who will use the due means to obtain i● but it is to be understood, that supposing the corruption of many me● wills to be such, that they will not use such prayer, and mortificatio● as were convenient to the obtaining of it, the Fathers use sometimes that manner of speech, as though some men could not be cont●nent, supposing I say, that they will not do their endeavour thereto as in like maner we see, that some sick man, being willed to take a portion that might cure his disease, hath such a loathing to it, that h● saith, he possibly cannot, and will rather be sick still, or perhaps di● then take it, though nevertheless he might take it, if he would,& cannot, because he will not, and in that case the physician may well s●● unto him( supposing his determinat will and resolution) that seing h● cannot take medicine( which is the only means for his cure) there ● no remedy, and in the same sort and sense, the Fathers speak sometimes of some that cannot live chast.  

S. Hieron. in Apolog. a. pro lib. contra Iouimā.  47 This appeareth evidently in S. jerome who having said. Si a●tem se continere non possunt. Yf they cannot be continent, addeth presently and will rather quench the fire of lust with fornication then with continency, 〈◇〉 is better for them to mary, then to be burnt. So that S. jerome explicatet● sufficiently, what he meaneth by saying, if they cannot contain, understanding that they will rather commit fornication, then labour to b● continent.  
48 And the like also may be said of other ancient Fathers, who trea●●ng sometimes of mans continency, may well use the words, can, or cannot, 〈◇〉 the same sense, to wit, with supposition of mans will, either to labour ●lie for it, or no, for that those which will use convenient prayer to ●od, and mortification, may live chast, and those which will not use ●ose means cannot And thus much I haue thought good to note by the ●ay, to ease our aduersaries of the labour, to seek out such manner of ●each in the Fathers, whose meaning can be no other then that which ●ere I haue set down, except they will make them most absurdly ●●ntradict themselves.  
●9 Thus then thou hast seen good Reader, the different doctrine of ●●ther, Caluin and their followers one the one side, and of the most anci●●t, learned, and holy Fathers of the Church one the other side, as re●ugnant and opposite, as black and white, as light and darkness, as error ●●d truth, that is to say, as heresy and catholic religion: and therefore ●hether of these are to be believed and followed, I leave it to the iudg●ent of any indifferent man.  
●0 And what trow you do our aduersaries answer to the uniform ●onsent of the Fathers against them in this point? 
Petrus Martirdi. de caelibatu& votis in fine.  mary saith Peter martyr ●●eir tistimonies are but human, and it is against the duty of a christian ●an, yea injurious to the holy Ghost, to appeal from the scriptures of ●od, to the iudgment of man. But who seeth not how ridiculous is this answer? First, are the testimonies of the Fathers human, and the other of ●eter Matir and his followers divine? And if the Fathers were men, as ●ndeede they were ar these other, trow you such celestial creatures, that, ●hey may attribute more to themselves then to those great seruants of God, and saints, whose great learning and most holy life, al the christian world hitherto hath admired, and God himself hath oft times ap●roued, by notable and evident miracles, which cannot be denied to bee ●rue, without the impudent denial of the testimony of all antiquity? Whereas one the one side, those others haue no testimony at all, for the ●onfirmation of their doctrine, either from antiquity, or by their own good life, and much less from almighty God by miracles. For the testimony of antiquity, as you see condemneth them. Their loose and sensu●l lives( whereof I haue partly spoken already, and will do more here●fter) bewrayeth their bad spirit. And so far of are they, 
Num. 22. 24. 25 26 &c Chap. 3●. num 34 ●5. 36. &c. Chap. 28  from having any miraculous approbation from almighty God, that they are fain for ●he want thereof, to deny the undoubted experience that the world ●ath at this day, and ever hath had of miracles, as shall appear more amply hereafter.  
51 Yea but, say they we haue the scriptures, and to appeal from th● to the Fathers, is injury to the holy Ghost. As though the Fathers 〈◇〉 not the scriptures, as well as they, yea and more then they? do 〈◇〉 their most learned and notable commentaries( I mean of the Fath●● upon all the old and new testament, and the confirmation of al th● doct●in by the frequent, plentiful, and continual allegation there witness sufficiently their knowledge, esteem, and reverence of holy scriptures▪ Nay which is more, in this question which now w● handle, concerning the counsels of our saviour, and particularly tou●●ing the possibility and dignity of virginity, haue you not seen that 〈◇〉 Fathers confirm their catholic doctrine and ours, abundantly w● express scripture, confuting the same opinions that our aduersaries ho● partly with the very circumstances of the texts, that are now contr●●uersed betwixt them and us, and partly with the conference of one t● with an other? do we then appeal from the Scriptures to the father or is the question betwixt us and them, whether we or they allege t● scriptures, or rather who understandeth them aright? For as we do n● deny that they city scriptures for their opinions( as the devil did Christ, 
Matth. 4. luke. 4  and the Arrians, and all heretics haue ever donne, yea ma● times more abundantly then they) so they cannot deny, but that we a● plentifully allege them for our catholic doctrine. But herein is t● difference that we understand the same scriptures, not according to o● private and particular fancies( as they and al sectaries and heretics do but according to the sense that the greater number of the most ancie●● learned and holy Fathers of the church delivered thereof, above a tho●sand yeares ago, before these last controversies arose betwixt the● and vs.  
52 Therefore I say, I leave it to the iudgment of any indefferent an● unpassionate man, who hath care of his soul, and a desire to know an● embrace the truth, whether it bee more secure for him to follow tho● Fathers, in their uniform interpretation of the scriptures, then the sen● that our aduersaries draw thereof, to the maintenance of the most sens●al, and carnal doctrine that ever was heard of amongst men, professing th● name and faith of Christ, as sufficiently appeareth by that which I hau● alleged before, out of their own works, wherein through the iu● iudgment of God they notably betray their own spirits, powring for● out of the abundance of their harts, such sensual and carnal paradoxes 〈◇〉 you haue heard. Whereby it may easily be judged, that al the rest of th● evangelical liberty, which they preach, proceedeth from the same grou●● of beastly carnality, which is an inseparable companion and vndoubte● mark, of the impure spirit of heresy: as on the contrary side purity ●life and chastity, is a special badge, and an infallible sign of the spirit 〈◇〉 God, and truth of Christian religion.  
●● Therefore the prophet Zachary, foretelling the coming of Christ, ●●d the special fruits, and effects of his grace in his elect, saith. 
Zachar. 9.  Quid 〈◇〉 bonum eius est,& quid pulchrum eius, nisi frumentum electorum,& vi●● germinans virgines? What is the good, and faire which he giveth, but the ●eat of the elect, and wine which bringeth forth virgins? By which words jerome understandeth the admirable force, 
S. Hieron. in 9. ca. Zach.  and effect of the blessed ●●crament of the Eucharist, working in Christians the purity of virgi●l and continent life, as a special fruit of christian religion.  
●● Thus then we evidently see, that Lutherans, and Caluinists, neither ●ne, nor can haue, any practise of this evangelical counsel of conti●●ncie, no not so much as the very Paynims had, amongst whom, ●me at least lived continent: whereas amongst these none do, nei●●er yet can do, if they either beleeue their masters doctrine, or follow ●●eir example. And the like I will also show concerning the abnega●●on of ourselves, which is the third evangelical counsel, whereof I ●●termined to treat, and because this chapter is already grown to ●●long, I will remit it to the next.   

〈◇〉 the third evangelical counsel, to wit, perfect Obedience and abnegation of ourselves, deduced out of the express doctrine of our saviour, and confirmed by the testimony of the Fathers, and examples of Gods miraculous approbation thereof, in diuers cases. Also that our aduersaries haue not so much practise thereof, as the very painimes had, nor so much as any disposition thereto: and this is proved by the intolerable pride of their chief masters, which appeareth partly in their own works, and partly by the testimonies of one of them against an other. Finally it is made most evident, that they are not only void of all true imitation of Christ, and christian perfection, but also that they are sw●rne enemies of it, and therefore far from all union with God, and true felicity. CHAP. 31.  
WHen I spoken of the evangelical counsels in general, I deduced the counsel of Obedience, out of those words of our saviour. Si quis vult venire post me, 
Matthew. 16.  &c. Yf any man will come after me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross, and follow me. In which words it may be noted, that our saviour doth not command, out counsel perfect obedience, and the abnegation of ourselves, for ●hat he spake conditionallie, referring it to the will of the hearer, as I haue also shewed the like before, by the exposition of the thers, in his counsel of voluntary poverty, which as S. Chrisos● noteth, he propounded with the like condition, saying. Yf thou wil● perfect, go and sell all &c.  
2 Therefore, whereas there are two kindes of obedience, the 〈◇〉 absolutely necessary for our salvation( that is to say, to obey not o● almighty God, but also our parents, and all lawful magistrates, spirit● or temporal, whereto every man is bound by precept,) and the oth●● to obey such as we shall voluntary choose to command us, for direction in Gods service( whereto no man is bound, further the● list to bind himself, by vow, or promise:) it appeareth that our ●●uiour in this place speaketh of the latter, inviting us to an extrao●●●narie obedience, for his more particular service, and our greater pe●●●ction, consisting in the perfect imitation of his obedience, and ab●gation of himself, and the carriage of his cross.  
3 These two kinds of obedience( the one absolutely necessary the other voluntary) may also be noted in the old testament. To 〈◇〉 first kind may be referred the obedience, 
Deut. 17.  used in the observation of commandments, which no man could without sin and puni●●ment, refuse to obey. To the later kind, may be referred the volunt●● obedience of the Rechabits, 
Ierem. 35.  who were praised, and commended by migtie God, for abstaining from wine, and not tilling, and sowing th● grounds, and dwelling only in tents, which they did to obey the co●maundement of their father jonadab, for the which they were also ●warded, as appeareth in the prophet, who signifieth unto them fr●● almighty God, that their race, and succession should not fail, pr● quod obedistis, saith he, praecepto jonadab patris vestri &c. because you h● obeied the commandment of your father jonadab &c.  
4 Wherein, it is to be understood, that this obedience of theirs 〈◇〉 voluntary, seing no man, that is already arrived to the full yeares discretion,& able to govern himself, is bound under pain of sin● to obey his parents in matters of that quality, especially after his p●rents death, and much less can a whole posterity be bound thereto, they do not willingly bind themselves, by the voluntary accepta●●● of such a commandment: And therefore it is manifest, that this p●●petuall obedience of the Rechabits, which almighty God so highly c●●mended,& rewarded in them, was at the first voluntary on their par●& depended of their own wills, as Rabanus noteth very well, who in 〈◇〉 commentary vpon the same place giveth to understand that the children jonadab, 
Rabanus in ca. 35. Hieremiae.  did more in that behalf, thē the law of God commanded th●  
5 Furthermore, the same difference may be observed, concerning the●● two kindes of obedience, in the old testament, 
S. Ambros. li. de viduis vltra medium  which the Fathers ●hom I haue before alleged) observe betwixt the precepts,& coun●●lls of the new: as that in the former a penalty is proposed,& in the ●ter a reward promised, yet with this distinction betwixt the old 〈◇〉, and the new, that the rewards of the old law were temporal, ●●d belonging only to this life, whereas as well the rewards, as the pu●●shments proper to the new law, are eternal,& pertain to the world come, to wit, everlasting damnation for the breach of precepts, and ●●ernal salvation in heaven, for the observation of the counsels, as ap●●areth evidently, in that which I haue already discoursed concerning and two former evangelical counsels of poverty, and chastity, and may 〈◇〉 like maner be inferred, touching this counsel of obedience, consi●●●ng in the perfect imitation of our saviours abnegation of himself, ●eing a thing so difficult,& contrary to mans nature, that it must ●eedes be a work of no less merit, then perfection.  
● For as S. Gregory saith. Minus est abnegare quod habet, valde autem mul●m est abnegare quod est. Yt is a less matter, or more easy to deny, and renounce ●at which a man hath( that is to say his wealth,& substance) but it is a very ●eat matter, or of great difficulty, for a man to deny, or renounce that which 〈◇〉 is. Thus saith, S. Gregory, whereupon it followeth, that seing the ●ertues of voluntary poverty,& chastity, are so grateful to almighty ●od, and meritorious, as I haue before proved them to be, it cannot be ●nied, but that true religious obedience, is of far greater excellency, ●●d merit then they: for whereas voluntary poverty, doth offer to ●od only external, and temporal goods, and chastity depriveth the ●ody, only of sensual pleasures for the love of God, religious obe●●ence doth sacrifice to him the internal goods of the soul, which ●blation, or sacrifice must needs be so much more worthy, then the acts of the other two virtues, by how much the goods of the soul, ●xcell the goods of the body, or of fortune.  
And therefore, for as much, as our saviour proposed and promised ●reat rewards( as I haue proved already) to those which renounce, ●nd abandon their substance, and deprive themselves of their bodily ●leasures for his sake, it must needs follow, that he will give far ●reater, and higher rewards, to those that renounce, abandon, and ●eny themselves for the love of him.  
● For seeing that all our life in this world is nothing else but, 
job. 7.  as job saith, militia supper terram, a warfare upon the earth, and that God giveth the highest crown, to him that fighteth most valiantly, and hath the greatest victory, it is evident, that no man shall haue so great a cro●ne, as he who by true abnegation of himself( which religious o●●dience includeth) doth fully conquer himself, which is the har●● and greatest conquest, that may be, whereby he doth not only sub●● his sense, his appetite, and his passions, but also overcome the pride 〈◇〉 the world, and the malice of the devil, and by true humility, trium● over them all, yea over himself, giuing his own liberty and( as I 〈◇〉 say) the sceptre of his own dominion to an other, for the pure love God, wherein he obtaineth not one, but many victories, and theref● the saying of the wise man, may be well applied unto him. Vir obedient quetur victoriam. 
Pro. 21.  The obedient man may speak of his victory.  
9 moreover if the obedience of Abraham, in resolving to sacrif● his son Isaac upon Gods commandment, 
Gen. 22.  and the obedience a● of Isaac, in yielding himself to be sacrificed, was so grateful to 〈◇〉 mighty God, as the scripture declareth, it must needs be graunt● that true religious obedience, is much more grateful unto him,& t●● it surpasseth the obedience of them both: for whereas Abraham 〈◇〉 solved to sacrifice his son, the true religious man doth by his obedience, sacrifice himself. Isaac only suffered himself to be bound by 〈◇〉 father, but the religious man, by his vow bindeth himself. The obedience of Abraham was upon commandment, and therefore of ●●cessitie, and due by obligation, but religious obedience proceedeth o● of our saviours counsel, and is therefore before the vow voluntar● and consequently more acceptable then the other. The obedience bo● of Abraham, and of Isaac, consisted only in will, and resolution without performance of the act, but religious obedience, consisteth not only will, and resolution, but also in action. Finally, their obedience w● exercised but in one act, and only once, but the obedience of the re●●gious man, extendeth itself to infinite acts, to wit, to all such lawf● acts, as his superiors shal command him, according to the institute 〈◇〉 their rule, and this not for once, or twice, but during his life, imitati● therein( as much as human frailty man permit) the continual obedience, and resignation of our saviour, and his perpetual abnegati● of himself, who throughout the whole course of his life, did volu●tarilie, and willingly obey, not only his Father in heaven, his mothe● and supposed father in earth, and the temporal magistrates, but also 〈◇〉 some sort, his very enemies, that crucified him, resigning himself wh●●ly into their hands, comforming his will to theirs, and delivering himself unto them, to be bound, and tied, haled, pulled, scorned, buffete● scourged, 
Philipp. 2.  and finally crucified, factus obediens usque ad mortem, morte● autem crucis, being made obedient, even to death, yea the death of the cross. ●here upon it must needs follow, that as his voluntary obedience ●nd abnegation of himself, was of such infinite perfection, and merit, 
Ibid.  ●hat as the Apostle saith. God did therefore exalt him, and gave him a name, ●●per omne nomen, above all names, so also the exact imitation thereof, ●ust needs be of exceeding, and singular merit, and perfection, in his ●eruants.  
●0 Therefore, for as much as the opportunity is not always offered us, ●o follow, and imitat his humility, and resignation, in giuing our sel●es to our enemies hands, or our lives either for him, or for our bre●hren as he did, it hath pleased him out of his divine providence, so to dispose, that there shalbe always means in his church, whereby we may if we will, practise the perfect abnegation of ourselves, and imi●at him in most excellent manner, renowncing our own wills,& judgements for the love of him, and giuing ourselves wholly to the will, direction, yea to the correction,& chastisement of a spiritual master, to be guided by him in the way of perfection, to the service,& honour of God,& good example of others, all which is most excellently performed in religious discipline, the perfection whereof consisteth in the ●ariage of our cross, or rather in crucifiing ourselves with Christ, by perfect obedience, and abnegation of ourselves: for as Cassianus saith, 
joan. Cassi. li. 4. de inst●t. canob. c. 35.  the true religious man, is like one that is crucified, whereby it may be understood, that he is so fast nailed,& bound by obedience, to the will of his superior, representing to him the person of God, that he hath no motion, or operation of himself, but moveth and worketh, only according to his superiors commandment.  
11 Therefore joannes Climacus, giveth certain notable definitions of religious obedience saying, that it is, a perfect abnegation of ourselves, 
joan. Climacus g●adu. 4. d● obedie●t.  shewed by the ministry of the body, or else the mortification of the body, in a living soul: or lastly a motion without examination, or discussion, a willing and voluntary death, a life void of curiosity, a secure danger, an immediat excuse before God, a safe navigation, and a journey made sleeping.  
12 Finally after much more to the same purpose, he concludeth that he which is truly obedient, will never whiles he liveth beleeue himself, or trust his own iudgement in any thing whatsoever, though it seem never so good unto him. Thus teacheth he, and with great reason: For the true religious obedience, and abnegation of ourselves, which our saviour counseled, requireth not only conformity of will, to the will of our superior, but also resignation of iudgement to his iudgement, when the evidence of a known truth, dot not convince the understanding, and force it to judge otherwise, in which case it nevertheless requisite, that the will obey, and presently yield to t● execution of the commandment, when it is free from sin.  
13 And to this conformity and resignation, every religious man bound, for else his obedience, and abnegation of himself is not perfect, and sincere, seeing that a vow of true religious obedience, is ● S. Gregory calleth it, 
Greg 35. Moral. Cap. 10.& in Ezechiel. ho. 20.  an holocaust or burnt sacrifice, wherein a man do● offer, and as it were immolat himself wholly to God in the fire 〈◇〉 charity, in which respect he must deny, and resign himself, and a● that is in him, without reservation: for otherwise his resignation 〈◇〉 not entire, but like to the oblation of Ananias, and Saphira, who having promised all their goods to almighty God, gave him but a pa● thereof: or rather like to the offerings of those wicked Iewes, wh● gave the worst to God, and kept the best to themselves, which Go● detested, 
Malach. 1.  and worthily reprehended by the prophet Malachias. And th● like I say, doth that religious man, who having promised his who● soul to God, giveth him but an inferior part thereof( to wit h● will) reserving to himself the chief, and best part, which is h● reason, and understanding. Therefore I conclude, that this resignation of iudgement, is not only most necessary to the perfect abnegation of ourselves, which Christ counseled, but also most gratefu● unto him, both because it is( as I haue said) the best, and principa● part in man, and also in respect of the difficulty that man hath, t● captivat, and submit his reason, and iudgement, in all things to th● iudgement of an other.  
14 But now let us see, what the ancient Fathers teach concerning religious obedience, and the practise of it. S. basil amply discourset● thereof in his monastical institutions, 
S. basil. in monast. instit. c. 23.  and teacheth it by the example of the Apostles, who though our saviour said unto them, tha● he sent them like sheep amongst wolves, yet went most willingly exposing themselves to all dangers, contumelies, crosses, and death i● self, and the same obedience, saith S. basil, ought the monk to yield to his superior: Siquidem discipulos, saith he, Christus in hoc elegit &c▪ For Christ choose his disciples to this end, that they following this institute, or kin● of life, might remain for a pattern to the ensuing posterity. Thus saith S. basil, affirming also, that the superior of religious men, representeth the person of Christ, and that they ought to be so resigned to his will, that they do not so much as examine what he comcommaundeth them, so that it be not a sin, and that they should be unto him, as sheep to their sheapeard, and the tool to the workman, who is to use it, and that otherwise they cannot serve God, 
Vide S. Basil. ubi supra.  and be ●●ned in their profession.  
●5 S. Hierom in like sort, writing to Rusticus a monk, describeth no●ably the institutions and customs of the monks in his time, adui●●ng him amongst many other things, to live in exact obedience to ●is superior, for his diet, sleep and apparel, yea and bodily labour, concluding. Praepositum monastery timeas, vt dominum &c. fear the praefect, 
S. Hieron. ad Rustic. ep. 4  〈◇〉 superior of the monastery as thy lord, love him as thy father, and beleeue that ●hatsoeuer he commandeth thee, is good for thee, without taking upon thee to ●●dge of his ordinance, or will, it being thy part to obey, and to perform that which ●s commanded thee. S. Thus saith Hierom.  
●6 Also S. severus Sulpitius, treating of the monks of the east parts, ●●n the time of S. Martin( whose disciple he was) saith. Precipua ibi virtus, 
S. Sulpit. in dialogo. 1. de virtut. monacho. 4. orientalium. c. 12.  & prima est obedientia &c. The chief and first virtue there, is obedience, and ●●ne is received into the monastery upon other condition, but first to pass his trial, ●nd that he refuse not to execute whatsoever is commanded him by the Abbot, ●hough it seem never so difficult, or base, and unworthy to bee suffered. so saith goody.  
●7 In like manner S. Augustin saith of the monks, and their superiors in the same age. Hi patres, saith he, nulla superbia &c. These Fathers do ●rouide for those whom they call their children, without all pride, 
S. Aug. de morib. eccl. l. 1. ca. 31.  with great authority on their part in commanding, and with great will and promtitude of the ●thers in obeying.  
18 S. John Damascen, in his history of Barlaam and josaphat, speaking of some that led a religious life, saith that they lived under the government or command of one perfect,& did quiter cut of their own wills, 
S. joan Damas. in hist. Barlaam,  with the sword of obedience, in such sort, that they esteemed themselves, no other then slaves, bought for money, not living to themselves, but to him, to whom they had submitted themselves for the love of Christ.  
19 Thus do the ancient and holy Fathers treat of religious obedience, undertaken and performed for the love of our saviour Christ,& in imitation of his perfect abnegation of himself: In which respect, S. Ephraem saith. 
S. Ephram, de ver●●● vit is. ca. de obedient.  Beatus qui vera &c. Happy is he who is endued with true& unfeigned obedience, for he is the imitator of our best master, who was obedient to death, and therefore he is truly happy, that is truly obedient, who imitating and following our Lord, is also made his coheir, or partaker of his inheritance. Thus saith he.  
20 And now to show by evident examples, how acceptable this religious and monastical obedience is to almighty God, I will relate some two, or three histories, of Gods most miraculous approbation thereof, recounted by most holy and learned men, above a thous●●● yeares ago.  

S. severus. Sulp. Dial. 1. de. virtutib. monacho. oreint. ca. 13.  21 S. severus Sulpitius, who flourished about the year of our Lord f● hundreth, witnesseth, that one who had resolved to be religious, cam● an Abbot of a monastery in egypt, desiring to be received there. T● Abbot after many difficulties proposed, asked him whether he 〈◇〉 determined to be obedient, in whatsoever should bee commaun● him: And when he promised to obey in al things without excepti● the Abbot sticked down in the ground a dry wand or rod, which had in his hand,& commanded him to water the same every day, un● it should grow, the young novice undertook it, fetching water eue● day from the river Nilus, which was almost two miles distant from 〈◇〉 monastery, and continued his labour two yeares, without hope● any other fruit, or effect thereof, then the reward of his obedienc● Gods hands, when nevertheless the third year it pleased God, that 〈◇〉 dry stick took roote, and within a while grew to bee a little tr● which S. severus saith, he himself had seen in the court of the mo●erie, where it remai●e●h saith he, as it were for a testimony of the merit of o●dience, and of the force of faith.  

Idem ibid.  22 The same holy Father, recounteth also an other no less stran● to the same purpose, which happened in the same monastery, and un● the same Abbot, as that when an other craved to be received for a n●uice, and promised with extraordinary confidence, to refuse nothi● that should be enjoined him, the Abbot suspecting that his frank of● rather proceeded of presumption then humility, commanded him enter into a hot furnace, or oven, which then was heating to ba● bread, whereat the novice repined nothing at all, but entred into presently, and as S. severus saith. Superata natura est, fugit incendium& Nature was overcome, the fire fled him, and bee instead of being burned, was r●fr●s●ed in the midst of the furnace, with a heavenly due: and whereas( saith ● severus, he was put to trial, being taken to be weak, he was found to be perfect, t● ver●e first day: merito faelix, merito gloriosus, probatus obedientia, worthily happy,& worthily glorius, being proved by obedience.  

S. Greg. Dial li. 2 cap. 7.  23 hereto I will add one other out of S. gregory the great, as tha● Maurus, being a monk under S. Benedict, and commanded by him 〈◇〉 go to succour Placidus( who was then a child, and fallen into a river, 〈◇〉 carried by the stream a bow-shot from the shore) was so confident upo● his superiors commandment, that without respect of danger, he ran to the river, and walked firmly upon it, and drew out Placidu● without being himself wetshod, which( saith S. Gregory) S. Benedict d● wholly attribute to the great merit of Maurus his obedience.  
●● I might, add hereto, if I thought it needful, 
joan. Cassiā▪ li. 4. de insti. renunt. Dorotheus. doctrina. vi. de Coccium. li. 4. de vita. monastica.  what joannes Cassianus ●ifieth, of a most famous Abbot called John, who for his great obe●●●nce, was rewarded by almighty God with the spirit of prophecy. As ●o what Dorotheus writeth upon his own knowledge, of a religious ●n, whom he saw sudainelie, and miraculously transported over a ●rent, or furious stream, which he would needs venture to swim o●r, out of an obedient desire, he had to be at home, at the time appoin●d him by his superior, which was related by Dorotheus, a thousand& ●undreth years ago, to show saith he, tantam esse obedientiae,& abnegatae, ●●ntatis vim, vt a morte quoque hominem liberare posset. 
Idem.  That the force of obedi●●●e, and of a resigned will is such, that it may also deliver a man from death.  
●● By these and diuers examples, which most grave authors do wit●s, we may learn how acceptable to almighty God is true religious obedience, and the abnegation of ourselves, and no marvel, seeing the ●me proceedeth from a most pure and fervent love of God, and a pro●ound humility, whereby we do truly imitate and follow our Saui●urs humility, obedience and abnegation( as much as is possible for ●en to do) and also sacrifice ourselves wholly to him, offering and ●alding our souls, renouncing our own wills, understanding, and ●dgment, for the pure love of him: And therefore S. Gregory saith, 
S. Greg. in 1. Reg. c. 15. li. 6.  long ●turis meriti est &c. It is a matter of far greater merit, to subject our own wills ●lwaies to an other mans will, then to wast our bodies with fasting, or secretly to sa●●ifice ourselves by compunction &c. And he which hath learned perfectly to ●●llfill the will of his master, excelleth, and is preferred in the kingdom of heaven, ●efore those that fast, and weep for their sins.  
●6 Thus saith S. Gregory, not unlike that, 
1. Reg. 15.  which Samuel the propeth ●aid to king Saule. Melior est obedientia, quam victima. Obedience is better then ●●crifise: where upon I conclude, tha the Roman catholics, practising ●his counsel of our saviour in monastical life, do imitate his obedience, humiltie and resignation, in as excellent sort, as mans frailty, and ●mperfection doth permit, and do perform therein a notable point of ●hristian perfection, which cannot be imagined to consist in any other ●hinge, then in the perfect imitation of the most excellent, and perfect ●ertues of Christ.  
27 Let us now consider, what exercise, or practise Lutherans, or Calui●ists haue of this evangelical counsel, and how they imitate Christ in the perfect abnegation of themselves, and wherein they may, but so much as pretend, the obedience, or resignation of their will, iudgment, and understanding, in all which it will appear, that the very paynim, and Infidels, partly matched them, and partly excelled them.  
28 Well then, they will say perhaps, that they are as obedient and 〈◇〉 signed as is convenient, in that they obey their magistrates, spiritual and temporal, and that therein, they exercise the obedience of the w● as also that they practise the obedience of their understanding, in ca●tiuating the same, to the faith of Christ, and that therein they ab●gat, and deny themselves. Whereto I answer, first, that this is far fr●● the sense of our saviours words, and the perfection that he requi● in his disciples, seeing that he spoken not of matters of faith or belee● but of the imitation of him, speaking expressly of those which wo● follow his actions, 
mat. 16. & course of life, saying. If any man will come after me, him deny himself. And then to show whereto this abnegation of our sel● should tend, he added, let him take up his cross and follow me, that is to sa● let him deny himself, as I did in my passion, mortifiyng, and as it we● crucifiyng his own will, and affections in such sort, that he haue 〈◇〉 more use, or command of them, then he should haue of his own b●dy, 
Num. 10. joan. Cassiā. l. 4. de instit Caenob. c. 35  if he were crucified and nailed fast to a cross, as I noted before o● of johannes Cassainus, who applieth these words of our saviour, mo● properly and aptly, to monastical obedience.  
29 And this also S. Peter doth very well insinuat, when he saith. Chri●●us passus est pro nobis &c. Christ suffered for us, to leave you an example to foll●● his footstepes, 
1. Pet. 2.  that is to say, to imitate his profound humility, obedienc● abnegation of himself, and mortification, which virtues do mo● excellently,& eminentlie appear in al the course of his life& passion and therefore are to bee exactly followed, of such as pretend to arriu● to the highest perfection of christian religion. Of which kind of obedience, and perfect resignation, consisting in action, there is no exerc●se at all amongst Lutherans, and Caluinists, as every man seeth, an● knoweth.  
30 For as for their obedience to their magistrates, what great perfection of christian religion, may we imagine to bee therein, seeing that every pagan, and infidel, may, and doth perform it, aswell as we? And i● they will pretend to captivat their understanding to the faith of Chris● and so in some sort to deny their own iudgment, and consequentli● to observe his counsel, in the abnegation of themselves, it will easili● appear, that it is far otherwise. For were there ever any, professin● the name of Christ, who less renounced their own iudgments i● matters of faith then they? This evidently appeareth, not only in som● important points of christian religion, whereto the obedience, and resignation of the understanding is most requisite( as namely in the ●atter of the holly Eucharist, and in all kind of miraculous works) ●ut also in the interpretation of the holy scriptures, 
Vide Stanislaum Reschium, in centur. evang. sectarum.  which every one ●f them understandeth, according to his own particular iudgement, ●●d fancy, where upon haue grown about two hundred, and seventy acts, since Luthers time, whereas from Christs time to his, there cannot and reckoned above a hundred eighty one, so that there haue risen more ●●cts in these last 100. yeares, then there arose in a thousand five hundreth ●earess before. Besides that, so different haue been their interpretations ●f the scripture, that they haue made amongst them, 
Vide Claudium de sainctes de veritate Eucharis. repetitione 1. c. 10. mat. 26. Oecolamp. in Aequa respons. ad praefat. Lutheri.  fourscore and four ●●uerall expositions, of these few words of our saviour. Hoc est corpus ●eum. This is my body: yea, and Oecolampadius a sacramentary, no●eth amongst the Lutherans only, twenty seven mutations, and chan●es in their exposition of scriptures, and their other fantasies, as he ●earmeth them.  
●● Therefore they are so far, from submitting their iudgement, and ●nderstanding to faith, that they do subject all authority, human ●nd divine( I mean of Fathers, councils, Scriptures, and the Church) ●nd consequently all the Christian faith, to their own judgements. ●or though they talk of nothing but of scripture, and continually ●ppeale thereto, yet for as much as they presume, to make themselves ●he only iudges of the true sense thereof, they reduce in conclusion, ●he resolution of all questions and controversies, and the scriptures ●hemselues, to their private iudgement. I mean not the iudgement of ●hem all in general( as the resolution of the whole Lutheran, or Calui●isticall congregation) but the fancy of every one of them in particu●er: for that every cobbler,& tinker amongst them, presumeth to haue ●he spirit of God in such plenty, and so at his command, that he taketh upon him to understand, and interpret the holly scriptures at his pleasure; where upon it followeth, that they of all other men, can ●east pretend with any show, or colour of reason, to renounce their ●wne judgements, yea much less then many infidels haue donne.  
●2 For we red of the schollers of Pithagoras, that they so much esteemed and reverenced the opinion, and iudgement of their master, that his word stood for a law, and was held for an oracle, and an infallible ●ruth, in so much that it sufficed for the decisions of all questions, and ●he resolution of the greatest doubts amongst them, to say only, 
Cicero. li. 1. de natura deorum. Horat. ep. 1. ad mecanatem.  ipse di●it, Pythagoras said it: whereas these sectaries are, nullius addicti jurare in ●erba magistri, men that cannot endure to follow any master, or teacher, and therefore though they all come out of one school, yet they are so divided amongst themselves,& subdeuided into many several se●( as I haue signified before) and those also of every sect, so addict eu● one to his own opinion, that they hold and condemn each other 〈◇〉 heretics, railing one upon an other, in most shameful and spite● manner, as it is most evident in the writings, not only of the Calui● against the Lutherans, and again of these against them, but also of 〈◇〉 puritans in England, 
Puritani Angli in secunda admonitione ad parlamentum. Vide Stanislaum Reschium in Ministromachia.  against the protestants there, whom they char● with intolerable errors, manifest defection from Christ, impious contempt, 〈◇〉 profanation of the sacraments, and call the bishops, relics of the see● Antichrist, and sworn enemies of the church of Christ: though neuerthe● they all pretend alike, an assurance, and infallibility of their doctr● grounded as they all say, upon the scriptures, and inspiration of 〈◇〉 holy Ghost. But by this their difference, and dissension, it is m clear then the sun, that they haue not the spirit of God, but t● they falsely baptize, their own fantastical conceits, and private i●gements, with the name of Gods spirit: whereby also it euiden● appeareth, that they do not captivate their judgements and vnd●standing to faith, but measure all their faith by their own conc● and iudgement, calling it the spirit of God. whereupon I conclu● that they haue not amongst them, in any sort, that true obedience, a● abnegation, which our saviour counseled, but rather that they 〈◇〉 such as S. Peter describeth. 
2. Pet. 2.  Qui dominationem contemnunt, audaces sibi p●centes, sectas non metuunt introducere, men which despise to be governed, or d●cted, audacious, standing in their own conceits, and fear not to introduce, bring in new sects.  
33 But perhaps they will say, that it sufficeth for the abnegat● which Christ requireth in a christian man, to perform it only in p●paration of will, and readiness to do it when occasion shall requi●( as it is also to be said, concerning our saviours counsel, of perf● patience in suffering injuries, and of the hate of our own liue● whereto I answer, that although this preparation of mind and w● may suffice for the salvation of every particular man( if he bind hi● self to no more) yet it sufficeth not, to the perfection of the chur● of Christ, and of christian religion, whereto it is requisite that the be some continual and public practise thereof amongst christians, 〈◇〉 I will declare further after a while: and in the mean time, I wish● to be considered, that there is great reason to think, that they ha● not so much as any true preparation of will, to the perfect abneg●tion of themselves, which I say for diuers respects. First, because they haue no exercise or practise thereof at all amongst them, where● it may well be thought, that they haue no sufficient disposition the●●to: whereas amongst catholics, very many do practise it, and per●●rme it notably in religious life, by whose example also, other ca●●olikes are moved to dispose, and prepare their wills, and mindes, to and performance of it, when occasion shall require. Secondlie, 
Luther. in resp. ad dialog. Syluestri prierat. Melanch. ad cap. 4. ep. ad Rom. editione 1. Caluin. li. 2. Instit. c. 7. vide Coccium in Thesauro de ●●stif. li. 3. ar. 2.  it ●●nnot be otherwise thought, but that they, who hold, and teach, ●●at the commandments of God are unpossible to be kept, do ●●inke it much more impossible, to observe the counsels, and specially ●is of perfect abnegation, which is the most difficult, in which respect, it may be well presumed, that they do think it but labour lost, ●o dispose, and prepare their mindes, to accomplish it when occasion ●halbe offered, for no man is so simplo, to dispose himself to do a ●hing, which he thinks impossible.  
●4 Lastly, it seemeth that they are far from that profound humility, ●hich is the ground of all true obedience, and resignation, as it may ●ufficiently appear in their chief Apostles, Luther, Caluin, and other ●heir ringleaders, whereof wee need no other testimony, then their own writings, wherein they accuse each other of intolerable pride, presumption, and contumacy: and against Luther a better witness cannot be desired, then his own books, as namely that which he wrote against king Henry the Eight of England, wherein he affirmed, that he himself was so good, and holly a man, coram mundo, 
Luther ●●tr● regé Anglia.  even in the sight of the world, that all the Popes, Cardinals, Princes, Bishops, and monks, were unworthy, calceamenti corrigiam solvere, to untie the string of his show, and that he cared not, for a thousand Ciprians, or a thousand Augustins. And in his book entitled, 
Idem li. aduersus falso: nominat. Ecclesiast. statum Papae.& Episcoporum.  against all the false ecclesiastical order of bishops, he saith thus. En appello me ecclesiasten Dei gratia &c. behold I call myself Ecclesiastes, or preacher by the grace of God, I haue adorned myself with a title, whom you( he speaketh to all bishops) do with whole waine-loades of reproaches call an heretic: And I take the title of Ecclesiastes upon me, with great contempt of the devil, and you all.  
35 Thus saith he, and addeth, 
Ibid.  that he might also call himself an evangelist, and that he doubteth not, but Christ would allow it as he is sure, that he holdeth him for his Ecclesiastes. And further he saith, that he signifieth plainly to the bishops, by that writing of his, that from thence forth he would not do them so much honour, or bear them so much respect, as to vouch safe to submit himself, or his doctrine, to the iudgement either of them, or of any Angel in heaven. 
Apud Surium in comment. an. 1522.  And in the prologue of the same book he saith. Doctrinā meam ego nolo judicari &c. I will not haue my doctrine to be judged by any man, or by al the Angels, for seeing that I am assu● of it, I will be judge, not only of you( he meaneth the pope and the bisho● but also of the angels &c. 
Vide Thesaur. Coccij. li. 8. de Sig. eccl. de Lutheranorum &c. Corruptelis. Surius. an. 15●0.  Thus worte he.  
36 And being once advertised from a friend of his, that his aduersari● took great advantage against his German translation of the new tes●ment, for that he had added the word, sola, in the third chapter of t● epistle of S. paul to the Romans, making him say, sola fide justificari, to 〈◇〉 justified by only faith, whereas the Apostle hath not the word only: wrote in answer thereof, that if he had known, that al the Papists p● together, could haue translated only one chapter of the divine scri●ture aright in the German tongue, he would haue craved their adu● in his translation of the new testament: and again a little after, he sait● Si Papista tuus &c. 
C●cous. ubi supra.  If thy Papist will still wrangle about the word sola. I answ● him presently, that Doctor Martin Luther will haue it so, and that a papist and ●asse is al one. Sic volo, sic jubeo stat pro ratione voluntas &c. So I will, and so I co●maund, my will or pleasure standeth for reason, for we will not be disciples or sch●lers, but masters, and iudges of the Papists, Luther will haue it so, and saith that ● is a Doctor above al the doctors in the whole papaltie. Thus he, who adde● further for the conclusion of the whole, that he was sorry he had n● added two other words, to wit, omnibus& omnium, to operibus legis, that so t● text might haue been, sine omnibus operibus omnium legum. Without al works al laws.  
37 Furthermore writing in his vulgar tongue, against a decree mad● by the Emperour Charles, and al the princes of the Empire, at August● he calleth them al traytors, wicked and vain knaves, and compareth the● to swine, and addeth further, concerning his own doctrine of iustyfiyn● faith. 
Idem ibid. ā. 1531.  Dico ego Doctor Martinus Lutherus, Domini nostri Iesu Christi indignus Euangelista &c. I Doctor Martin Luther, the unworthy evangelist of our Lord Iesus Christ do say, that the Emperour of the Romans, the Emperour of the Turkes the Emperour of Tartary, the Emperour of Persia, the Pope, all Cardinals, Bishop Priests, Monks, Nunnes, kings, Princes, Lords, yea all the world, with all the diuel● thereof, ought to suffer this article( to wit, only faith without all good works dot● justify before God) to stand firm, and inuiolat, and that they shall furthermore hau● the fire of Hell upon their heads, and no thankes at all. Hic esto meus Doctoris Luteri instinctus, 
Stanisla. Resch. in ministromach. ex than. Spangenberg.  a spiritu Sancto, verunque, ac sanctum evangelium. Let this go● for the instinct, which I Doctor Luther haue from the holy Ghost, and for the true and holy gospel.  
38 Thus bewrayed he his most insolent, and luciferian pride, which was also sufficiently noted and taxed, by those that sprung from him, and professed his doctrine, as the Lutherans of the university of Witten●g, who beginning to discent from him in ten or eleven points of ●ctrin, gave him amongst many other opprobrious epithets, the name 〈◇〉 Philauton, one that attributeth much to himself, and stood highly his own conceit: and called him also, Philonicum and Eristicum, one ●at would by scolding, defend al his own sayings, and doings what●euer, and Doctorem Hyperbolicum, an Hyperbolical Doctor, that used to ●ake a camel of a gnat, and boasted of thousands, when he had scant and: Polipragmonicum, one that intruded himself into all mens business: ●d finally to omit the rest, ingenij ostentatorem, one that sought to make ●aine ostentation, and show of his own wit.  
Thus say his own disciples of Wittenberg, who knew him best. ●t that he lived for the most part amongst them,& lieth butted there. 〈◇〉 like manner Conradus Gesnerus( who was also of his brood) saith, ●at he was a man, so vehement and impatient, 
Conrad. Gesner. in vniuersa. bibliotheca.  that he could not endure any ●●n, which did not agree with him in all things. And further he beseecheth ●od to grant, that he( I mean Luther) did not in the end, hurt his church 〈◇〉 much with his contention and impudence, as he had furthred it in the beginning. ●nd the Tigurin ministers wrote of him thus. Lutherus sua quaerit, 
Tigur. ministri. in r●sp. ad li inscript contra Zuinglium.  pertinax 〈◇〉,& insolentia nimia effertur. Luther seeketh his own commodity, and is obstinat ●douer insolent.  
Thus is Luther censured for his pride by the Tigurin ministers, where● all the Sacramentaries and zwinglians do willingly subscribe, who ●rme him, a presumptuous and obstinat fellow, a new pope, and cousin german to Antichrist: in cuius moribus say they, superbia factus, 
apud Stanisia. Resch. in minist●omachia in charta quadam. zwinglian. edit. an 1527. Stanisla. Reschius. in ministromac●ia ex Edero.  & intollerabilis prope am●tio deprehendatur: in whose manners may be discovered, pride, arrogancy, and al●ost an intolerable ambition: and to conclude concerning Luther, Conradus ●iss, saith of him, that God did take from him the true spirit, for his pride, ●d gave him instead thereof, an angry, proud, and lying spirit,  
●1 I omit many other testimonies of sectaries concerning Luthers ●ride, to add two or three touching Caluin: of whom his master Bu●er( a man of no small reputation amongst the sectaries, especially in ●ngland in King Edwards time( affirmeth that he was transformed into an ●dol and that he would by his good will, bee honoured throughout all france with sacrifice: In so much that those, saith he, who were called ●n times past Idololatrae, might be called Caluinolatrae, that is to say, wor●hippers of Caluin. And Theomorus a Caluinist, amongst other notable ●ices, which he laboureth to excuse in Caluin, 
Ib. d●x Sainctio.& Edero.  though they were objected against him, by men of his own sect( reckoneth, ambition and desire of tyranny, bloody cruelty, implacabilitie, immoderat choler, 〈◇〉 anger &c.  
42 Also Hesshusius a Lutheran, chargeth him with the like, and 〈◇〉 contempt and disdain of others, 
Heshus. in defensione sua.  besides diuers other peccadillos, wh● I omit, be cause I speak specially of his pride and presumption.  
43 So that we need not to make any doubt, of the truth of t● which jerome Bolsec( his disciple in Geneua for some yeares, tho● after a catholic) wrote of him out of his own knowledge, to 〈◇〉 that many times in his sermons, he would break forth into these w●des. 
Hieron. Bolsec in vita calvini.  I am a prophet, I haue the spirit of God, and if I err, it is thou o God, 〈◇〉 for the sin of this people dost cast me into error, and deceive me, I cannot e● and such like: and the same author also witnesseth, that he was vain glorious, that he would sometimes set forth letters, and like t●tises in print, 
Idem. Ibid.  under feigned names, wherein he published his own praises, worthiness, and great merits towards the church.  
44 Lo then, what good disposition and preparation of mind, th● men had to that profound humility, obedience, mortification, and a●negation of themselves, which our saviour counseled. Wherevpp●● I infer, 
Matth 10.  that seeing as our saviour said: Discipulus non est supper m●strum. The disciple is not above his master, it were against all reason to th●●ke, that their disciples, I mean those, that profess their doctr● should more profit in humility thereby, then they themselves, w● had the first fruits of the evangelical spirit.  
45 And to the end, that the matter may not depend altogether vpp●● my conjecture, I wish thee, good Reader to consider what their f●●lowers writ, one of an other, concerning this point of their pride 〈◇〉 mean not the pride of particular men amongst them, but of th● whole sects. 

joan. Caluinus in vltima admonitione ad Ioachun westphalum.  
Ochinus Dial. contra sectam terre. Deorum. Checouicius apud Stanisla. Reschium. ministromach.   Caluin objecteth against. Westphalus, and all his fellow L●therans, that they were puffed up with a diabolical pride, and that they had respect to the iudgement of God, or his Angels, and therefore, he calle● them cyclopss, giants, and frantic barkers. Ochinus in his Dialogues, c●●leth Caluin with all his genevian, and Tigurin ministers. Sectam terre●rum deorum, siue paparum. A sect of earthly Gods, or popes, meaning th● out of an intolerable pride, they took upon them to be popes, or r●ther to be Gods. And in like maner Castalio, termeth the Caluinists: s●perbos feroces, inflatos: proud, fierce, and swelled or puffed up with pride: and besid● many other vices( which I omit) he chargeth them with Tyranny, an● obstinacy, which are the inseparable companions, or rather the daug●ters of the highest pride.  
46 I let pass for brevities sake, many other such like testimony which oft occur in their writings, and invectives of one against 〈◇〉 other, for by this, which I haue said, it sufficiently appeareth, that ●●therans and Caluinists, persisting in the doctrine, and spirit of their ●●angelical masters, can haue no due disposition to perfect obedience, ●●gnation, and contempt of the world, and of themselves, which our ●●uiour counseled, and required in his followers, and is with all ende●ur sought, and practised by catholics, in monastical discipline.  
●● Seeing then it appeareth evidently, that they haue no use or praise at all, either of perfect abnegation of themselves, or of the euan●●licall counsels, preached, and practised by our saviour,& his Apost●( as I haue clearly proved before:) it must needs follow, 
Chap. 28. 29& 30.  that they ●●ue not the perfection of christian religion, which cannot consist in ●●ything else, but in the perfect imitation of our saviour Christ, and ● Apostles, and therefore S. paul said to the Corinthians. 
1. Cor. 4.  Imitatores mei ●●e sicut ego Christi. Be you followers of me, as I am of Christ.  
●● And S. Peter said to Christ, in the name of all the Apostles, 
Mat. 19.  secuti ●●us te, wee haue followed thee, not meaning thereby, that they had ●onne up,& down the country after him, but that they had obeied ●m, and imitated, or followed the example of his poverty, chastity, ●●edience, and mortification. Besides that also, an infinite number of ●ristians in the Apostles time, imitated our saviour, and them, in the ●●rfect exercise of the same virtues, in monastical and religious life, 〈◇〉 I haue shewed amply before. In which respect, S. dionysius, S. Basil, 
S. dionysius Ecclesiast. Hierar. c. 6. par. 2. S. Basil. de monast. constit. c. 19. S. Greg. Nazianz. orat. de obitu S. Basil. S. joan. Chrisost. li. 3. aduersus vituperat. vita monast. S. Hieron. ep. ad Heliodorum. Euseb. li. 1. de monast. evang ca. 8.  ●nd S. Gregory Nazianzen, call the monastical profession. Vitam perfectis●am. The most perfect life. And S. chrysostom, termeth it. Perfectionis cul●en, virtutisque fastigium. The height of perfection, and top of virtue. S. ●ierome saith to Heliodorus the monk. Perfectum te fore pollicitus es &c. thou hast promised to become perfect.  
●9 Furthermore Eusebius declareth notably, the difference betwixt and perfection of religious life, and the laudable,& good life of other christians, in these words. In Ecclesia Dei dvo modi vivendi instituti sunt ●c. Two manners of life, are instituted in the church of God. The one ●xceeding our nature, and the common course of men, not requiring ●ariage, children, substance, or wealth,& wholly addicted to the wor●hipp and service of God, for the unmeasurable love of heavenly ●●ings. Th● other kind of life, is more remiss, and human, being oc●upied with the care of family, with marriage, and with the procrea●●on of children, prescribing also rules, for those which make just far and not neglecting possessions, and wealth, and merchandise, so ●arr as the respect of religion may permit, and this is the second degree of piety. Thus saith Eusebius of these two kinds of life, attributi●( as here you haue seen) the perfection of christian religion, to 〈◇〉 former, consisting in the exercise of Christs counsels.  

D. Ber. de vita solitaria ad fratres de monte Dei.  50 To conclude S. Bernard, writing to certain religious men, wh● he calleth fratres de monte Dei, saith thus. Altissima est professio ve● &c. Your profession is most high, or excellent, it passeth the heauens, it is like the purity of Angels, for you haue not only vowed all holiness, but also all p●fection of holynes, yea and the very end of all consummation, or perfect &c. Yt belongeth to other men to serve God, but it is your part to adhere v● him, or to be united with him: other men ought to beleeue in God, to love h● to reverence, and worship him, but you ought to taste him, to understand h● to know him, and to enjoy him. Thus saith S. Bernard, of religious per●●ction.  
51 Seeing then, this is the doctrine of all the ancient Fathers, grou●ded upon the holly scriptures, and most conform to reason it sel● it were absurd to say, that any religion professing Christ, should b● true, and perfect religion, that should not haue this christian per●●ction. For although no man is bound, to the observation of the Eua●gelicall counsels, except he bind himself, and that therefore the ch●stian perfection which consisteth therein, is not of necessity requir● in every member, or part of Christs church: yet it is so necessary for t● whole, that it cannot be perfect without it, as wee see also in oth● societies, that many things are requisite to the perfection of the wh●le, which are not necessary in every part. Yt is convenient for the perfection of an university, that there be divines therein, yet neither any man bound to profess divinity, except he list himself, neither it necessary that every man should be a divine. Also it is requisite, th● in a perfect common wealth, there should be all trades, and occup●tions, and yet it is not necessary, that every man should profess so● trade, neither is any man bound to it, further then he thinketh go● to bind himself.  
52 Also in the church itself, wee see, that it is most necessary 〈◇〉 the perfection thereof, that there be priests therein, and yet no man bound to take the order of priesthood( if he do not bind himself neither is it necessary that every man should be a priest. even so also though it be not requisite to the perfection of the church of Christ, an● of christian religion, that every man keep the evangelical counsell● yet it is necessary that some do observe them. For seeing that the perfection of christian religion, must needs consist in the perfect imitation of Christ,( as I haue said) and that he did not only practise the ve●tues, of poverty, chastity, and abnegation of himself, throughout the ●hole course of his life, but did also counsel and invite us to imitate ●im therein, it were absurd to think, that there shall not be alwaise ●me in his church, who shall make public profession to follow his ●ample, in as high a degree of perfection, as may stand with huma● infirmity: for whereto tended all his actions, his continual mor●fications, his austerity of life, his humility, poverty, and obedience, ●ut to give us an example, which we might imitat? The least drop of ●is most precious blood, sufficed for our redemption, which also he ●ight haue  shed without so much pain, ignominy, and contempt, as and suffered in his passion, and without such poverty, humility, and mor●●fication, as he practised throughout the course of his life, but only ●hat he would thereby, give us example, and encourage us to follow ●im, in the exercise of those virtues. So that it cannot otherwaise be ●magined, but that his meaning was, to haue always in his church ●ome public state, and profession of life, wherein his most excellent ●ertues, should be imitated and exercised for his glory, and the exam●le of the weaker sort of men. For as it was necessary, that there ●hould be a most lively pattern, and example of christian perfection, ●n his church in his own time, not only in himself, but also in his apostles, and other his disciples: so also it is convenient, that there be ●he like, continually in his church, to the worlds end, to serve as it ●ere for a mark, whereat all sorts of christian men may shoot.  
●3 Therefore as almighty God, out of his ordinary providence, al●aies stirreth up some in all common wealths, to profess all kind of ●rades, necessary for the public good thereof, and ever moveth some ●n his church to be priests, though he bind no man thereto: so also out of the same providence, he hath always moved infinite numbers of both ●exes▪ to imitate him in the practise of his counsels in religious life, ●or his greater glory, showing therein the wonderful force, and effects of his grace, and bounty, and imparting thereby to his church, such other graces, and benefits, as I haue signified before, 
Chap. 26.  when I delivered the causes, and conveniency of the multiplicity, and variety of religions.  
54 Therefore I conclude, that seeing Lutherans and Caluinists, haue not within the whole latitude of their congregations, and religion, any exercise at all of the evangelical counsels, preached and practised by our saviour, by his Apostles, and by the christians, as well in the primitive church, as in all ensuing ages, even until this day, it followeth of necessity, that they haue neither perfection, nor truth of christ● religion.  
55 But what may we think of their spirit, seeing they are not o● voided themselves of this perfection, but are also such professed enem● of it, that they seek to hinder it in all others. Yea to supplant, and ● terminat it out of the christian world? As may appear, by the imp●●cable hatred, and malice, they bear to all religious persons, wh● life and profession, consisteth in nothing else, but in the exercise 〈◇〉 the evangelical counsels, against whom they proclaim open was wherein they do notably simbolize, with the Arrians, Donatists, another famous, or rather infamous, heretics of former ages.  

Circa an. 373. Ruffinus li. 2. c. 3. Socrat. li. 2. ca. 17.  56 For we red in the ecclesiastical histories, that Lucius an Arr●●● bishop, turned saith Ruffinus, the arms of his fury against monasteri● and made war with above three thousand religious men, that were dispers●● throughout the desert, whither he sent tropes of armed men, under coron● and captaines, as though they had benne to fight with some barbarous enemi● and when they came there, they found a new kind of war, for their en●mies did but offer their necks to the sword, and say nothing else, but as Chr●●● said to Iudas. 
Socrat. li. 2. c. 17. An. 370. Hieron. in chroni. An. 38. Optat. li. 2. contra Donat. An. 390. Hieron. contra Vigilant. An. 400. S. Aug. contra Petilian. li. 3. ca. 4. S. Damascen. de haeres. An. 700. Theocteri. in orat. funeb. in S. Nicetā. An. 890. Constitutio Theophi. Imperator.  Amice, ad quid venisti? Friend, to what end art thou com● Thus far Ruffinus, and the same is also testified by Socrates.  
57 Wee red in like manner in S. jerome, that the wicked Arri● Emperour Valens, did so hate all monks, and religious persons, tha● he made a law, that they should either be soldiers, or else be beate● to death with clubs.  
57 The Donatists also, as Optatus Milleuitanus witnesseth, did use to vnueil holly virgins, and nunnes, thereby to undo their former profession. And S. jerome writeth of Vigilantius, that he dissuaded me● from monastical life. And S. Augustin affirmeth, that Petilianus th● heretic( against whom he wrote) did rail upon monks, and in●ueigh bitterly against monasteries, reprehending also, S. Augusti● himself, because he had instituted an order of religion. S. John Damascen, maketh mention of certain heretics, called Lampetiani, who taught that monks might live as they list, both for their diet, apparel, and all other things.  
58 The wicked, and heretical Emperour Constantinus Copronimus, laboured for nothing more, then to extinguish all monastical orders. And the Emperour Theophilus, who was also a Tyrannicall heretic, and a magician, profaned monasteries, and religious houses, and forbade monks to come into towns, or cities, and would not suffer them, to live any where in peace, and rest.  
●● And how well the spirit of Martin Luther, and John Caluin, 
An. 1520. Luther de votis monasticis.  agreeth ●ith all those former heretics, it may appear by their own writ●gs. Luther saith. Cupio eradicata& abolita esse vniuersa monasteria &c. ●ith that all monasteries were rooted out, extinguished and abolished, and ●ould to God that they were destroyed from heaven, with fire, and brime●e, like sodom, and Ghomorrha, so that there might be no memory at all ●ft of them. And Caluin calleth monastical vows, the nets of satan, 
joan. Caluin li. 4. instit. c. 13.  and ●onkes, boodded sophisters,& saith that they haue given themselves wholly to 〈◇〉 devil. So that to imitate the life of our saviour, that is to say, his po●●y, chastity, mortification and abnegation of himself, is in the opinion of ●ese men, to give a mans self wholly to the devil, and deserveth no less, ●n fire, and brimstone from heaven: and therefore wee see also, that ●eir followers do destroy all monasteries, and seek to extirpate, mo●sticall life, wheresoever they command, or haue power to do it.  
●● And although they pretend commonly, that the evil life of re●gious men, is the cause of their hatred towards them, it is evident 〈◇〉 the doctrine of Luther, Caluin, and their followers( which I haue de●ared) that it is the perfection of religious life, which they cannot ●ooke, because it is flat contrary, as well to their loose lives, as to ●●e principles of their doctrine.  
●● And as for the evil life of some religious men, wee mislike, and ●ment it no less, and more then they, 
S. August. de opere monachor. ca. 28.  yea and wee say with S. Au●stin, that as there is none better then the good religious, so there and none worse then the bad, whereof Luther himself, and the other ●postatas his companions, may serve for examples. Wherein also it ●ay be noted for an infallible truth, that the worst and most dissolute ●en of all others in religion, are those that become sectaries, leaving ●●e strait rule of monastical discipline, and religious mortification, ●o the end they may amongst the sectaries, give free scope, and liberty ●o the flesh, without control, 
Chap. 36.  as shall be declared more particularly hereafter.  
●2 nevertheless, it is no reason for the offence of some, to punish or ●estroy all, nor to take away the good use of any thing, because some ●oe abuse it, seeing there is nothing so holly on earth, but it is someti●es misused, neither is there any company, or congregation of men so ●ertuous, but some amongst them, may serve for an example of hu●ane infirmity, as wee see by experience in the very college of the Apostles, and therefore whosoever is so unadvised, and uncharitable, ●s to make more reflection upon the bad, then upon the good it is no marvel though he be scandalised: whereas, if he were so care● to note the virtues of the best, to follow their example, as to obse●● the vices of the worst, to haue matter to carp at, he should not o● be greatly edified, but might also make himself within a while 〈◇〉 example and pattern of virtue.  
63 But such is the merciful providence of almighty God, in the ●uerment of his church, that besides the ordinary endeavour used his pastors, to reform such religions, as decline from their former ●●tegritie, he also inspireth many religious men, to reduce, and rest their own decayed orders, to their primitive perfection, and stir up many others, to begin, and institute new rules, to supply the ●●cay of the old, thereby to continue alwaise in his church, the tr● and perfect imitation of our saviours life, and divine virtues, a● haue sufficiently declared before, and common experience sheweth be true. Therefore I conclude, that seeing Lutherans, Caluinists, and ot● sectaries of our time, are professed enemies of christian perfecti●( consisting in the imitation of Christ by the observation of his cou●sels) they haue neither the perfection, nor truth, of christian religion nor consequently that union with God, from whence proceedeth ● true felicity of man, and common wealth, which also will be yet mo● manifest in the next chapter, wherein I will examine, what external ●gnes they haue of internal union with God.   

Where as it is shewed, that the Roman catholics, haue all the external sig● that may be, of Gods external union with them,( to wit, ecstases, rapts, a● revelations, the spirit of prophesy, visions, and apparitions of our saviour, Angels and Sainctes, and the operation of manifestest miracles:) it is h● examined, what our aduersaries can pretend to haue had, or to haue in t● kind: and it is proved, that they haue had nothing else, but certain counte● fet miracles, which haue miscarried under their hands, illusions of wicked s●●rits, idle and fantastical dreams, horrible visions, and apparitions of ●uils, and feigned revelations. Lastly, their objections against our miracle● are confuted, and they concluded to be wilfully blind. CHAP. 32.  
1 having shewed already in the twenty seventh chapter that almighty God hath approved the use and practise 〈◇〉 religious discipline, and evidently tistified his internal un● on with the professors thereof, by the external, and manifest signs of revelations, visions, apparitions, rapts, and the gifts of ●iracles, in all ages, and times, even until this day, I will now bree●ie examine, what the sectaries can pretend to haue in this kind, to ●ove the perfection of their religion, and their union with God.  
● Therefore, whereas the divine favours aforesaid, are special ef●●cts of the contemplation of God, and of his union with man, I ●y boldly affirm, that the sectaries, our aduersaries, neither are, ●r can be partakers thereof, being utterly voided of the means to ob●ine them at Gods hands, to wit, of true humility, mortification, ●d abnegation of themselves, whereof they haue no practise at all, or so much as any true disposition thereto( as I haue proved in the ●●st chapter:) Besides that, they haue neither use nor knowledge( for ●ght that appeareth in their lives, or in any of their works) of one ●eciall means, whereby our contemplatives arrive to a perfect ●ion with God, I mean mental prayer, and frequent meditations ●f the life, and passion of our saviour, to the end to imitate his de●ne virtues: which exercise doth not only breed in a contemplative ●oule, contrition, humility, and true mortification, but also kindle in such flames of divine love, that it remaineth ingoulfed, and absorbed ●any times, in the abundant delectation thereof, and is thereby dis●osed to receive those heavenly visitations and favours, whereof I ●ave hitherto treated.  
For if we consider the notable effects, that the serious, and fre●uent meditation of our saviours life, and death, must needs work ●any true christian man, it cannot be denied, but that it is a most excellent means to raise, and eleuat him to a most perfect union with God. For first it fortifieth, and feedeth our faith, it nourisheth, and ●ncreaseth our hope, it kindleth, and inflameth our charity, it bree●eth a shane, and hatred of si●ne, it ministereth examples of all ver●ue, it comforteth the soul in affliction, it strenghtneth, and encoura●eth it in infirmity, it sheweth the high way to perfection, it armeth ●t against temptation, and finally it serveth( as I haue said else where) ●or a ladder, to mount immediately to the contemplation of our Sa●iours deuinitie, seeing that the ineffable perfections of his divine nature( as his iustice, wisdom, bounty, liberality, and longanimity) were printed, and represented in his humanity, as in a most lively ●mage, or clear glass, and expressed, no less in his actions, then in his doctrine, throughout the whole course of his life, and death. In which respect he may welbe said to be the book, that the prophet ezechiel saw written within, 
Ezechiel. 2.  and without, which whosoever doth d● gently red and study, and eat it with the prophet( that is to say ●●wardlie receive the substance and doctrine of it, printing in his 〈◇〉 the internal virtues of our saviours humanity) he shall find it t● as sweet as honey, as the prophet did.  
4 Therefore the greatest contemplatives, who haue benne most ●ted with God, and received the greatest favours of him, haue not o● used to meditate continually upon the life and passion of our ●●uiour, but also to prescribe the use, and practise thereof to others wee see by experience in the Apostle, who showing whereon his cotations were most fixed, saith. Absit mihi gloriari &c. God forbid th● should glory in any thing else, 
Gal 6.  but in the cross of our Lord Iesus Christ. A● writing to the Hebrewes, 
Hebrae. 12.  he taught them and us, the continual me●tation thereof, and advised us to accompany him therein, behold●● saith he, Iesus the author and consummator of faith, who though ioy was p●●pos d unto him, sustained, or bore his cross, contemning confusion, or sha●● And addeth further. Recogitate eum &c. think again, and again( or riouslie meditate) on him, who suffered such contradiction against himself the hands of sinners. Thus far the Apostle, teaching notably and ●●presselie as you see, the frequent, or rather continual meditation of o● saviours life, 
1. Pet. 4.  and passion. And S. Peter in like maner. Christo, saith 〈◇〉 passo in carne,& vos eadem cogitatione, armamini. Christ having suffered in 〈◇〉 flesh, be ye also armed with the same cogitation, that is to say, arm your s●●ues with the continual cogitation, or meditation of Christs passion And therefore S. Ephraem a very ancient, 
S. Ephraem. tract. de natu. Dei curiose nó scrutanda. To. 3.  and holly Father( of whom haue sometimes spoken before) counseleth every man diligently 〈◇〉 ponder, and weigh every action of our saviour, to accompany him 〈◇〉 cogitation, throughout the course of his life, to behold with the ey● of faith, the beauty& comeliness of his holly face, to follow him fro● place to place, to see and note his miraculous works, to contempla●● all the persecutions, and contumelies that he suffered, to admire his h●militie, and patience, to attend upon him to his passion, and to ass●●● him upon the cross, like a faithful seruant to adore, and glorify hi● for his infinite bounty, and finally this holly Father, having mentione● more particulars of his life, death burial, and resurrection, saith in conclusion. 
Ibid.  Consider all these things prudently, perfectly, and faithfully, for exce●● thou behold them all, with the eyes of thy faith, thou canst not be elevated i● spirit from earth to heaven.  
5 Thus teacheth he, who speaking also else where particularly o● his passion, saith. Venite cuncti Ecclesiae filii &c. Come all the children of the ●●rch, and let us meditate upon all the passions and sufferings of our Lord with ●●res and sobs, and in our meditation let us tremble &c. Distillent tibi frater la●imae &c. Let tears dear brother, distil from thee by the meditation of our ●●ds passion, for such tears are sweet, as flow from thence, 
S. Ephrem. de passione Do. to. 3.  and the soul which ●h continually ruminate upon the same, is illuminated from above, and there●●●e let thy cogitation be always fixed thereon. Thus saith he.  
S. Bernard also axpounding these words of the Canticles. Fasciculus ●●rrhae dilectus meus mihi &c. My beloved is to me as a posy of myrrh, and shal ●●maine betwixt my paps, applieth the same notably to the considerati●n of our saviours bitter passion, signified by the bitterness of the myrrh, ●hereof he adviseth every man to make a nosegay or posy, to stick it 〈◇〉 his breast, and there to wear it continually, 
D. Ber. supper. cant. ser. 43.  retaining always in me●●rie all those bitter things which he suffered for us, and pondering them with ●●●tinuall meditation.  
Thus saith S. Bernard, and then declaring his own practise thereof, 
Ibid.  goody affirmeth, that from the time of his first conversion, he had ever an special care to carry in his breast, this posy gathered of all the pains, ●nd sorrows of our saviour, and after a particular declaration thereof which for brevities sake I omit) he concludeth thus. Haec meditare &c. ●hould it for true wisdom to meditate upon these things, and in them haue I placed the perfection of my iustice, or righteousness, the plenitude of knowledge, and riches of salvation, and the copy and plenty of al merit, out of these I draw ●●metimes the houlsome d●inke of sorrow, and some times again, the sweet oynte●ent of consolation, these do erect and comfort me in adversity, these do repress ●nd moderate me in prosperity, and lead me safely as it were, in the kings high ●ay, betwixt the weal and woe of this present life, these do reconcile unto me, the ●udge of the wo●ld, w●iles they represent him unto me, not only meek, humble,& ●lacable, but also imitable, or to be followed( though he be dreadful to all power,& ●rincipalitie, and terrible to the kings of the earth) and therefore I haue had these ●ft in my mouth, always in my hart, and familiar in my style, finally this is my ●ighest philosophy to know Iesus, and him crucified.  
8 These are the words of this holy Father, showing sufficiently his con●inual practise of the meditation of our saviours passion, whereby he arrived to the hight of comtemplation. And the like may be said of S. Fran●is, who in reward of his profound, 
S. Bonauenturaan vita S. Francisci. num. 29. Chap. 27. Gal. 6. & affectionate meditations of our Sa●iours passion, had the similitude of his most glorious wounds miraculously printed in his hands, feet and side, as I haue signified elsewhere, so so that he might justly say with the Apostle. Stigmata Domini mei Iesu Christi, in corpore meo porto. I bear the marks, or prints of my saviour Iesus in my body. 
Blosius. monile spirit. ca. 2. Bozius de sug. eccl. to. 1. sig. 37. ca. 12.  And we red also the like of S. Katerin of Siena, and of S. Elizab●●● of Spalbec, and of a holy woman called Lucia of Narni, in the tim● pope Alexander the sixth, whereby it hath pleased God to show, h● grateful unto him is the meditation of his passion, and how willin●lie he uniteth himself with those, that daily, and duly frequent ● exercise thereof.  
9 But now let us consider, what use or practise our aduersaries ha● or can haue, of this special point of contemplative discipline, and hi● way to perfection. And first to speak of their apostles( to wit Luth●● Caluin, Beza, and other their evangelical progenitors) it is evident, th● in all their writings, and works, there appeareth not so much as o● word of any method, manner, or rules of meditation, either of o● saviours life, or of his passion and death, and much less of the ex●●cise of contemplation: whereas the books of our catholics, concerning meditations of all sorts, and perticularlie of the life, and pas●●on of Christ, 
Cap. 21. in fine.  are so many, not only in latin, but also in the vulg●● tongue of every catholic country, that( as I signified before touc●ing books of the practise of contemplation) no one man can pr●sume to haue heard of them all, and much less to haue seen them a● whereby it appeareth, that the practise of such meditations, and co●templation, is familiar and usual amongst catholics, and vnknowe● or at least not used, amongst Lutherans and Caluinists.  
10 Furthermore, it may easielie bee judged, by the loose lives of thei● said masters, and teachers( whereof I haue spoken amply before) tha● they never used( and much less delivered to their disciples) any suc● notable means, and way to mortification, as is the due, and seriou● meditation of our saviours passion. For if they had duly practised th● same, they could not possibly haue benne so carnal, and sensual as the● were, 
1. Cor. 2.  no more then it is possible for a carnal, and sensual man to vnderstan● and taste those things which belong to the spirit of God. For the continual us● of pious meditations, 
2. Cor. 6.  and the gracc of contemplation, can no mor● stand with carnality and licentiousness, then ligh, with darkness, or Chri●● with Belial, the own being the fruit, and gift of the holy Ghost, and the other the works of the flesh and the devil.  
11 Therefore S. Bernard speaking of the love, which our saviour shewed towards us in his passion, 
S. Bernar. tract. de diligendo. Deo.  saith that the continual consideration thereof: stayeth and sustaineth the soul of man, ne inclinetur in carnalia,& secularia desideria, that it bee not inclined, and swayed to carnal, and secular d●sires.  
12 But what need I stand upon conjectures in this matter, seeing wee haue a very authentical testimony of Luther himself, concerning ●is own meditations, whereby we may also take a skantling of the, ●umour of his disciples and followers, who persisting in his doctrine, ●●nnot bee thought to haue any other, and especially a better spirit, 
Luther. in colloq. latinis, c. de christianis fo. 1.  ●●en their master. He then saith of himself thus. Ego Martinus Lutherus, ●ir ullam consolationem ex morte,& resurrectione Christicapere possum, ex bonis ●rem a deo acceptis, vt edere panem,& bibere ceruisiam, optimè possum. I Martin ●uther, can hardly receive any consolation of the death and resurrection of Christ, 〈◇〉 I can take very great pleasure in the goods, that I haue received of God, as in ●●ving bread, and drinking bear.  
●● Thus saith this spiritual doctor, discovering notably his spirit, in ●o much that if a horse, or a mule, or a black jack, or a barrel of bear ●ould speak, they would show as much good spirit as he: whereto if I ●dd, what he saith he learned of his hostess in Isenack, and knew also by ●ds own experience to bee true( as I haue noted before) to wit that, 
Chap. 30. nu 22. Annotatio. Lutheri. in ca. 31. provver. Luther. to. 5. comment. in 1. Cor. 7. fo. 100.& 107.  ●●thinge is more lovely and sweet upon earth, then the love of a woman, and ●urther what he writeth of the delights of matrimony, as that it is most ●orthie to be called a spiritual, heavenly, and a divine state, and that it moveth, ●rgeth, and inclineth men to the highest, and most spiritual work, if wee add I ●ay, these things to his bread, and his bear, which was no doubt doo●le, and not single, wee may easily perceive, whereon he used most to meditate, and wee shal marvel nothing at al, that he could receive ●o comfort of the meditation of Christs death, and resurrection, see●ng that as S. Bernard saith. Quomodo ignis& aqua &c. As fire and water cannot bee together, so carnal and spiritual delights, cannot bee coupled in one soul.  
14 Whereby wee may also judge, what communication Luther, and such others could haue with the spirit of Christ, especially seeing that S. Bernard also saith, that ubi Christus suae, aut passionnis gratiam, 
S. Bernar. tract. de diligendo. Deo.  aut resurrectionis gloriam sedula inspicit cogitatione versari, ibi profecto adest libens, that is to say, Christ doth diligently and willingly assist in a soul, which doth diligently meditate upon the grace of his passion, or the glory of his resurrection. So that I leave it to the iudgment of the prudent Reader, whether it was likely that the spirit of Christ assisted in the soul of Luther, so possessed with the drunken delight of double bear and carnal pleasures, that the meditation of his passion and resurrection, could( as he saith) skantlie give him any consolation.  
15 And therefore I conclude concerning him, that it is not possible that he could haue any heavenly visions, or divine favours, though well he might be sometimes alienated from his sences, when the doo● bear was good, and strong. yea, and be otherwaise also ravished spirit( or rather by a spirit) when he was other whiles oppressed with t●● wicked spirit that possessed him: 
Surius in comment. An. 1483.  as it fell out once before he left his m●nastery, where being at mass, and the gospel being red of casting o● the dumb devil, he fell down upon the ground, crying out. Non s●● non sum. I am not, I am not. And what passed afterwards betwixt hi● and his devil, I shall haue further occasion to declare hereafter.  
16 And in the mean time( to ad somewhat more concerning all oth●● sectaries, originally derived from him) it is manifest, that although th● treat, and speak much of the merits, and passion of Christ, and seen highly to esteem the same, yet they make no such use thereof for co●templation, as may produce in them those admirable,& divine effec● whereof I treat here. And this, I say, is manifest, for that their op●nion, and doctrine concerning the passion of Christ, is such, that it do● wholly exclude true mortification, and the perfect imitation of Chri●● which is the special effect, that the due meditation of his passion, oug●● to work in a contemplative man, as the Apostle signified plainel● when having said( as I noted before) absit mihi gloriari &c. God forbid th● I should glory in anything, but in the cross of Christ, he added( to show th● true and proper effect that should follow thereof) per quem mihi mu● dus crucifixus est,& ego mundo. By whom the world is crucified, or dead to m and I to the world.  

1 Pet. 4.  17 And S. Peter, having counseled us to arm ourselves, with the meditation of Christs passion,( as I haue also declared before) addeth immediately( to show the end, and effect thereof.) Quia qui passus est in carn● desiit a peccatis. For he which hath suffered in his flesh, hath ceased from sin: a who would say, arm yourselves with the cogitation, or meditation o● Christs suffering, to the end, that you may also suffer, and be crucifie● with him, by the mortification, or chastisement of the flesh, for he which suffereth in his flesh) that is to say, whose flesh, or sensuality is mortified by suffering) ceaseth from sin. 
S lo sermo. de jeiunio decimi mensis.  To which purpose S. lo saith. Per voluntarias afflictiones, caro concupiscentiis moritur &c. By voluntary afflictions, the flesh death to concupiscence,& the spirit or soul, is renewed with virtues. Thus he.  
18 lo then to what end, we ought to meditate upon the passion of Christ, to wit, to suffer voluntary in our flesh by the example of Christ, that is to say, to chastise our bodies, thereby to mortify our passions,& affections, 
Ephraem. serm. de pas●one Domi●● propè finem.  to the end we may cease from sin, To which doctrine, holly Ephraem the ancient, and great contemplative, saith thus. Beatus homo &c. happy is the man, that hath always before his eyes, our heavenly Lord, and his passions, crucifying himself to the world, withall his concucupiscences, and other earthly ●●ings, whereby he becometh the imitator, or follower of his Lord: and this is ●●ue prudence. This is the care, and affection of a good seruant to his master, to ●●deuour always, to imitat, and follow him in his good works. Thus saith he, ●iuing to understand that we ought to meditate upon our saviours ●assion, to the end we may imitate, and follow him as our Lord, and ●aster, drawing from him documents, and examples, of humility, obedience, poverty, patience, contempt of the world, mortification, and ●bnegation of ourselves, that suffering with him, as S. paul saith, 
1. corinth. 4.  we may ●igne with him. And therefore the same blessed Apostle being, as he himself testifieth, imitator Christi, a follower of Christ, did chastise his ●wne body, as he witnesseth, and bring it to servitude, and all the hol●y seruants of God, and great contemplatives, of whom I haue spo●en before, in like sort, followed the same example of our saviour, ●uffring with him( as S. Peter advised) in their flesh by voluntatie, and ●odily penance, by fasting, watching, long prayer, hair cloth, disci●lins, and such like, thereby to crucify, and mortify their flesh, withall ●he concucupiscences thereof, and hereto specially tended all their medi●ations, of the passion of Christ, whereby they obtained so great fa●ours of God, as I haue declared before.  
19 But do our aduersaries trow you, aim at any such mark? Do they ●uer so much as think of our saviours life, and passion, to the end to ●hastise their bodies, and to suffer in their flesh? No truly, for their meditation thereof can be no other, according to their own doctrine, but to persuade themselves, that he so suffered, and satisfied for them, that their sufferings, chastisements, and mortifications of their bodies, ●hould be superfluous, and vain, in so much that they assure themselves of their salvation, if they do but only apply his merits to themselves, by a liuelie, or a saving faith, as they call it, or rather to say truly, by a vain presumption, or a reckless, and false security, whereby the wickedest man amongst them holdeth himself, as sure to be saved( yea, and to be as great a Saint) with all his wickedness, as S. John Baptist, S. paul, or S. Mary Magdalen, withall their penance and mortification. Wherein, what fruit they draw for the imitation of Christ, out of the consideration of his passion, it may easily be judged, and I will make it most evident hereafter, when I shall treat of their iustifiing faith, in which respect, I haue thought good only to touch the same thus briefly in this place, and therefore will conclude, that seeing our aduersaries haue no use at all of the means, whereby all the great contemplatives of Gods church, haue arrived to a perfect union with him( I meant the serious, and ●uout meditation upon the life, and passion of Christ, with true m●tification of the flesh, by penance, and carriage of the cross:) it ca●not be expected, that they should haue the effects thereof, to wit, ●stases, or rapts, divine revelations, the gift of miracles, and other ce●●stiall favours.  
20 And yet this will be more evident, if we consider the same mo●● particulerlie, as what our aduersaries may challenge to themselves every one of these kinds. And first for rapts, I shall not need to trouble my reader, to examine whether they haue had any or no, seeing, th● none of them ever so much as pretended to haue any, for ought tha● haue red, or heard, so that I may proceed, to treat of the other e●fects of our christian contemplation.  
21 Therefore( to say some what touching their miracles, revelation and visions) it is to be understood, that though in conclusion, they a●faine for want of such, to deny the continuance of them in the chur●● of God until this time, yet it is sufficiently known, that some 〈◇〉 their principal pastors, and doctors, haue sometimes attempted 〈◇〉 do things, which might seem miraculous, and haue pretended 〈◇〉 haue revelations, and visions, for the confirmation of their doctri● whereby it is evident enough, that they knew in their own conscie●ces, that the power of doing miracles, remaineth still in the church o● God, though they had not the grace, or the good hap to do any. 〈◇〉 will therefore first, lay down some what concerning their miracles visions, and revelations, and after examine what they can say against ours.  

Freder. Staphil. in absoluta resp. one.  22 Fredericus Staphilus, who was sometime one of Luthers disciples writeth, that Luther attempted once, to cast a devil, out of a woman brought unto him from Misnia for that purpose, and that as he exercised her, in the reuestry of the church( after his own fashion( saith he and not after the manner of the catholic church) he took such fright, 
Surius. an. 1546.  that he sought means to run out of the door, and finding it shut so fast by the devil( as it seemed) that it could not be opened either within, or without, he cried out for help, and at length som● of his friends abroad, cast in a hatchet at the window, wherewith Fredericus Staphilus( being then present with him, as he writeth and the youngest, and strongest in the company) hewed down the door, but i● was pitiful to see, in what case the poor man was all the while, who( as the same author testifieth) was noe less distempered in his belly, then in his mind, and went wringing, and wrigling up, and down like a yew, saith he, that is great with lamb, and ready to yeane.  
●● Also Cochlaeus witnesseth of him, 
Coc●lae. in act●s I●●●●●i. Surius ubi supra.  that he went about once to re●e one William Nesen, who was drowned in the river Albis, and ●at he lost both his labour,& his credit therein. nevertheless though 〈◇〉 could himself do no miracles whiles he lived, yet it pleased God show a miraculous, or at least a strange event upon his body, after ●s death. For whereas he died in the midst of winter, 
An. 1546. Historiola de morte Lutheri ann●●. libro coch●●i de vita et. ●.  to wit the ●●uenteenth of february, and in a very could climat, where dead bo●●es do not so soon putrifie, as in hotter regions, yea, and that his ●ody was also enclosed and shut up very close in tin, it cast forth not ●ith standing such a horrible stink, that no man was able to endure 〈◇〉, in so much that those who assisted the convoy thereof, from Islebium ●here he died, to the university of wittenberg, were forced to depart and ●●aue it by the way. By occasion whereof I cannot forbear to put thee ● mind( good reader) of what I declared before in the 27. chapter, of ●●e bodies of the blessed 
Num. 37.  F. xaverius in the East indy, and 
Num. 41.  mother ●●resa in spain, whose lives, and deaths, are yet fresh in memory, and ●heir bodies known to haue remained uncorrupt, some yeares after ●heir decease, breathing forth most sweet,& fragrant odours, as they ●●ill do for ought is yet known to the contrary, which I say, I wish ●hould be noted with the difference of the events, to the end we may ●he better distinguish betwixt the different merits of the holly, chast, ●nd religious life of the two latter, and the apostasy of the former ●rom religion, and from his vow of chastity. And thus much concer●ing Luther.  
●4 As for Caluin, it is testified by jerome Bolsec, Surius, and diuers grace authors, that to get credit, and reputation to himself, and his ●hospell, he procured a poor man in Geneua called Brule, with the consent of his wife, to fain himself dead, to the end, that Caluin might seem to raise him to life, but when the matter came to execution, and Caluin in presence of the people, after solemme prayer, called often upon him to rise, he was found to be stark dead, where with his wife was so afflicted, that shee cried out upon Caluin, and detected all the cozenage: nevertheless he procured to stop her mouth with rewards, and in his next sermon to the people, 
Surius an. 1538. Linda in Dubitantio. Felician. Ninguard. li. cotra Ann●m Burg.  laid the fault one their want of faith, that he could not raise the dead man. The like is also related by Lindanus and others, of a minister in the confines of Polonia, and Hungary, who made the like covenant with one called Mat●h●w to fain himself dead, in the year of our Lord, a thousand five hundreth, fifty eight,& so it fell out, that he was found dead in dede, when it was expected he should arise, 
Alan. cop. 6. Dialog. B●l●ar li. 4. cap. 14. de notis eccles. Tertullian. in lib de prescript.  at the call, and commandment the minister: so that we may truly say of these men, as Tertullian s● of certain heretics in his time, who couterfeited in like maner 〈◇〉 miracles of the Apostles. Illi, saith he, de mortuis suscitabant, isti de v● mortuos faciunt. The Apostles raised dead men to life, and these men make 〈◇〉 men dead.  
25 And if it be true, which I haue credibly heard, there haue pas● in England, some such cozening devises amongst our ministers to gr●●● their gospel, with some show of miracles, though not of reuiui●● dead men, yet in seeming to expel devils out of some, whom th● procured to fain themselves to be possessed, but because I will affirm 〈◇〉 more of such matters, but what I know myself to be true, or fi● written, and testified by grave authors, I leave it to my reader, to info●me himself of the truth of what was discouer●d in London, some Eig●● or nine yeares ago, to haue benne practised in that kind by certain puritan ministers, whereof( I haue credibly heard) there was a relatio● printed with public approbation, and some also imprisoned for t●● same. And the like opinion of cozenage, and deceit, was also conce●ued many yeares before, concerning exorcisms used by M. fox, upon a woman in Lothbury in London, who was thought to be possessed with wicked spirit, which I also leave to the enquiry of the reader, and wi●● only vpon this occasion, declare what I know myself to be true concerning him, and his talent in casting out devils.  
26 Yt fell out, whiles I once lay in London, that a gentleman of th● middle temple was possessed with a devil, or at least was presumed s● to be, and M. fox was brought by his friends to cure him,& after some dayes, and many written relations( which went about London of th● conferences betwixt M. fox and Satan) it was credibly reported, tha● the Gentleman was fully delivered, and M. Fox was generally held fo● a very holy,& apostolical man. But within a few dayes after, it bein● my chance to pass by the Gentlemans lodging, I met a protestant o● his acquaintance& mine coming from him, who told me that h● was worse troubled then ever he had benne before. I asked him wh● they did not sand again for M. Fox, and he answered, that they had sen● for him,& that he could not come, because he was troubled himself meaning with the devil. The next day, being in the company of som● honourable personages, who were persuaded that th● gentleman was dispossessed, I told them what I understood thereof the day before,& namely that M. Fox was also himself so troubled with the devil, that it might be well said unto him. Medice cura te ipsum. physician heal thyself. Where with a principal man in the company, a great friend, and disci●●e of master Fox, was much offended, saying that it was but some false ●●mour given out by the Papists. And when I affirmed, that he was a ●ealous protestant who told it to me, he replied, that no man knew ●. Fox better then he, and that the truth was, that the goodman would ●●me times so deeply consider of his sins, that he would despair ●f the mercy of God, whereat diuers in the company laughed in ●●eir sleeves, and all that I replied was, that it seemed thereby, that ●. Fox had little grace, and thus ended our conference. But herebie it ●ay appear, what an exorcist M. fox was, who needed to be exor●●sed himself, and had so little faith, and confidence in Gods mercy, ●●at he some times despaired thereof, which I think was never red, ●or heard of in any man, that had the grace of casting out devils, or ●f doing miracles, except in Iudas, who nevertheless used not to dis●aire whiles he had the gift of miracles, though M. fox was thought ●o haue a special gift to do both. Thus much for their miracles.  
●7 And now to come to their revelations, and visions, thou mayst ●●member, good Reader, how many examples I haue laid down be●ore of the great favours of almighty God, donne to religious persons ●f both sexes, by the spirit of prophesy, diuers sorts of revelations, ●nd apparitions of our saviour himself, of his mother, of his Angels, 〈◇〉 saints: whereas all that the Lutherans, Caluinists,& other sectaries can ●retend to haue had in that kind, are no other but familiarity, and con●●rences with devils, idle dreams, manifest illusions, or feigned lies.  
●8 Luther is not ashamed himself, to lay down large disputations, 
Luther. de Missa angulari& consecratione Sacerdotum. To. 6. Ger. Ienensi. fo. 28.& To. 7. Witemberg fo. 443. Surius Comment. an. 1517.  which he had with the devil, about the mass, and to confess, that and was in the end overcome by him, and forced to change his opi●ion. And further, to signify the great familiarity, and friendship, ●hat had benne betwixt them many yeares, he saith that they had ea●●n a bushel of salt together: so that it needeth not to be doubted, but and was not only obsest, but also really possessed by him, as appeareth by that which I recounted before, of his falling down, when the gospel of the expulsion of the dumb devill was red. And therefore how sound, and wholesome doctrine for christians his may be, which ●●e professeth to haue learned of the Father of lies, and capital enemy of mankind, every man that tendereth his own salvation, hath reason well to consider.  
●9 And the like good ground also had Vldericus Zuinglius( as it seemeth) ●o reject the mass, who writeth himself, that he was admonished in a dream to do it, but saith, that he cannot tel whether he that persuaded him thereto, was black, or white. And as well might he haue said, or ●●ther much better, that he knew not whether he was a good spirit, 〈◇〉 a bad, or else whether it was not some vain fancy, or frivolous drea● of his idle brain.  
30 And no less idle was a revelation which M. fox pretendeth 〈◇〉 haue had concerning the exposition, and computation of the two, a●● forty moneths, mentioned in the apocalypse, whereof he glorieth no● little, as having found out a notable secret. I will give it thee go● Reader, in his own words, to the end thou mayst the better discer● his foolery, which was notably discovered by the worthy and learn● autour of the Warneword, 
F. Ro. Pars. li. of the 3. conuer. p. 2. c. 8.  in his second part of his excellent treati●● of the three conversions of England, where he setteth down at large m●ster fox his words, which are these that follow.  
31 Because the matter, saith he, being of no small importance, greatly appartaineth unto the public utility of the church, and least a●● should misdoubt me herein to follow any private interpretation of 〈◇〉 own, I thought good to communicate to the Reader, that whic● hath benne imparted to me, in the opening of these mystical number● in the foresaid book of revelation contained, by occasion as foll●weth &c.  
32 As I was in hand with these histories &c. Being vexed,& turmo●led in spirit about the reckoning of these numbers,& yeares, it so happened upon a sunday in the morning, lying in my bed,& musing abo●● these numbers, that suddenly it was answered to my mind, as with majesty thus, in wardlie saying within me. Thou fool, count these monet● by sabbaths, as the weekes of Daniel, are counted by sabbaths. The Lord I take t● witness, thus it was, where upon being thus admonished, I began t● reckon the forty two moneths by sabbaths, first of months, and tha● would not serve, and then by sabaoths of yeares, and then I begann● to feel some probable understanding, yet not satisfied therewith, eft●sones I repaired to certain merchants of my acquaintance, of whom one is departed, a true, and faithful seruant of the Lord, the other tw● yet live, and are witnesses hereof, to whom the number of these foresaid moneths being propounded, and examined by sabbaths of yeares the whole somme was found to surmount to two hundreth Ninety four● yeares, containing the full, and just time of the foresaid persecutions neither more nor less &c.  
33 Thus far M. fox, wherein thou art to understand, good Reader▪ that all his drift is to prove, that the devil having benne tied up 〈◇〉 thousand yeares( as is mentioned in the apocalypse) was loosed at th● same time, that pope Bonifacius the Eight be ganne to reign, which was in the year of our lord, as he saith a thousand two hundreth, ninety ●are, at what time he imagineth, that Antichrist began, because Po●e Bonifacius made the sixth book of the decretals, and confirmed the ●rders of Friars, giving them great privileges. And to the end this is devise may haue the more probability, he seeketh to apply the ●uerplus of a thousand yeares, from Christs time until Pope Bonifa●●us( which were two hundreth ninety four yeares) to the two and ●orty months mentioned in the apocalypse, and to that purpose, in●enteth his fond revelation, counting the said moneths by sabbaths of ●earess, allowing seven yeares to every month, by which account, and, and his merchants, found the number of two hundreth Ninety four ●earess, which saith he, was the full, and just time of their persecution, nei●●er more, nor less.  
●4 But this is evidently false, for the year of our Lord two hun●reth Ninety four, 
Baron. an. 294.  fell upon the eleventh year of the Emperour Dio●lesian, who reigned twenty yeares, and besides his former persecu●ions, raised one of the greatest, that ever was in the Nineteenth year ●f his reign, which was the year of our Lord, three hundreth and ●woo, that is to say, Eight yeares after the time, that the persecution ●hould haue ceased, according to M. Foxes dream: And after Diocle●●an, and Maximian who reigned with him, succeeded Galerius, and Con●●antius, under whom also the persecution continued some yeares, with great violence in the East partes. And after them again, the church was persecuted under Maximinus, and Maxentius, until Constantin the great overthrew Maxentius, and received the christian faith which was( as Eusebius reckoneth) in the year of our Lord three hundreth eighteen, though Cardinal Baronius assigneth it to the year three hun●reth and twelve, neither did it then cease generally, but was con●inued in the east parts under Licinius, for Eight, or Nine yeares after.  
●5 So that though wee make the most favourable reckoninge that may be, to justify M. Foxes revelation, his count of moneths by sabbaths of yeares, falleth at least eighteen yeares, short of the time that Constantine received the faith, and ceased the persecution only in the west partes, which were then subject unto him, whereas it also continued longer( as I haue said) under Licinius in the East. whereby his revelation ap●eareth to haue proceeded, either from a false, or lying spirit, or from his own fantastical brain, intoxicat with heresy yoined with ignorance, of the true chronology of ●●mess, wherein no man can suppose that the holly Ghost( if it had b● his revelation) could haue erred one minute of an hour, and doth M. Eoxe desire it should be also understood of his computati●● which he saith contained, the full, and just time of the persecution, neit●●● more nor less.  
36 But what should I say of this vanity in his preposterous app●●cation of the two, and forty moneths mentioned in the Apocalip●● to the first two hundreth ninety four yeares of persecution af●●● Christ, which as the author of the warneword signifieth, all 〈◇〉 Ancient Fathers understand to make the three yeares and a ha●● wherein Antichrist shall reign, and persecute the church in the e● of the world, before the general iudgement, which also other p●●ces of the holly scriptures, as well in the apocalypse, as in Dan●●● do confirm, seeing the time of Antichrists reign, is reckon in the apocalypse, as well by a thousand two hundreth sixty dayes, as Forty two moneths, 
Apoc. 11.  both which accounts make just three yeares, a●● a half, signified in like manner both in Daniel, and also in an oth●● place of the apocalypse, 
Dan. 11. Apoc. 12.  by tempus, tempora,& dimidium temporis, time, times, and half a time. And therefore I conclude concerni●● M. fox, with the author of the warnewoords censure upon this ●●uelation, who saith, no less pleasantly, then truly, that he find nothing so true, or credible therein, as those words of the spirit 〈◇〉 M. fox, thou fool, for that he is thereby sentenced to be a fool 〈◇〉 revelation, that is to say, a notable, and authentical fool, and f●● such a one he hath registered himself. And thus much for their reu●lations.  
37 I will only add hereto a famous vision, or apparition, whic● Andreas Carolostadius( one of Luthers first disciples) had in Basile●● This Carolstadius, being Archdeacon of wittenberg, and having e●braced Luthers doctrine, was driven thence by him after a while, upon private quarrels betwixt them( worthy to be understood, if I ha●● time to relate them) and was so persecuted by him, that he was fo●ced to flee to the Sacramentaries in Basilea, who received him wi●lingly because he was an enemy of Luther, though in the matter o● the sacrament he dissented from them. And one day as he was preaching, there came a huge tall man into the church, and stood ha●● by one of the magistrates, though he was seen of none but of C●rolostadius himself, and departing thence after a while, he went t● Carolostadius his house, where he found his son, 
Epist. Basileensium de morte Carolostadij. vide Alanum Copum dialogo 6. c. 32.  whom he took up ●s though he would haue cast him against the ground, but in the end ●●e set him down again, and bad him tell his Father, that he within three dayes would come for him Carolostadius after his sermon was en●ed, and before he came home to his own house, asked the magistra●e( near to whom he saw the huge great man) who he was that ●tood by him at the sermon, describing him unto him, but he  told him, that he saw none such, and understanding when he came ho●e, what had passed there, he took such a fright, that he fell sick, ●nd died within three dayes, 
Stanisla. Reschius in Euangelic. sectar. centur. parag. Carolstadiani.  as the divell( for so he was) had fore●ould. And thus it pleased God to show his iudgement notoriously ●n this manner, rather upon him, as it may be presumed, then upon diuers others of his companions, for that he was the first priest of all the sectaries, that presumed to mary: which he did publicly in ●he church of Wittenberg, with great solemnity.  
●8 This shall suffice concerning the rapts, miracles, revelations, and ●●visions of Lutherans and Caluinists, for other then these, and such of like quality, I haue not red, nor heard of, neither do they challenge any other to themselves: so that it is most clear, that they ha●e not those external signs of Gods union, which it hath pleased him to show in his seruants, in all ages, and times, but rather the clean contrary, to wit, familiarity with wicked spirits, idle dreams, and other manifest illusions, or else foolish fictions of their own, discovering both their vanity, and their impiety.  
39 Yt resteth now to examine, what exceptions they take against our miracles, and what reason they haue to do it. First they say commonly, that miracles are ceased in the church of God, and that they were necessary only for the conversion of Infidels, and to prove it, they show, that some kind of miracles, which were ordinary in the time of the Apostles, ceased many hundreth yeares a go, as namely the gift of tongues, and some other whereof we red in the acts of the Apostles. Whereto I answer. First that if it be true, that miracles are utterly ceased in the church, why haue their own chief doctors, attempted diuers times to do miracles, as to raise dead men, and to expel divels? Is it not manifest thereby, that they themselves believed, theat the power of doing miracles doth still continue in the church? Secondlie I say, that it little importeth, that some of the miracles which were done in the Apostles time, are either now ceased or else are not so ordinary, as then they were, for no man holdeth that a miracle once donne, must be always donne: besides that, it was nec●●sarie then for the conversion of Infidels, that miracles should 〈◇〉 more frequent, then now at this time amongst the faithful, thou●● nevertheless it is now also convenient, for the glory of God, a● confirmation of the weak in faith, yea, and for the conversion, 〈◇〉 confusion of heretics, and secret Atheists amongst christians, th● there be some times notorious miracles in the church of God: whi●● also may be confirmed by the experience of Gods providence in th● b●halfe, whereby miracles haue benne donne in all ages, and christian countries, ever since our saviours time, as I haue shewed a●readie, as well in the 
Chap. 15. per totum.  first part of this treatise, by examples of miraculous victories, as also in the 
Chap. 27. per totum.  twenty seventh chapter of this second part, where amongst other external signs, of Gods interna● union with religious men, I haue exemplified the same by their operation of miracles in every age, even until these our dayes, an● the like may be seen in cardinal Bellarmin, Baronius, and diuer● others.  
40 Yea but say they, those miracles were either feigned, or wrough● by the means of the divell, as the Magicians of pharaoh, and diuers other amongst the Gentills, did many things which seeme● very miraculous to delude the people, and Antichrist also shall do● the like.  
41 To this I say first, that the sectaries of our times, ascribing ou● miracles to the deceits of the divell, imitate therein the Scribes, Pharisees, 
Matth. 12. D. Ambros. i● ser. 55 de Ger.& Pro. Hieron. contra Vigilan. Victor li. 2. de whereout. Vanda●l.  balsams, and old heretics: for the Scribes, and Pharisees said, that Christ did cast out devils in the power of beelzeebub, the balsams attributed the miracles donne by the Martyres, to Negromancie. And the Arrians, Eunomians, and Vigilantians, said the like of the catholics, as testify S. Ambroise, S. jerome, and Victor in his history.  
42 Secondly I say, that it were no less then mere madness to imagine, that the miracles testified by most grave historiographers, and most learned, and holly Fathers, haue been all feigned, for so should wee derogate from all human credit, which whosoever should do, he were not worthy to live amongst men. For can any thing that relieth upon the credit of men be counted true, if those things shalbe esteemed false which the Saints of God( who haue benne the lights of the church in their ages) haue written, and reported upon their own sight, and knowledge?  
43 And to omit many others, what shal wee say of S. Augustin, who ●●rtlie for the confusion of the Painimes in his time, and partly for and instruction of weak christians, recounteth very particularly, a ●●eate number of evident miracles, wrought at Millan, Carthage, Hippo, 
S. Aug. de civitat. dei. li. 22. ca. 8.  ●●d other places adjoining, which he either saw himself, or certainly new to be true: a● the recovery of a blind mans sight, at the body of 〈◇〉 Geruas and Protase in Millan, whiles he was there, which holy bodies, ●aving benne long unknown, were discovered as he saith, to S. Am●●ose by divine revelation. 
Idem. li. 9. confess. ca. 7. S. Ambros. li. 7. Epistolarum. epist 2. S. Aug. de civit. Dei li. 22. c. 8.  And S. Ambrose himself also maketh men●●on, not only of that miracle donne upon the blind man, but also ●f diuers others, wrought by the merits of those two holly Mar●●res.  
●4 But to return to S. Augustin, he saith, that this miracle was donne ●hiles the emperour was at Milan. Immenso populo teste,& concurrente ad ●epora Martirum. A number of people being witness thereof, and flocking to the martyrs! And shal wee say, that S. Augustin feigned this, or the rest that and relateth of sundry diseases( and amongst them some most strange, 
8. Ideus ibid.  ●nd incurable by physic) miraculously cured, diuers dead men, women and children revived, and possessed persons delivered, partly by ●olie men, and partly at the memories, and monuments of Saints, and particularly of S. Stephen the Proto Martyr, of which miracles some were most admirable, and donne in S. Augustins own presence, in so much, ●hat he saith, he caused them to be published in little books, or pamphlets, for the glory of God. And such were the numbers of miracles donne at the same time, only at Hippo, where he was bishop, that within two yeares space, they arrived almost to the number of twenty, registered in books( though many were not written, whereof he saith, he was most assured)& in some other cities not far from thence, he saith the number incomparablie exceeded the other, and in conclusion having recounted very particularly, a most miraculous cure, done at the memory of S. Stephen upon a man and a woman( brother and sister, who through their mothers malediction, were strooken by almighty God, with a most strange and terrible trembling of al their bodies, he sheweth the excessive ioy of the people, saying thus. They exulted and rejoiced to the praise of God without words, 
Ibid.  with such a confused sound and cry, that our ears could scarce endure it, and what else was in their hartes, but the faith of Christ, for the which the blood of Stephen was  shed.  
45 Thus saith S. Augustin, signifying not only the multitude of evident miracles wrought in his time, but also the notable effect thereof, in the confirmation of the Christian faith, to the great glory of God, honour of his Saints, and comfort of al his faithful seruants. And sh● we then say, that S. Augustin feigned all this, and that he had so litt● care of his conscience, to lye wittinglie, or of his reputation to give 〈◇〉 Painimes, and enemies of christian religion( against whom he wro●● so great an advantage, as to bee able to convince him of manifest li● in case he had forged, either al, or any parte of those things which 〈◇〉 affirmed? This is so incredible, that noe men of judgement can im●gin it.  
46 And it is no less incredible and absurd, to think that al the miracles, either of those times, or of these latter ages, were donne by t●● devil, seing that very many of them did surpass the power of the d●uel, or of the Angels themselves, who can do nothing above nature without Gods special assistance, and therefore cannot give sight to o● that is born blind, or life to the dead, which not only Christ and h● Apostles did, but also many religious persons mentioned before, w● amongst other miracles which they wrought, revived the dea● as S. 
S. Sulpit. sever. in vita. S. Martini.  Martin, 
Chap. 27. nu. 15.19.30.& 37.  S. 
S. Greg. in vita S. Benedicti.  Benedict, S. 
S. Antonin hist. Tit. 23. c. 4. paragr. 7. parte. 3.  Dominick, and lastly Father 

Horatius. Turselinus. in vita B. Frauncisci Xauer. li. 2. ca. 7.  
S. Ber. in vita Malachiae.   Xauier in o● age, and many other in former times, whom I haue not mencione● so that it cannot with any probability bee said, either that all miracles are feigned, or that they haue benne all donne by the devil.  
47 Therefore forasmuch as a true miracle, can haue no other author but God himself it is evident that God hath by miracles confirmed, n●● only the Roman catholic religion in general, but also monastica● or religious life in particular, seeing that Roman catholics, bein● withall religious men, haue in al ages wrought many true miracle● testified by so many grave authors, that it were impudency to den● it. As now to speak, for examples sake, of some of these latter age● who can be so shameless to deny, the testimony of that most famous learned, and holy S. Bernard of matters de facto, donne in his own tim● and by his own familiar friends, as that which he writeth of S. Mal●chias, an Irish man, who was first a religious man, and after made b●shopp, and the Pops legate in Ireland. Quo antiquorum genere miraculoru● &c. What kind of ancient miracles( saith S. Bernard) was there wherein Mal●chias did not excel? He wanted not the spirit of prophecy, or revelations, or power● punish wicked men, or the grace of healing and curing diseases, or of changing the mindes of men, or of reviving the dead. Thus saith S. Bernard, after he had related many particular miracles in those kindes, donne by S● Malachias.  
48 And speaking afterwards of his death( which was at Clareualle● where S. Bernard was then Abbot) he declareth that when the bodi● of S. Malachias was brought in to the church to be butted, a boy, who ●as there by chance, and had his arm, and hand withered, and ●ye, that it served to no use, was cured by touching the hand of the ●olly man, with the cooperation of S. Bernard himself, 
Idem ibid.  who saith ●●us. Et apprehensam aridam manum &c. I taking hold, of the withered, ●●d dry hand, applied it to the hand of the Bishop, which revived it, and ●●●e it life. For there lived still the grace, and gift of healing in him, ●●ough he was dead, and his hand was to the dead hand, as Helizeus the ●●ophet was to the dead man, in so much, that the boy, who was come thi●er with his hand lame, hanging unprofitably by his side, carried it home ●●nd.  
●9 Thus saith S. Bernard, of a matter wherein he himself was an ●ctor. And of what authority his testimony may be, throughout the ●hristian world, it may be judged, by the reverend respect which the ●ery enemies of catholic religion do bear him, seeing, 

Luther de abroganda missa. Melanch. Apolog. art, 5.  
Caluin. in institut. ca. 10.  
Gotfridus. li. 4. de vita Bernar. c. 4.   that Luther ●nd Melanchton speaking of him, call him Saint, and Caluin termeth ●im, pium scriptorem, a pious, or godly writer, and truly whosoever ●adeth his works, cannot but aclowledge that he was illumina●d, and inspired by the holly Ghost. Besides that it appeareth, by all ●he histories that writ of him, or of the time wherein he lived, that ●or his holly life, and very frequent miracles, he was held himself for miracle: and amongst others, Gotfridus a grave author who lived ●ith him, testifieth, that in the diocese of Constans, he cured in one ●ay, ten persons that were lame handed, a eleven blind, and ●●gteene lame legged. Can it therefore be imagined, by any man of sen●●, and iudgement, that the miracles done by such holly men, were ●rought by the divell? For who shewed themselves throughout all ●he course of their lives, greater enemies of the divell, then S. Ber●ard, S. Malachias, and such others, as they? How many souls con●erted they to God, and freed from the devils power, by their prea●hing, inducing men from sinful life to repentance, and from 'vice ●o all virtue? How many devils expelled they from possessed per●ons, whereof S. Bernard relateth diuers notable examples, 
S. Bernar. in vita Malachiae Guliel. abbess in vita S. Bern. li. 2. 3.& 4. Matth. 12.  of S. Malachias, as others also recount the like of S. Bernard? In respect whereof they, and their miracles may be defended, and cleared from his calumniation▪ as our saviour defended, and cleared himself, and ●is miracles from the like, when he said, that if he did cast out devils ●y the power of beelzeebub( as the Iewes charged him to do) it must nee●es follow, that the devils kingdom was divided in itself, and that the devill was become his own enemy.  
50 This will be evident in the miracles of these holly men, if 〈◇〉 consider what the devill could gain by helping them to delude 〈◇〉 people there with, for though it should be true, which our adue●●●ries say( to wit, that the catholics of those dayes, taught, toget●●● with the faith of Christ, diuers superstitions, nevertheless) they c●●not with any reason deny, but that men were saved in that christ●●● religion, especially in that time, when no other was known. 〈◇〉 what soever our aduersaries, may think of the salvation of Cath●likes, now, when the light of the gospel( as they say) shine● yet at that time, when their candle was under the bushel, and 〈◇〉 other christian religion taught, and preached, nor other church Christ seen, or known in the world, but the Roman Catholi●● church, they cannot be so absurd to say, that such holly men, yea, a●● all others professing the catholic faith were damned, but must n●des confess, that those who professed the faith of Christ, in the ma●ner that then it was taught, and lived well with all, were saved the merits of Christs passion.  
51 Therefore, I say, that seeing by those miracles of S. Malachias, Bernard, and such other as they, the faith of Christ was confirmed a● established, and infinite numbers of men, moved to follow their 〈◇〉 doctrine, and example, in pennance, mortification, hate of sin, a● 'vice, and in the exercise of all virtue, to the salvation of their soul● it must needs follow, that the divell could gain nothing by f●●thering such miracles, but that he lost excedinglie thereby, aduanci● the glory of Christ, and of christian religion, and helping to save me● souls, whose perdition, and damnation he desireth. So that if the d●uel helped S. Malachias, S. Bernard, and such other religious men to d● miracles, it seemeth that he played booty with his enemies agai●●● himself.  
52 Besides that, diuers of those miracles were such, that they su●passed the devils power( as I haue already signified) and could not 〈◇〉 donne by any, but by almighty God. Qui facit mirabilia magna solus. W● only doth great marvels, 
Psal. 71.  or miracles, that is to say, things above nature and therefore the miracles which Antichrist shall do, shalbe fu●● only, as the devil can work, by natural means, or by deception 〈◇〉 the sight, and so they shall not be true miracles, though they shall se●me miraculous, to the common sort of people. In which respect t● Apostle calleth them, 
2. thessaly. 2.  Mendacia, that is to say, miracles in appearance an● not in deed.  
●● And here in I wish it to be noted, that one, and the self same ef●ect, may be wrought both miraculously, and naturalie, and therefore ●ay be in one man a miracle, and none in an other. As for example, ●●me disease which is naturally curable by medicine, may be cured without medicine, by divine power given by almighty God to his saints, ●ther in heaven or on earth, who when they cure diseases, by prayer, ●●r benediction without medicine, they do a miracle, though the same ●ight be never so easily cured otherwaise: whereas the devil working ●●e same effect by some natural, though secret,& hidden means, doth ●o miracle, and this is the difference betwixt many miracles done 〈◇〉 Gods servants, and the like strange effects wrought by the de●il.  
●4 But here I would be glad to know, at what time true miracles ●eased, and diabolical illusions began in the church? For they nei●her can, or do deny, that Christ gave the Apostles and other his di●iples, power to do miracles, and it is also evident in the scripture, that he promised the same to those that should beleeue in him, 
Mar. 16.  ●●ying. Signa autem eos qui crediderint, haec sequentur &c. These signs ●●all follow them, which shall beleeue in me, they shall speak strange ton●es, they shall take away serpentes, and if they drink any deadly, or poi●●full thing, it shall not hurt them, they shall lay their hands upon the ●●ck, and they shall recover. Thus said our saviour, giuing to vnder●●and, not that every christian should haue this grace or gift of miracles( for in the very Apostles time, there were infinite numbers of christians converted by them, which had it not) but that it should ●emaine in his church amongst the faithful,& be exercised by some, ●rom time to time, for his glory, and the edification of his servants, ●hereof wee haue seen continual experience, even until this day. And therefore, seeing our aduersaries say, that our miracles are illu●ions of the divell, it is reason, that they tell us, at what time the ●rue miracles ceased, and if they cannot assign us the year of our ●ord, let them assign us the age, and we will convince them, with the ●xperience of most manifest miracles donne afterwards, witnessed by the gravest authors, and hollyest men of the time wherein they ●iued, yea, and we will show them now in these last ages, as wonderful miracles, as any in former times.  
●5 For what could be more stupendious, and more free from all suspicion, either of human fraud, or of diabolical illusion, then a miracle donne at the tomb of S. Vincent Ferrer, a Dominican friar, w● died in the year of our Lord, a thousand four hundreth and Eightee●  
56 The story briefly is thus. A woman falling mad, and desiri●● greatly to eat mans flesh, required some of her husband, a● being denied it, 
S. Antoninus histor. par. 3. Tit. 23. c. 8. paragr. 9.  killed a child of her own, not past two yeares o● and dividing him in to two partes, boiled the one half, which h● husband, coming in shortly after, took out of the pot, and ca●ried both the parts to S. Vincents tomb( who died lately before, an● was then famous for daily miracles) and it pleased God for the m●rits of his seruant, to restore the child to life, and integrity of bod● as it is testified by diuers grave men, and amongst others, by the mo●● learned, and holly bishop of Florence, Saint Antoninus, whose ma● notable works, are witnesses of his learning, piety, and great iu●gement, besides that his holly life, and miracles were such, that he w● canonised for a Saint.  
57 This worthy bishop, speaking in his history of S. Vincent( wh● lived in the same age) affirmeth of this miracle, that it was so f●mous in Britany, where it was donne, that the people flocked fro● far, and near, to see the child, and all of them saw, saith he, a mark or scar, 
Idem Ibid.  remaining in the body of the child in manner of a thread: and he addeth further, that he himself had seen, the authentical testimonies 〈◇〉 notaries, witnessing that Eight and thirty dead men, had benne reu●ued after the death of S. Vincent in diuers parts, by his merits, and intercession, and that the said testimonies were taken by commission given by the Popes Nicolas the fifth, and Calixstus the third, to enquir● of his life, and miracles. And lastly that the Pope Calixstus, after du● examination of the whole process, by Cardinals, and Bishops, canonised him for a Saint, with the consent, and approbation of a● the court of Rome, which I haue thought good to note here, to th● end it may appear, that Neither. S, Antoninus reported these thinge● upon slender ground, nor that any man can with reason reject hi● testimony.  
58 But what need we allege miracles of former ages, seeing that the age wherein we live, hath abounded with notable example● in diuers partes of christendom, as in Rome, Loreto, and Luca in Italy● Mondeuy in savoy. And to omit many other more ancient, at Munic● in bavier, at the body of S. Benno, not past two yeares ago. At wha● time also it pleased our saviour to glorify his own name, in the blessed virgin Mary his Mother, by many admirable miracles donne at he● image, at Montague, near to Sichen in Brabant, and there( amongst ●iuers other cures of incurable, and inveterate diseases) to reform, ●nd rectify the shape of a most misshapen, and deformed cripple, born ●ith his knees so fast joined to his breast, that they could not be se●erated, and his legs fastened to his theighs, and they to his belly ●ith one skin, whereby he was fain to go upon his hands with ●he help of two little stilts, until he was 23. yeares old, at what time and received his perfect shape, by the miraculous help of our blessed ●ady.  
●9 The truth whereof, and of many wonderful circumstances in ●is cure, hath benne so autenticallie proved, and the man himself so ●nowne, to many thousands of people in the low countries, both ●efore the miracle, and since, that no man that hath not a brazen face, ●an be so impudent to deny it, or can with any show of reason ascribe 〈◇〉 to the devil, whose works cannot exceed the power, and limits ●f nature, as this did, which any man must needs confess, that shall ●ead the story thereof, written as well in Latin by justus Lipsius, 
justus Lipsius in Diuae Sichem ●si si●e Aspricolli.  as by ●thers in French, and translated out of French into English, by M. Chambers a learned, and virtuous priest of our nation, who hath also ●raefixed thereto a learned epistle, and preface of his own concer●ing miracles, in which respect, I may be the briefer touching that matter.  
60 nevertheless I cannot omit, to say some what of a famous miracle, donne the last year in the diocese of Bisanson in Burgundy, at a place called Fauerney, in the feast of Pentecost, or whitsuntide, at what time the blessed Sacrament, being set forth in a reliquarie within a tabernacle, upon a table of wood which was covered with alter clo●hes of linen, and environed with silk curtains, under a canopy, with many candles, and lights burning about it, it chanced that some ●nuffe of a candle, falling upon the linen clothes in the night, set the same on fire, in such sort, that the tabernacle, and the table itself, ●nd all the furniture about it was burned, and consumed to ashes, whe●eas the blessed Sacrament, with the reliquarie wherein it was placed, being safe, and untouched, stood still suspended in the air without any support,& so remained al whitsunday, and the monday following, during which time, not only al the people of Fauerney, but also thousands of others, moved with the famed of the miracle, repaired thither to see it: And vpon the Tuesday, following, the curat of a parish not far from Fauerney, being there, and saying mass at the high altar of the same church, it pleased God, that at the time of the elevation of the Ma● the reliquarie, which hanged in the air, with the blessed sacram● in it, descended of itself, by little and little down to a table, whi● was set under it decently covered, and there placed itself upon a c●●porall, which was also spread upon the same table: and this 〈◇〉 donne in the presence and sight, of a great multitude of people, a● witnessed by a public testimony of Monseigneur de Langut, Arcbishop of Besanson, and prince of the Empire, upon authentical i●formation taken of the whole matter, exactly and maturely desc●●sed( as he signifieth) in his Archipiscopall consistory, with the as●stance, and aduise of a great number of divines, Canonists, and Ciu●lians, and the intervention of his solicitor, and attorney general, 〈◇〉 which I say appeareth by his testimonial letters, printed in Bisans● and dated the 10. of july, of the last year, a thousand six hundreth a● eight.  
61 And if common famed may warrant the relation of matters n● yet published in print, I may add also diuers notable miracles, hapn● in our country of late yeares whereof the famed hath benne, and is ve● public, even in foreign countries, as to omit others, that the bo● of Sr. Gerard Braybrooke knight, butted two hundreth yeares ago was found the last year in S. faiths Church in London, with t● flowers very odoriferous, 
Maij an. 1608.  which were cast in to the grave with hi● together with a Breue of Pope Bonifacius the Ninth. And because the c●rious Reader may desire perhaps to see the form, and contents 〈◇〉 the said Breue, which was so miraculously preserved, I haue though good to lay down the copy of it here, which is as followeth.  
62 Bonifacius Episcopus servus juramentum Dei, Dilecto filio nobili viro Gera●do Braibrooke iuniori Militi,& Dilectae in Christo filiae nobili Mulieri El●zabethae eius uxori Lincoln. Diocesis salutem,& Apostolicam benedictione● Prouenit ex vestrae deuotionis affectu, quo nos& Romanam Ecclesiam reueremi● vt petitiones vestras, illas praesertim, quae animarum vestrarum salutem resp●ciunt, ad exauditionis gratiam admittamus. Hinc est quod nos vestris suppl●cationibus inclinati, vt confessor quem quilibet vestrum duxerit eligendum, omnium peccatorum vestrorum, de quibus cord contriti,& confessi fueritis, sem●tantum in mortis articulo, plenam remissionem vobis in sinceritate fidei, in vn●tate sanctae Romanae Ecclessae, ac obedientia,& deuotione nostrae, vel successoru● nostrorum Romanorum Pontificum Canonicè intrantium persistenttbus, authoritate Apostolica concedere valeat, deuotioni vestrae tenore praesentiam indulge●mus. Sic tamen, quod idem Confessor, de his de quibus fuerit alteri satisfact● impendenda, eam vobis per vos, si superuixeritis, vel per haeredes vestros, si tunc ●té transieritis faciendam, iniungat quam vos, vel illi facere teneamini, vt pre●●tur. Et ne( quod absit) propter huiusmodi gratiam, reddamini procliuiores ad il●●ta in posterum committenda, volumus, quod si ex confidentia remissionis hu●●modi aliqua forté committeretis, illa praedicta remissio vobis nullatenus suffagetur. ●ulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostram concessionis,& volun●tis infringere, vel ei ausa temerario contrair. Si quis autem hoc attentare prae●pserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei,& B. Petri,& Pauli Apostolorum eius, ●●ouerit incursurum. D. Romae apud Sanctum Petrum, nono weak. Pontificatus ●●●tri, Anno Secundo.  
●● Thus far are the words of the Breue. The effect was, that Pope ●●nifacius, gave to Sir Gerard Braibrooke the younger, and the Lady Eliza●●th his wife, licence to make choice of a ghostly father, who might at ●he hour of their deaths, give them plenary indulgence of their sins, upon four conditions. The first was, that they should be contrite in ●arte, and confessed. The second, that they should remain in the union ●f the Roman Church, and in the obedience of the lawful bishop ●herof. The third, that their ghostly father should enioyn themto make ●ull satisfaction, either by themselves, or by their heires, to all such as ●hey should haue any way defrauded, or wronged, and that they, or ●heir heires should perform it. The fourth was, that they should not ●resume in hope of this pardon, to commit any unlawful act, in the mean time, for in so doing, the said grant of pardon, should bee vtter●ie voided, and of no effect.  
46 This is the effect of the Breue, whereby it hath pleased almighty God, partly to convince a common calumniation of our aduersaries 〈◇〉 who are wont to say, that catholics are licensed to sin by the Popes pardons, whereof the contrary is evident in this Breue:( and part●ie to approve, not only our catholic religion in general, but also the Popes authority in particular( namely in the matter of indulgences) seeing it is evident by this miracle, that Sir Gerard Braibrooke, being a catholic, and using the benefit of the popes indulgences, at the hour of his death, was so acceptable to almighty God, that it hath pleased his divine majesty, to give such a public testimony thereof, as here hath been declared.  
65 It being most manifest, that almighty God hath continued the power and grace of miracles in the Roman Church, from the Apostles time, even until this day, and that these miracles haue benne so testified, that there can be no doubt thereof, and many of them so far surpassinge all natural means, that they could proceed from no other author but almighty God, it followeth that the same catholic R●man Church, is the true church of Christ, seeing it hath always h● and hath still, such an undoubted testimony of Gods assistance, and 〈◇〉 approbation of the doctrine taught therein. And for as much, as th● that haue excelled in this gift, and grace of miracles, haue benne for 〈◇〉 most parte religious men, professing the observation of the euangelic● counsels, it also followeth, that religious and monastical life, is m grateful to almighty God▪& that the true professors thereof are v●●ted with him. And again, seeing that one the other side, al the sectar● of our time are professed enemies, as well of the catholic Rom● church, as of our religious life, and no way participant of the grace 〈◇〉 miracles, it is evident, that they are noe less void of all union wi● almighty God, then of the perfection, and truth of Christian ●●ligion.  

Magdebur. cent. 1. li. 1. c. 10.  66 But here our aduersaries will say, that wee do them wrong 〈◇〉 exact miracles of them, seeing there were diuers great prophets in t● old testament, which did no miracles, and namely S. John Baptist, though he was( as the Magdebergenses say) held by the Pharisees for an heretic● Wheteto I answer, that neither the old prophets which did no miracles, nor S. John Baptist, taught any thing contrary to the commo● doctrine, and much less divided themselves schismatically from the pa●●ors of the church at that time, as the sectaries now do, and therefore the Pharisees being demanded by our saviour, 
joseph. li. 18. de antiq. c 7. Magdebur. ubi supra.  what they thought ● S. Iohns baptism, did not disallow it, and Iosephus testifieth, that S. jo●● Baptist was a very good man, and highly esteemed of the Iewes for h● great virtue: whereby it appeareth sufficiently, that the Magdeburgen● abuse their readers shamefully, when they affirm that he was held b● the Priests and pharisees for an heretic.  
67 Besides that it is altogether needless, that he should confirm●● his preaching by miracles, seeing his special commission was no other but to preach Christ who was then living,& confirmed both S. joh● preaching, and his own by infinite miracles. So that the example of S John Baptist, and some of the other prophets of the old law, cannot excuse our aduersaries from our just demand of their miracles, seeing they teach a new doctrine, without any commission from the pastor of the church: 
Rom. 11. ●●●b. 5.  for as the Apostle saith. Quo modo praedicabunt, nisi mittantu● How shall they preach, except they bee sent? Et nemo sumit sibi honorem &c. An● no man taketh honour upon him in Gods Church, except he bee called of God, 〈◇〉 Aron was.  
68 Therefore there are two kindes of missions, and vocations, th● ●●●inarilie by the authority of lawful superiors, and the other extra●●●inarie from God imediatlie, it is reason, that whosoever is sent to ●●ach, either by the one, or by the other, he show his commission, or 〈◇〉 no man is bound to beleeue him: those that are sent to preach by ●●●ir lawful and ordinary superiors, haue their warrant from them, ●●ich they are always able to show, as every preacher, and minister in ●●gland, can show his authority to preach, and teach from his bishop, ●t those that are sent immediately from God, must either prove their ●mmission by miracle, or else they are not to bee believed. When God ●mmaunded Moyses, to take the government of the children of Israel, 
Exod. 4.  and deliver them out of the hands of pharaoh, Moyses answered. Non credent ●i, neque audient vocem meam &c. They will not beleeue me, nor hear my ●ce, but will say, God hath not appeared unto thee. whereupon God gave 〈◇〉 power to multiply miracle upon miracle. Vt credant, saith he, quod ●aruerit tibi Dominus. To the end they may beleeue, that God hath appeared vn●●hee.  
Also when our saviour came to preach the new law, he proved ●s commission from his Father, by continual miracles, not withstanding ●at the scriptures of the old testament, gave sufficient testimony of ●m, in so much that he said himself. Si opera non fecissem in eis &c. 
joan. 15.  If I had 〈◇〉 donne works amongst them, which no man else hath donne, they should not haue ●●e, that is to say, they should not offend, in refusing to receive my do●●rin. And in like manner, when he sent his disciples to preach, he gave ●em power withal, to heal the diseased, to raise the dead, to cleanse ●●pers,& to cast out revels, and they preached every where, 
Matth. 10. Mar. ultimo.  saith the scrip●●re, Domino cooperante,& sermonem confirmante sequentibus signis. Our lord ●rkinge with them, and confirminge their speech with signs, or miracles, which ●lowed the same. 
D. Aug. li. 22 de civit. c. 8. Philip. Melan. in ca. 3. Matth.   
●0 hereupon S. Augustin, teacheth that miracles were necessary, ●or the conversion of the world. And Melancthon himself( who was ●ne of Luthers dearest dearlinges) affirmeth, that when there is great ●arknes, and obscurity in the world, God doth call and sand new teach●●s or preachers, and add also miracles thereto, to the end, that their ●ission may be certainly known.  
●1 For this cause I say, we justly exact miracles of our aduersaries, bemuse they pretend their vocation from God himself imediatlie, not ●auinge any mission from the superiors of the Church, against ●home they haue rebelled, teaching a new doctrine contrary to ●heirs, and to that which hath benne generally received. And where●s they pretend to haue scripture for their warrant, and that therefore they need no miracles, they are to understand, that in 〈◇〉 their case of extraordinary vocation, and mission which they ●tend, it sufficeth not to allege scriptures( for so do all heretic●● as well as they) except they also show by extraordinary means( th● to say by miracles) that they haue the true sense thereof: and this 〈◇〉 appear by the proceedings of our saviour himself, and his Ap●●les, for although the scriptures of the old testament, gave ample t●●monie of him, and that both he himself, and his Apostles allead●● them abundantly to the Iewes, according to their true sense, yet ●●uertheles because they derived not their authority of preaching, fr● the ordinary pastors, and gouernours, established by the law of M●ses, they confirmed their doctrine, and proved their mission by mirac●● showing evidently thereby, that their sense, and understanding the scriptures was true, which otherwaise might still haue benne● controversy, betwixt the Iewes and them.  

joan Sleidan histor. li. 5. vide Martin. Cromer. li. 1. colliquio.  72 Therefore Luther had reason when( as Sleidan reporteth) he w●●te to the senate of Mulhusium( concerning a new preacher amon● them called Muncerus) requesting them to examine him, who g●● him commission to preach, and if, saith Luther, he say, that God ga●● him, let him be urged to prove it by some evident miracle, which if he ca● do, them let him be rejected: for God always useth to show his will by ●●racles, when he will haue the ordinary custom, and course of doctrine to changed. This iudgement gave Luther himself, against Muncerus, w● being one of his own brood( though then declined from him) a● teaching other novelties, alleged scripture no doubt, as plentifu● as Luther himself, which nevertheless Luther would not allow, exc● Muncer could either show an ordinary vocation, or prove his ext●● ordinary, and secret commission, by miracles.  
73 In like manner, I say to Luther, and all his progeny, with fa● more reason, that seeing the catholic Roman church, is derived fro● Christ himself, and his Apostles, by a continual succession of ●●shops, without any interruption( which cannot be denied) and th● they cannot show, at what time the succession of Christs doctrine, ce●sed in the said succession of Bishops, we justly require of them, th● if they will teach us a new doctrine out of the scriptures, they eyth● show their commission from the superiors of the church, or else pro● it by miracle, whereby we may know that they understand the sc●●ptures aright, for otherwise wee shall always haue more reason 〈◇〉 beleeue our pastors, then them.  
74 For seeing that our pastors, are successiuelie descended from t● Apostles, as I haue said, and haue had hitherto the possession of the ●●riptures, and conserved the same, wee are to presume, that they haue ●o had, and conserved the true sense thereof, especially seing our ●●niour promised to his church, his assistance to the worlds end, 
Mat. 16. Ibid. Matth. 18. 1. Timoth. 3.  and that 〈◇〉 gates shall not prevail against it, yea, and commandeth us, to hold 〈◇〉 ethnics, and publicans, all those, that will not hear, and obey it. In ●hich respect, S. paul also calleth it, the pillar and stay of truth. And herefore, forasmuch as an invisible church( such I mean as the ●●otestants imagine) cannot be heard, and obeyed, according to our ●●uiours commandment, his promise of continual assistance, must ●●edes be understood of the visible church, that he, and his Apostles ●●nted, from which we directly derive ours, proving it invincibly, 〈◇〉 be the same church, not only because we haue had a continual suc●●ssion, both of bishops, and doctrine, from the Apostles even until ●●is day, but also because otherwise it must needs follow, that the ●●sible church of Christ hath failed, and lost his spirit and assistance, ●●ntrarie to his promise, which were blasphemous to say, and most ●●surd to imagine.  
Therefore I conclude, that seeing our aduersaries, haue neither ●●ccession from the Apostles, nor lawful mission from the superiors 〈◇〉 the church, neither yet do by miracle prove, or confirm their ●●traordinarie vocation, and sense of scriptures( which they pretend 〈◇〉 haue from the holly Ghost) we haue just cause, to hold them for ●●ose, of whom Christ forewarned us, when he said, 
joan. 10.  that some should ●ne in to the fold, not by the door, which is the ordinary way, but by the ●●d●w, to kill, and destroy the flock.  
●● Now then good Reader, I am to request thee seriously to ponder,& ●ay with thyself, what a blindness, or rather senseless stupidity, hath ●azed those men, which see not the clear sun shine of Gods glory, ●anifest in all former ages, yea, and in these our dayes, by most nota●●e, and evident miracles, but do reject them as diabolical illusions. 〈◇〉 though our saviour Christ, not with standing the bitter passion, ●hich he suffered for his spouse the church, and the promise of his ●●olly Spirit, and assistance, had suffered the same to be abused, and de●eiued by the devil, for so many hundreth yeares together, even under ●he mask, and pretence of his own name, and faith, which is so ab●●rd, and ridiculous to think, that when they laugh, and iest at our ●iracles( which they do because they cannot tell with reason how ●o impugn them) they make themselves ridiculous, or rather to say ●ruly, worthy of pity, and compassion, in that boasting so much of faith, as they do, they show themselves nevertheless more in●dulous, and faithless, then infinite numbers of Pagans, and Infid● who by the like miracles, haue benne converted to the chris● faith.  
77 For what argument is there so potent to persuade, or so ma●●fest to convince in matter of religion, as a true miracle, surpassing 〈◇〉 power of all creatures, which must needs be an undoubted testimo● of a divine operation for the confirmation of truth, and therefore hath always accompanied true religion, as wee may perceive by miracles, as well in the old testament, as the new. In which ●pect, also S. Augustin allegeth the authority of miracles in 〈◇〉 catholic church, for the confutation not only of Painimes, but a● of all heretics, saying that the catholic church hath ever preu●led, 
S. Aug. To. 6. de utilitate credendi li. 17. S. Ambros. Ser. in festo SS. Geruasij& Protasij. joan. 9.  hereticis miraculorum maiestate damnatis, heretics being condem● by the majesty of miracles. And S. Ambrose also urgeth notably, 〈◇〉 glory of miracles against the Aerrians, so that we may say to our ●uersaries, as our saviour said to the Pharisees, who being taxed him of wilful blindness, after his manifest miracle donne upon man that was born blind, asked him. Numquid& nos caeci sun● What, and are we also blind? whereto he answered. Si caeci essetis ● Yf you were blind in deed, you should not haue sin, but because you ● wee see, therefore your sin remaineth. Wherein our saviour gave th● to understand, that if their blindness had proceeded of mere ig●rance, it had benne the more excusable, but forasmuch as it pro●●ded of wilful obstinacy, flowing from an overweening of their ow● knowledge, and wit, therefore their sin could not be excused: a● so I say, we may justly say to our aduersaries, who presume so mu● of their own knowledge, and are so bent to the defence of th● conceits, and fancies, that they wilfully shut their eyes, again the bright sun beams of Gods most miraculous works, donne confirmation of the catholic Roman religion, whereby their w●full blindness, and consequently their sin is inexcusable, and th● show themselves, 
joan. 9.  to be of those. Qui vident,& caeci fiunt. Which 〈◇〉 and become blind, as our saviour said of the pharisees: our Lord op● their eyes, with the light of his grace.   

For the final conclusion of the question, concerning the evangelical counsels, and religious life, the matter of religious vows is debated, and defended against our aduersaries. Also, that the continency of clergy men, is beneficial to the common wealth, and that certain wicked, Emperours, who hau● sought by laws to restrain,& to prohibit monastical life, haue been diversly punished by almighty God for the same. finally a brief recapitulation is made of all the premises, concerning the true imitation of Christ, and our aduersaries are thereby convinced, to be utterly voided, as well of all Christian perfection, as of the true felicity of man, and common wealth. CHAP. 33.  
1 THough I haue sufficiently proved our catholic doctrine, and confuted the opinions of our aduersaries, and answered diuers of their objections, concerning our practise of the evangelical Counsels in monastical discipline, yet for the more abundant manifestation of the truth, I think good before I fully conclude the discourse of this matter, to clear some other doubts, and scruples, which perhaps may seem to some, to be of more moment then they are, and to require particular satisfaction.  
2 One special reason, why the sectaries of these dayes, reject the manner of our imitation of Christ, and observation of his counsels, 
Luther de captivit. babylon. de vita coiugali. jean Caluin li. 4. instit. c 13. Philip. Melanch. disputat. 16. de iureiuran.  is, because we do bind ourselves thereto by vow, which they hold to be superfluous and superstitious, for such reasons as shalbe declared, in the discourse and discussion of this question, when I shall haue first confirmed, and established the truth of our catholic doctrine, concerning the same, and the practise of our church, out of the Scriptures, and Fathers, which I will do with what brevity I may, because I hast to treat of some other matters.  
3 Yt cannot be with any reason denied, but that a good work donne by obligation of vow, is more grateful to God, then if it were donne at liberty. First, because it proceedeth of greater virtue, that is to say, of greater charity, and love to God, and of greater liberality. For he that doth offer to God, not only his work, but also his liberty with all sheweth himself far more loving, and liberal towards him, then he that offereth the same work,& reserveth his liberty to himself. As in like sort the seruant, who out of love, and good will to his master, doth bind himself voluntarily to his service, doth deserve more favour,& love at his masters hands, then he that doth the like service with out obligation, 
S. Anselmus li. de similitudinibus c. 84.  and may leave it when he will. And therefore S. A●selme saith very well. Plus donat, qui arborem cum fructibus, quam q● solos fructus donat. He which giveth the three with the fruit( that is 〈◇〉 say himself, with his work) giveth more, then he which giveth t● fruit alone.  
4 Secondlie, an act donne by vow, is made thereby an act of religion, in which respect, it is more grateful to God, then if it we● only, an other virtuous good work, and not religious with all. A● for example, a man that liveth continentlie, doth an act of temp●rance, but he that is continent by obligation of vow, doth an act n● only of temperance, but also of religion, because he doth it purposely for the honour, 
S. August. de sancta virginit. c. 8.  and service of God, as S. Augustin teachet● who speaking of vowed virginity, saith that it is not honoured, because it is virginity, said quia deo dicata est, but because it is dedicated to God, an● kept in the flesh, religione& deuotione spiritus, with the religion, and deu●tion of the spirit. I haue cited the place before, upon an other occasion, and therefore forbear to repeat the whole here.  
5 Furthermore, the conveniency of vows may appear, by that the do greatly incite, and urge a man to Gods service, by reason of th● obligation that groweth thereof, which wee may well understand, i● wee consider mans frailty, and mutability in his good purposes, whe● he hath no obligation to perform them: and therefore wee see, tha● counsellors of princes, magistrates, soldiers, and such others, no● with standing their good will, and purpose to serve their princes faithfully, are further moved, and incited thereto by obligation of oath Here upon S. Augustin saith to Armentarius. Let it not repent thee ● haue vowed, 
B. Aug. ep. 45. in circa finem.  but rather be glad, that it is not now lawful for thee, to do th● which thou mighst haue donne before with thy own detriment &c. An● again afterwards. Faelix necessitas quae ad meliora compellit. Happy is the necessity, which compelleth a man to be better.  
6 lastly, the holly Ghost doth in the psalms, and diuers other places of the scripture, 
Psalm. 75.  exhort us to vow, saying. Vouete,& reddite domin● deo vestro. Vow, and render, or pay it, to your Lord God. Whereto the holly Ghost would not aduise us, if it were better to work with ou● vow, as our aduersaries teach it to be.  
7 hereto I add, that the use of vows, is most manifest in th● old testament, as the vows of 
Genes. 28.  jacob, 
Iudig. 11. ca.  jephthe, 
1. Reg. 1.  Anna mother to Samuel, 
Psalm. 21.& 65.  david, and of all the people of 
Num. 21.  Israell, when they were to fight with the Cananaeans,& in diuers places of the book of 
Num. ca. 6.15.& 30.  Numeri● As also the obligation of vows, is no less evident in 
Deut. 23.  Deuteronomy, where Moyses said. Cum votum voueris Domino Deo &c. When thou shalt haue ●owed a vow to thy Lord God, bee not slacken to perform it, for thy ●ord will require it at thy hands, and if thou delay it, it shal be imputed ●nto thee for a sin, if thou wilt not promise at al, thou shalt be without sin, but that which is once past out of thy mouth, thou shalt ●bserue and perform, as thou hast promised to thy Lord God, and spo●en of thy own will, and out of thy own mouth. Thus saith Moyses ●n Deuteronomy, and the like also we red in the book of Numbers, 
Num. 30. Psal. 75. Eccles. 5.  in the ●salmist and in Ecclesiastes, which I omit to lay down, as needles, for that ●ur aduersaries deny not, either the use, or obligation of vows in the ●uld law.  
● The question then betwixt us and them, being not so much, whether vows are lawful,& obligatory in the new law( which al of them ●xcept Peter martyr do grant) as what manner of things may law●ullie be vowed, I will for brevities sake, leave generalities, and examine ●hether the evangelical counsels may be vowed to God or no, and to ●hat purpose, I will treat particularly of one of them, to wit of Chasti●ie, whereby the question will be sufficiently discussed, concerning the ●other two, the reason being alike in al three.  
● Therefore, to the end I may be the briefer, I omit the example of ●he blessed virgin Maries vow of chastity, signified sufficiently by her own words, to the angel. Quomodo fiet istud, quoniam virum non cognosco? 
Lucae 1.  How can this be, seeing that I know not any man? That is to say, seing it is not ●awfull for me to know any man, by reason of my vow of continency, 
S. Greg. Nissen. in orat. in nativit Domini. post medium. S. Aug. li. de sancta virginit. cap. 4. S. Beda. in come in luke. Ruper. 3. in cantica. li. 3. circa finem. S. Ber. in verba Euang●lij missus est Angel homile 4. post init●um. Ma●h. 19.  ●s S. Gregory Nissen, S. Augustin, S. Bede, Rupertus,& S. Bernard do teach ex●ressely. I omit also the arguments that may be made for our catholic doctrine, upon the words of our saviour, concerning three kindes of Eunuchs, where it is plain enough, by the very name of Eunuch, and the manner of our saviours speech, that he included a vow of chastity, seeing that no man can properly be called an Eunuch, who may choose whether he will be continent or no, but he only which cannot but be continent by reason of his natural impotency, and therefore in like manner the voluntary Eunuch, must needs be such a one, as hath of his own free will deprived himself of the power of marriage, which also the words of our saviour that follow do make more evident, for that he saith. Qui se castrauerunt, who haue guilded themselves. lying, that they haue by their voluntary act, debarred themselves from al use and knowledge of women, which they cannot otherways lawfully do, but by promise and vow to God, whereby they are morally, and in conscience disabled to contract marriage.  
10 But I will not, I say, insist upon the further proof of this, or ●ther arguments, which might bee deduced from other places of scri●ture, but will manifestly show, both the use, and also the obligation 〈◇〉 a vow of chastity, out of S. Pauls words to Timothy, saying. Adolescenti●res viduas deuita, &c. avoid, or eschew the younger widows, for when th● haue played the wantons in Christ, they will mary, having damnation, because they haue broken their first faith. Thus saith the Apostle, meaning by the● first faith, their vow of continency.  
11 For whereas some of our aduersaries, would haue it to be understood of the faith of baptism, which they say, the young widow● broken by living licentiouslie, it cannot stand with the words of th● Apostle, who giveth plainly to understand, that they brook their fit● faith, by having a will to mary, nubere volunt, saith he, habentes damnationem, because they haue broken their first faith. Yt being therefore euiden● that no man promiseth in baptism to abstain from marriage, it canno● be said that any man breaketh his faith of baptism, by having a wi● to mary, for if it were so it would also follow, that no christian ma● might mary. nevertheless, presupposing a vow of chastity in an● man, it may truly be said of him, that by breaking his vow, he als● breaketh his promise, and faith, given to God in baptism, wherein every one promiseth to keep the law of God, which law bindeth 〈◇〉 to observe all lawful vows, as is the vow of chastity, and in this sense, I say( which maketh nothing against us) it may be said, that th● widows broke their faith of baptism, and so incurred eternal damnation, for breaking their first faith.  
12 But if we consider the uniform consent of all the ancient Fathers concerning the interpretation of this place, we may wonder at th● boldness( I will not say impudency) of such as deny the use, and obligation of vows of continency, in the Apostles time.  
13 Tertullian, alleging the same words of the Apostle, in his book● de monogamia, 
tertul. li. de monogamia cap. 13.  saith. Habentes judicium, quod primam fidem resciderunt illa● scilicet, in qua in viduitate inuentae,& professae, eam noluerint perseverare. having iudgement, or damnation, because they broke their first faith, to wit, th●● faith, wherein they would not persever being found in widowhood, and having professed it. Thus saith Tertullian of the widows who being converted to the christian faith, in their widowhood, made also a particular profession, 
S. Epiphan. lib. 2. contra Haereses Haeresi. 61. in fine.  and promise to persever therein, which promise, o● profession he saith, the Apostle calleth their first faith, and is the sam● which wee call a vow of chastity in widows.  
14 Also S. Epiphanius. Si quae vidua fuit, saith he, ac Deo dicata &c. Y● she● which was a widow, and dedicated to God, and afterwards married, had iud●●●ent, and condemnation, because shee rejected her first faith, or promise, how ●ch more shall shee haue iudgement, which was a virgin dedicated to God,& 〈◇〉 married, and played the wanton against Christ, and hath rejected a greater 〈◇〉, or promise. Thus saith S. Epiphanius, teaching two things to be ●●ed. The one, that the first faith whereof the Apostle speaketh, is to ●nderstood of a vow of continency, in respect whereof he saith, ●t those young widows were dedicated to God. The other is, that the ●gins vow, is greater then the vow of the widow, and that her iud●ent, and damnation, is also greater if shee break it, the reason is, ●cause the merit of virginity, is greater thē the merit of widohood,& ●refore, as the virgin shall haue a greater reward, then the widow, if goody keep her vow of virginity, so also shee shalbe more diversly ●nished, if shee break it.  
The like also saith S. chrysostom, concerning both these points, 
S. Chrisost. ho. 19. in 1. Cor. 7. ante finem.  who ●pounding the Epistle to the Corinthians,& particularly those words 〈◇〉 the Apostle, si nupserit virgo, non peccavit, he saith. Non de ea dicit &c. He ●h not speak of the virgin, which hath made choice of virginity, for shee hath ●●ed( if shee mary:) for if the widows haue iudgement, which after their ●ise of widowhood do mary again, much more is the same to be understood of ●gins. And again in his homilies, upon the Epistle to Timothy,& vp●n those very words of the Apostle, whereof I treat here, he saith of and young widows thus. When they haue vowed themselves to him, 
S. Chrisost. in 1. ad Timoth. 5. ho. 15. initio. ( that is 〈◇〉 say to Christ) they haue damnation, because they break their first faith. Fi●● pactum dicit, he calleth the covenant which they make, their faith. Thus ●te S. Chrisostom, of the young widows, calling their solemn promi●● or vow of continency, a covenant.  
In like maner S. Augustin. Quid ait Apostolus, saith he, 
S. August. in Psal. 75.  de quibusdam and vouerunt &c. What saith the Apostle, of some which did vow, and did not ●●der, or pay their vow? having, saith he, damnation, because they haue broken ●eir first faith. What meaneth he by saying, that they haue broken their first ●ith? Vouerunt& non reddiderunt. They made a vow, and did not render, 
1. Timoth. 5.  or pay 〈◇〉 Thus saith S. Augustin, expounding the words of the psalm, vouete, 〈◇〉 reddite domino deo vestro, vow, and render, or pay it to your Lord God.  
To these I will add a cannon of a counsel of Carthage, of two hun●●eth and fourteen Bishops, celebrated about the year of our Lord, 
council. Carthag. 4. can. 104.  ●ree hundreth ninety five. Wherein it was decreed, that widows, ●hich haue vowed themselves to God, and do after mary, shall not be ●dmitted to the holly communion, neither yet to eat,& drink, with christians: quoniam fidem castitatis, quam domino vouerunt, irritam facere ausae sunt: because they are so bold, to break the faith, or promise of chastity which 〈◇〉 vowed to God. And it is further signified in the same decree, that secun● Apostolum, 
1. Timoth. 5. council. Tolet 4. can. 55.  damnationem habebunt, according to the Apostle, they shal haue dānat●  
18 Finally a Synod held at Toleto in spain by twenty Bishops, ●●derstandeth the same words of the Apostle, in the same sort, and so 〈◇〉 S. 
S. Basil. ad Amphilo. epicirca. medium.  basil, S. 
S. Hierom. li. 7. contra jovin. aliquot paul. post. initium.& in ca. 44. ezechiel. post. medium.  jerome, S. 
Ambros. in 1. Timo. 5. in verba Adulocentulas vero viduas &c.  Ambrose, Primasius, Theodoretus, Theophila●● Oecumenius, S. Beda, Haymo, Sedulius, S. Anselmus, and al other ancient ●positours, of that epistle of S. 
1. Timo. 5.  paul to Timothy.  
19 And whereas some of the sectaries, do not understand by 〈◇〉 word damnation( which S. paul saith the young widows incurr● any pain due to sin, but only reproach, and infamy before men, ●cause the greek word {αβγδ}, signifieth iudgment, and may bee ta●●( say they) for accusation before men, whereby they would haue it to understood, that men would judge evil of such young widows, a● condemn them of levity and folly, for leaving their profession( though nevertheless before God they should be excused, yea and should 〈◇〉 well to marry, because it is better to marry then to burn:) wherea● say, some of the sectaries, as Bucer, and Peter martyr, make this gloze, i● to bee understood, that this shameless shift and cavil, is not only co●trarie to all the Fathers, but also to the usual sense of the word Cr● in the scripture,& namely in the Apostle himself, who also else wh● useth the same word, for the iudgement of God condemning to eterne pain, in which respect, it is in our Latin very properly transla● damnation, as when the Apostle speaketh of those who did blasph●mously bely him, charging him to say, let us do evil that good may com● it, he useth the same word, to crima, saying. Quorum damnatio iusta est. W● damnation is just, 
Rom. 1.  meaning vndoudtedlie, Gods just iudgment of eterne damnation. Also when he saith. Qui resistunt Dei ordinationi, ipsi sibi dam●tionem acquirunt. Those which resist the ordinance of God, do purchase to them●●ues damnation, 
Ibid. cap. 13. Bell. de Monachis. ca. 24. johan. 3.  he hath the same words in the greek, to crima. And t● like may also be seen in other places of the holy scripture, as Car●nall Bellarmin hath very learnedly observed, thrice in one chapter● S. Iohns gospel, against Peter martyr, and Bucer, who were the devisers forgers of this false and counterfeit coin.  
20 Furthermore, whereas they say, that the young widows of who S. paul speaketh, were to bee condemnded only by men, of levity a● folly for leaving their profession, I would gladly know of them, wh●ther this condemnation, or iudgment of man were just, or unjust. If it w● just, how cometh it to pass, that it is no shane for Luther& al his f●low monks, and Friers( as they say it was not but a virtue) to brea● their vows of chastity and to marry? And one the other side, if they ●ere vniustlie condemned( because as the sectaries say, such vows are ●●lawfull, and therefore may lawfully, yea, and commendablie be bro●en:) why did the Apostle so diversly reprehend them, as it appeareth ●y his own words, who as S. Chrisostom saith. Vehementer accusat. 
S. Chrisost. li de virginitate. ca. 30.  Doth ●hemently accuse, or blame those widows, which after their vow of continency and marry. whereupon S. Chrisostom also infereth in the same place. Non ●●s ergo &c. Therefore the Apostle said not to these, or such as they, but to ●hers that are free, si se non continent, nubant: if they do not live chast, let them ●●ie.  
●● To conclude, al the holy Fathers of the church, following the ●octrin of the Apostle in this place, do with one voice condemn, not ●●lie of levity or folly, but of grievous sin, al such as break vows ●f chastity, judging them to incur the pain of eternal damnation. 
Hare. 16. S. Hierom. l. 1. contra. jovin loco notato supra.  In ●hich respect S. Epiphanius saith. Tradiderunt Apostoli &c. The Apostles ●ave delivered unto us, that it is sin to marry after a resolution and decree made 〈◇〉 virginity. And S. Hierom having said, that virgins which marry after ●heir vow, shall haue damnation, addeth. Virgines enim, quae post consecrati●●●m nupserint, non tam adulterae, quam incestae sunt. For virgins which marry ●fter their consecration, do not commit adultery, but incest. 
S. Amb. ad virginem. laps. cap. 5. S. Aug. de bono viduitat. cap. 8.   
●2 S. Ambrose( as I haue signified before) saith also, that shee which ●arrieth after shee is veiled, committeth adultery, and becom●eth, ancilla mortis the hand-maid of death. S Augustine saith in like ●anner of such, that jure damnantur, they are worthily, and justly condem●ed. Not meaning that they are condemned by man, but by almighty God, for that he speaketh of the breach of a vow made to him. Quod ●si reddant, saith he, jure damnantur. Which if they render, and pay not, they 〈◇〉 justly condemned. S. Basil affirmeth that such seek to cover, stupriscelus, 
S. Basil. de vera virginitate. parum á medio.  ●●nesto coniugij nomine, the wickedness of whoredom, with the honest name ●f marriage: and that, daunt manus nequitiae, they give their hands to wic●ednes: and lastly that, shee is worthily counted an adulteress, who during the ●ife of her immortal husband, hath for the vices of the flesh introduced, or brought ●●mortal man into the bed of our Lord. 
S. Chrisost. l de virginit. cap. 36.   
●3 S. chrysostom, having alleged the words of the Apostle, habentes ●amnationem &c. having damnation, &c, expoundeth them expressly of ●euine punishment, saying, that Christ doth always punish those, who do not live ●●nestly, signifying that those which break a vow of chastity, do not live ●onestly,& therfore shalbe punished by Christ with sentence of damnation.  
●4 Thus then thou seest good Reader, how clear it is by these wor●es of the Apostle, according to the uniform, consent of al the ancient leatned, and holly Fathers, that vows of chastity were usual in● Apostles time, and approved by them, and that the vowers were bo● to the performance thereof, under pain of eternal damnation. W● upon I infer against our aduersaries, that all their gloses upon ● place, devised by them to answer our arguments drawn from the● are most false, 
Lutherus in lib. de votis monasticis. Vide Bellar. de Monachis ca. 24.  and vain, which I will show particularly by the ●●●cumstances of the text. And to begin with Luther, he saith, that faith which the young widows broken, was the christian faith, 〈◇〉 saith he, returned to judaism, or paganism, to the end they might fr● mary again. Whereas you see all the Fathers agree, that the fa● whereof the Apostle speaketh, was their vow of chastity, whic● also clear, by the text itself, by the which it appeareth, that t●● brook their faith, by having a will to mary. Besides that it is ma●●fest, that if those widows were not hindered from marriage by th● vow, they had no cause to forsake the christian faith, to the end t●● might mary, amongst the Iewes, or Gentills, seeing that the marri●● of widows( not hindered by vow of chastity) was always perm●ted amongst Christians, and allowed by the Apostle himself, as app●●reth in this epistle, 
1. Cor. 7.  and his other to the Corinthians.  

Vide Bellar. loco citato.  25 In like manner the vanity of the three cauiling gloses of Cal●● is no less evident. For first he saith, that the widows faith, was th● faith or promise, made in baptism, and that they brook it by dislute, and wanton life: wherein you see, he contradicteth, not only the Fathers, but also the most natural, and literal sense of the text self, which ascribeth their breach of vow, and their damnation, their will, and desire of marriage, which desire is no way repugnant the faith or promise made in baptism, as I haue declared before.  
26 His second shift is, that though the young widows had pro●sed and vowed to live chast, yet their promise or vow, was of it se●● voided, because they were not of that age, which the Apostle requir● for the admission of widows, to the ministry of the church, saying Vidua eligatur non minus sexaginta annorum. Let a widow be chosen, of no le●● then threescore yeares. But this cavil, is no way compatible, either wi● the interpretation of the Fathers, which you haue heard, or with t● text itself, which sheweth plainly, that though the Apostle avoid inconveniences, did ordain, that the younger sort of widow● should not be admitted to the office of Diaconisse, yet he utterly mis●●ked, and condemned those that had broken their vow, judging the● to haue incurred, eternal damnation thereby, so that it is manifest that their vow did still bind them. Wherein I also wish it to be n●t●d by the way, that whereas the Apostle ordaineth, that no widow ●hall be chosen under threescore yeares of age, he speaketh not of their ●dmission to make a vow of continency, but that they should not be ●dmitted to the office of Diaconissa( as Tertullian saith) or to be of the ●●mber of those, who were sustained, and nourished by the church, 

Tertul. de v●la●d virginis ca. 9.& li. 1. ad vxorem cap. 7.  
S. Chris.& S. Ambros. in hunc locum S. Hieron. in ep. ad Saluinam circa medium. S. Hieron. ibid.   as ●. chrysostom, S. Ambrose, and S. jerome do expound it, and may be confirmed, by the greek text, where our Latin word eligatur, is catalegé●●, which properly signifieth to be enrolled, registered, or admitted, to the ●●●alogue, or number of others: and the reason of the Apostles ordinance was( as S. jerome noteth) partly because the younger widows might ●gett their living by their labour, and partly because they were in more danger to fall to incontinency, then the elder: and lastly, because it was very scandalous, and reproachful to the christian faith, that any of those widows, which were nourished by the church, should be noted of lasciviousness, in which respect it was necessary, that a very special care should be had in the choice, and admission of them, whereby never the less, the younger sort were not prohibited to live single, ot to make a vow of continency, if they were so disposed.  
27 For whereas our aduersaries, do further urge for that purpose, the words of the Apostle that follow. Volo iuniores nubere, filios procreare &c. I will, that the younger mary, and bring forth children( which they ●hould to be an absolute precept of marriage) it is to be understood, that he no more commanded young widows to mary, then to bring forth children, which was not in their power to perform, depending upon Gods benediction, and their natural fertility: but his meaning was thereby, to aduise Timothy, to permit such widows to mary, 
1. Timot. 5.  as were of themselves disposed thereto. For whereas the primitive fervour of christian zeal, was such in the Apostles time, that all the faithful tended to perfection, and those which were widows, betook themselves for the most part to perpetual widowhood: therefore the Apostle foreseing that this custom growing first of devotion, would seem in time to be obligatory, in such sort, that many young widows more frail then the elder, and forbearing marriage( rather to accommodat themselves to the custom and example of others, then of their own devotion) would commit scandal( as some already had donne) the Apostle, I say, to prevent this inconvenience, would haue it understood, that there was no obligation for widows to forbear marriage, and to vow chastity,& therefore he signified, that he would haue such of the younger sort, as were inclined, to mary and to take husbands.  
28 This is conform, to the doctrine, and sense of S. chrysostom, wh● expounding the foresaid words of the Apostle: 
1. Tim 5. S. Chrisost. in hunc locum.  Volo iuniores nubere. 〈◇〉 will that the younger mary Volo, saith he, quia& ipsae volunt. I will, because th● themselves will. Meaning, that the Apostle did speak of no other, b● such widows, as were themselves disposed to mary, whom h● would not haue to be prohibited. Which also S. chrysostom signifiet● further afterwards, saying. An vero matrimonium praecipit? Absit, said n● queen prohibet. Doth he command marriage? God forbid, neither doth he pr●hibit it &c. Non quod adolescentulas viduas esse nolit, said quod adulteras fi●vetet. Not that he would haue no young women to remain widows, b● because he forbiddeth them to be incontinent, that is to say, he permittet● them to mary, 
S. Ambros. li. de viduis parum ab initio. S. August. li. de bono viduita. ca. 8. S. Hieron. ep. 11. ad Ageruchiā, statim ab initio. 1. corinth. 7.  for the remedy, and prevention of incontinency. An● the same is also taught expressly by S. Ambrose, S. Augustin, and ● Hierom, who all affirm, that those words of the Apostle ( I will th● the younger mary) were no precept, but a counsel, for the remedy of th● infirmity of the younger sort.  
29 moreover, it is also evident, that the Fathers do understand i● like manner, that the same words of the Apostle did concern thos● only, who were free from all vows of continency, as manifestly appeareth, by that which they all say, concerning the like words o● the same Apostle to the Corinthians, to wit, those which do not live chas● let them mary, for it is better to mary then to be burnt, which( as I hau● amply shewed before) they seriously affirm, and teach, to belon● only to those, who haue not bound themselves to continency by vow● Besides that, the Apostle should be contrary to himself, if he shoul● either command, or yet permit marriage, to those whom he reprehended, and judged worthy of eternal damnation, for the only desire thereof. Thus much for Caluins second gloze.  
30 His third gloze is, that the promise of continency, which th● young widows made, was not a vow to God, but only a bare promise to the church, to live single, and chast, to the end they might serve with more freedom in the office of Diaconissae: even as, saith he▪ a woman that should desire to be entertained for a seruant, might promise not to mary, to the end shee might the more willingly be received, and serve with more liberty. But this evasion is as frivolous, as the former, both for that all the Fathers do with one consent teach, that the young widows vowed continency to almighty God( as I haue shewed) and also for that the Apostle, himself signifieth the same sufficiently, in that he giveth sentence of eternal damnation against them, for breaking their vow, as I haue proved, not only by the interpretation of the Fathers, but also by the usual sense, of the latin, and greek text.  
●1 And whereas Caluin seeketh yet an other starting hole, saying that they were not reproved by S. paul, for having a will to mary, but for their wanton, and lascivious life( whereby they brook, saith he, their faith or promise of chastity, which they made to the church:) it is to be considered, that the Apostle condemned in them a present sin, showing them to be in state of damnation, at the same time that they had a will to mary. Nubere volunt, saith he, 
1. Tim. 5.  habentes damnationem &c. They haue a will to mary, having damnation &c. Which could not be if their marriage were lawful, as Caluin holdeth it, seeing their lascivious acts were past, and they desirous to amend the same by honest marriage( according to Caluins doctrine) which for that present( I mean for the state wherein they were then) deserved rather commendation, then condemnation, because they desired, and sought, a lawful remedy, as Caluin, and his fellowes suppose: so that the Apostle should not in that case, haue had reason to condemn them for a present offence, as cardinal Bellarmin noteth iudiciouslie, 
Bellar. lo. ci●at.  against this shift of Caluin.  
32 Whereto I also add, that though it be granted, that they brook their vow by their wanton life, and therefore incurred damnation( as in deed they did) Caluin gaineth nothing thereby, seeing it doth not follow therefore, that vows of chastity, do not bind in conscience under pain of eternal damnation. For though fornication, is of itself a deadly sin, yet when it is committed, with breach of vow, it is far more greeveous, and deserveth far greater damnation, as being both against the law, and against the vow, so that, a votary committing fornication, deserveth damnation for two respects, the one for breaking the commandment, and the other for breaking the vow.  
33 And therefore, though the Apostle had not spoken, of the desire of marriage in the young widows, nor attributed their breach of vow thereto, as he doth expressly, yet ascribing it( as Caluin saith he doth) to their vnchast, and lascivious life, and adjudging them worthy of damnation, for breaking their vow therein, he sheweth evidently, that vows of chastity were usual in his time, and that they do bind in conscience under pain of eternal damnation. southhampton I also infer further, that forasmuch, as the young widows promised to the church, not only to live chast, but also to live single, and unmarried( according to Caluins own confession in his last gloze) it must needs follow, that they were conde●ned, as well for their desire of marriage, as for their incontinenc● seeing that their first faith debarred them from both, and bound the● no less to remain widows, then to live chast.  
34 Besides that, it seemeth a strange conceit of Caluin, to distingui●● betwixt a vow made to God, and a vow made to the church. Can th● any thing be donne to the church, pertaining to the service of Go● that is not donne to God? For seeing the church is the mystical bo● of Christ, and he the head thereof, there must needs be an inseper●ble, and mutual communication betwixt the one, and the other. therefore when Saule persecuted the church, our saviour said unto hi● Quid me persequeris? 
Act. 9. luke. 10.  Why dost thou persecute me? And to his disciples ● said. Qui vos audit, me audit, qui vos spernit, me spernit &c. He which he●reth you, heareth me he which despiseth you, despiseth me. And when An●nias and Saphica defrauded the church, in the price of their goods, ● Peter said, 
Act. 5.  they lied to the holly Ghost. Whereby it appeareth, that Chri●● doth so communicat with his mystical body, and spouse the church that what is donne to her, is donne to him, yea rather to him, then t● her, he being the end, whereto shee, and all her actions are referred Where upon it followeth, that seeing by Caluins confession, the w●●dowes promised not only chastity, but also single life, to the church they promised the same to Christ, rather then to the church, and therefore breaking their faith to the church, they broke it to Christ, an● according to the sentence of the Apostle, they justly incurred eternal damnation.  
35 So that we see, these Archsectaries, can by no means avoid, ●●●clude this evident testimony of the Apostle, concerning the obligation of vows of chast, and single life, whereby it may easily be judged, that they and their fellowes, sought these cavilling shifts, eue● contrary to their own consciences, only to defend their licentiou● lives, and their breach of vows, being most of them votaries, as Lu●● Luther, Bucer, Peter martyr, Pomeranus, Munsterus, Pellicanus, Musculu● Menius, Miconius, Ochinus, and Oecolampadius, who were all of them monks, or Friers: and as for Caluin, and Beza, with diuers others o● them, though they were not monks, Friers, or religious men, ye● they were priestes, and consequently bound by their profession t● chastity: and therefore resoluinge themselves to break their vows and to mary( as they all, or most of them did) it is no maruaile● though they busied their brains, and employed all their wits, to fin● out new gloses of the scriptures never heard, or dreamed of before▪ thereby to cast a mist before the eyes of men, to obscure the truth, ●●d shadow their own lascivious impiety.  
●6 And out of the same fountain, flowed their beastly paradoxes, ●nd detestable doctrine, whereof I haue spoken before in the 30. cha●ter, whereto may be added Luthers assertion concerning vows, 
Chap. 30. nu. 2. 3. 4. usque ad nu. 20.  no ●esse strange, and impious, then any of the former, affirming that a man ●an no more make a vow, that he will not haue the company of a wo●an, and multiply the earth, then that he will not be a man, which ●aith he, were mere folly to vow, and if it should be vowed, were of ●o validity, wherefore he adviseth, and counseleth his disciples, 
Luther de vita coniugali.  not ●o care, or be moved at all, etiam si decies, iuraueris, voueris, mera ferrea,& adamantina pacta. Although thou hast, saith he, sworn ten times, or ●awed vows of Iron, and made covenants of Diamond or adamant.  
●7 Behold the sound aduise of this holly doctor, how conform it ●s to the doctrine of the Apostle, and of all the ancient Fathers, who ●each as you haue heard, that the breach of vows of chastity, are ●amnable, and( as the Fathers say) sacrilegious, and worse then adultery, 〈◇〉 incest. Where upon I also infer further, that seeing the euange●icall counsel of virginity, and continency, may not only be lawfully vowed to God, but also being vowed, ought to be performed upon pain of eternal damnation, it must needs follow, that the ●●oo other evangelical counsels of poverty, and obedience, being also most acceptable to God, and necessary to the perfection of christian religion( as I haue amply proved) may in like manner be lawfully vowed, and ought to be accomplished upon the same penalty. Where upon also it yet followeth further, that the same vows are not only lawful, but also meritorious, for seeing the breach of them deserveth eternal damnation, as it appeareth in the Apostle, it cannot be denied, but that the observation thereof, meriteth eternal reward, for it pertaineth noe less to the iustice of God, to perform his promise, in the reward of good deeds, proceeding of his grace, ●hen to punish evil: and such is his mercy, bounty, and liberality, that he inclineth far more to reward, then to punish, promising reward for every cup of could water given in his name: how then will he reward those, who freely give him the greatest good they haue, that is to say, their will and liberty, yea all they haue, by an irrevocable promise, covenant, and vow, making themselves a true Holocaust, or burnt Sacrifice, according to S. Gregory, who saith notably thus. 
S. Greg. ep. 20. in Ezechiel. Post medium.  Qui se per fidem &c. Those which by faith, do vow themselves to God in holly conversation do become, 
Greg. ibid. Paulo post. Origin. supper Numeros homi. 25. post medium.  the Holocaust of God: and after a while. Cu● quis suum aliquid deo vouet &c. When any man doth vow unto God so● part of that he hath, and not all, he is a sacrifice, but when he voweth him, omne quod habet, omne quod sapit, all that he hath, all that he ●●ueth, all that he knoweth, or understandeth, that is to say, he that giue●● by vow to almighty God, all his wealth, his will, his vnderstandin● his iudgement, life, and all, Holocaustum est, saith S. Gregory, he is Holocaust, or burnt Sacrifice.  
38 And this do the true religious perform, by the three vows 〈◇〉 poverty, chastity, and obedience. For by the first, they irreuocablie gi●● to God, their wealth, and substance. By the second, their body▪ And by the third, their souls, not reserving to themselves, so mu●● as liberty of will, or iudgement, and consequently they do, as 〈◇〉 were sacrifice themselves, fully and wholly, and imitate our Sauio● Christ in great perfection, and therefore Origen, treating of diue●● kindes of vows, saith. Semetipsum deo offer &c. For a man to offer, 〈◇〉 sacrifice himself to God, is more perfect, and eminent, then all other vow●● and he, that doth it, is the imitator of Christ. Thus saith he. And S. A●gustin maketh no doubt to affirm, that the Apostles bound the●selues, to this imitation of Christ by vow, when they least all to fo●low, 
S. Aug. li. 17. de civitate dei ca. 4. post medium.  and obey him. Dixerunt, saith he, potentes illi &c. Those might ones( to wit the Apostles) said, behold we haue forsaken all, and follow thee, hoc votum potentissimi vouerant &c. This vow those most potent, almighty Apostles had vowed, but whence had they this( that is to say, th● grace to vow this) but from him of whom it is said, that he giveth the vo●● to the vower: Thus saith S. Augustin, signifying notably by the examp●● of the Apostles, as well the perfection of those, that bind themselves by vow, to the perfect imitation of Christ, as also that the sa●● proceedeth from the special grace of God, qui dat votum vouenti, w● gives the vow to the vower, and therefore is the only author of all lawful vows, no less then of all other things that are acceptable 〈◇〉 him.  
39 No marvel then, that the use of vowing the evangelical cou●sells, passed from the Apostles by their doctrine, and example, to oth●● faithful people in their time, as may appear sufficiently, not on●● by the vow of chastity, which the widows made( as I haue declared already) but also by the vow of poverty, which the Fathers do note, 
Act. 5.  in those that sold their goods in the Apostles time to live i● common, namely in Ananias, and Saphira, whose fraud, and offen●● ( for the which S. Peter punished them) did consist( as the Fathers ●nderstand) in breach of their vow, and therefore S. cyprian, treating ●f the obligation to perform vows made to God, allegeth the example of Ananias in the Acts of the Apostles. And S. chrysostom, 
S. Chrisost. ho. 12. in act in medic.  saith in the person of S. Peter, to Ananias. Quare hoc fecisti? &c. Why ●●dest thou this? Wouldest thou haue thy money? Thou shouldst haue had, or held 〈◇〉 in the beginning, before thou diddest promise it, but now after thou hast con●●rated it to God, thou hast committed a greater sacrilege, &c. It was lawful for thee to hold thy own goods, therefore why hast thou made them holly, and after taken them. Thus saith he. And S. jerome in like sort, affirmeth, 
S. Hieron. ●p. 8. ad Demetri. post medium. S. basil. ser. 1. de institut. monachorum. S. Aug. ser. 25. de verb. apostle. S. Fulgent. ep. de debito coniugali c. 8 Oecumen. in hunc locum. Arator li. 1. in act.  that Ananias, and Saphira, were condemned, quia post votum obtulerunt, quasi sua &c. Because after their vow, they offered their goods, as though they ●ad benne their own, and not his, cvi semel ea vouerant, to whom they had once vowed them. Also S. Basille, S. Augustin, S. Fulgentius, S. gregory, Oecumenius, and S. Beda to omit others, do teach the same expressly.  
40 And as this custom of vowinge these evangelical concells seu●●●llie, was introduced in the Apostles time, approved, and authorized by them, and by their example: so also the use of vowing the same jointly in monastical, or religious life, proceeded from the same ground, at the same time, as may appear by that which I haue before declared, out of S. dionysius, S. Paules disciple, who ascribeth the institution of monastical discipline, to the Apostles, and amongst other things which he relateth, concerning the profession of monks, he testifieth, that they made a solemn promise, and covenant before the altar, to renounce the world, and to embrace the monastical life, which( as I haue sufficiently proved before) consisteth in the observation of the three evangelical counsels, of poverty chastity, and obedience. And this public, and solemn manner of monastical profession by way of vow, hath benne continued in the church of God ever since: in respect whereof, it hath always been held unlawful, and damnable, for a professed religious man, not only to abandon his vocation, but also to haue the will, and determination to do it, and therefore S. Anthony( as S. Athanasius, 
S. Athanas. in vita S. Antonij.  reporteth in his life) exhorting the Monks his brethren to perseverance, compared those religious, that were weary of their profession, to Lots wife, who looking backward, was turned in to an image of salt, and applied to them, the saying of our saviour. Nemo ponit manum suam &c. No man that puts his hand to the plough, and looketh backward, is fit for the kingdom of heaven. Respicere autem retrorsum, saith he, nihil aliud est &c. To look backward is nothing else, but to repent thee of that which thou hast begun, a● to tie, or entangle thyself again with worldly desires. Thus saith S. Ath●nasius, or rather, both S. Antony and he, of the only desire to leave a r●ligious, or monastical life, after it is once undertaken, what th● would they haue said of apostasy from the same?  
41 S. basil, 
S. Basil. ep. 1. ad monachum lapsum in fine.  who lived in the time of S. Antony, writing to a Mo● that was fallen, putteth him in mind of his covenants made with Go● coram multis testibus, before many witnesses: and in his rules of monastica● life, signifieth, that he which having vowed himself to God in religious profession,& passeth afterwards to any other state of life, sacrileg● se scelere obstrinxit &c. 
Idem quaest. vel regula 14. fusius explicata. S. August. in Psal. 75. ante finem.  Is guilty of sacrilege, because he hath, saith he, it were stolen himself from God, to whom he had dedicated, and consecrat● himself. Thus saith S. basil. Also S. Augustin. Nemo, saith he, positus ● Monasterio frater dicat &c. Let no brother, or religious man, that is in a m●nastery say, I will leave, and forsake it, or that it is not to be thought th● only those shalbe saved, who live in monasteries, or that others which li●● abroad, do not pertain to God, for to him, that should so say, it is to be answ●red. Illi non vouerunt, tu vouisti. They haue not vowed, but thou h● vowed.  

Circa an. 400.  42 finally johannes Cassianus, who wrote also a thousand two hundreth yeares ago, treating of the perfection of religious men, and having said, that inestimable glory in heaven, is promised them for th● observation of their rules, and most grievous pains, prepared fo● them, 
joan. Cassian. de institutis renunciant. ca. 33.  if they neglect them, concludeth. Melius est enim &c. For it ● better according to the sentence of the scripture, not to vow, then to vow, and n● to perform it. Thus saith he, whereto I might add diuers other testimonies of the Fathers of those times, if it were needful, but herebie it sufficiently appeareth, that such as undertook monastical profession, in the primitive church, tied themselves thereto by vow, n● less then those of S. Benedicts order, which began in the next ag● after S. Augustin, 
Circa an. 500.  and johannes Cassianus, to wit, about the year of ou● Lord, 500. from which time forward, I think our aduersaries mak● no doubt, but that the use of vows hath benne always annexed, t● the observation of the evangelical counsels in monastical disciplin● as may appear by the rules of S. Benedict still extant, both in writing and in practise, amongst those of his holly order.  
43 Seeing then I haue proved, that the evangelical counsels, hau● benne practised under the obligation of vows, even from the time o● the Apostles, and with their warrant, who seeth not the absurdity o● Luther, Caluin, and other of their crew, which teach, 
Luther de vot. monast. Caluin li. 4. instit. ca. 13.  that we ought to ●●w nothing( especially for the service, and worship of God) but ●●ch things only as we are bound to do by precept, as to keep the ●●mmaundements, which every christian man voweth in baptism, ●●ough he be otherwaise bound thereto by precept? Whereas I haue ●ewed by the authority of Scriptures, Fathers, and the continual ●ractise of the Church, that chastity, and single life( which is not com●aunded in the Scriptures, but counseled) was vowed in the Apostles ●●e, and throughout the primitive Church, principally for the ●orshipp and service of God.  
●4 Besides that it is most manifest, that the vows mentioned by me ●efore out of the old testament, were of things not commanded, ●●d Moyses himself speaking of the obligation of vows in Deuterono●● saith. Si nolueris polliceri, absque peccato eris. 
Genes. 28. Leu●t. 27. Numb. 6.& 30. Deuter. 12.& 23.  Yf thou wilt not promise thou ●alt be without sin, that is to say, thou shalt not be bound under pain of 〈◇〉, to do that, which thou promisest, which cannot be understood of such ●●inges, as God hath commanded, for they are to be performed under ●aine of sin, whther they be vowed, or no.  
●5 And no less evident is also the absurdity of Peter Martyr, 
Petrus Marin li. de vot.& caelibat. contra Smitheum.  who af●●●meth, that the use of vows, belonged only to the ceremonies of the ●●ld law, whereof the contrary appeareth most manifestly, by all that ●hich I haue proved in this chapter, out of the Scriptures, Fathers,& ●ustome of the Church, which may be confirmed by the prophesy of ●ayas, who foretold of the christians, 
Isay. 19.  that colent eum in hostiis& muneri●●s,& vota vouebunt domino,& soluent. They shall worship him in sacrifices, ●●d gifts, and shall make vows to our Lord, and perform them. Which wor●es, S. jerome,& S. cyril,& others that comment upon that place, do ●xpresselie expound of the christians, and is fulfilled by our sacrifice of ●he mass,& all kind of religious vows, used continually in the church.  
46 The like may be said of the vanity, and absurdity of their obie●tions against our vows. For what can there be said of any weight, or ●oliditie against such a manifest truth, grounded upon such authori●ye as I haue alleged? This may appear by their vain, and friuo●ous cavils, absurdly grounded vpon such places of scripture, as teach that our service to God, or good works, ought to be voluntary, or free, ●s when the psalmist saith. Voluntariè sacrificabo tibi. 
Psal. 53.  I will sacrifice to thee ●●luntary. And that of the Apostle. Ne quoddle ex necessitate bonum tuum sit, said voluntarium. That thy good deed may not be, as it were of necessity, but voluntary, and such like: which signify nothing else, but that we should do all our good works( yea even those, whereto we bound either by precept, or vow) with a good will, and with alac● and promptitude, for love, and not for fear, with ioy, and mirth, 〈◇〉 not with grudging, or heaviness of hart, as the scripture testifiet● the children of Israell saying. 
1. Paralip. 29.  Laetatus est populus cum vota sponte promitt● quia cord toto offerebant ea domino. The people reioyced when they did of 〈◇〉 own free will promise, or make their vows, because they offered them to 〈◇〉 Lord with all their hartes. Whereby yt appeareth, that the obligation 〈◇〉 followeth of a vow, doth no more preiudicat the promptitude,& ●●dines in the execution, then doth the obligation of a precept, wh● though yt bindeth of necessity▪ yt may and ought to be freely, 〈◇〉 promptly executed, and therefore though sacrifice was commaun● in the old law, 
Psal. 53.  yet the psalmist said. Voluntariè sacrificabo tibi. I will sac●● voluntary unto thee, that is to say, as freely and willingly, as though th● were no necessity or commandement thereof at all, and the same is 〈◇〉 to be understood of vows.  
47 And no less vain, and frivolous is the argument, that they fra●● upon their false conceit of christian liberty, which they say, is ●peached, and vterly overthrown, by the obligation of vows, 〈◇〉 therefore they teach that Christ would haue all kindes and state● life, to be continually free for any man to choose, or leave as he sho● think good. Whereas nevertheless they tie themselves to marria●● whereby they are no less restrained from single life, then they sho● be debarred from marriage by a vow of chastity: and though they te●●● this freedom and evangelical liberty( as they call yt) when they i●pugne our vows, yet at other times when they argue against our Eu●gelicall counsels, they hold, and teach, that nothing was left at 〈◇〉 liberty, or indifferent, but that all things are either precisely co●maunded, or forbidden, wherein how they agree with themselves leave it to the iudgement of others.  
48 finally whereas they pretend such liberty of the gospel, t●● they hold the obligation of vows, to be no other then the seruit●●● of the law, from the which they say, Christ delivered us, it is to 〈◇〉 understood, that the true christian liberty, which we haue by 〈◇〉 faith, and grace of Christ, is no other, but that wee are deliuer●● first, 
Rom 6.  from the servitude of sin( for liberati a peccato, saith the Apostle, se● facti estis justitiae, being delivered from sin, you are become the seruants or bo●● men of righteousness.) Secondlie, we aree also freed from the manifou● ceremonies of the old law, which were but shadows, and signific●tions of those things, which wee now haue in verity and truth. And ●tlie, we are discharged of the fear and bondage of law, but not of 〈◇〉 obligation of law, because wee do by the help of charity and ●ce, fulfil the commandment of Gods law, willingly and ioyful● out of a filial love, and not for seruil fear, so that although wee are ●and by the law, yet ar not, sub lege, under the law,& this is the true chri●●●n liberty, whereof the Apostle speaketh, as S. Augustin teacheth ●●●ablie, and this no more excludeth the observation of vows, then 〈◇〉 obligation of the ten commandments, whereto every christian ●●n is bound, not with-standing any liberty, or freedom from the tv, that he may lawfully pretend to haue from the merits of Christ.  
●● moreover, the sectaries object particularly against vows of ●●astitie, that the Apostle having exhorted the Corinthians to virginity, ●●deth. Hoc ad utilitatem vestram dico, not vt laqueum vobis inijciam. 
1. Cor. 7  I say this 〈◇〉 your profit, and not to entangle you, or to cast you into a snare. By which words ●eter martyr understandeth, that vows of chastity are plainly forbid●n, as snares and entanglements of mens consciences: whereas the ●eaning of the Apostle is no other, but that he so exhorteth them to ●ontinencie, that he will not compel them unto it, for so S. Augustin ●●poundeth it, saying. Non vt laqueum vobis inijciam, id est non vt vos cogam, 
S. Aug. de bono. viduitat. cap. 9. S. Hierom. li. 1. contra jovin. ante. medium. Theodoret& Theophilac. in hunc loc●m.  〈◇〉 that I cast you into a snare, that is to say, not that I compel you. And the ●●ke saith S. Hierom against jovinian, and Theodoretus, Theophilact, and ●thers, that haue written commentaries upon the same epistle, so that ●●ough the Apostle would not compel any man, to bind himself by ●ow to chastity, yet he left it to every mans election, upon good, ●nd mature deliberation, to bind himself if he were so disposed. This ●hall suffice touching the objections of our aduersaries, against re●●gious vows. And what the politics object against the same, in ●egard of common wealth, shal bee declared, and answered in the next Chapter.   

certain objections of the politics, out of the laws of diuers Emperours and kings, against religious discipline are ansuered, and the impiety of the said laws is shewed, by the notable punishment of God upon the lawe makers. With a brief recapitulation, and conclusion of all the former chapters, concerning religious discipline. CHAP 34.  
1 YT r●steth now, good Reader, for the conclusion of 〈◇〉 which I haue hitherto treated, cencerning our euang●●●cal perfection, and true imitation of Christ in religi●● discipline, that I also clear certain other difficulties, p●●posed by the politics against religious life, in regard of com●● wealth, which they suppose to be much prejudiced, not only by vo●● of chastity( whereby the increase, and multiplication of manki●● they say is hindered) but also because the retired life of religious m●● and spiritual occupations, 
Baron. an. 701. Vasaeus. in Chron, an 702. Baron. an. 373. Baron. an 1057. Ba●on. an. 969. Nicetas Choniates Annal. in Manuele. Comneno.  debar them from the temporal seruic● common wealth, in respect whereof, Vitiza king of spain, forced r●●●gious men and priestes to marry, yea, and gave them leave to ke● concubines, for the increase of the common wealth. And the emper● Valens, compelled monks to serve in the warres, as I haue noted ●●fore. And Mauritius the emperour ordained, that no soldier sho● enter into religion, except he were lame, and unfit for the warres, or 〈◇〉 had served out the time described by the law. And Isacius Comnenus emperor of Constantinople, confiscated all the lands and goods of mona●ries, allowinge them certain stipends. Finally the emperour Niceph● Phocas, not only peeled and spoyled monasteries, but also made a la● that noe more religious houses or monasteries should be built, pro●●ding thereby very prudently( as these men think) for the service, ●●fence, and benefit of the common wealth.  
2 Here then it is to be considered, that the true ground of this ob●●ction, can be no other but mere Athisme, denying the providence▪ God, in the affairs of men, and gouermente of common wealth. F● no man who firmly believeth, that common wealths, and princ●● states, do principally depend upon the wil●, and providence of Go● can imagine that those things which are most pleasant to God, and pr●ceede from his holy inspiration( as I haue proved virginity and re●●gious life, to do) can be in any case hurtful to common wealth. therefore those which make any doubt of this point, 
Cha●. 17. num. 1. 2. 3. & sequent.  must for their bett●● satisfaction, call to mind, that which I haue sufficiently shewed, partl● in the first part of this treatise, and partly in this, to wit, that almigh●● God is he, as the prophet saith, that changeth times and ages, and transl●teth, 
Chap. 18. 19. 21.& 22. per totum.  constituteth and ordaineth kingdoms at his pleasure: which I haue an●plie proved, as well by the evident success of Daniels prophesies, concerning the four empires, as also by very many examples of God iustice, executed upon princes and their states for sin, besides diuers ●●her proofs of Gods providence, in the conduct of mens affairs, both ●●iuat, and public: whereto is also to be added, the consideration of ●●at which I haue also treated in this second part, concerning the end ●●d chief good of common wealth, which I haue proved to consist in ●●ns union with God, by the means of religion.  
● This being so, were it not absurd to think, that religious life, ●hich doth specially unite man with God, can be damageable to man, 〈◇〉 common wealth, which depend on the will and providence of God? ●ave declared before, that religious perfection is so contrary to mans ●●sual and corrupt nature, that it is not possible, that any man, and ●uch more many men, should arrive unto it, without Gods special vo●●tion, and assistance. Can therefore any man with reason imagine, that ●od should be so contrary to himself, as having a care to maintain ●●d concern common wealths, he would cause and move men to ●●ligious life, if the same were hurtful and prejudicial to common ●ealth? This cannot be imagined of the goodness of almighty God, 〈◇〉 whom it were extreme folly, and impiety to think, that he will ●ffer that state to perish, which flourisheth in perfection of christian ●●ligion, and is thereby most acceptable, and dear unto him, and most ●●ted with him,  
● Yea, but say the Pollitikes, if all men should be religious, how ●●uld common wealth stand? Whereto I answer with the common ●rouerbe. If the sky fall we shal catch larks. As though there were any ●●nger, that either all men, or most men, will be religious? 

S. Hieron contra jovin. li. 1. post medium.  
S. Ambros. li. 3 de virgin. ante medium.  
Idem ibid.   Therefore 〈◇〉 Hierom said well to jovinian. Noli metuere ne omnes virgines fiant, difficilis 〈◇〉 est virginitas,& idio rara, quia difficilis. fear not that all will be virgins, or 〈◇〉 continent, virginity is a hard and difficult thing, and therefore rare because 〈◇〉 is difficult. And S. Ambrose saith to the same purpose: Nonullos dixisse au●● &c. I haue heard many say, that by religious life, the world goeth to wrack, ●ankind decayeth, and marriage is overthrown. But I ask, who ever sought for a ●●fe and could find none? And again, if any man, saith he, doth think that ●ankind is diminished by the consecration, or profession of virgins, let him consider, 〈◇〉 where there are few virgins, there are also few men, and where there is more ●●quent profession of virginity, there is also great number of men. Thus saith ●●●se learned& holy Fathers, taxing the nedlesse fear,& idle doubts, ●●at worldlings cast of the decay of the world by religious perfection, ●●though almighty God, who both governeth the whole world by ●●s providence, and moveth men to religious life, could not, or would ●●t, out of his infinite bounty and goodness, so accommodate his inspirations, to the temporal necessity of every common wealth, that 〈◇〉 same shalbe conserved, and not endamaged thereby, and therefore we may well say with the prophet. Trepidauerunt timore ubi erat timor. 
Psal. 13.  They trembled for fear, where there was no cause of fear, wh● as on the other side, it may be feared, or rather with great reason ●●●firmed, that common wealth should receive far more damage, the decay of religious continency, then by the maintenance, 〈◇〉 conservation thereof.  
5 For whatsoever may be thought, of countries newly inhabited▪ fallen to utter desolation( where there can be no fear of any immo●●rat increase of people for some time) yet in countries already peop●●( as all christian countries are) it is evident, that the numerositie of p●●ple, if it grow to excess, is damgerous to the common wealth, seeing t● thereof may follow, extreme poverty in very many, and consequen● thefts,& robberies, yea seditions,& rebellions, which not only ●●●stotle, 
2. Politico. c. 7.  but also experience teacheth, to be many times effects of ●●uertie.  
6 And if we consider, what hath followed in our own country the free liberty of marriage in all men without exception, since suppression of catholic religion, we shall haue little cause to thi● that the continency of religious, and ecclesiastical men, was ever 〈◇〉 judicial to our common wealth, which appeareth sufficiently by the numerable multitude of rogues, vagabounds,& idle persons, swarm● every where in England, more then ever, to the great detriment of weal public, in so much that the gallows deuowreth more in t●● our dayes, about London only, then it did in times past, throughou● England: besides the multitudes of poor people, that load,& ouerchar● every parish, not withstanding the ordinary remedy of evacuation ●●●tinuallie used, in sending out infinite numbers to the warres of Frau●●● Ireland, Holland, and voyages by sea, without the which( and the g● mortality, that hath benne, many times by plauges) it may well be s●posed, that the increase of our people, would haue benne insupp●●table, and far exceeded the habilitie of our territory, to mainta●● them.  
7 This was very well considered( as it seemeth) by a burgess of Parliament, in the last queens time, who made a motion to the lo●● house( as I haue heard) that it might bee enacted( that all the m●sters, throughout England, should either bee forced to live sing● and continent, or else be made Eunuchs, for that being married they are, and not having any other maintenance, then their be● f●●es( which cannot descend to their children, nor be left to their ●●●nes) two great inconveniences, he said, must needs follow the●on, the one, that they cannot help to relieve the poor of the ●●rish( as the curates did in catholic times, and the monasteries ●uch more) and the other that they must needs leave beehind ●●em, a race of rogues, and beggars, to be sustained by their parishes, 〈◇〉 the great greauaunce thereof, and the general oppression of the ●ommon wealth.  
And although I do not allow, both the partes of this twoofould ●roposition, I mean the latter, yet I must needs say, that he had great ●eason in the former, to wit, that it were good, and necessary for the ●ommon wealth, that ministers should be bound to live single, and con●●●nent for the same reasons that he yielded, which were so pregnant, ●nd evident, that they cannot be denied. Where upon it also fol●●weth, that the chast and continent life of religious men, neither was 〈◇〉 times past, nor could be, any way hurtful to the common wealth, but ●ather very behoveful, and profitable thereto, for that the increase ●f the people was thereby kept in such moderation, as it neither was ●●doundant to the surchargde, and oppression of the common wealth, ●or yet defective for the due defence thereof, as sufficiently appea●ed in all occasions, as well of foreign, as civil warres, whereby it is also evident, how vain, and frivolous is the doubt, mentioned in the ●biection of the want of soldiers, supposed to ensue of religious ●ife.  
● To this purpose it is also to be considered, that the strength of a coun●ry or an army, consisteth not so much in multitudes of men, as in a ●ompetent number well disciplined, for did not Alexander the great, overthrow six hundreth thousand men of Darius, yea, and conquer a great part of the world, with less then forty thousand men? Did not also the Romans propagate, and enlarge their empire, rather by mi●●tarie discipline, then by number of souldiears? And who knoweth not, if he be a soldiear, that when two armies meet, of a hundred thousand men a piece, that the battle is commonly won or lost, before forty thousand be slain on both parties? And that great armies, ●re many times dissipated and defeated, rather by some stratagem, or invention of war, then either by the force, or multitude of men? whereof proof hath been made in sundry battailes, wherein ●t hath been seen, that a handful of men, in comparison, haue put to ●ight, infinite thousands. Al which considered, it must needs be granted, that the good success thereof, could not so much depend vpon the multitudes of people, as on Gods benediction, and assistance, for Dominus custodierit civitatem &c. 
Machabae. li. 1. ca. 3.  Except our Lord do keep the city, they ●●bour in vain, that defend it. And as the valiant Iudas Machabeus said. 〈◇〉 in multitudine exercitus victoria belly, said de caelo fortitudo est. The victor● war, doth not consist in the multitude, or greatness of the army, but all fo●●●tude, and strength is from heaven. Where upon it followeth, that 〈◇〉 more that any common wealth is united with God, by religious pe●●●ction, the more victorious, it shalbe in war, the more prosperou● peace, and the more happy in all occasions.  
10 Furthermore it is to be considered, that religious men, are no● wholly exempt from arms, but that they may, and ought in ext●●mities, to use them for the necessary defence, of the city, or co●try where they dwell, as it is manifest by the practise of the chur●● as well in former times, 
S. Greg. li. 7. Ep. 20. Indict. 1. Baron. an. 598.  as in this. S. Gregory the great, gave order the bishops of Italy, in time of the Lumbards warres, above a thous●●● yeares ago, to command all ecclesiastical persons, to assist in ●●fence of their cities, and the like was ordained by the late Popes, 〈◇〉 the time of the league in france, wherein some clergy men did 〈◇〉 table feats of arms, and amongst others, a jesuit saved the city 〈◇〉 Paris from surprise, when it was one night assailed on that side wh● they kept their watch, near to their own college. So that as in ca● of necessity, they are not debarred from the use of temporal arm● so also, at other times they use the spiritual, for the defence, and pr●speritie of the common wealth, appeasing with their penance, a● prayers the wrath of God, which otherwise might destroy, or se●●relie punish the same, for the sins of men.  

S. Bern. ser. breves. Ser. 63.  11 Here upon S. Bernard saith of religious men, that ipsi pro toto ●●clesiae corpore viz. tam vivis, quam mortuis, orare sunt constituti. They a● ordained to pray, for the whole body of the church, as well the ●●uing, as the dead.  
12 The truth of this may appear, by many notable examples, whi●● occur in all histories, and times, of singular benefits donne to cittie● countries, princes, and their states, by the merits and prayers of re●●gious men, whereof I will allege some in diuers ages.  


Obiit an. 372.  
S. Hieron. in vita S. Hilarionis aliquantulum postmedium.   13 S. Hilarion, the holly Abbot, disciple to S. Antony, obtained of almighty God, abundance of rain, for the remedy of an extrea● drought, which followed presently upon S. Antonies death, and co●tinued for three yeares together, in the countries adjoining to the d●serts of egypt, where also infinite number of people, as S. jerome wi●nesseth, being strooken, or bitten by venomous serpents, were cured 〈◇〉 him with holly oil, which he gave them to apply to their wounds.  
●● He delivered also the city of Epidaurus, in Dalmatia, 
Idem. ibid. circa finem.  from a mon●●rous serpent called Boa, so huge, that he devoured, and swallowed up ●oth men, and beasts, which he drew to him, with the violent force ●f his breath, but the holly man having caused a great pile, and heap ●f wood to be laid logether, forced the serpent by his prayers, to ●●me forth in presence of the people, and to climb upon it, and to ●●maine there until fire was put under him, and he burned.  
●● Also the same city of Epidaurus, being in extreme danger of a ●eluge, by a terrible inundation of the sea, was most miraculously ●eliuered by him. For the people, seeing the sea swell in such horrible ●anner, that mountaines of waves came rolling upon the city, ●hey had such a confidence in his prayers, that they took him by for●, and set him on the shore, and after that he had made the sign of ●he cross thrice in the sand, and stretched out his hands against the ●aues, it is incredible, saith S. jerome, to what a height the sea swelled, and ●●anding up before him, and as it were raging for the opposition which and made against it, until at length it retired itself. Hoc( saith he) Epi●●rus,& omnis illa regio, &c. This the city of Epidaurus, and all the country o testify until this day, and the mothers do teach it to their children, to the ●●d, it may be recommended to the memory of all posterity. Thus writeth S. Hie●●me, who lived in the same age, and was born in the same country of ●almatia, where this happened.  
●6 The worthy and religious Emperour Theodosius, 
Glicas Annal. par. 4. Metaphrastes die 31. januarij. Baron. an. 388.  surnamed the ●he Great, obtained a notable, and miraculous victory, against his eni●ies, by the prayers and merits of a holly Monk, called Senuphius, ●hose staff and scapular, he carried himself in the battle, and so ●otorious was the miracle, that there was a feast, solemnized yearly, ● long time after in Alexandria, in memory of it. Besides that, there was also a statua, or image of Theodosius erected there, expressing the manner how he carried the staff of Senuphius in his hand, and his sca●●ular upon his head in the battle.  
●7 Mascezil having but five thousand men, and being accompanied, 
An. 398. Orosius li. ●●. c. 36. Baron. an. 398.  ●nd assisted by the prayers of the holly Monks of the island of Capra●●a, overthrew his brother Gildo, the Tyrant of afric, who had in his army, twenty thousand soldiers, but afterwards forsaking the company, and counsel of those holly men, by whose means he had obtai●ed that notable victory, he fell to ruin, as testifieth Orosius, who lived ●n the same age.  
●8 
An. 527. Ciril. in vita B. Theodos. To. 7. an. 527.  Kericus, or Cipriacus, a captain of justinian the Emperour, obtained a great victory against the Persians, by the prayers and miraculou● assistance, of S. Theodosius the Abbot, as witnesseth S. Ciril in the life 〈◇〉 S. Theodosius.  
19 S. 
S. Greg. li. 6. ep. 23. indict. 15. Baron. an. 596.  Gregory, attributeth the delivery of Rome, from the siege& sac● of the Lumbards, to the holy life, merits,& intercession of three thousa●● religious women, which were then maintained in the city,  
20 S. 
Obijt. an. 613. Surius. To 2. Baron. an. 603.  Theodorus Sicaeota an abbot, delivered the people of jerusalem from a great drought by his prayers,& the country of Caria, from th● inundation of the river Copas, by setting in the shore a cross, whic● afterwards it never passed.  
21 S. 
An. 982. Baron. eodé. an.& an. 961. To. 10.  Nicon having lived twelve years in religion,& being then sent 〈◇〉 his abbot to convert nations, delivered the city of Lacedaemon, from great plague by his prayers.  
22 Duke 
Circa an. 113. Surius li. 2. ca. 7. To. 4.& in vita S. Bernar. l. 2 c. 7.  Ranulph, having obtained a great victory against Rog● king of Sicily, attributed it wholly to the merits and prayers of S. Be●nard then living, and therefore meeting with a monk of his order, ● he was in pursuit of his enemies, he fell at his feet.  
23 henry 
Obiit an. 1189. Sur. to. 6. ca. 7. in vita S. Hugonis.  the second, king of England, ascribeth his escape fro● drowning in the sea, to the merits and prayers of S. Hugh, to whom he recommended himself, though he was then living, and prior of th● Carthusians, but afterwards bishop of lincoln.  
24 S. 
Obiit an. 1226. Sur. To. 5. in vita S. Fran.  francis, delivered the city of Aretium, from a perilous sed●tion, by commanding the divels, which caused it, to depart fro● thence, as witnesseth S. bonaventure in the life of S. Francis.  
25 Also about the same time, S. 
Obiit an. 1153. S. Antonin. in hist. par. 3. Tit. 24. ca. 6. Sur. 12. August.  clear the holy virgin, deliuer● the city of Assisio, from the sack and spoil, of a great army of th● Emperour Frederick Barbarossa, conducted by Vitalis de Auersa, who ha● sworn, that he would never, raise his siege, until he had taken i● and when it was brought to such extremity, that it could no longe● resist the enemy, S. clear being then prioress of a monastery there assembled all her religious sisters, and caused them to join with he● in extraordinary prayer and penance, and so acceptable were the● holly endeavours to almighty God, that the very next night, th● army of Vitalis was suddenly dissolved, and he forced to depa●● thence.  
26 S. 
Obiit an. 1292. Surius To. 4. 7. Augusti.  Albertus a Carmelit friar, miraculously delivered Messin● strongly besieged by Roger king of Naples, from an extreme, and remediless famine, by three ships furnished with provision, which upon a sudden appeared in the haven, and could not by any human meane● arrive thither, which benefit the king, and people of Messina, attribute● the merits and prayers of S. Albertus.  
27 
Obiit an. 1418. Petrus Ransanus in vita S. Vincentij li. 3.  S. Vincentius Feruerius, of S. Dominicks order, drove away a horrible storm in Catalunia, with the sign of the cross, obtained rain in an extreme drought in Carcassona in france: and with holly water, and singing holy himmes, destroyed innumerable vermin, which wa●●ed and ruined the fields, and vine yards, at Murisia in spain. 
Platus de bono status religio. l. 2. c. 30.   
28 Many more examples might be added in this kind, of temporal blessings, bestowed by almighty God upon countries, and states, through the merits,& intercession of religious men, which I willingly pretermit, to say somewhat of far greater benefits, I mean spiritual, and such as are most notorious, and evident to the world, to wit, the conversion of nations to the christian faith, by the holly labours of religious men, which I will briefly touch, for the satisfaction of the unlearned, who do not understand the latin tongue, for that the learned, either are not ignorant of it, or at least may see it amply laid down, by 
P. Platus de bono stat. religiosi li. 2. ca. 30. Bozius de sig. Eccle. li. 4. sig. 6.  Father Platus of the society of Iesus in his book, de bono status religiosi, and by Bozius, de signis ecclesiae.  
29 
Baro. an. 499.  S. Remigius, who was first a monk from his childhood, and after bishop of rheims in france, converted king Clodoue, and all the French nation, from paganism to the faith of Christ, about the year of our Lord, five hundreth, and thirty, and about the same time, or within ten yeares after, 
Baro. an. 560.  S. Martin, first a Monk, and after bishop, converted the Sueuians, from the Arrian heresy, to the catholic faith.  
30 
Baro. an. 596.  S. Augustin, with four other religious men, sent by S. Gregory the Pope( who was also religious, before he was Pope) converted king Ethelbert in England, and his subiects in Kent, to the Christian faith. And not long after, Lambert 
Platus ubi supra.  of Liege, a religious man, converted also a part of Germany.  
31 
Ibidem& Bozius ubi supra. An. 683. Baro. an. 723.  S. Wilfrid, S. Willibrod, S. Swibert, and S. Boniface, all of them english men, and religious by profession, though afterwards bishops, sowed the holy seed of christian religion, in the higher and lower germany, as S. Wilfrid first, and after S. Willibrod in Holland, and friesland, S. Guibert in Saxony, S. Boniface in Thuringia, Hassia, and in diuers other partes of Germany, in so much that he is even until this day, accounted by the Germans their Apostle, being made bishop of Mentz, by Pope gregory the second, and afterwards martyred.  
32 Villeardus, 
P. Platus ubi supra.  Ludgerus, and Ansgarius, all three religious in france, converted also an infinite number of infidels, to the christian faith, 
Circa an. 800.  the two first in Franconia in Germany, the third in denmark, Sue●land, Gothland, and Grouland, and an other religious man, called 
Bozius ubi supra.  Steue● succeeding Ansgarius, in his labours in Suethland, and the countries a● joining, converted all the province of Helinga, though he was mar●●red in the end.  
33 Albus 
P. plate. ibid. Circa. an. 970.  the Abbot of Fleuri in france, was also martyred in pre●ching the faith of Christ to the Gascons, after that he had conuerte● very many of them.  
34 Adalbertus 
Circa an. 980. Idem ibid. Cromer. li. 8. vide Bozium ubi supra.  first bishop of Prague, and afterwards a professe● monk of S. Benits order, in the monastery of Cassinum in Italy, wer● together with his brother Gaudentius( who was also a monk) into P●nonia, now called Hungary, and brought all that nation( then most ba●barous) to the fold of Christs church, and from thence went to preac● to the Sarmatians, Russians, Lituanians, Moscouits, Prussians, and speciall●● to the Polonians, whose king Boleslaus they made christian, though afterwards, Adalbertus was martyred in Prussia.  
35 Bruno, 
Circa an. 1025. Platus li. 2. c. 30.  son to Lotarius duke of Saxony, professing religion in Rome, was sent by Pope John, the Nineteenth of that name, into Russia● where having gained many to the christian faith, he was crowne● with martyrdom: though not long after, an other religious man calle● Bonifacius, disciple of S. Romoaldus, converted the king of Russia, and a●● that nation, excepting only the kings brother, who caused the sai● Bonifacius to be cruelly murdered, or rather martyred..  
36 Otho, 
Ci●ca an. 1125. Idem ibid.  being sent by Pope Calixtus the second, from a monasteri● in Germany( where he professed religious life) into Pomerania, baptize● Warceslaus the prince thereof, and his subiects. And within a whil● after, an other religious man, called Vicelinus, went with four companions from france, to preach the christian faith to the Vandals, whom after thirty yeares continual labour, they converted, and founde● amongst them many notable monasteries.  
37 Also in the age following the holly orders of 
An. 1245. Ibidem.  S. francis, and S. dominic, being instituted, Pope Innocentius the fourth, sent certaine● Franciscans, into some parte of Tartary, where they planted the christian faith, and after some yeares, built many churches, and monasteries there.  

Circa an. Do. 1247. Ibidem.  38 About the same time, Ascelinus a Dominican, was also employed with others of his order, by the said Pope Innocentius, in the conversion of the Tartars, though with no other fruit at the first, but their own meritorious labours, yet the mission being afterwards continued in those partes, an infinite number of people was converted, and christened, amongst whom no light nor knowledge of Christ had been be●●re, and that with so great fruit, as it is written, that the souls con●erted by them to the faith, could not be numbered, especially amongst ●●e Cumans, whereupon the superior there, writing to the general( which ●●tters are yet extant) declareth, that many thousands of men, not only ●f the common people, but also of the nobility, received baptism.  
●9 In the age ensuing, 
An. 1341.  to wit the year of our Lord a thousand three ●●ndred forty one, other missions were made of the Franciscans, into those ●artes, by Pope Benedict the tenth, who sent two of that order, as his ●postolicall legates, to the Emperour of Tartary, with whose licence, ●hey greatly propagated the christian faith in those countries,& about ●he same time, a great learned man of the same order, 
Platus ibid.  called Gonsalus ●turatus, was sent into armoniac, as also an other called Paschalis in to Me●●●, and gentiles into Persia, where they laboured many yeares, and wann many souls to God, though not with such public, and general fruit, ●s in other partes.  
●0 About these times also, an other Franciscan, 
Circa an. 1370. Ibidem.  called Odoricus Foroliuien●●●, being sent into the East,& South partes, amongst the Infidels, bapti●ed twenty thousand souls.  
●1 Also the king of Hungary, having subdued certain nations of the ●nfidels, adjoining eight Franciscans, were sent unto him at his request,& in ● few dayes, converted two hundreth thousand to the faith of Christ, where upon the said king, sent for two thousand more of the same order, 
Ibidem. & the ●eneral that then was, wrote public letters( which are yet extant) to al ●is order, encouraging them to undertake that glorious enterprise.  
●2 In the next age, to wit, about the year of our Lord, 
Circa an. 1450. Ibidem.  a thousand ●●ure hundred and fifty, johannes Capistranus a Franciscan, in one voyage ●hich he made amongst the infidels, baptized 12000. and reconciled also many schismatics unto the church, in the same journey.  
●3 Afterwards in the same age, the Franciscans, not only assisted Chri●●phorus Columbus, in his suite to Ferdinand, the catholic king of Spai●e, by whose means he was sent in the discovery of the west Indiae, 
An. 1493.  ●ut also some of the same order, presently went thither themselves, to ●reach the christian faith. And about the same time, away being also ●pened in to the east Indiae, by Vasco Gama, eight of the same order men ●●celling in learning and piety, were sent thither, who multiplied ●heir own order there in such sort, that their covents were distribu●ed into thirteen provinces.  
●4 About the same time, to wit, the year of our Lord, 
An. 1500. Ibidem.  a thousand five ●undreth, the Dominicans were also employed into those countries,& after them the Augustins, where they haue had ever since a glorious ha●uest, with great fruit and profit of souls, and amplification of t●● christian religion.  
45 Lastly the society of Iesus, being instituted about the year of o●● Lord, 
An. 1540. Ibidem. Bozius ubi supra. an. 1541. Horatius Tursellinus in vita B. Xauerij li. 1. ca. 13.  one thousand five hundreth, and forty, was sent shortly after to t● East, and West Indiae, where they gained infinite souls to God, and especially in the East, whither they went in the year, a thousand, five hu●dreth, forty and one, under the conduct of the famous, and holly Fath●● B. Francisco Zauerio, of whom I haue spoken 
Chap. 27. Nu. 37. Obiit an. 1552.  before, as also of his gl●rious labours in spreading the gospel, and faith of Christ in Capo● Camorin( where he built above forty churches) in Mazane( where baptized two kings, and a great number of their subiects) in Mala●● in the islands of Molucche and Moro, and lastly in Giapone, in all whi●● places, he exceedingly dilated, and propagated the christian fai●● which hath also benne much increased there, and daily is, by the ●●thers of the same society, especially in the threescore kingdoms 〈◇〉 Giapone, where the harvest, and labour, hath hitherto benne only thei● Whereto I may also add, for Gods greater glory, that whereas it seem● in times past, that there was no hope of access or possible means, 〈◇〉 the preaching of the christian faith, in the ample and rich kingdom ● China( by reason of certain penal, and capital laws, forbidding 〈◇〉 entrance thereof to all strangers) the Fathers of the society, ha● nevertheless, not only opened the passage thither, but also plan● themselves in diuers partes thereof, and in the principal city cal● Pachin, where the kings court resideth, where they haue also by his ●cence erected a college, as also many more in diuers other parts his dominions.  
46 Thus then thou seest, good Reader, how inestimable is the ●●nefit, that the whole world hath received by religious men, no less this very age, then in former times, seeing that they haue benne fo● many hundreth of yeares, and still are, the special instruments, a● means, to promulgate the law, and faith of Christ to the world, 〈◇〉 the salvation of man: 
S. Chrisost. hom. 56. ad populum antiochen. de monachor. vita. Euseb. li. 1. de demonstra. ca. 8.  whereby it well appeareth, how worthilie● chrysostom calleth them. Luminaria mundi. The lights of the world. A● how truly also Eusebius saith, that they are consecrated to God. vniuerso genere. For all mankind.  
47 And therefore I cannot omit here by the way, to desire the● reflect some what seriously upon this point, and well to ponder tw● things. The one, what an evident testimony this is, not only of 〈◇〉 great worth, and merit of religious profession, but also of the ver● of catholic religion, which admiteth and teacheth it, seeing that ●here redoundeth thereof, so great glory to almighty God, and such ●otable fruit to the whole world, as hath here benne declared.  
●8 The other is, to consider, what benefit the world hath reaped, or ●ay reap, by our aduersartes in this kind, I mean what nations they ●ave converted from infidelity, to the faith of Christ, or what ende●ours, or yet good will, they haue shewed thereto, yea, or how it can ●●and with their profession to do it, seeing they haue no exercise of ●he evangelical counsels( to wit of voluntary poverty, chastity, and ●bnegation of themselves) but reject them, partly as superstitious, te●erarious, and a tempting of God, and partly as impossible( as I haue signified before) whereby they utterly exclude themselves, from all practise of apostolical preaching, for the conversion of infidels.  
49 For he that is charged, and burdened with wife and children, and will be sure of his, and their provision, before he stir his foot, how can he undertake such long and dangerous voyages, and wholly depend vpon Gods providence, as the Apostles did, in forsaking all to follow him, and as our religious still do, and all others must do, who mean ●o undertake that heroical labour?  
50 This certainly is the work of God in ours,& performed by him ●n most strange and admirable manner, that is to say, to confound the strong by the weak, and to reduce all the strength, power, and wisdom of the world, to his subiection, and obedience, not by force of arms, and powerful means, but by infirmity, and supposed folly, I mean by such instruments, and ministers, as being feeble, weak, and simplo in the sight of men, and yet practising the perfection of that which they preached, should not only persuade men the possibility of his law, but also induce them to the obedience of it by their example. For otherwaise, who would not haue expected, that those which preached, this strange, and rigorous law, should first practise it themselves? Can he be fitt to persuade men to contemn riches, who wal●oweth in wealth, and will himself endure no want? And he that cannot live without a wife, and pampereth himself in ease, and pleasure, can he induce men to repress concupiscence, or to gueld themselves, as our saviour, counseled, for the kingdom of heaven, or to mortify their own passions, and affections for the love of God? Would not every man deride such a preacher, and bid him first practise his own doctrine, and then preach it to others? And therefore I say, our saviour ordaining the publication of his law throughout the world, both practised, and taught the observation of the evangelical counsels, as a special means to effect, and accomplish it: whereof we haue also hi● thereto seen the admirable effect and experience, in the conversion o● all nations, to the christian faith, by the Apostles, their disciples, an● lastly by religious men, all of them observing the evangelical counsels. Where upon I conclude, that our aduersaries, having no practi●● thereof at all, can neither convert infidels in foreign nations, or ye● arrive to any perfection of virtue at home, and much less induc● others thereto, either by their example or instruction, as shall further appear in the next chapter.  
51 But to return to our question, concerning the notable fruit o● religious perfection in common wealth, what greater testimony ca● be given thereof, then that the most prudent, valiant, and vertuou● Emperours, kings, and Princes that ever were( whom it behoved t● haue care, as well of their state, as of religion) haue always so greatl● reverenced, religious persons, and so highly respected them for thei● holy merits?  

Bar. an. 388. Glicas Annal. par. 4. Metaphras. die 31. Ian. Baron. an. 602.  52 This is manifest in Theodosius the great, who laboured very muc● to haue Senuphius, a holly monk, present with him in the battail● which he was to fight with Maximus the Tyrant, for the great conf●dence he had in his prayers, and obtained a miraculous victory, by having only his staff, and his scapular, as I haue declared before. Mauriti● the Emperour, being in distress, and affliction of mind, wrote to all th● monasteries in the East part, as far as jerusalem, to be relieved b● their prayers, as I will further declared hereafter.  

Baron. an. 1007.  53 Henry, the first Emperour of that name( who was no less renowned for his prows, and valour, then for his piety, and holly life, for th● which he was after canonised:) so much honoured, S. Romoaldus th● Abbot, both alive, and dead, that he helped to carry his body upon his shoulders to his burial, as I haue signified before upon an other occasion.  

Beda l. 3. Histor. c. 24.  54 Oswy king of Northumberland, in the time of our Saxon king( shortly after the conversion of that part of England, to the christia● faith) shewed the great estimation he had of religious men, and thei● profession, by a vow which he made to build a monastery, and to dedicat his daughter to religious life, if he overthrew Penda king of th● Mercians, which he performed afterwards, as shall further appear after a while.  
55 And the like may justly be said, not only of those worthy Emperours, 
Chap. 28. n●. 25.& 26  kings, and Princes, who became religious men( of whom 〈◇〉 haue name many in the twenty eight chapter, and amongst the res● eight or nine in our own country:) but also of an infinite number of ●thers, who haue erected, and built monasteries, endowed them with ●●mple possessions, and honoured them with great immunities, preroga●iues, and privileges, whereof we haue also many domestical exam●les, and those so notorious, that I shall not need to borrow any from ●broad, seeing that no man can be ignorant( if he haue red our chro●icles) that the most worthy, and famous kings, that ever wee had, ●ither before the conquest, or since( from the first conversion of the ●arons, and English, to the christian faith) haue benne founders of mo●asteries, and especial patrons of religious men.  
●6 The first Christian English king Ethelbert, being converted, and ●aptised by S. Augustin the monk, 
An. 605.  and other religious men his com●anions, erected a monastery, which he dedicated to S. Peter and S. ●aule in Canturbury, and gave it great possessions, as appeareth by ●is own letters patents, or Charter, wherein he testified, 
Guliel. Spina de abbot. caenobij S. Aug. vide Harpsfield in histo. cocl. seculo. 7. ca. 9.  that he ●id it with the consent of the venerable Archbishop Augustin, and of his princ●●, 
Polidorus Virg. lib. 4. Angli. hist.  He also founded an other monastery in the Ile of Ely, ●hich he did dedicat to our blessed Lady. 
Idem ibid. Harpsfield.  And shortly after, or at the ●ame time, Seibert, king of the East Saxons( who was baptized by Meli●●●, companion to S. Augustin aforesaid) built the famous monastery of westminster.  
●7 A few yeares after, to wit, about the year of our Lord, six hundreth,& thirty, Sigebertus, king of the East Angles( who first planted learning in the famous university of Cambridge) so much honoured,& esteemed monastical,& religious life, that he built a monastery for himself, 
Beda li. 3. hist. c. 18. an. 63. Circa an. 645.  where he became religious, leaving his kingdom to his cousin Egrick.  
●8 In the same age also, king Ethelwald, son to S. Oswald king of Nothumberland( where the faith of Christ was then newly received) gave lands to the holly bishop S. ce, to erect a monastery there, 
S. Beda hist. eccles. li. 3. ca. 23.  fir●ely beleeuinge, that he should be much helped, and assisted by the prayers of ●hose, who were to serve God there, for so saith, our venerable countryman, S. Bede, who wrote almost nine hundreth yeares ago.  
●● Within a while after, 
Circa an. 655. vide Harpsfield.  Egbert, king of kent, built a monastery of Nunnes in the Ile of Tenet.  
60 In like manner 
Circa an. 660. Ranul. li. 5. ca 13. vide Harpsfield ubi supra. Circa an. 664.  Cenoualchius( or as William of Malmesbury calleth him, Cheneuallus) king of the west Saxons, about the same time, built a most famous monastery, at winchester,& endowed it with all the lands, that were within seven miles compass of it, and shortly after, a notable monastery of Nunnes was founded at witby by Oswy o king of Nor●hūberland, in discharged of the vow, 
S. Beda li. 3. ca. 24.  which he made to God before his battle, with king Penda, whereof I haue spoken before, and in 〈◇〉 same monastery, he placed his daughter Edelfred, to be brought vp● religious discipline, as he had also vowed.  
61 
an. 693. Guliel. Mālmesb. de pontific.  Cissa( who as some writ, was Father to Inas, king of the w● Saxons, and built the city of Chichester) founded the abbey of Abing● in the same age.  
62 In the age following( to wit about the year of our Lord Sea● hundred and five) Ethelred 
an. 705. Idem de reg. Harpsf. secu. 8. c. 23. , king of the Mercians( who inhabited t● middle part of England) built a monastery, at a place called Bardo● and resigning his kingdom to his nephew Chenred, professed hi● self religious in the same monastery, and was afterwards Abb● thereof.  
63 And within five, or six yeares after, not only his son Chenr● but also 
ex Chron. Onuphrij joan. Capgraue Harpsf. sec. 8. c. 8. Pol. li. 4.  Offa, king of the East Angles, gave great possessions to t● abbey of Esam, and afterwads went both of them to Rome to Po● Constantin, and entred into religion.  
64 The valiant, and Pious Inas, king of the West Saxons, in the sa●● age, built the famous abbey of Glastonbury, gave lands to the Abb● of Abington, 
an. 740. Polid. Ibid.  went to Rome, and made his kingdom tributary to t● sea apostolic.  
65 And in that age also, 
an. 770. Polid. l. 4. An. 775.  Offa king of the Mercians, founded an A●bay at S. Albans, in honour of our first martyr, S. Alban, and an oth●● at Bath: he went also to Rome, and made his kingdom tributary Pope Hadrian the first.  
66 Chenulphus 
An. 810. Polid. li. 4.  king also of the Mercians, in the age following, bu● the abbey of Wimchelcomb, about the year of our Lord Eight hundre● and ten.  
67 In the same age, the noble, and worthy allured, king of the M●●cians( who by the persuasion of Neotus Abbot of Glastonbury, did ins●●tute our famous 
An. 893.  university of Oxford) founded three monastery one at Winchester( by the aduise of a holly french monk, called 
Apul. Polido. in Chron. l. 5.  Grin●bald,( whose counsel he used in all his affairs) an other for Nunn● at Shafsbury, whereof his daughter Elfgrina was afterwards Abbes● and the third at a place called Athelne, or Ethelinge.  
68 His grandechild 
An. 939. Polid. l. 6.  Adelstan( who was the first of all our Englis● kings, that was monarch of all the island of Britanny) builded two monasteries in the age following( about the year Nine hundreth thi●nyne) the one at Melton, and the other at Michilney.  
69 King 
An. 964. Guil el. Malmesb. li. 2. ca. 9. Marian. in chron.  Edgar, who for his great valour, and virtue was not on● called Honor,& deliciae Anglorum, the honour, and delight or darling ● England, but was also greatly honoured, and esteemed by foreign na●ons, founded three monasteries in the same age, one at Wilton( whereof his own daughter 
Vide Harpefield secu. 10. c. 8.  Edith was abbess) an other at Ramsey, and ●●e third at a place called Varuell.  
●0 Canutus 
Circa an. 1030. Harpsf. sec. 11. ca. 17.  king of England, denmark, and Norway, re-edified the fa●ous monastery of S. edmond, at Edmundsbury, being decayed,& both ●ne unto it great lands, and possessions, and also honoured it with ●any privileges, and immunities.  
●1 The like did also the holly king, 
Circa an. 1063. Ibid. ca. 16. Barro. an. 1060.  S. Edward the confessor, to the ●bbay of Westminster, which in time of the Danish warres, had benne ●efaced, and almost utterly ruined, and he not only repaired and am●lified it with sumptuous buildings( and namely with that magnifi●ent church which yet standeth) but also procured a confirmation from ●●e sea apostolic, of certain privileges which he gave unto it, and decree, that the custom of crowninge, and anointing the kings ●f England in that abbey, should be perpetual.  
●2 And forasmuch, as I haue sufficiently shewed, the great sanctity ●nd hollines of this king, in the three, and twentieth chapter, and also ●ow the same was testified, and manifested to the world by almighty God, with many notable miracles, both in his life time, and after his ●eath( whereof not only all our histories, but also the public iudge●ent of the church in his canonization giveth sufficient testimony) I ●ill therefore speak no further thereof in this place, but only note ●oy the way for a special argument▪ of the great merit of monastical, ●nd religious life, that such holly kings, as this, and diuers others na●ed before( who were great servants of God, and honoured as sain●es by all the christian world) haue benne founders of monasteries, ●nd principal patrons of religious men.  
●3 But to conclude this point, concerning the opinion of kings, and Princes, seeing I haue now already deduced the former examples, from ●our first christian English kings, 
Barro. An. 1087. Epito. Chronic. apud Polid.  to the time of William the conqueror who also founded three abbeys, one in kent called battle abbey, an other in the suburbs of London, and the third at Cane in Normandy) I fear I should be over tedious, if I should prosecute the same in like manner through the ensuing ages( especially seeing there is much less doubt thereof, then of the former times) and therefore I will end, with one of our kings since the conquest, who was no less victorious, then wise, and virtuous, I mean Henry the fift, 
Polid. in Chro. l. 22.  who( as Polidor virgil well noteth in the beginning of his life) knowing right well, that all things are governed, and guided by the providence of God, and that all human power is to no purpose, be it never so great, if be not supported and strengthened by the divine, began his gou●●ment, with the erection of two famous monasteries, near to Ri●●mond, the one called Bethlem, and the other Sion, placing in the form the holy Chartrouse monks, and in the latter, the religious sisters S. Brigits order, of both which orders, and monasteries, I haue spok● before in the six and twenty chapter, as also of the succession thereo● still remaining until this day, in two notable covents of our cou●trifolkes, in flanders, and Portugall.  
74 And one special reason which, besides the great merits of th● two holly orders, mou●d that wise, and virtuous king, to make ch●ce of them to people his two new monasteries, was( no doubt) th● having learned out of our holly scriptures, that multum valet assi● oratio justi, the continual prayer of the just is of great value, and force, in ● sight of God, he persuaded himself, that his prudence, and prow● being assisted with the continual prayers, and merits of those gre● seruants of God, would produce no less notable effects in his goue●ment, and state, then were after seen by experience, it being most eu●dent, that he was not only most virtuous, and pious, but also one ● the most victorious princes, that England ever had, as appeared by h● famous battailes, and victories in France, where he was crwoned kin● of that realm in Paris, and afterwards left the possession of the greatest part thereof to his son, and the title of the whole to his post●ritie.  
75 And this shall suffice, concerning the reverent respect, that christian kings, and princes( especially ours) haue ever born to monast●call, and religious profession. Whereby two things evidently app●are, the one, what opinion, and belief these princes had, of the benefit, that they and their states reaped, by the prayers, merits, and hol● labours, of religious men. The other, that they sucked( as I may say the same belief, even with the milk of christian religion, as appea●reth not only in Constantin, the first christian Emperour, and his succe●sors in the Empire, but also in our first christian English king Ethelber● and others that lived in the same age, or haue since succeeded them i● our country, until king Henry the eight, father to the late queen El●zabeth.  

B●da in Histor. Anglic. l. 2 6 2.  76 And although I haue made no mention here, of the christian kings in Brittany, before the entrance of the Saxons and English, yet whosoever shall consider, what a famous monastery the Britans had in Ban●gor, wherein there were two thousand monks, at the entrance of S Augustin, and an other also in Abington, where, as some writ, were ordinarily above five hundred monks( of whom sixty lived retired ●● the monastery, 
Harpss. Secu. 10. ca. 9. ex chron. Abindonensi.  and the rest got their living abroad by their la●our, in the woods, and deserts adjoining, and repaired to the mona●●ery every sunday) whosoever I say shall consider this, must needs cō●eiue, that these so populous monasteries, either were founded, and ●ected by the ancient British kings, or at least amplified, enriched,& ●atronized by them: which would be as easily proved, as the former, ●f the ancient histories, and monuments of those ages were extant, ●hich perished, no doubt, with the whole state of Brittany, in the cruel ●arres, and conquest made by the Saxons: so that in this also, our ad●ersaries may note, a most manifest argument, not only of the anti●itie, and merit of religious life, but also of the great estimation, that ●ur British kings had thereof.  
●7 But what doubt can be made of the benefit, that redoundeth to ●inces states, by the prayers of religious men, seeing that it is eui●ent in the holly scriptures, that almighty God preserveth whole cit●ies, provinces, and states, sometimes for the regard he hath, to the in●ercession, and merits of some one man, which he signified evidently ●y the prophet ezechiel when he said of the Iewes. Quaesiui de eis virum, 
Ezech. 22.  &c. I sought for some man amongst them, who might put himself between ●hem, and me like a hedge, and stand opposite against me for the earth, to the end ● might not destroy it, and I found none,& I powred my indignation vpon thē &c.  
78 Thus said almighty God by the prophet, and the like he signified, when being moved with just indignation against the Iewes,& ready to destroy them for their wickedness, he not only pardonned them diuersti●es at the intercession of Moyses, but also said once unto him. dimit me, ●●tirascatur furor meus &c. Suffer me, or let me do my Will, that I may extend my ●rath against them, and I will make thee prince of a great nation. And when Moyses, nevertheless persisted to pray for them, placatus est dominus, 
Exod. 32.  saith the scripture, ne faceret malum, quod locutus est contra populum suum. Our Lord ●as appeased, or diverted from executing the punishment, which he had threat●ed against his people.  
79 Lo then, how much almighty God, respecteth good mens prayers, seeing that he suffereth his hands, as it were to be bound thereby, and held from the execution of his iustice upon the wicked. To which purpose also we red in the scriptures, that if there had benne but ●enne just men in sodom, God would for their sakes, 
Genes. 18.  haue spared the whole city, not with standing all the abomination thereof, as I haue declared in the first part of this treatise, where I also shewed the notable effects of prayer, for the relief of all human necessiti● alleging diuers examples thereof, in matters concerning princes, a● their states, which therefore I omit here, and conclude, that hereby sufficiently appeareth, what exceeding benefit all common welt● and states of princes reap, by the prayers of good religious men, b● sides their other pious labours; whereby they convert Infidels to t● christian faith, and sinners to repentance, inducing wicked men to 〈◇〉 form their manners, no less by their holy example, then by th● learned sermons, exhortations, and instructions. In which respect, chrysostom in two of his homilies to the people, exhorted them m seriously, to visit oft times monasteries, and religious houses, and 〈◇〉 frequent the company of religious men. Adi, saith he, tales viros& repair to such men, use their conversation, go I say unto them, and touch th● holly feet, 
S. Chrisost. ho 59. ad populum.  multo enim honestius &c. For it is much more honourable to embr● their feet, then the heads of other men.  
80 Thus saith S. chrysostom, of religious men, in respect of their ho● example, and endeuoures, whereof the experience is also daily see● even until this day, in all catholic countries, where the holly ●●bours of religious men( I mean of those, that are both active& co●templatiue) do tend to nothing else, but to draw every man to live ● his state, and vocation, according to the perfection of christian re●gion, which perfection( as I signified before) the more it is practice in common wealth, the more it uniteth the same with God, and consequently advanceth it to true felicity.  
81 Thus then wee see, that religious life, is no way hurtful to common wealth, but most profitable, and necessary thereto, which will y● appear more manifestly, by the answer of that other part of the fo●mer objection, which concerneth the laws of certain Emperou● and kings, prejudicial to religious profession. I will therefore b●ginne, with the law of Mauritius the Emperour.  
82 This Emperour ordained, that no soldier should enter in to religion, except he were lame, or otherwise unfit for the war, or else ha● served out the time assigned by the law, as is signified before in the o●iection, 
Barro. an. 563.  and forasmuch as the holly, and famous Pope, S. Gregory t● great, who lived in the same time, gave his opinion amply to the emperor himself, concerning that constitution, it may suffice( in respe● of his authority and antiquity) that I lay down the same, with h● reasons. For although to mollify the hard, and perverse hart of th● tyrannicall Emperour, the holly man wrote unto him, a letter of gre● submission( signifying nevertheless that he wrote as a private perso● and not as a bishop, to the end, that his humble manner of writtinge, ●ight not prejudice the authority, and dignity of his seat) yet he re●resented plainly unto him, the absurdity, and impiety of his law, saying, that he was astonished to see it, seeing that the way to heaven was shut up to many thereby; for though there be diuers, saith he, 
S. Greg. l 2. ep. 62. indict. 11.  that can ●yne religious life, with secular habit, yet there are many others, that cannot be saved, except they utterly forsake the world.  
●3 moreover, he wisheth him to consider with himself, what he would answer to Christ, if he should ask him, why he was so vngra●efull to debar, and withould his soldiers from his service, seeing he had made him an Emperour, of a Notary, and then he addeth, that perhaps the Emperour would say, that it might be well thought, that none of those soldiers which became religious, were truly converted, whereto he answereth, that he himself had known in his own dayes, converted soldiers in monasteries, men of such holly life, that they did miracles. said per hanc legem, saith he, ne quisquam talium conuerti va●eat, prohibetur. Yt is forbidden by this law of yours, that none should be converted. Thus saith S. Gregory, to the Emperour Mauritius. And writing also at the same time to his physician, to the end that he might communicate the same with him, he saith, that julian, the Apostata, 
Idem ep. 6●. Indict. 11. Baron. an. 593.  did make the like law,& that if the Emperour did think, that his armies were diminished, and his forces decreased by reason that many soldiers entred in to religion, he wished he would consider, whether he had conquered the kingdom of Persia, by the force of his soldiers or no, or whether God had not given the same in to his hands, rather by his own prayers, and tears, then by the means of his power, yea in such sort, as he himself, knew not how it was wrought.  
84 Thus did this holly man, notably represent to Mauritius, the iniquity of his law, showing evidently unto him, his ingratitude towards God, in that having received not only the Empire from his liberal hand, but also the kingdom of Persia, rather by miracle, then by his own force and strength, he did nevertheless confided more in his armies, and policies, then in Gods assistance, yea, and withhold his soldiers and subiects from Gods service, for the which, both he, and they, and all the world, was created and ordained.  
85 But so it pleased God afterwards to dispose, for the confusion of the Emperour, and all such pollitikes as he, that notwithstanding his contempt of religious life, he was fain, ere many yeares past, to haue recourse to religions men, for the remedy of his necessities, 
Baron. an. 598.  both pri●ate, and public, for within four or five yeares, after that he had made this law, 
Surius die 22. Aprilis to. 2.  one of his sons was strooken with a leprosy, which no physic could cure, whereupon, he and the Empresse, sent for Theodorus ● monk, famous for miracles at that time, and humbly craved the help of his prayers, for the recovery of their son, whom he miraculously restored to perfect health. And within three, or four yeares after it pleased God to reveal, not only to the same Therdorus, but also to a monk in Constantinople, 
Baron. an. 602. Annal. Cedreni. Baron. an. 602. Chap. 35. Num. 30.  that Mauritius should shortly loose, both his Empire, and his life, which the monk published very strangely, running throughout all the city, with a naked sword in his hand, crying. Hoc ferietur Mauritius. With this Mauritius shalbe strooken. Signifying that he should die violently with the sword( which was shortly after executed by Phocas, as I haue declared more particularly in the first part of this treatise,  
86 And in the mean time, Mauritius being frighted with this, and certain other ominous predictions, sought remedy by the means of religious men, writing to all monasteries, even as far as jerusalem, to be assisted by their prayers. Whereby it appeareth, how true it is that, which th prophet saith. Vexatio, dabit intellectum. Vexation, or affliction, will give understanding, 
Isay. 28.  seeing that Mauritius in his adversity, acknowledged the merits of religious life, which in his prosperity he contemned, showing sufficiently, that in the extremities of Princes, and their states, more confidence is to be reposed, in the prayers of religious, and good men, then in princely power, or human policy. Thus much concerning Mauritius, and his wicked law.  
87 And whereas the Arrian Emperour Valens, king of spain, Isacius, and Nicephorus Phoca, Emperour of Constantinople, made also other laws prejudicial to monastical, and religious life, as I haue signified in the objection, it is to be considered, that as there were most wicked men, so also God did punish them most exemplarlie for the same.  

Bar. an. 378. Vasaeus in Chron. an. 710. Vasae; an. 714.  88 The Emperour Valens, being overthrown, and pursued by the goths, was burned in a little Cabin where he had hide himself. And Vitiza, was disposest of his kingdom, and deprived of his eyes, by Roderic has successor, and for as much as also the said Roderic continued, and kept in ure, the beastly laws of Vitiza, ordaining that priestes, and religious men should mary &c. Yt pleased God to take a greater reuenge, not only upon him, but also upon all spain, giuing him, and them, in to the hands of the Mores, who slay him in battle, and conquered spain, as I haue declared at large in the first part of this treatise, to show 
Cha●. 20. Num. 8.  partly, how diversly God punisheth the sins of the flesh, and 
Chap. 13. Nu. 14.  partly, how he turneth the wicked policies of men, to their own ruin, which latter point, being also very considerable in this matter, is there 
Chap. 3. nu. 4. & ch. 31. nu. 5 6. 7. 8.& 9.  handled at large, and confirmed by many examples.  
89 But in the Emperour Isacius Commenus( who confiscated all the goods of monasteries) it is very remarkable, that he, being afterwards strooken from his horse with a thunderbolt, was so terrified with Gods iudgement upon him, that after a while he gave over his empire, and became not only a monk, 
Baron. an. 1060.  but also porter of the monastery where he ●liued, being also contented to do all other base offices about the house, as occasion required, so that in recompense of the injury which he did to monasteries, he was forced by Gods iustice, to end his dayes in the service of a monastery.  
90 And now, to say some what also of the Emperour Nicephorus Phoca( who got his empire with perjury, and adultery, 
Baron. an. 969. Zonar. Annal. to. 3.  and was a man of insatiable avarice) it is nomeruaile, though such a wicked Tyrant as he, made laws against the foundation, and erection of monasteries, seeing he also ordained, that no lands should be given to the church, and possessed himself of bishoprics, and was otherwise so profane that he would haue ordained, that all soldiers dying in the field should be canonised, and honoured with hymns, and holly ceremonies as martyrs, and had done it, if the patriarch of Constantinople, had not stoutly resisted him, but in the end, Gods iustice fell upon him, by the means of Theophano his own wife, who caused him to be slain, and married his murderer, John Zimisces, and made him Emperour,  
91 And how pernicious to the Empire, those his wicked laws were, it may appear, by the constitutions of Basilius, the Emperour, who succeeded John Zimisees, and revoked those laws of Nicephorus, testifying,& affirming, that all the calamities fallen lately before vpon the Empire, were the just punishment of God for the same, and that therefore he annulled and abolished them. So that the example of these princes,& their laws, proveth nothing else, but that the enemies of religious life, are wicked men,& that the laws ordained against the same, are unjust, hateful to almighty God, and pernicious to princes, and their states, drawing the wrath, and vengeance of almighty God upon them, whereby also the great merit of religious life, and the conveniency, and necessity thereof in common wealth, sufficiently appeareth.  
92 Though many other points belonging to this matter, do offer themselves unto me to be handled, nevertheless considering that I haue benne already much longer, then I was at first determined to be, I will conclude this chapter, and all the former concerning religious perfection, and the end of common wealth.  
93 And first for the matter of vows, which I haue handled in t● last chapter, it appeareth sufficiently, as I hope, that the use of vow● of chastity, and of the other evangelical counsels, observed in re●gious discipline, is most conform to the scriptures, and derived fro● the doctrine, and practise of the Apostles, and from their time, con●nued in the church of God until ours: and finally, that the obiectio● of the sectaries, against the same, are but mere shifts, and cavils, pr●ceeding only of a desire, to defend the breach of their own vows, ●●couer their shane, and excuse their apostasy, from the Catholi● faith.  
94 And whereas, I undertook in the five and twentieth chapter, ●●proue that the catholic Roman religion, is not only the true religion, but also most conform to true policy, and fit for government 〈◇〉 common wealth, and that the opinions of Lutherans, and Caluini●( wherein they dissent from us) are contrary, as well to true religion, 〈◇〉 to true policy, I haue for this purpose, already proved in these former chapters. First, that the Roman catholics, haue amongst the● the true imitation of our saviour Christ, by the observation of th● evangelical counsels, and that therein consisteth, the highest perfection of Christian religion.  
95 Secondly, that by the means of this religious perfection, they arrive to a perfect union with God, testified in all ages, by the externa● signs of revelations, visions, apparitions of our saviour Christ, an● his saints, rapts, and most miraculous works, accompanied wit● ineffable sweetness, and spiritual consolations.  
96 Thirdly, that the sectaries haue no true imitation of our saviour Christ, nor observation of the evangelical counsels, yea, and tha● they are open, and sworn enemies, of the true evangelical, and religious perfection. And lastly, that they haue no external signs, of an● internal union with God, as the catholics haue, by divine rapts, revelations, visions, or miracles, but are by the iustice of God, exposed to illusions of wicked spirits, fantastical dreams, false, and fanatical● revelations, as I haue signified in the last chapter, by all which it appeareth, that they haue not any perfection of Christian religion, and consequently no union with God.  
97 And therefore, for as much as I haue also proved amply before that the perfect union of man with God, is not only a most speciall● and assured effect of true christian religion, but also, that it is the end and felicity of man, and common wealth, two things must neede● follow thereon. The one, that the Roman catholics, having thi● union with God, haue as well the truth of Christian religion, as the ●●licitie of man, and of common wealth. The other, that the sectaries, ●eing enemies of true christian perfection, and therefore voided of all ●●ion with God, haue neither truth of religion, nor the true happi●●s, which is the end of man, and common wealth: whereupon it is ●o to be inferred, that their religion is most pernicious to all princes ●●tes, not only for that it depriveth them of Gods special protection, ●●d benediction( which can never concur with false religion:) but ●so because it draweth his wrath, and malediction upon them soo●er, or latter, howsoever he may for a time suffer them to prosper, for ●●ch causes, as I will declare amply hereafter, in the third part of this ●●eatise. Besides that, some of the chief and principal points of ●heir religion, are of themselves, so contrary to true reason of state, ●hat the belief, and practise thereof, must needs overthrow the common wealth in time, or at least breed great inconvenience therein, as 〈◇〉 haue shewed partly already in their absurd, and beastly doctrine, of ●he impossibility to live chast, and will now show further, concerning ●ome other points of their belief, in the next chapter.   

To prove that the catholic religion is conform to true reason of state, and the contrary doctrine repugnant thereto, ten points, controversed betwixt the catholics, and their aduersaries, are debated by way of state: and it is evidently shewed, that the doctrine of catholics, leadeth to all virtue, and is therefore most convenient for state, and that the doctrine of their aduersaries, either withdraweth from virtue, or inciteth to 'vice, and consequently is most pernicious to all states. Finally, the bad fruit of lutheranism and Caluinisme in Common wealth, is shewed by the experience thereof, sufficiently acknowledged by Luther, Caluin, and others their fellowes. CHAP. 35.  
1 having hitherto shewed the necessity, fruit, and dignity of the catholic Roman religion in common wealth, as well by the end, and felicity of common wealth itself, as by the perfection of Christian religion( both which I ●ave proved, to be proper only to the Roman catholic church) I will now a little further prosecute the same subject in this chapter, and confront certain important points of our catholic doctrine, with the contrary doctrine of our aduersaries, whereby it shall evidently appear, that our catholic religion, tendeth wholly to the practise of perfect virtue, and is consequently most behouefull for comm●● wealth, and that the opposite doctrine of our aduersaries, either ●reectly draweth the professors of it to 'vice, or at least, withdraw 〈◇〉 them from the practise of virtue, and so by a necessary consequen● is most pernicious to common wealth, which doth stand, and florish● virtue, 
Chap. 9. per totum.  and is ruined by 'vice, as I haue ampely proved before in 〈◇〉 ninth Chapter. And for this purpose I mean to examine ten seue● points of religion, controversed betwixt us and our aduersaries, a● to treat thereof in this chapter, only by way of state, reserving th● further discussion by way of religion, to the third part of this treati●● because otherwais this part would grow overlong, and to a grea● volume then would seem convenient.  
2 First then concerning our justification by faith, and works. T●● catholic religion, teacheth two things, specially to be considered 〈◇〉 our purpose. The one is, that no man having the use of reason, can 〈◇〉 justified, without the concurrence of seven acts, declared by the cou●cell of Trent, to wit, of faith, the fear of God, hope, charity, repentau●● of sins past, 
council. Trident. Sessio. 6. ca. 6.  intention to receive the sacraments with full purpose to amen and finally, to observe the commandements of God. The other point is, th● good works proceeding of Gods grace, do increase our iustific●tion, whereby it may be truly said, according to the express wo●des of the scripture, 
jac. 2. d. 24.  that we are justified by w●orkes, and not by fa● only.  
3 Of these two points of catholic doctrine, there followeth th● evident benefit to common wealth, that those which profess the sam● and desire to be justified, do not only dispose themselves with all dill●gent endeavour, to the love of God, and their neighbours, to the ha● of sin and 'vice, and to the practise of all virtue, but also do pe●forme all kind of good works, all which must needs redound to th● public good, in so much, that if this doctrine were believed, and fo●lowed of all men, there should need no other, to make all the members of the common wealth most virtuous, and the whole commo● wealth most happy.  
4 But the doctrine of our aduersaries, teaching justification by only faith, must needs work a far different, or rather a contrary e●fect in common wealth, and in every member thereof. For although our aduersaries are forced sometimes, by the irrefragable verity o● our catholic religion, to grant( at least in words) the necessity o● charity and good works to justification, yet such are their grounds, and such is the whole course of their doctrine, that they do indeed, not only exclude good works wholly from justification, ●●t also utterly abase and decry them, treating of them so contemp●●osly; and odiously that how soever they otherwise contradict them●●lues, they must needs induce their followers, to an extreme negli●ence, and contempt of well doing, to the unspeakable damage of ●l the common wealths, where their religion is embraced.  
● And to the end, that this may partly appear( so far forth as concer●ed this point whereof I presently treat) I will lay down some of Lu●●ers grounds, concerning justification by only faith.  
● He teheth, 
Luther in ca. 2. ad Gal.  that fides sine& ante caritatem justificat. Faith justifieth without, ●nd before charity. That 
Idem disput. an opera faciant ad justificationem.  fides, nisi sit sine vllis etiam minimis operibus, n●n iustifi●●●, imo non est fides. Faith, except yt be without all kind of works, yea without the ●ast works, that may be, doth not justify neither yet is faith. That 
vide Iodocuum Coccium in Th●sau. To. 2. de iustifi●at. ar. 3.  opus, nn poorest doceri &c. A work cannot be taugh, with out the prejudice of faith seing that in ●aith, and works, are extremely contrary the one to the other, so that the doctrine ●f works, must needs be the doctrine of devils.  
● That 
Luther de votis monast  the highest art, and Christian wisdom, is, not to know the law, and 〈◇〉 be ignorant of works, and of all active iustice. 
in argumé ep. ad Gala. editio. 1.   
● Also, 
Sermo de novo testam. siue de missa  Caueamus, saith he, a peccatis, caueamus ab operibus bonis. Let us be●are of sins, let us beware of good works, and let us attend only to the promise ●f God, and to faith, for that is a short, and compendious perfection.  
● And in an other place, he saith. 
De captiuitate Babylo. ca. de Baptismo.  Vides quam dives sit homo Christiā{us}, &c. Thou ●eest how rich a Christian man is who though he would, cannot loose his salvation, with ●ny sins what soever, except he will not beleeue: no sins can damn him, but ●●ly incredulity. There is no other way, whereby a man may agree, or deal with God, but by faith: he careth not for works, neither doth the need them.  
●0 And again. 
Ad evangelium dominicae. 8. post fest. trinitatis.  Nullum opus, saith he, tam malum est &c. There is no wor●e so evil, that yt can damn a man, neither any, so good, that can save a man, ●ut only faith saveth, and only incredulity damneth. Also. 
Contra Ambrosium Catharinum.  nullum peccatum est &c. There is no sin but incredulity or lack of belief, no iustice or righteousness, but faith Also, 
Sermo. de piscatura Pe. tri.  erga Deum saith he, non operibus said nuda fide indige●us. &c. Towards God we need no works but bare faith, for we must come with Isaac only, that is to say with faith, we must dismiss our servants, and asses, ●hat is to say our works, how much wickeder thou art, so much sooner will God infuse, or power his grace into thee.  
●1 Finally, he peremptorily affirmeth, that quando sic docetur, 
in ca. 2. ad Gala.  fides iusti●●cat quidem said simul servare oportet &c. Vhen any man teacheth thus, faith doth justify, yet we must also keep the commandements of God( because yt is written. 
Mat. 19. c. 17  ●i vis ad vitam ingredi serua mandata. Yf thou wilt enter into life keep the commandements.) There Christ is presently denied, and faith abolished, because that which is only Gods, is attributed to the commandements of God, or the law.  
12 Thus much I haue thought good to allege out of Luther wqo te●cheth these most impious, an absurd paradoxes, not only in the plac● here alleged, but also in diuers other which I omit, thinking the sufficient, to show his doctrine concerning only faith, to the end yt m appear, that he excludeth all kind of good works from iustificatio● not only in respect of any operation they may haue therein, but also regard of their very concurrence, or presence with faith, abasing, co●t●mning, and rejecting them, as you haue heard. And what maruail● seing that he also affirmeth else where, 
Luther in a●sertion. ar. 31 32.& 36.  that every good work is sin, which is also taught expressly by 
Melanch. in locis commum. editio. 1.  Melancthon, 
Caluin. li. 3. institu. ca. 24. 55. 9.& cap. 11. 55. 554  Caluin, a● other sectaries, who are sprung from Lutqer, in so much, that Nichola● Amsdorfius a Lutqeran writing against Georgius Maior, about the matt●● of justification, entitled his book. Quod bona opera sint perniciosa ad sal●tem. That good works are pernicious to salvation, and amongst diue● other fond, and foolish arguments, he produceth, Luthers assertion, an● doctrine in confirmation of his, citing for the same 
Vide Iodoc Coccium in Thesauro ubi supra.  Luthers own wo●des, 
Nicola. Amsdorf. contra Georgium Maior.  out of diuers partes of his works,  
13 And in a conference which was held atr Altembourg, in the year 〈◇〉 our lord, a thousand five, hundreth sixty eight, and printed at Iena in t●● year a thousand five hundred, twenty, the rigid Lutherans, insisting v●pon the grounds and principles of their great master Luther, mainta●ned( as I may say) with tooth, and nail, that the good works of the la●● and new obedience, doth not belong to the kingdom of Christ, but to the world: th● christians, with good works. belong to the devil, and only faith, without good works, doth perform all, wheter we respect the merit, or the presence of go●● works. 
Colloquium habitum Altēburque an. 1568.  And finally to omit others strange paradoxes) they taught tha● this proposition, opera sunt necessaria, works are necessary, is a false proposition, and that adeo illa necessaria non sunt, vtad salutem incommodent, sintq● perniciosa. They are so far fom being necessary that they are hurtful, and pern●cious to salvation.  
14 Thus crowed they after their kind, discovering themselves, to b● chickens of Lutqers brood. But now yf we consider, what a wholesome doctrine all this is, which I haue related here, and how necessary, an● profitable the same may be for the public, or private weal of me● and for their spiritual good we shall easily see, that yf all the infe●nall spirites, had laid their heads together, to teach a doctrine to dra● men to all impiety, and to make them most desperately wicked, the● could not haue invented more pernicious principles, or haue la● down more pestilent grounds for that purpose.  
15 For he which shal beleeue, and be persuaded in conscience, that God ●●gardeth not his works whether they be good, or bad: And that no sin but in●●●dulity can damn him: that his best works, are sins: that a justifying faith, 〈◇〉 not stand with good works: that the doctrine of good works, is the doctrine of ●●uils: that good works, are pernicious to salvation: and finally, that the more ●icked a man is, the nearer he is to Gods grace( for al this do Luther and his followers teach, as you haue heard before:) what wickedness will such ●one forbear to commit, when occasion either of pleasure, or commodity, shall invite him thereto, in case he may hope to avoid the pe●altie of temporal laws, as not only princes, and great men, but also ●nferiour persons find means to do many times, as experience tea●heth? What then can be expected in a common wealth, where this doctrine is currant, but that most men shall abandon themselves to all ●ice, and wickedness, relying only upon their justifying faith, and not only contemning, and rejecting all kind of good works, but also ha●ing them as pernicious impediments to their salvation? And therfore I conclude for the present, that as the doctrine of catholics, concerning justification, containeth great motives to virtue, and to all good works, and is consequently most beneficial to common wealth: so on the other side the doctrine of our aduersaries( which looseth the bridle to all 'vice, and wickedness) is most pernicious thereto, and thus much for the first point.  
16 Secondlie, the like may be said of the different doctrine of catholics, and sectaries, touching inherent, and imputative iustice. For the catholics hold, according to the holly scriptures, 
Ephes. 4. Tit. 3.  that it is necessary required to the justification of every christian man, to haue not only, ●emission of sins, but also innovation of spirit, and the infusion of charity, by the gift of the holly Ghost,( that is to say a real, 
Rom. 5. S. Aug. de spu.& little. c. 9.& 11. Item tracta. 26. in evang. joan.& passim. Caluin li. 3. institutio. ca. 11. ss. 2. 3.  and true iustice inherent in him, given him by almighty God, through the merits of our saviour Christ) whereby he is not only reputed, but also made just, which kind of iustice cannot possibly stand with any mortal sin: whereupon it must needs follow, that those which seek to be justified, according to this doctrine, do labour to be truly virtuous, and to es●chew all 'vice, and consequently to become notable members of the common wealth.  
17 But our aduersaries beleeue, on the other side, that they are justified without any real, or inherent iustice in themselves, by the imputation of the iustice of Christ only, which iustice is in him, and not in them, whereby they are not just in deed, but reputed for just, so that their justification, may according to their opinion, stand with all wickedness. For if it be true, which they teach, that not only, the 
Luther. in articulis a lo 10. damnat. art. 2.  co●coruption in human nature, and the very concupiscence in man, but the best 

Idem in assertion. ar. 31. 32.&. 36. vide Bellar. l. 4. de instit. c. 1.  
Caluin in Antidoto council. triden. ss. 6. c, 11.& li. 3. instit. ca. 11 ss 10.& 11. Item li. 3. ca. 3. &c. 14. ss. 9. Ecclaes. c. 9. council um Trident sess. 6 ca. 9.& 12. Rom. 11.22. 1. cor. 10.12. Philip. 2.13. Apoc. 3.2. ep. 2. jo. 8. Psal. 2.11.  
Philip. 2. Luth. in art 10. 11.& 12. Melanch. in locis come. Tit. l. fide  
Caluin. in An●ido. consilij. sess. 6.& in li. 3. instit. c. 2. ss. 16.17. 1-. Bucer in li. concor ar. de justificat. Petrus martyr. ad. c. 8. ep. ad Rom. Ex Bellar. li. 3. de justif. c. 3.& 12.   works of the best men, are mortal sins, though not i●puted, for the merits of Christ( for so they teach:) yt is evident, th●● they are always truly impious, and wicked in the sight of God, n●●withstanding their imputative iustice. And therefore yt is manifest that they haue no cause, or motive by this their doctrine, to labour be truly virtuous( being as they hold always damnably vicious, b● may rather presume to make the same a cloak to cover all kind of wi●kednes, seeing that their supposed iustice, doth not exclude mort●● sin, but may be imputed to them, be they never so wicked, where yt appeareth, that the doctrine of Catholiks, is in this point also ve●● beneficial, and theirs very prejudicial to common wealth.  
18 Thirdly, the catholics teach out of the holly scriptures, that no m knoweth( without a special revelation) vtrum odio, vel amore dignus 〈◇〉 Whether he be worthy of love, or hate, neither yet( though he be state of grace) whether he shall haue the gift of perseverance, and th● by evil life, he may also loose Gods grace and be damned: where upon yt followeth, that such catholics, as labour to live according 〈◇〉 catholic doctin, are moved hereby to stand continually upon the gard, and by all means possible of prayer, penance, and good work to procede daily from virtue, to virtue, operantes salutem, as the apost●● adviseth, cum timore,& tremore, working their salvation with fear and tre●blinge, by which means they both live most virtuously themselves and also give good example to others, to the great benefit of the common wealth.  
19 But the sectaries, hold that no man is faithful, and just, exept h● assure himself, not only of his justification, but also of his praedest●nation, and salvation, and that the faith which justifieth, consiste●● in this assurance, wherefore Caluin defineth faith to be a firm, and certa●ne knowledge of Gads mercy and benevolence towards us which knowledge, sait● he, being founded on the truth of the free promise made us in Christ, is both reue●led to our mindes, and sealed in our hartes, by the holly Ghost. whereupon y● must needs follow, that such, as are wicked men amongst the sectarie● and beleeue themselves to be justified by only faith( as they all do) ca●not haue in their opinion, any need at all to amend their lives in respect of their salvation, seeing that they hold themselves already assured of y● And I make no doubt, but that yf the wickedest Caluinist, or Lutheran i● England,( be he never so desperat a malefactor) were demanded, whether he be sure of his salvation, or no, he would presently answere● yea, for that he not only believeth, and assureth himself, that Christ ●ed for him, but also applieth by faith, Gods promise unto himself, ●●d so is sure to be saved by Christs merits. And if the doctrine of the ●●ctaries be true, it cannot be denied, but that having this faith and as●●rance, he shall vndoutedlie be saved: And this being so, what nee●eth he to amend his life for fear of damnation?  
●0 And whereas Caluin to blind the eyes of the simplo, affirmeth that wicked man hath not this justifying faith, he must needs confess, ●●at either the wickedest man in the world may haue it, or else, that no ●an knoweth when he hath it, where upon it will follow, that no ●an can be sure of his salvation. For if a man can know when he hath 〈◇〉, who can better know it, then he that feeleth it in his hart( which is ●he most assured knowledge thereof, that any man can haue) and this ●o doubt, doth the wickedest Caluinist feel, if he beleeue according to ●he rules of his religion: and, as I haue said, if you ask him whether and feel it, or no, he will assure you, that he doth, yea, and that it is re●ealed unto him by the holly Ghost: so that wee must needs grant, ●●ther that wicked men may haue this justifying faith and security, which Caluin denieth, or else that those, which feel it themselves, cannot be assured of it, and consequently, that this doctrine of security is ●aine, and false, and the most dangerous doctrine, both for body, and soul, that ever was taught in the world, as no doubt it is.  
●1 For how many may it be thought, that this presumptuous, and false security, carrieth headlong yearly first to the gallows, and after to hel, whilst many that are most wicked, and sinful in life, and yet withall hold themselves secure of their salvation, haue no fear of eternal pu●●ishment,& do hope by some means, or other, to escape the temporal penalty of the law, whereby they are embouldened to commit all mischief? Besides that, it is evident, that this doctrine, not only confirmeth the wicked in their wickedness( as I haue said) but also impaireth those, that are otherwaise of themselves well disposed, making them careless, and negligent, in their manner of life, whereby they fall into infinite temptations, which no man can avoid, and much less resist without much prayer, continual watch, great care, and diligent preventions, all which must needs seem needless, to those that are already secure of their salvation,  
22 Therefore I conclude, that this doctrine of security, is not only an impediment to virtue, but also a provocation to 'vice, and sin, and therefore most pernicious to common wealth, whether we respect the spiritual, or the temporal good thereof.  
23 Fourthly, the catholic church teacheth, that the moral part Moyses his law, consisting in the commandments, was not taken awa● but confirmed by Christ, and that the said commandments, are not o● possible to be kept, but also easy, sweet, and delectable with the h●pe of Gods grace, 
Psal. 18.11. Psal. 18.11.  and as the psalmist saith, more to be desired then go● or precious ston, and sweeter then the honey, or the honey comb. Where catholics are moved, and encouraged, to do their uttermost end●uour to observe them, and consequently to live in the exact practise● all virtue, to the great benefit of the common wealth, but the sectar● teach, not only that the commandments are unpossible to be kep● but also that they are wholly abrogated by Christ: and to the end it sh● not be said, that I slander them, with these opinions, I think go● to lay down some of their own words, first concerning the impos●●bilitie to keep the commandments, and after touching the abrog●tion of them.  


Luther in respon ad. dialog. Siluest. prieratis.  
Melanch. ad ca. 4. epi. ad Rom. editio Caluin li. 2. institut. ca. 7.  
Videlo. Cocci lib. 3. art. 2. de justif. hoins.   24 Luther writing of the first against silvester Prieras, saith thus. Pes●mè façis &c. Thou dost very ill, that thou deniest, that God hath commaund● impossible things, and thou dost much worse, in that thou darest call this a falsi● to wit, we cannot fulfil the commandments of God in this life. So he. M●lancthon saith, that whereas the law commandeth, that God shall b●loued &c. it commandeth as impossible a thing, as if it should bid us fly ou● the hill Caucasus. Caluin also determineth the same, as a matter out 〈◇〉 doubt. Sit, saith he, extra controuersiam &c. Let it be out of all controuersi● that the accomplishment of the law in this flesh, is impossible.  
25 Thus say they, concerning the impossibility to keep the commandments, but how impious, and absurd this their doctrine is, ● may appear by two consequents that must needs follow thereof. Th● first is, that they do in effect tax God of injustice, not only for commanding things impossible, but much more for ordaining punishment for the breach thereof, for no man can be justly punished, fo● that which he cannot perform. The other consequent is, that the● disanimate their followers, from endeavouring to observe Gods commandments, for no man can haue courage, or will to observe that which he shall hold to be impossible, and therefore how prejudicial to common wealth this doctrine is, any man may easily judge.  

Luther de libertate Christiana.  26 But much more absurd, and prejudicial is their opinion, concerning the abrogation of the commandments by Christ, which Luther teacheth evidently, when he reasoneth thus. Sola fides,& verbun● &c. Only faith and the word, do reign in the soul, whereby it is manifest that only faith sufficeth a christian man for all things, and that he needeth m works for his justification, and if he need no works, he needeth no law, 
Idem ad ca. 2. ad Galat.  if he ●ede no law, he is free from the law, and it is true, that the law is not made 〈◇〉 the just. Thus argueth Luther, and upon the same ground he affir●eth resolutelie else where. Sola fides necessaria est &c. Only faith is necessa● that we may be just, all other things are most free, 
Idem in ca. 7. ep. 1. ad Corinth.  neither commanded any we nor prohibited. And again in an other place. Nihil omnino, saith he, ●es obligatus &c. Thou art bound to God in nothing, but to beleeue and con●● him, in all other things, he maketh thee free, 
Melanch. in locis commun. editio. 2. pa. 76.  that thou maiest do according ●y own will, without any offence of conscience &c. So he.  
●● And doth he not plainly teach herein, that Christians are exem●ed from all obligation of Gods law, and commaundents? Where vpon his dearest darling Philip Melancthon, saith thus. Necesse est, vt fa●●●r &c. We must needs confess, that the commandments are also abro●●ed, our sophisters( he meaneth the catholics) do say, that the judicial, ●●d ceremonial part of the law is abrogated, and that the law of manners ●hat is to say the moral part of the law, or the commandments) is ●●creased by Christ, so that they make of Christ twice Moyses. Thus saith Me●●thon, giuing to understand, that the catholics in teaching that Christ did not abrogat the moral part of Moyses law, but confirm it, 
Colloquium Altemburg. habitum an. 1568. impres. Ienae an. 1568. in 4.  and deny Christ, making him no other then a second Moyses.  
●● To the same purpose also, the rigid Lutherans, of whom I made ●●●ention before taught, and maintained in the foresaid conference at Altemburg, that nihil ad nos Christianos praecepta decalogi pertinent: the prae●●yts of the Decalogue, or the ten commandments, do belong nothing at ● to us Christians. And the reason, that they yeld thereof is, because ●he christian which believeth is, say they, supra omnem obedientiam,& ●●pra omnem legem, above all obedience, and above all law. Thus they.  
●9 Therefore, what marvel is it, that a sect of Lutherans called An●●omi, draw also out of these principles of Luther, these conclusions following. Lex non est digna, vt vocetur &c. 

Confessio Mansfeldes. in secta Antinomorum. Vide Iodocum Coccium ubi supra.  
Et Stanislaū Reschium de Euangelic. sect. centuriis Tit. Antinomio.   The law is not worthy to be called the word of God, if thou be a whore, or a fornicator, or an adulterer, or any ●ther sinner what soever, only beleeue, and thou art in the way of salvation, ●●en when thou stickest fast, in the very midst of thy sin. The ten com●aundements belong to the court, but not to the Pulpit. whosoever haue any ●hinge to do with Moyses, do go the right way to the divell &c. The saying of Peter. Certam facite vocationem vestram per bona opera. Make sure your voca●● by good works, is vnprofitrble. Whensoeuer thou hast any cogitation, that any means is to be used in the church that men may be good, honest, and holly, and chast, thou art already gone astray from the gospel. Thus they, teaching in truth nothing else, but the very quintessence of Luthers doctrine concerning faith, and works, or rather explicating the same, and ext●●cting out of it, such necessary consequences, as must needs follow it, as it may be evident to any man, that shall consider his ground and principles above mentioned.  
30 But to omit other things, and to touch only that which conc●neth the abrogation of the commandments, can any thing be mo● pestiferous to common wealth, then this doctrine? For seeing, that the ten commandments, except the keeping of the saba●( whereto christians are not bound as the Iewes were) are nothing in effect, but the very explication of the law of nature, observed by 〈◇〉 gentiles, according to the light of natural reason, can any reasonab●● man think, that Christ exempted his seruants from the obseruati● thereof? Can any doctrine tend more directly then this, to ouerthro● all common wealth, and to extinguish the very law of nature in mo● and to make men little better, then beasts?  
31 For if every man were persuaded, that he hath no obligation conscience by the law of God, to honour, and obey his parents, nor forbear theft, perjury, fraud, and deceit, fornication, adultery, a● such other things, as the law of God, and nature forbiddeth, wha● confusion would there follow amongst men within a while? Wou●● not the shane, that men naturally haue of sin, be lost by little, a●● little, and so, human nature become bestial, and no other bridle 〈◇〉 left to restrain men fron any enormity, but only the fear of huma●● laws? Which how little it availeth many times, experience showe● and I haue sufficiently signified in my first part? And how preiudici●● this doctrine, 
ar 1. ch. 9 nu. 28. 29. 30. 31 32.& 33  is also to the authority of human laws, I will decla●● hereafter, in an article a part, and do conclude for the present, th● it sufficiently appeareth, by this which I haue here debated, that th● doctrine of the sectaries, touching the abrogation of the commau●dements, is no less absurd, beastly, and injurious to God, and natur●● then prejudicial to common wealth.  
32 Fiftly, the catholic doctrine concerning mans free will, as well moral, and civil, as in natural actions, is a great motive, to inci● men to the practise of all moral virtue, for the public good: for, 〈◇〉 that considereth the excellency and dignity of virtue, and the benefit, both private, and public, that may be reaped thereby, and beleeue● with all, that he may live virtuously if he will, he cannot, but be mu●● encouraged thereto. Besides that, vpon the consideration of mans fr●● will, are grounded all pollitical laws, precepts and prohibitions, pa●nes, and rewards: For if man had not free will, to do at least ciuilli● and morally well, he could neither be justly punished, 
Aristot. ethic l.. 3. Plato. in Gorgia.  nor rewarded ●either yet admonished, counseled, or commanded, as the very pagan philosophers argue out of the light of reason, so that if there were not free will in man for civil, and moral actions, all political gouer●ment( which proceedeth from the very law of nature, and reason) must needs be utterly superfluous, and against reason.  
●3 Whereby yt appeareth, not only that the catholic doctrine concerning mans free will, is most conform to reason of state, but also that the contrary opinion of Luther, Caluin, and other sectaries, is most repugnant thereunto and absurd, seeing yt cannot stand with that course of polliticall government, which nature hath ordained, besides that, ●t must needs hinder mens endeavour to be virtuous, and draw them ●o all kind of 'vice: for he which is persuaded, that all human actions are guided by an absolute necessity( as the Arch sectaries above name haue taught) he must needs conceive also, that yf God haue or●ained him to be virtuous, he shalbe virtuous whether he will, or no, ●f to be vicious, he cannot do withall. Where upon yt must needs ●ollow, that believing this doctrine, and finding bad inclinations in himself( as every man doth more or less) he will think yt very vain ●nd superfluous to resist them, and so will suffer himself to be trans●orted there with, persuading himself, that he cannot help yt. So ●hat yf this opinion were generally received, men would become no ●etter then beasts, following their own sensual appetites in all things, as drawn thereto by an absolute necessity: and therefore how inconvenient this would be, either for common wealth, or for mens particular estates, every man may judge, seing that yt doth frustrate and ●uacuat, not only all political gouuerment and moral virtue( as I ●ave declared) but also all human providence, discourse, delibera●ion, and consultation in mens private affairs, all which were neede●esse and vain, yf man had not free will to make his choice and election: in which respect Eusebius Caesariensis, showing the absurdity of this opi●ion by many notable reasons, concludeth very well, 
Euseb. de preparatione evang. li. 1. ca. 7. Luther in Assertionib{us} impressis Vittenberg. an. 1520. art. 36.  that those which hold yt, do pervert and ouerthow, vniuersam vitam humanam, ●ll the life of man.  
●4 sixthly no less absurd, and inconvenient for common wealth is the ●mpious and blasphemous opinion of Luther Melanchthon, Zuinglius, Cal●n, Beza and other sectaries, that God doth not only move, and command men to sin, but also work yt in them. Luther, teacheth that ●ala opera in impijs operatur deus. God worketh evil works in wicked men, and ●sketh this question. Quis audet negare? &c. Who dare deny, that he is oft times compelled in evil works to do otherwise, then he thought. And again 〈◇〉 his book de servo arbitrio, he affirmeth that, Iudas did necessary bet●● Christ, 
Melanch. ad ca. 8. ep. ad Rom. edit. 1.  and that yt was not in his hand or power to do otherwise, or to change 〈◇〉 will which, saith he, God moved by his omnipotency, as he doth all other thi●ges. Where upon Melancthon making as yt were a gloze, upon th● ground of his master teacheth, that the treason of Iudas, was the proper w●●ke of God, 
Zuinglius ser. de prouidentia ad Phillippum Cattor. principem an. 1530. ca. 6.  as well as the vocation of paul.  
35 Zuinglius also, delivereth the same doctrine, and amongst diue● other devilish and blasphemous speeches, he saith thus. Vnum atque ide● facinus puta adulterium &c. One and the self same wicked act, to wit adultery, homicide, as it is the work of God, the Author and mover of it, is not an offen● or sin, but as it is, the work of man, it is a sin and a wicked act: and again. Numen ipsum author est eius, quod nobis est iniustitia, illi autem nullaten● est. 
Ib●d. ca. 5.  God himself is the author of that which is injustice in respect of thus, aught is not so in respect of him. Thus he, and affirmeth also further, that G●● not only moveth, 
Ibid. c. 6.  but also compelleth the thief to kill the innocent, and y●● that the thief is justly punished for it, because he sinneth against the law 〈◇〉 God, 
Vide Bellar. lib. 2. cap. 3. de Amiss. gratiae a statu peccati. Iod. Coccium. To. 2. de peccato hom. art. 1. libri. 2.  not as the author, but as the instrument, whom therefore, Zuingl●●● compareth to a hammer, and a file which a man may use, as it please● him, turning the hammer into a file, or the file, into a hammer.  
36 The very same doctrine, teacheth Caluin in diuers partes of his wo●kes, as in his book de aeterna dei praedestinatione, printed at Geneua in t●● year 1552. fol. 905. 916. 906. 944.& 946.& li. 1. Institut. ca. 17. ss. 11. ca. 18. ss. 1.& ss. 2.& deinceps,& libro 2. ca. 4. ss. 2. 3.& 4.& li. 3. ca. 23. 4. 7. 8.& 9. in which places he affirmeth, that God not only permittet● all the sins of men, but also that he hath determined them from ● eternity, that he commandeth the divell to draw men to sin, a●● that he inclineth, moveth, and compelleth men thereto, yea, and th●● he worketh himself in the mindes of wicked men, as the first cau●● using them as his instruments.  
37 The same also is taught seriously by Peter 
Petrus martyr ad. c. 2. li. 1. Samuel.& in ep. ad Rom.  Martyr, and most amp●● by 
Beza in responsione ad Sebastianum.  Beza, whose words I willingly pretermit, not to rak up further the channel of such a filthy, and beastly doctrine, which the very Painin● would haue abhorred, who believed, and taught most constantly, th●● God 
Castalionem de aeterna dei praedestinat.  being goodness itself, cannot possible be the cause, or author 〈◇〉 sin, no more then fire, being hot by nature, can refrigerat, or coo● any thing.  
38 But to let pass for the present the considerations belonging to religion, and to touch only, one, or two concerning reason of stat● who seeth not what inconvenience must needs follow of this doctr● ●n common wealth? For what care will any man haue to avoid sin, ●hen he shal be persuaded that if he sin, he doth but fulfil the eternal decree of God, whose will he cannot resist: and that God both ●oueth, and compelleth him thereto, yea, and worketh it in him. How ●an such a one( I say) that is so persuaded, either hate sin, or be sorry ●or it, or yet beleeue, that he doth sin at all, or think any punishment to be just, be it divine, or human, that shalbe inflicted upon ●im for any offence what soever?  
●9 For whereas the masters of this detestable doctrine teach, that evil acts are sin, not in respect of God( though they say he is the author ●nd mover of them) but in respect of us, who are the instruments of God, and do break his eternal law, their absurdity in this distinction ●s evident, for diuers reasons. For first, who knoweth not that the au●hour, mover, and worker of an evil act, using an instrument which cannot resist his will, is in fault for the act, and not the instrument( no ●hough it be an active instrument, as they say man is) especially seeing ●hey also teach( as appeareth in the former article) that man hath no ●se at all of free will, but is drawn, and compelled to will, or do every ●hing that he doth by an absolute necessity, and an eternal decree of God: in which respect Zuinglius hath great reason( according to this opinion) when he compareth man in this case, to a hammer or a file, ●eeing he hath no more liberty in his action, then those or any other ●assiue, or dead instrumenrs: whereupon it must needs follow, that God being both the mover of mans evil will, and intention, and also ●he worker of the evil act in him, is the sinner( if any sin be committed) and not man, who is but Gods instrument, and cannot choose but fulfil his will, which consequent, how blasphemous it is, every man seeth.  
40 Secondly, if the reason of mans sin be in this case, because he breaketh the eternal law of God( for so say these doctors) I would gladly know of them, whether the absolute will of God, and his eternal decrees, be not in all cases to be held for his laws, and so to be obeied: which cannot be denied, for, whatsoever he eternally de●reeth, and absolutely willeth, the same is his law, and therfore ought ●o be performed. whereupon I infer, that seeing God hath not only ●ternallie decreed the sins of men( as these sectaries teach) but also moveth, and compelleth men thereto, effecting, working, and execu●ing his own decree in them, and by them, it cannot with any reason and said, that men sin, in concurring with his absolute will, but rather ●hat they do their duty in obeying the same: so that, albeit God haue eternally decreed, that adultery shall not be committed, and that a● men are bound to obey this divine law, and decree( as many do) y● it must needs be understood, that when he moveth, and forceth me● to commit adultery, he either contradicteth himself in breaking h● own law, or at least, dispenseth with his law, and maketh the brea● thereof in such case, to be lawful. As for example, if a prince having forbidden the transport of corn, or money out of his country, upo● pain of death, should nevertheless command, yea and compe● some afterwards to break his law, could any man be so absurd to sa● that such a subject so commanded, and compelled by his prince should thereby commit any offence against him? Or that the prince, d●● not in that case dispense, with his own law? And if he should not, b●● would inflict the penalty upon the party, would not all men iust●● condemn such a prince, of monstrous injustice, and tyranny?  
41 Thus then it appeareth, that two notable, and blasphemous absurdities, do necessarily follow of this opinion of these sectaries. Th● one, that if any sin be committed in the transgression of Gods law● God is the sinner, being the author and worker of it, and not ma● who is but Gods instrument, and cannot resist his will, and cons●quentlie cannot sin therein, no more then a horse, or a beast, sein● that according to the known, 
S. Aug. li. de vera religione c. 14.  and common axiom. Nullum est pecc●tum, quod non sit voluntarium. There is no sin, which is not voluntary. Th● other absurdity is, that God doth daily, and hourelie, either breake● or at least dispense with his own eternal laws, moving; and compe●ling men to the breach thereof, seeing that daily, and hourelie, me● do transgress them by Gods own motion, and compulsion, as the● sectaries teach. whereupon there followeth also, an other notab●● absurdity, touching both religion, and state, to wit, that all pen●● laws, divine, and human, ordained for the punishment of sin, an● utterly unjust, yea, and that there is no hell, or damnation for sinners, because there is no sin committed by men, according to th●● ground.  
42 Therefore I appeal here, to the iudgement of any indifferent man● what a good Christian, and member of a common wealth, he is like t● be, that is thus persuaded, and how pernicious it would be to all states, that this doctrine of Caluin, and other sectaries should be taught and received therein? Whereas the contrary doctrine of catholics, a●● it is most pious, so is it also most political; teaching that God being infinitely good, 
Psalm. 72. Sap. 14. jac. 1.13.  and just, is so far from moving, or tempting any ma● to sin, that he hateth both the sin, and the sinner, and neither tempteth any man himself( for Deus neminem tentat, saith S. james. 
1. Cor. 10.13.  God ●empteth no man) neither yet suffereth any man to be tempted above his power, ●s the apostle teacheth expressly: And therefore, although God concur ●ith man to the act of the sin, as he doth to the actions of all his ●reatures( as an universal cause, without whose concurrence, no creature what soever, could haue any operation:) yet he concurreth not ●o the deformity of the act, wherein the sin consisteth, which de●ormitie proceedeth from a particular cause, that is to say, from the will of man: so that, albeit God may be said to be a cause of the action, ●et he cannot be said to be a cause of the sin.  
●3 As in like case, when a monster is born of a woman, the mon●●ruositie, or deformity( which is a certain sin of nature) cannot and referred to the heauens, which are an universal cause, but to the defect of the parents, who are the next cause: for, the influence of the heauens, which is universal, and worketh in all creatures alike, would ●ot produce, either man or horse, or plant, if it were not determined, by a particular cause: and therefore man, who doth procreat the monster, is the cause of the deformity, and not the heaven, which ●lwayes giveth such influence, that a perfect man might be produced ●hereby, if there were not some defect and hindrance in man himself, who is the next cause.  
44 And the like is to be understood in this question, concerning the cause of mans sin, for that the concurrence of God, to the actions of man, is indifferent either to good, or bad, and may be used well, if man will, and therefore seeing that man doth abuse both it, and his own free will, to the breach of Gods law, he is truly the cause of his own sin, and justly deserveth to be punished. And here upon it followeth, that all punishment for sin, and the laws that ordain the same, are most just, which whosoever believeth( as all catholics do) he hath thereby a notable motive to obey all good laws, as well human, as divine, and to aclowledge even his own punishment to be most just, in case he transgress them. Whereby it appeareth how necessary this catholic doctrine is to be taught, and believed, in regard both of conscience, and of common wealth, and how prejudicial the contrary doctrine of the sectaries is in both respects. And therefore no marvel, that Plato forbade it to be taught in his common wealth, ordaining that no man, either young, or old, 
Plato dialog. 2. de repub.  should be suffered to say, or hear, that God is the cause of evil, which saith he, is neither holly to he spoken, nor profitable to vs. Thus much for this point.  
45 eleventhly, who can deny, the great utility, that groweth 〈◇〉 common wealth, by the catholic doctrine, and practise of the sacr●ment of pennance, consisting in the Confession of sins, Contrition, a● Satisfaction? What a notable, and potent remedy, is it against all sinn● and 'vice, seeing that thereby we are taught, and accustomend to exam●ne our consciences, to discern betwixt sin, and sin, to stir up 〈◇〉 ourselves acts of contrition, and sorrow for the same, to make fi● purpose of amendment( without the which, we know our confessio● to be fruitless:) and finally to labour to do satisfaction, not only 〈◇〉 almighty God by pennance, but also to our neighbour in case of wro●ges, by restitution of goods, and famed, and to do all kind of goo● works, for the public good? Besides that the very shane to confes● our own sins and deffects, is a notable bridle to restrain us fro● offending either God, or our neighbour.  
46 And of these great benefits, we haue most manifest, and daily e●perience in the catholic church. For besides the private, and partic●ler comfort that men receive thereby in their own souls, and the increase of Gods grace, for the repression of sin( which every ma● that duly frequenteth confession, trieth sufficiently in himself) the● follow also thereof many notable commodities to the public, to wi● great store of alms given to the poor, and many charitable work● daily done, the reconciliation of enemies, and composition of qua●rels, restitution of stolen, or ill gotten goods, and the reformation o● manners in seruants towards their masters, in children toward the● parents, in married folkes one towards the other, and in all sort of officers, and subiects towards their princes: whereas the sectaries, having no use of confession, are deprived as well of the private, as of th● public benefit thereof, yea and live in such a continual ignorance o● the state of their own souls, that it is a lamentable case to see.  
47 For I may be bold to say, that very few of them( if there be an● at all) do so much as know, how to examine duly their own consciences, or are able to discern truly betwixt sin, and sin, in s● much, that they know not many times, how, and when, they offen● God, which we find daily by experience in such of them, as ar● converted to the catholic religion, who no doubt, will always testify the same, as also, what light of soul, increase of grace, an● spiritual consolation they find by the use of confession. And so notorious, is the damage that followeth of the want thereof to the common wealth, that the city of Noremberg in Germany, having receiue● Luthers new gospel, and banished confession, found such evident inconuience thereby, that they sent a solemn ambassage, and made ●reat svit to the Emperour Charles the fift, to haue it restored again ●●to their city, by an imperial law, as witnesseth Dominicus Soto, 
Dominicus Soto in 4. Sententia dist. 18. q. 1. ar. 1.  who ●as there present, and testifieth further, that the ambassadors were ●orthily laughed at for their pains, seeing they imagined, that men ●ight be compelled, by an imperial law, to confess their secret sin●es, without any obligation in conscience, or remission of sins, both ●hich they denied according to Luthers doctrine which they professed.  
●8 But if any of our aduersaries shall object here, as some are wont 〈◇〉 do, that our use of confession, is rather an encouragement to sin●e, then a restraint of it, by reason of the facility to obtain absolu●●on, and pardon at the priests hands, it may easily appear how ●●nd, and frivolous their conceit is, if wee consider two things.  
●9 The first is, that they haue no reason to imagine so great facility ●●erein, seeing that the very repugnance, which all men naturally ●ave to discover their own imperfections, and offences, might of it ●elfe, suffice to divert us from confession, were it not that the force of ●ods grace, over cometh nature therein. For proof whereof, we ●nd by experience, that some wicked men, who stick not to brag, and ●aunt of their wicked acts amongst themselves, yea in public before ●thers, are nevertheless so ashamed, to confess them before Gods ●inister, in the sacrament of confession, that they are hardly drawn ●o do it once a year, to satisfy the precept of the church.  
●0 But if we add to this natural repugnance, the contrition, and sor●ow, that is requisite on our part: the full purpose( with the help of Gods grace) never to commit the same sins again, or any other: the ●ennance enjoined by the priest, and satisfaction to be donne( al which 〈◇〉 of necessity required to obtain remission:) yea, and which is more, ●f we consider, that if the said pennance be not sufficient to satisfy Gods iustice, and that the defect thereof be not otherways supplied in ●his life, it is to be payed in purgatory, centupliciter, saith 
S. Bernar. Ser. de obitu Humberti monachi& council Florent. in li●teris vnionis  S. Bernard, 〈◇〉 hundreth fold, ●sque ad 
Matth. 5. S. Cyprian. ep. 52. ad Antonianum.  nouissimum quadrantem, even to the last farthing 〈◇〉 which moveth us also to add voluntary penance of our own part, ●o the injunction, and ordonance of the priest:) if all this, I say, be well weighed, no man hath reason to say, that we are easily quit of ●ur sins, or that the facility of pardon, doth encourage us to sin, ●he rather.  
●1 But now if we consider, on the behalf of our aduersaries, how ●uch more easily they clear their score, or rather( if I may so say) ●cape scotfree, with their only faith, and imputative iustice, it will quickly appear, how ridiculous this their objection is against us: f●● if wee catholics be animated to sin, the rather( as they say we a●● by the hope of an easy remission, at the priests hands( whereto n●uerthelesse all the foresaid conditions are requisite on our part) wh● may be said of them, who need not in their conceit, to do any mo●● then only to believe firmly, that their sins are forgeeuen them f●● the merits of Christ.  
52 Therefore Luther saith. Qui fortiter,& firmiter credit, &c. He whi●● strongly, 

Luther in postil. dominicae Reminscere.  
Idem sermo de penitent. an. Dom. 1517.& in Assertio art. 6.  
Idem sermo de penitentia. vide Iodocum Coccium lib. 7. de paeniten.  
Caeluin in institut. ca. 4. ss. 25. 30. 31.& 32. Vide jo. Cocci. ibidem.   and fi●mely believeth, that his sins are forgiven him, he may o●● this confession, and confess to himself alone. So he. And of contrition 〈◇〉 saith thus.  
53 Contritio quae paratur, &c. The contrition which is got by the discussion, c●●lection, and detestation of our sins, pondering their greeuousnes, filthiness, m●●titud, and the loss of eternal bliss, and the purchase of eternal damnati●● this contrition, I say, makes a man an hipocrit, and a greater sinner. Thus h● Who also saith of satisfaction thus.  
54 Post peccata etiam grauissima &c. After the most greeveous sins, th● may be, no satisfaction is to be done by us, lest we derogat from the satisfaction 〈◇〉 Christ. Thus teacheth Luther.  
55 Also Caluin, utterly rejecteth all the means, that catholics v●● for the satisfaction of their sins( as namely Lachrimas, jejunia,& of●●cia charitatis. tears, fastings, and offices, or works of charity.) And adde● further. Talibus mendaciis& To such lies I oppose, the frank, and free remission of sins, so clearly declared in the holy scripture, as nothing more. 〈◇〉 he. Fathering his loose,& wicked doctrine vpon the scriptures, thou●● most falsely, as it will appear most manifestly in the next chapter where I hall haue occasion to treat amply, of the continual pract●●● of mortification and penance in the church of God,  
56 Now then, can any man invent, or imagine, an easier way to t●● remission of his sins, 
Chap. 36. from num. 4. to nu. 49.  then to lay all the pennance, satisfaction, a●● penalty thereof upon Christes back, and to bear no part of t●● burden himself? Or can any doctrine more animate men to sin, the● this? No truly, and therefore I may truly say, that it is most pernicio●● to common wealth, as it may appear even in Plato, who in his law● ordained, 
Plato. de legib. dial. 11.  punishment for a certain kind of wicked men, who liu● in his time, and were of opinion, that God pardoneth the greatest o●fences, and sins of men, with all facility, as for a little sacrifice, an● prayer, which kind of men Plato numbereth with the Atheists, th● deny the providence of God, and holdeth them to be no less hurtfu● to the common wealth, then they: and no marvel, seeing that one 〈◇〉 t●● special benefits of religion in common wealth( to wit the fear of ●●●s iustice in the chastisement of sin) was utterly frustrated by that ●●●inion. And truly the like may well be said, of the means prescribed ●his day, by the sectaries for the remission of sin, which they teach 〈◇〉 be more facile, and easy, then that which Plato condemned, seeing ●●t they escape, as they think, far better cheap then with sacrifice, ●●d prayer, to wit, with a frank, and free remission only, for the me●●s of Christ: Thus much for the seventh point.  
●● Eightly, the catholic doctrine, and practise of prayer to Saints, ●d of their canonization, and the honour donne unto them, is a great ●elpe, and furtherance, to good, and virtuous life, and consequently ●ost consonant to reason of state, for what greater spur, or prouo●●tion to virtue can be imagined, then the notable example of the ●ost virtuous lives of saints, and the honour which, wee see, is daily ●●nne them in earth, even by Emperours, kings, and Princes, besi●●●s the ineffable felicity which wee beleeue they haue, and shall haue ●●ernallie in heaven? Can any thing, I say, more potentlie move us 〈◇〉 aspire to the perfection of virtue, then not only to see it so highly ●●warded, and glorified even in this world, but also to haue so many ●●●table guides to led us to the practise of it by their example, repre●●nted unto us partly in the written histories of their lives, partly by ●●r preachers, and lastly by their feasts, and solemnities, images, and ●●ctures? So that though nothing else were to be respected in this point, ●●t only this continual incitation to virtue,& sanctity, it must needs 〈◇〉 granted to be most political.  
●● But who can sufficiently express, the inestimable benefit, that not ●●ly private and particular men, but also whole common wealths, king●omes, and states, receive by the intercession, and prayers of Angels, ●nd Saints, procured by our invocation of them, whereof the expe●●ence is evident in all histories, by infinite examples in all ages, and ●●mess, which I shall not need to relate here, seeing that I haue ●●fficientlie performed it, partly in the first 
Par. 1. ch. 15. pertotum.  part of this treatise, and ●artly in the 
Chap. 24. nu. 31.  four and twentieth chapter of this second part, where I ●nswered certain objections of Machiauel, and therefore I remit my ●eader thereto, and conclude, that it is manifest hereby, that the do●●rin of the sectaries, impugning the prayer to Saints, and the honour ●onne them here in earth, is prejudicial to common wealth, depri●ing it, both of a great motive to virtue, and also of the benefit of their ●rotection? besides that, contēning,& dishonouring the saints of God, ●hom his spouse the church, ordaineth to be reverenced,& honoured, they contemn, and dishonour God himself, and thereby provoke h● just iudgement, and wrath against the common wealth, where their religion is generally embraced.  
59 The ninth point, which I wish to be considered, is, our doctri● concerning the fast of Lent, friday, saturday, and the vigils of our pri●cipall feasts, which how necessary it is for common wealth, it seeme● to be sufficiently acknowledged in our country, even at this day. F● albeit our aduersaries hold it for superstitious, yet our wise magistr●tes, knowing the fast of Lent to be convenient, for the increase, a● breed of all kind of cattle in the spring time, and that the other fa● also, do help greatly, as well to conserve all kind of flesh vitta●( which otherwaise might be over much wasted) as to maintain, t● fishing at sea, whereof resulteth the maintenance, and increase of m●riners, necessary for our navigation,( whereto may be added also, consideration of good economy, to wit, frugality, and moderation▪ expense, in every particular family:) for these causes, I say, and su●● like, our magistrates do still retain, some public use of those fasts, y● and haue added thereto, a kind of abstinence from flesh upon t●● wednesday, ordained by act of parliament, in the late queens tim● though nevertheless it is no way observed in England, for ought I kno● neither yet are the other fasts kept by our aduersaries, otherwise th● for seruants only, to save charges, for every one, that can get flesh, e●teth it freely without scruple, whereby the law is generally broke● and the common wealth endamaged.  
60 But besides these foresaid benefits, that grow to common welt● by the observation of our fasts, five other may be recounted, very important to be considered. The first is, the repression of 'vice, by t●● maceration, and extenuation of the flesh, whereby concupiscence, an● lust is restrained, the flesh made subject to the spirit, and many exorb●tant sins, which grow of excess avoided, to the public goo● wherefore S. Ambrose calleth fasting. 
Ambros. in li. de Helia,& jeiunio. c. 3.  Fundamentum castitatis,& cul● mortem. The foundation of chastity, and the death of sin.  
61 The second benefit is, the purification of the soul, whereby it enabled the better to perform the act of contemplatiō, wherein co●sisteth the end, 
2. Cor. 4. d. 16.  and felicity of common wealth. For as the Apostle wi●nesseth. Quanto externus homo noster corrumpitur, tanto internus innouatur. 〈◇〉 how much more our outward man is corrupted, or weakened, so muc● more is our inward man renewed. 
S. Chrisost. ho. 1. in Genes.  And therefore also S. chrysostom ca●leth fasting. Alimentum ainae. The meat or nurriture of the soul, a●● addeth this reason: sicut corporalis iste cibus &c. As this corporal mea● doth nourish and fatten the body, so doth fasting strengthen the soul, ●nd giveth it feathers and wings, whereby it may mount up, and con●emplat the highest things. For this cause also the old philosophers. ●rescribed great abstinence and fasting to their contemplatives, as I ●ave declared before, in the seauenthteene chapter, 
Chap. 17. nu 17. S. Basil. de laudibus jeiunij ho. 2.  when I treated of ●hilosophicall contemplation.  
●2 The third benefit is, the health of the body which is greatly hindered ●nd impaired by repletion, and plentiful diet, and therefore S. basil ●alleth fasting, matrem sanitatis the mother of health, and addeth. Interroga ●edicos& dicent tibi &c. ask the phisicans and they will tell thee, that ●here is nothing more dangerous then to haue thy body in too good a ●light, in which respect those which are most skilful in the art of phi●●ck, do by fasting abate the redundance of the body, lest other waise ●he weight of corpulency, may oppress nature. So he.  
63 The fourth benefit is, the pacification of Gods wrath, by the affli●tion of our bodies, as appeareth in the Niniuits, who by their fasting, 
Iona. 3.  ●ppeased the wrath of God, and scaped the destruction, threatened them ●y the prophet, and therefore S. Ambrose doth worthily call fasting. 
S. Ambros. li. de Helia.& ieiu. ca. 9. S. Basil. de laud jeiunij ho. 1.  ●acrificium reconciliationis. A sacrifice, whereby we are reconciled to God. And S. Basil saith that, paenitentia sine jeiunio ociosa,& infrugifera est. Pennance with 〈◇〉 fasting, is idle, and fruitless: and, per jeiunium, saith he, satisfacito deo, satis●●e God by fasting.  
64 The fift benefit is, the impetration or obtaining at God hands, not only of all temporal good, necessary for common wealth, but also Gods grace, whereby we are disposed to all virtue, 
S Amllros. ubi supra ca 3. Chrisost. ho. 1. in Gen.  as well moral and ●olitical, as Theological, for which cause. S. Ambrose calleth fasting. ●adicem gratiae, the roote of grace. And S. chrysostom, matrem omnium bonorum. The mother of all good. And omnium virtutum magistram. The mistress, or tea●er of all virtue. And saith in an other place. Ieiuna quia peccasti, &c. Fast because thou hast sinned, fast that thou mayst not sin, fast that thou maiest receive gifts of God, and fast that thou maiest retain and keep ●is gifts which thou hast received. And S. basil, showing the notable ●ffects and fruits of fasting, by many examples of the holly scripture, 
S. Basil. hom 1. de laud. jeiunij,  with that it giveth wisdom to lawmakers, fortitude in war, and quiet or tran●●illity in peace, meaning, that it obtaineth of God, those gifts and bene●●ts for the common wealth. And therefore S. chrysostom also worthily ●●rmeth it, bonorum, atque beneficiorum cardinem, 
Chrisost. ser. 2. de jeiunio.  the very hinge whereon ●oe hang and depend all the good things, and benefits spiritual, and ●emporall, which wee haue of almighty God: whereby it sufficiently ●ppeareth, how necessary and profitable fasting is to common wealth.  
65 But perhaps, our aduersaries will say, that all these commodlt● may follow also of their doctrine, seeing that they do not condem● all fasting, but only the fasts ordained by the church at certain tim● and upon set daies, as also the prohibition of flesh, eggs, and oth● meats, and that they allow voluntary fasts, as good, and necessa● for the ends aforesaid.  
66 But how little benefit, the common wealth reapeth by their doct● in this behalf, experience sheweth sufficiently, even in themselves ● whom wee see how few there are, which fast voluntarily, besides th● it is manifest, that a voluntary fast, not prescribed by laws, and at c●taine times, can never be general to the public good, and when the● is no prohibition of flesh, neither the flesh victuals are generally sp●red, nor the fishing, and navigation thereby maintained, nor concupisce●ce in men sufficiently repressed, nor yet the act of penance well p●●med, and consequently the iustice of God not so fully satisfied, 
S. lo. sex. 3. de jeiunio 7. mensis.  nor 〈◇〉 grace, and gifts so abundantly obtained, as by the universal and mo● strict fasts, that are prescribed by the catholic church, as S. lo su● name the great, teacheth notably in those words. Exercitatio continent &c. The practise of continency, or temperance, which every man i●poseth upon himself, doth belong to the commodity but only▪ some portion, or part, whereas the fast that the whole church ord●●neth, excludeth no man from the benefit of the general purificatio● and then is the people of God most mighty, and strong, when the ha●tes of all the faithful, agreeing in the unity of holly obedience, the● is an uniform preparation, and the self same munition, or defen● throughout the whole camp, of our christian army. Thus far S. L● Where upon I conclude, that our catholic doctrine and practise 〈◇〉 prescribed, and general fasts, are most behouefull to the common welt● and that the contrary doctrine of our aduersaries, hindering such not●ble, and universal benefits, as hath benne declared, is most preiud●ciall thereto.  
67 The tenth and last point shalbe, the different doctrine of Cathol●kes, and sectaries, touching the christian liberty, which Christ purch●sed for us with his precious blood, which wee say, was no other b● freedom from the thraldom, and bondage of the devil, and sinn● and from the servitude of the Mosaical law, and that therefore, ou● christian liberty is no way prejudicial to the obedience due to our m●gistrats, and superiors spiritual, or temporal, but that we are still boun● to obey them as the apostle teacheth. Non propter iram, said propter conscienti● Not for wrath( that is to say) for fear of punishment, but for conscience, whic● how necessary it is to be taught, believed, and practised for the good of common wealth, any man may easily judge.  
68 But the sectaries teach, that wee are freed by our saviour Christ, not only from the bondage of sin, and the Mosaycal law( yea and from the commandments of God, as I haue declared before) but also from all obligation of human laws, or statutes, 
Luther in ca. 7. ep. 1. Cor.  I mean obligation in conscience, for so teacheth Luther expressly, saying. Nulla lex ●us obligat, neque captivat apud Deum. No law doth bind, or captivat us before God, apud quem, saith he, omnia licent, liberaque sunt, before whom, or in whose sight, all things are lawful, and free, or indifferent. And here upon he also infereth, that which I haue in part alleged out of him before, to wit, nihil omnino Deo es obligatus, 
Vide Conradam kellim aduersus caninas Lutheri nuptias li. 4. tractatu 2. ca. 1. Caluin l●. 3. Instit. ca. 19. ss. 2. 4.& 7. Vide Bellarm. li. 2. de Iustifica. ca. 1.  nisi solum vt credas,& eum confitearis, in omnibus aliis &c. Thou art bound to God in nothing at all, but only to beleeue& confess him, in all other things he makes thee free, that thou mayst do according to thy own will, with out any offence of conscience. Thus he. Caluin also teacheth the very same in effect, making our christian liberty to consist specially in three things. The first is, that there be no regard had of the law, or of works, when there is question of justification by faith( which, Caluin calleth not fidem, but fiduciam, confidence.) The second is, that good works be not examined by the rule of the law, but as to be accepted of God assuredly, of what sort soever they be. The third is, that the use of all external things, be held for indifferent in such sort, that no scruple be made, whether we use, 
Caluin li. 4. Instit. ca. 10. ss. 5.  or leave them. Thus teacheth Caluin in great conformity with Luther, most impiouslie destroying, not only all that part of religion, and worship of God, which consisteth in external things, but also all common wealth, freeing, and exempting men by this doctrine, from all obligation in conscience to obey human laws, which concern for the most part, the good use, or abuse of external things: besides that, Caluin teacheth also expressly else where, that Christians are not bound in conscience to the observation of every particular law of princes( he meaneth just laws) but to the general precept of God to honour princes, and to respect the end of the lawe, that is to say peace, and the love of our neighbour.  
69 But if this be true, how standeth it with the doctrine of the Apostle, who having taught that all power is of God, and that he which resisteth the same resisteth Gods ordonance, addeth, 
Rom. 13.  necessitate subditi estote &c. Be ye subject of necessity, not only for fear of punishment, but also for conscience sake? Is it not evident that the meaning of t● apostle is, 
Vide Bellarmin. li. 4. de Romano pontiff. ca. 16.  that conscience bindeth, wheresoever punishment may 〈◇〉 justly feared? In which respect, he showeth the necessity of our obedience, by the consideration, aswell of abond in conscience, as of t●● fear of punishment, extending the one as far as the other: to whic● purpose S. Augustin saith, 
Retract. li. 1. c. 9.  that omnis iusta poena, peccati paena est. If th● we justly fear punishment, for the breach of every just law of o● prince, we are also to aclowledge, an obligation in conscience to o●serue the same, especially seeing the Apostle teacheth in the same place, that those which resist human power, damnationem sibi acquirum do purchase damnation to themselves, and that our princes, an● gouuernours are, ministri Dei, the ministers of God, that is to say, h● substitutes, and, as it were liuetenants, where upon it must needs follow, that our disobedience to their just laws, doth include a disobedience to God, 
S. Bernard tra●t. de praecepto& diso.  whose place, and person they represent. And therefore S. Bernard saith notably well. Siue Deus, siue homo vicarius Dei &c▪ Whether God, or man being the vicar, or substitut of God, do geue● commandment, it is to be obeyed with like care, ubi tamen Deo contrari● non praecipit homo, when nevertheless man doth not command thing contrary to God. Thus saith S. Bernard. And this I haue said briefly to show that the christian liberty which these archsectaries teach, i● no less repugnant to the verity,& truth of the holly scriptures, the● prejudicial to common wealth, which would be utterly subverted, i● all respect of conscience in the observation of human laws wer● abolished, as it would be if their doctrine were generally received, seeing that it would follow thereon, that to break human laws, would b● held for nothing else but to use,& practise the privilege of our christian liberty, as shall further appear in the third part of this treatise.  
70 And although Luther do afterwards, in the place before alleged, aclowledge a kind of obligation, of one man to an other, affirming that there is no danger of conscience before God, but only when there is offence committed against our neighbour, yet it is evident, that he doth not aclowledge thereby any obligation to obey human laws, but only to perform covenants, and mutual offices of charity,& civil conversation,& therefore he concludeth. In summa nemini quicquam debeamus nisi vt invicem diligamus,& mutuò per charitatem inseruiamus. In fine, let us owe nothing to any man, but that we love, and mutually serve one an other for charity sake.  
71 And that this( I say) is his sense, and meaning, and not to teach obedience to human laws, it appeareth plainly, as well by that which haue cited out of him before( where he saith, that no law bindeth us ●efore God) as also by his exposition in the same place, of these wor●●s of the Apostle. Pretio empti estis, nolite fieri servi hominum. You are ●●ately bought, do not become the slaves of men, which saith he, and Apostle, without all doubt, doth say, as a common, or general sen●●nce, contra statuta hominum, against the statutes of men, 
Luther. ubi supra.  quibus tàm li●tas, quàm aequalitas ista fidei annihilatur,& conscientiae arctantur, with the ●hich, as well this liberty, as the equality of faith is amnihilated, and ●ens consciences are straightened or entangled. And again afterwards, ●leadging also the same text, he saith, that the Apostle speaketh there ●f Christ, qui proprio sanguine nos ab omnibus peccatis, legibusque redemit, at●e liberos effecit: who with his own blood, reedemed us from all sin●es, and laws, and made us free. And then addeth, that nevertheless, ●is redemption, doth not concern, humanos contractus, &c. human ●ontracts, or bargains, by the which men are bound one to an other, ●s the contracts of the slave, or seruant with his Lord, or master, and of ●he wife with her husband, hos contractus, saith he, Paulus non tollit, said ●alt seruari, these contracts paul doth not take away, but will haue ●hem to be kept.  
●2 Thus saith Luther, distinguishing plainly, as you see, betwixt the ●bligation to perform bargains, or charitable offices, and an obligation to obey human laws, admitting the former, and denying the ●tter, upon pretence of our christian liberty.  
●3 I haue debated this, the more largely out of Luthers own wor●es, as well to the end, I might truly, and manifestly show his opinion, concerning this point, as also, that by the same occasion, I may further discover here, his notable folly and gross ignorance: his folly, in the evident contradiction of himself: and his ignorance, in his absurd, ●nd ridiculous doctrine.  
●4 A● for the first, it is to be considered, that having laid down his general rule, or ground of the indifferency of all external things, in ●he sig●● of God, he maketh an exception, against his own rule, see●ing to admit an obligation in conscience, even in our external ●ctions, when they are injurious to our neighbour, as I haue signified before, to which purpose he saith thus. 
Luther ubi supra vide Conrad kellin. li. 4. tracta. 2. ca. 3.  There is no danger of conscience before God, in eating, or drinking, or in apparel, or in living in this, or that manner, nisi contra proximum sit quod agitur, except when that, which is done is prejudicial to our neighbour. Thus he.  
75 And the reason, which he yeeldeth for it is, that although ma● not bound to God, further then to beleeue, and confess him( as I h●● declared before) yet one man hath obligation to an other, 
nu. 64.  for the p●●formance of the works of charity, and of civil conversation, ● which respect, he saith also, that albeit wee are free towards God, ● wee are not free towards our neighbour, and albeit God careth not ● our external actions, in regard of himself, yet he careth for them, regard of our neighbour, where upon he also infereth, that in off●●ding, or wronging our neighbour, in external things, wee endan● our consciences.  
76 Thus teacheth he, and yet nevertheless, he contradicteth it p●●sentlie after. For having said, that there is no danger of conscience, external actions, but only when our neighbour is wronged, he add● immediately. Contra Deum hic peccari non potest, said contra proximum. 〈◇〉 here, or in this case, that is to say, in external acts, we cannot sin aga● God, but against our neighbour. But if it be true, which he affirmeth before, to wit, that there is danger of conscience, when we wrong o● neighbour, how can it be true, that, contra Deum hic peccari non pot● wee cannot sin in this case against God? Doth he not teach, that in doi● injury to our neighbour, we endanger our conscience? And how 〈◇〉 our conscience be in danger, when wee cannot sin, and offend Go● And therefore what else saith he here in effect, but that wee cann●● offend God, when wee do offend him, which is a most strange, a● ridiculous contradiction.  
77 and no less strange, and ridiculous is his folly, and gross ign●rance, in affirming that no sin, or offence to God, can be committ●● in external things, but when there is some offence to our neighbo●● for who knoweth not, that even in those examples which he alledge● of eating, drinking, and apparel, God may be most hainouslie offe●ded, by drunkenness, surfeits, and prodigal expenses, when neuerth●lesse, our neighbour is no way wronged, or offended, but perhaps ple●sured, and benefited? And who seeth not, that by this his wicked portion and ground, of the indifferency of all external things( which also Caluines doctrine, as you haue heard) the holy sacraments themselves, are made indifferent to be used, or left at our pleasure, and that w● cannot offend God therein( according to Luthers opinion) when no o●fence of our neighbour concurreth?  
78 Furthermore how absurd is he, in making human acts sinful, 〈◇〉 offensive to God, not in respect of God himself, but only in respect 〈◇〉 our neighbour, as though any sin could be committed against a creature in respect of some law, or ordonance made by the creator, where●● the offence is principally, and in order of nature, first committed ●●ainst him, whose law, and will is thereby infringed, and broken: And ●●refore wee see, that wee do not offend God alwaise in doing hurt ●our neighbour( as in killing him by order of iustice) but in doing in ordinatelie, that is to say, against iustice, because the hurt, and of●●●ce of our neighbour, in that case, is against the will, and law of ●●d, who is iustice itself, and to whom all injustice is opposite, and ●●ensiue. Besides that, it is to be considered, that no human law, or ●stice hath force to bind, but only, as it is conform to the eternal 〈◇〉, and iustice of God, and therefore seeing, that every effect depen●●th more on the first cause, then on the second, and receiveth more ●●fluence from it, it followeth, that whatsoever is against human 〈◇〉, reason, or iustice( in matters touching either our neighbours, or ●●rselues) is principally against the iustice, and eternal law of God, ●●d consequently is a sin committed directly against him.  
●● Lastly, what an impious, and monstrous absurdity, was it in Lu●●er, to teach that God careth not for our external acts, in respect of ●●mselfe, but only in respect of our neighbour? Did he not know, or ●as he so wicked, and absurd to think, that God is not the last end of ●an, and of all human actions, as well, as of all other things, and ●at therefore the love, honour, duty, respect, and obligation of one ●an to an other, is specially for God, and to be principally refer●ed to his glory? Doth not the scripture teach us, 
proverb. 16.  that Deus vniuersa ●eratus est, propter semetipsum. God made, and wrought all things for him ●●fe? whereupon it must needs follow, that he also careth for all ●●ings, principally for himself: for although he need not our goods, 〈◇〉 the Psalmist saith, neither receiveth any benefit by any service, ho●our, or glory, that we yeld him, either in our works, or in our faith, ●et it is most just, that he be glorified by us in all our actions, whether ●hey concern him, ourselves, or our neighbours, wee being all his sla●es, and creatures, and he our Lord, creator, and last end, or felicity,& ●●erefore he respecteth the obligation, that we haue one to an other, ●oth as it is just,& dependent on his eternal law,& because it finally re●oundeth to his service,& glory, for the which he created us,& al thin●es else: And to say otherwise as Luther doth( to wit, that God careth not ●or human actions, but only in respect of man) is rather to make man ●he end of God, then God the end of man, which is in effect ●o introduce atheism: whereby wee see, to what beastly absur●itie Luther is driven, to maintain his wicked pretence of christian liberty, being nothing else in truth, but the servitude, and bondage 〈◇〉 sin, 
1. Pet. 2.  or( as S. Peter saith) velamen nequitiae, the veil, or cover of wickedn●● in which respect it is evidently pernicious to common wealth.  
80 And this shall suffice for the ten points, whereof I purp●sed to treat in this chapter, whereto I could, and would add ma● more, were it not, that I haue thought it convenient to reserve ●uers for the third part of this treatise, both because they more p●●perlie belong to the subject that I haue specially designed to han● therein, and also because, I am forced for diuers causes, to hast to t●● conclusion of this part, which is now already grown to a just vo●●me, and therefore cannot well be much further extended.  
81 Now then I hope, good Reader, thou hast evidently seen, asw● by these ten points lastly debated, as also by certain other ha●led before, touching the evangelical counsels, that the doctrine, a● practise of catholic religion, leadeth directly to the perfection virtue, and to the true imitation of Christ by penance, and go● works, by mortification of the flesh, by restraint of the passion and affections of the mind, and by repression of concupiscence, 〈◇〉 of all kind of 'vice, and consequently, that it must needs be most ●●cessarie, and beneficial to common wealth, as I haue evidently p●●ued. Whereas on the other side, the contrary doctrine of our aduer●●ries, do admit no mortification of the flesh, no penance, nor sa●●●faction for sin, on our part, but looseth the rains, and bridle to kind of 'vice, teaching as I shewed, a justification by only faith, impossibility to live chast, and to keep the commandments, abrogation of them by Christ, a contempt, and rejection of all go● works, a presumptuous, and false security of salvation, an absol● necessity, yea a divine motion, temptation, and compulsion of ma● sin, and lastly a christian liberty, admitting all liberty of the fle●● which must needs induce a servitude, and bondage of the spirit, a● breed a remediless dissolution, and corruption of life and manne● remediless I say, in such as live in the true profession, and practise this doctrine.  
82 And although this is manifest enough, by that which I haue d●●coursed already, yet for the more evident proof thereof, I will h● lay down, what experience Luther himself, and others his discipl●● and followers had of it, in the professors of their new gospel, in th● primitive church, 
Luther in sermonibus cōniual Germanice fo. 55  if I may so term it. And this shall appear by th● own confession.  
83 Luther, in certain sermons, which he wrote in the German to●gue saith thus. Yt is a wonderful, and scandalous thing, saith goody, that from the time that the pure doctrine of the gospel was ●●rst restored,& brought to light, the world hath every day becōe worse& worse: every man abuseth christian liberty at his pleasure, no other●aise, 

Ibid. fo. 625. vide Thesaurum Iodoci. Coccij To. 1. de sig. eccles. ar. 12  
Idem. praefat. in postillam. Surius in comment. an. 1537   then as though it were lawful for every man to do every thing ●●at he listeth. And again in the same sermons. Since that the ghos●ell, saith he, was revealed, virtue is killed, iustice oppressed, tempe●ance tied, or bound, truth rent and torn by doggs, faith shut up, wic●ednes is become ordinary, devotion banished, and heresy remaineth.  
●4 Also in an other place. Nostrorum plerosque, saith he, septiceps illae dia●us inuasit &c. The seven head devil, hath invaded or possesseth, the most part of our men, and hath made them worse then they were vn●er the Pope. And again: vidimus, saith he, quod hoc tempore &c. Wee see ●●at at this time, men are much worse, more covetous, more licen●●ous, thē ever they were before in the papalty. Thus saith Luther, of the ●rofessors of his gospel, whom he also confessed( as Surius, testifieth) ●●ruplo Sodomitis peiores euasisse: to be grown ten times worse, then ●he sodomites.  
●5 But let us hear one, or two witnesses more of his own followers. Andreas Musculus, a famous Lutheran, saith thus of himself, 
Andreas. Msucul. Dominica 1. advent.  and ●is fellowes. Cum nobis Lutheranis hoc tempore ita agitur, vt si quis videre vo●t ingentem turbam nebulonum. The case standeth so with us Lutherans, ●t this day, that if a man, would see a huge multitude of knaves, and ●●rbulent fellowes, let him go to some city where the gospel is pu●ely preached, and he shall find them there in heaps: for it is clearer ●hen noon day, that of unbridled, and disordered men( amongst whom all virtue is extinguished, and nothing reputed for sin, and where the devil hath his full swinge) there are no where more found, ●hen amongst the professors of the ghopel. No not amongst Turkes Ethincks or other infidels: Thus far Musculus.  
●6 And that this excess of wickedness, in these new ghospellers, ●roceeded principally from their very doctrine, it may appear sufficien●ly by the testimony of joannes Andreas, a Lutheran preacher, who repre●endinge the horrible Epicurian, and beastly life of the German ghos●ellers( in their quaffing,& drinking, their covetousness, pomps, pro●anation of the divine name& their blaphemies) addeth as followeth. God, saith he, seriously commandeth in his word, and requireth a ●erious and christian discipline in his christians, but that is now esteemed to be a new popery and a new monkery, for thus they say, wee haue ●earned now, to be saved by only faith in Christ, who satisfied with his death for al our sins,& we cannot satisfy for them with our fasti●● alms, prayer, and other works, therefore permit, and suffer us lay a side such works, seeing wee may be saved otherwise by Chr●●● and do rely only upon the grace of God, and upon the merits Christ. And to the end, that all the world may aclowledge them be no papists, nor to confided any thing at all in good works, th● do not exercise any of them. In steede of fasting, they spend b●● night, and day in banqueting, and quaffing, and whereas they sho● do good to the poor, they skin, and flay them, they turn pray●● into oaths, blasphemies, and execrations of the name of God, y●● so desperatelie, that Christ is not so much blasphemed at this day 〈◇〉 the Turkes. finally in steede of humility, there reigneth every wh●re amongst them pride, elation, and hautines of mind, with all e●cesse in costly apparel, which is wrought, and trimmed, either m●● sumptuouslie, or most foolishly, and all this kind of life, is call●● by them evangelical. In the mean while those miserable men, pe●swade themselves, that they retain in their minds a right, and t●● faith in God, and that God is merciful unto them, yea they iud●● themselves to be better, or more virtuous, then the wicked and fa●● apostolical papists.  
87 Thus saith John Andrew, discovering not only the malady, a●● disease of his fellow ghospellers, but also the true cause, and roote, f●● whence it proceeded, and this by their own confession, excusi●● themselves of their vices, and enormities( as you haue heard) by t●● grounds of their doctrine, and with great reason, seeing that the s●me being laid for the foundation, no other building can be raised v●pon it, but sin, and wickedness.  
88 Therefore no marvel, that Caluin also reaped the like fruit o● the like doctrine in his followers, whom in a French sermon( whic● he wrote upon S. Paules Epistle to the Ephesians) he called, 
Caluin concio 1. in ep. ad ephes. Vide Coccium ubi supra.  the m●● facinorous, and wicked of all mortal men: and not finding words su●ficient to express their impiety, termed them, horrible monsters, an● evil spirits in the shape of men. So that we need no other witnesses o● the vile, and beastly lives of the first gospelers, then their own masters, and teachers, not treating of different sects from their● but every one speaking of those of his own crew, and therefore I hold it needless to lay down the censures, and judgements tha● one sect gave of an other, whereof I haue also given some little taste before in the 31. chapter, where I treated of the pride of the sectaries.  
89 But now our aduersaries will seek perhaps to answer all thi● four ways. First by the way of recrimination, ripping up the faults, ●●d bad lives of many catholics, to prove thereby, that our Catho●●ke faith, hath no advantage of theirs, in respect of the lives of the ●rofessors of it. Secondlie they will perhaps, produce examples of di●ers of their profession, who live virtuously, or at least morallie well 〈◇〉 the sight of the world. thirdly, it may be, they will allege the ser●ons, and exhortations of diuers of their writers and preachers, as of ●●eses aforenamed, reprehending 'vice, and exhorting to virtue. And ●●stly, they will say perhaps, that howsoever our catholic religion ●ay bee in these, or other points conform to reason of state, yet it is ●●pugnant to the holly scriptures, and consequently to the truth of Christian religion. Thus, I say, our aduersaries, may, or perhaps will ●nswere to that which I haue discoursed in this, and all the former chapters, concerning the bad fruits, and effects of their religion, in the corruption of mens manners. Wherefore to the end that thou mayst, good reader, receive some satisfaction concerning this important mat●er, I will in the next chapter, handle three of the four points last mentioned, remitting the fourth to the third part of this treatise, for that it will require a more ample discourse, then can stand with the convenient proportion of this present volume.   

Three objections are answered. The first, concerning the bad lives of some catholics. The second touching the good lives of some Lutherans, and Caluinists. And the third concerning their exhortations to virtue, and by occasion hereof, it is amply proved that the mortification or chastisement of the flesh, is necessary to good life. Also that the worst, and most vicious Catholiks, are commonly those which become Lutherans, or Caluinists. Lastly that the exhortations, which Luther, and Caluin used to induce men to virtue, and to withdraw them from 'vice, were ridiculous in them, being wholly repugnant to their religion, and by the way they are fitly compared to Epicurus,& his followers, as well for their doctrine, as for their manner in the delivery of it. CHAP. 36.  
1. WHereas there is nothing more ordinary, or common to all sectaries, then to seek to obscure, and blemish the resplendent truth of catholic religion, with odious exaggerations of the bad, and vicious lives of many catholics, using the same as an argument, to prove corruption in their doctrine, I wish it here to be considered, that although all were true, which they say in this kind( as a great parte of it is but mere fictions, and calumniations) yet it were little to the purpose, for the matter now in hand, seeing that the question is not here, wheth●● all those which profess a true religion, be good men, or no( where●● there can be no doubt, seeing that our saviour himself affirmed, th●● there should sit wicked men, even upon the chair of Moyses, whose doctrine nevertheless, 
Matth. 23.  he commanded should be followed, and teache● us also, that the kingdom of heaven( that is to say his militant church is like to a sheepefould, 
Matth. 25. Matth. 13. Ibid. Cap. 13. Matth. 25.  wherein there are both sheep, and gotes: and a barn floor, wherein there is cockle, or darnel, mixed with the goo● corn, to a net, in the which there are good fishes, and bad: and last● to ten virgins, of whom five were wise, and five foolish: by all whic● similitudes he signifieth, that there are in his church, both good, an● wicked men, that is to say, such as profess, one true faith, and yet do● many of them nevertheless live wickedly, as S. Augustin teache● against the Donatists, out of these very similituds, and words of ou● saviour. Therefore, I say, our question is not now, concerning th● point,( though the same be also controversed betwixt our aduersaries, and us) but whether the bad lives of catholics, do any way proceed from their religion.  
2 To which purpose, it is to be understood, that as amongst the twelu● Apostles themselves, who received the catholic religion immediately of Christ, there was a wicked Iudas( not because the religion whic● he professed, did induce him to wickedness, but because he obserue● not the rules of his religion:) so also amongst catholics, there ar● many evil men, because they live not according to the prescript of catholic religion, which if they would do, they must needs be virtuous, yea holly men: for that catholic religion not only teacheth a●● perfection of virtue, but giveth also the true, and effectual means to eschew 'vice( as to mortify all inordinate passions, and affections, an● to obtain Gods grace for the reformation of manners:) whereas o● the other side, lutheranism, and Caluinisme, worketh the contrary effects, as I haue evidently shewed already: so that though there are wicked men in the profession of both religions, yet this difference is to be noted betwixt them, that the wickedness of the one, to wit of the sectaries, may, and doth many times, grow of the doctrine, and practise o● their religion, but the bad life of the catholics, can haue no other ground, or reason, but because they do not duly practise the precepts, and counsels of their religion.  
3 For how is it possible, that he should be a wicked man, who following the rules, and prescript of catholic religion, laboureth continually to subdue his sensuality, and passions, by pennance, fasting, and all kind of mortifications, by prayer, meditation of our saviours life, ●●d passion, daily examination of his conscience, frequent confession ●f his sins, and communion, with full purpose, and diligent ende●our to amend his life by such means as I haue declared particulerlie, 
Chap. 18.19.20.& 21.  ●hen I treated of contemplation: whereto I add the observation of and evangelical counsels, of voluntary poverty, perpetual chastity, and perfect abnegation of his own will, and the exercise of all kind ●f good works( all which the catholic religion partly commaun●eth, and partly counseleth) how is it, I say, possible, that he who pra●●iseth all this, can be otherwise then a good, and holly man? For by ●hese means, all the dearest servants of God, and greatest Saints in his church, haue arrived to that perfection of holly life, which the whole world hath admired in them: besides that experience teacheth, that ●hose catholics which do duly use, and exercise the same means, are ●lwaies good,& virtuous men, and that on the other side, those which neglect, or omit them, are so much the worse, or more wicked, by how much more negligent they are in the practise thereof, and finally that those are alwaise the worst, and most vicious, who use the least, or no practise thereof at all.  
4 But now for as much, as our aduersaries do reject a great part of these means, holding them for superfluous, and needless to good life, yea for superstitious, and unlawful( as not only the practise of the evangelical counsels, and confession, whereof I haue spooken sufficiently already, but also all the mortifications, and chastisement of the ●lesh used in the catholic church) therefore I think good to prove here, that the practise of mortification, and punishment of the flesh, is very important, and necessary to repress concupiscence, to appease Gods wrath, and to obtain his grace, and merciful assistance to good life, whereby it will appear, that the contempt, or omission thereof, is a cause of bad, and vicious life, as well in many catholics, as in the Lutherans, and Caluinists themselves. And this I hope to make most evident, and clear, not only by the scriptures of the old, and new testament, but also by the examples of our saviour Christ himself, of his Apostles, and of all the holly men, no less in the primitive church, then in these later ages.  
5 In the old testament, we read, that the famous, and holly judith, 
judith ca. 8.  after her husbands death intending to live a widow, used to fast every day except the saboaths and festival dayes, and to wear hair cloth, supper lumbos eius, which shee did, no doubt, to the end to repress concupiscence, and the better to conserve herself in vidual chastity,& afterwards being resolved to attempt her heroical enterprise ag●'s Holofernes, 
Ibid. cap. 9 Ibid. cap. 4.  she intred into heroratory, put on haircloth, cast ashes on her head, pr●●rated herself vpon the ground, to obtain Gods assistance therein. And to t●● same end the people also humbled their souls, saith the scriptures, in fa●●ing and praire, and the priestes put one haircloth, whereby they obtain●● Gods favour, for the good success of Iudiths attempt.  

Hestor. ca. 4.  6 Also when king Assuerus published his cruel edict against t● Iewes, upon the wicked suggestion of wicked Aman, not only Mar●cheus did put one sackcloth and cast ashes upon his head, but also the Iewes ● ●broad, throughout al the dominion of Assuerus fasted, and many of th● used, saith the scripture, sacco& cinere pro strato, sackcloth and ashes for th● bed, to move the mercy of almighty God to deliver them, which h● did by the means of Hester.  
7 In like manner king david to obtain the life, and health of h● son in the cradle, 
2. Reg. 12 3. Reg. 21.  punished his body with fasting, and lying upon tho ground seven daies together. Also the wicked ahab, being thre●tned by the prophet Elias, for the death of Naboth. Operuit carnem sua● cilicio, ieiunanit,& dormiuit in sacco. covered his flesh with haiercloth, fasted, a●● slept in sackcloth, by which means he inclined almighty God to mercy, 〈◇〉 to differr the destruction of his house until after his death.  

4. Reg. 6.  8 And when Benadad king of Siria invaded Samaria,& the people we●● miserablie afflicted with extreme famine, in so much that a woma● did eat her own child, their king Ioram, tore his garments, and al the people saith the scripture, saw the haircloth which the king ware inward upon h●● flesh. And the ninivites, being threatened by jonas the prophet, with 〈◇〉 general destruction of their city, obtained mercy at Gods hand by their repentance, and by fasting, sitting in the ashes, and wearing sackcloth. 
oInae. 3.   

2 Macha: 10  9 finally, when Iudas Machabaeus was asayled by Timotheus, both he● and al those which were with him, cast ashes upon their heads, and praie● unto almighty God, lumbos cilicijs praecincti, having their loins girt wit● haircloth, and thereby obtained a famous and miraculous victorie● being assisted by five Angels.  
10 Thus then we see in the old testament, the use of mortification by fasting, sackcloth, haircloth next the skin, lying one the ground and sleeping in sackcloth and ashes, to afflict and punish the body, no● only to the end to pacify Gods wrath, and to do penance for sin, as the Niniuits and Achas did, or to obtain Gods favour, and assistance in temporal necessities, as we see in david, Ioram, Mardocheus,& Iudas' but als to repress concupiscence, and to obtain Gods grace, for the conservation of chastity, as appeareth in the holly widow judith.  
●1 And this practise of mortification, 
luke. 7 luke. 1. Euseb. lib. 9 de demonst. evang. c. 5. S. Hiero. ad Rusticum. ep. 4. Magd ep. 1 li. 1. ca. 6. Bucer,& Chytrae inca. 3. math. S. Chrysost. ho. 10 in matth. luke. 7.  is also no less evident in the ●ew testament, where we red that S. John Baptist( of whom our Saui●ur himself testified, that there never arose a greater amongst the sons of ●●men) in his tender yeares left his fathers house, and betook himself 〈◇〉 a solitary life in the desert, where his garments were made of Camels ●●yre( not soft, and delicate, or of fine chambler, as the Magdeburgenses. ●●cer, Chytraeus, and other sectaries do idly affirm, to maintain their delicate doctrine) but as S. Chrysostome saith. Compunctioni,& ●enitentiae accommodata. Fit for compunction, and penance, and ad indi●●dum mundi contemptum, to show his contempt of the world. Which our saviour also insinuated, when he asked the Iewes concerning S. John, whether they expected to see him, vestitum mollibus, clad in soft garments, add●ng that such were to be found in the houses of kings: whereby he gave to understand, that S. Iohns garments were of a clean contrary quality, and as far from being delicate and soft, as the poverty, and ●speritie of the desert, differeth from the riches& delicasie of a kings ●allace, that is to say, that they were poor, homely, rough and vnplea●it to the flesh, whereto also his diet was correspondent, being such only ●s the desert yielded, to wit, wild honey and locusts, 
Euthimi. in 3. Matth. Maegdeb. ubi supra.& Melanchton. in concionede Ich. Baptist. Hieron. ep ad Rusticum. l 2 luke. 7. Math, 3. Acts. 1. Math. 4.  which were either little beasts,( that men used in that country to eat, dried with smoke, ●●r as some think the tops of herbs) and not a delicate kind of shell ●●sh called a Lobster,( as the dainty sectaries aforenamed would make men beleeue:) and therefore S. Hierom saith of S. John. Vestis aspera, zona ●ellicea, cibus locustae, melque siluestrae, omnia virtuti,& continentiae praeparata. ●is garment was rough, his girdle of hair, his meat locusts and wild honey, all ●repared and disposed for virtue, and continency. And our saviour himself, ●o declare the austerity of S. Iohns abstinence, and fast, said of him. Venit joannes, non manducans panem, neque bibens vinum. John came neither ●●ting bread, nor drinking wine &c.  
●2 And this severe life S. John did led, to move others by his example, to do the worthy works of penance, which he preached, showing himself therein a true prophet and forerunner of our saviour, who also ●ractised himself, all the mortification which he preached, as the scriptures do abundantly testify: and I haue sufficiently signified, the same before, when I treated of christian contemplation, and of the ●uangelical councils, where I had occasion to speak of our saviours most rigorous fast in the desert, forty dayes and nights, his voluntary ●ouertie, living of alms, and going barefoot, his weary labours, and ●●auells all one foot, and his watching and continual prayer, whole nights together: whereto I add, that being in the wild wilderness, cu●bestijs, 
Mar. 1.  with beasts, as the evangelist saith, he had no better bed, then th● ground, and it is also more then probable, that he used at other tim● not only to fast, but also to wear haircloth,, though it be not expressed in the gospel. And this I say, for that in the 68. psalm( which 〈◇〉 six several places of the scripture, is applied to our saviour) he saith 〈◇〉 the mouth of the prophet. Operui in jeiunio animam meam &c.& pos● vestimentum meum cilicium. 
joan. 2.15.16 Rom. 11.& 14. A●ts. 1.  I covered my soul with fasting &c. and I clad 〈◇〉 self with haircloth. And al this our saviour did, to move us to the imit●tion of his patience, humility, and mortification, to the end, that su●●ring with him, we may reign hereafter with him, and participate 〈◇〉 the glory of his kingdom, which, as he testifieth himself, can not obtained, but by such as use violence, and walk the strait and narr●● way, 
Math. 11. Math. 7.  which he went before us, his whole life, and doctrine tending nothing else( as I haue oft signified, and cannot to oft repeat) but teach us the contempt, and hate of the world, abnegation of o●● selves, and the continual carriage of our cross, prayer, penance, a●● mortification of the flesh.  
13 Wherein also his Apostles imitated him, leaving us the like e●ample: In which respect S, paul saith. Imitatores mei estote, sicut& e● Christi, 
1. Cor. 11.& 4. Galat. 6. Galat. 5. D. Tho. in hunc. locum. Math. 16.& Marc. 8.  Be you followers of me, as I am of Christ. And in what sort he imitat● Christ, it is evident, in that he witnesseth of himself, that he gloried nothing, but in the cross of Christ, and that the world was crucified to him, a● he to the world, which he further explicateth, when he saith. Qui Ch●●sti sunt &c. Those which are Christs, haue crucified their flesh, with al the vices, 〈◇〉 concucupiscences thereof, that is to say( as S. Thomas, noteth very well) they ha● conformed themselves to Christ crucified, afflicting,& chastising their own fle●● and therefore haue overcome all their vices, and vicious inclination And herein is fulfilled the counsel of our saviour, concerning the carriage of our cross, when he said. If any man will come af●●● me, let him take up his cross, that is to say, let him not only bea●● patiently, such crosses as shal bee laid upon him by me, or by n● permission, but also willingly take, up or lay upon himself, cruce suam, his own cross, by voluntary affliction, and chastisement 〈◇〉 himself: whereof the Apostle sheweth the practise in himself, wh● he proposeth himself for an example of mortification, saying Castigo corpus meum, 
1. Cor. 9. Theophil. in ca. 9. ep. 1. ad. Corinth.  & in servitutem redigo &c. I do chastise my body a● bring it to subiection, least whiles I preach to other men, I become myself a r●probate Vpon which words, the learned greek Doctor Theophilact● noteth, that the greek word vpopiazo, which in our latin translati●● is castigo, signifieth a chastisement by blows, or stripes, which leave behind them black, and blew marks, and therefore he saith, that when the Apostle said. Castigo corpus meum. I chastise my body, plagis se illud affecisse arguit, he gave to understand, that he did beate himself, with stripes or blows: though other Fathers understand the word Castigo, more generally, as comprehending, Fasting, and all kind of bodily labours and afflictions.  
14 And this the Apostle also signified( as well concerning the rest of the Apostles, as himself) when he described the office and duty of Gods ministers, saying to the Corinthians. 
2. Cor. 6.  Exhibeamus nosmetipsos sicut ministros Dei &c. Let us show ourselves as the ministers of God, and then specifying wherein, he addeth, not only in multa patientia, &c. In much patience, tribulations, necessities, distresses, stripes, and prisons( which kind of afflictions were imposed upon the Apostles, by their persecutors) but also, in laboribus, in vigiliis, in ieiuniis, in castitate &c. In labours, in watching, in fasting, in chastity &c. Signifying the mortifications which they voluntarily imposed upon themselves, besid●s the voluntary poverty, wherein they lived, being sustained partly by alms, and partly by the labour of their own hands.  
15 And it is further testified, by most grave, and ancient authors, 
Egesip. li. 5. apud Euseb. li. 2. ca. 22. eccl. histor. Galat. 1. Metaphras.& Sur. 1. Maij. S. jo. Chrisost. ho. 5. in Matth.  that S. james the Apostle,( who was bishop of jerusalem, and called, frater Domini, the brother of our Lord) did never drink wine, nor eat flesh, but fasted continually with bread, and water, and that he went always barefoot, and spent the greatest part, as well of the night, as of the day, in prayer, in so much, that his knees grew to be as hard, as the knees of a camel, and the skin of his forehead, became senseless, by the continual custom of kneeling with his forehead upon the ground. So that we may easily judge, that all the rigour which holly men haue used from time to time, upon their own bodies for the conquest of the flesh, proceeded from the doctrine, and example of our saviour, and his Apostles: which may also be confirmed by the great austerity of the first Christians in Alexandria, under S. mark the evangelist, whereof I haue spoken amply in the 25. chapter, where among other remarkable points of their perfection, I declared the most admirable abstinence, and fasts which some of them kept three dayes together, and some six, without eating, or drinking any thing at all, their refection being commonly no other, but bread and salt, and their drink water, except that some( who were counted more delicate then the rest) did eat some times, hissop with their bread.  
16 It is written also of S. Lazarus, whom our saviour raised from death, 
vide Surium 17. Decemb.  that being banished by the Iewes, together with his sisters, Mary Magdalen, and Martha, and made bishop of Marsels in France, he grew admirable to all men for the austerity of his life, going always barefoot, never sleeping but in ashes, and haircloth, with a hard ston● under his head, and never eating any thing before sun setting, and then nothing but barley bread, and drinking water.  
17 Also his sister, S. Mary Magdalen, spent thirty yeares, in continua● mortification, 
Idem. 22. julij.  and pennance upon a montaine in a desert, not far from Marsells, whereof the memory and monuments remain yet and are yearly visited with great devotion, as well by strangers, as by the inhabitants of that country. And now to proceed to the ensuing ages in the primitive church, 
Idem& Lippoman. ex Metaprhaste. 22. novemb.  we red, of the holly virgin S. Cycill●( who was martyred within 230. yeares after our saviour Christ● that being nobly born, and having dedicated her virginity to almighty God, shee laboured to conserve it by prayer, fasting, and wearing of haircloth next her skin, under other costly, and sumptuos apparel, whereby shee obtained such grace of almighty God, that shee not only remained in her virginal purity( not withstanding that her parents espoused her, against her will, to a young noble man, called Valerian) but also converted him, and his brother Tiburtius, to the christian faith, and suffered a glorious martyrdom shortly after them.  
18 I haue made mention of this blessed virgin, and martyr, the rather for the particular devotion I haue to her, and the glorious memory that remaineth of her here, by reason that her body hath been twice found whole and uncorrupt, 
Sigebert. in chron. an. 8.21.  first about 800. yeares ago, when Pope Paschalis, the first of that name( having had a revelation from herself) found it apparelled with a garment of silk, embroidered with gold, and covered over with a silk veil, and at her feet a linen cloth imbrued with her blood, all which he translated, with great solemnity unto the church, which now beareth her name, where shee was martyred( it being then her dwelling house:) and there it was also found again the second time ten yeares ago( to wit, in the year of our Lord 1599.) within a coffin of cypress, and apparelled in the same manner, that I haue declared, with the bloody linen cloth lying also by it.  
19 And of all this, the truth is so evident, that no man can with any show of reason deny it. For, the first finding of it, by Pope Paschalis, is sufficiently testified, not only by Anastasius Bibliothecarius( who lived in the same time, and maketh very particular relation of it) but ●so by the letters patents of Pope Paschalis, which are yet extant to ●c seen in the Vatican, in which letters he relateth her apparition, ●nd speech to him, with all the circumstances before declared, and ●●uers others, which I omit for brevities sake, all which may be ●ene in the ninth tome of Cardinal Baronius, 
Baron. to. 9 an. 821.  where he recounteth ●so the manner how it was found the second time, and how he him●●lfe being sent by pope Clement, together with Cardinal Sfondrato, to and it, found it in such sort, as I haue declared, and that pope Clement ●●pon their relation repaired thither, and was an eye witness of it,& ●●d afterwards cause it to be reburied in the same place, and for the ●ore solemn celebration of the feast, song himself a solemn mass, ● Pontificalibus, being assisted with all the sacred college, of Cardi●alls, and an infinite number of people.  
●0 This I haue thought good to touch by the way, for the greater ●lory of God, and the honour of his Saints, and to show with all, ●ow grateful those are to him, who use to mortify, and chastise ●●emselues, which shall also further appear by the examples of the ●ost famous men in the church of God. Amongst all the glorious ●aints, that haue benne since the Apostles time, there was none more ●postolicall, or whose memory hath benne more celebrated by the ●ennes of learned, and holly men, then S. Martin bishop of Tours, ● france, whose life was written by 
S. Sulpitius severus in vita S. Martini.  S. Sulpitius severus a bishop, ●nd his disciple, by 
Greg. Turon. de gloria confessor. ca. 4.& 20. &c.  S. Gregory also, bishop of towers, whom he mi●aculouslie restored to health, and by 
Venant. Fortunat. de vita S. Mart.  Venantius Fortunatus, bishop ●f Poitiers, who being delivered of a great pain in his eyes, by an●ointing with the oil of his lamp, out of gratitude, made a Poe●e in his praise, besides that other notable men haue recounted his ●reat miracles and published his praises, as 
Herbenus de laud. S. Mart.  Herbenus, likewise bishop of towers, 
Richer. de vita S. Mart.  Richerius Metensis, 
Gibertus  Gibertus Gemblacensis 
Honorius  Honorius Augustudonensis 
Odo Cluniac. de vita& translat. S. Mart.  Odo Abbot of Cluny, 
S. Bern. ser. de S. Mart.  S. Bernard, and( to omit ●iuers others) the historiographers 
Sozomen. li. 3. ca. 13.  Sozomenus, and 
Niceph. li. 9. c. 16.  Nicepho●.  
●1 And amongst other testimonies of the common opinion and pu●lick famed, or rather of the whole churches iudgement concerning his ●olly life, I cannot omit, that he was honoured for a Saint, and that there ●ere churches built, and dedicated unto him shortly after his death, ●amely in our country during our primitive church, as appeareth in ●. Bede, who testifieth, that when S. Augustin, and his companions ●ame to convert the English, to the christian faith, the church where they began first to assemble themselves, to sing, to pray, to say ma● teach, and to baptize( for so saith 
S. Beda li. 1. histor. Angli. c. 26.  S. Bede) was made, antiquitus, sait● in honorem sancti Martini, in old time, in honour of S. Martin, dum 〈◇〉 Romani Britaniam incolerent, whiles the romans dwelled yet in Britany.  
22 Now then, this famous holly man, having benne a monk, be he was Bishop( as I signified, when I spoken of contemplation) pra●sed his monastical austerity 
S. Sulpitius severus in vita S. Mar.  ever after during his life, in fast watching, and wearing hair cloth, in so much, that he never did more, then of necessity he must to maintain life, and lay always upon the hard ground, in haircloth, and used such continual mor●cation, that his life seemed to be nothing else but a perpetual pen●ce. And this was so grateful to almighty God, that he honoured 〈◇〉 his seruant with the grace, and gift of miracles, which he did abundantly, and in such stupendious manner( 
S. Bernar Ser. in Festo S. Mart. Nicephor. li. 9. ca. 16.  raising dead men, ring all manner of diseases, casting out divels, and having as it w● an absolute command over all kind of creatures) that he conue● innumerable gentiles to the christian faith, whereby it manifestly ●peareth, how acceptable to almighty God is the mortification,& c●stisment of the flesh, when it concurreth with true faith, and ot● christian virtues.  
23 The like also may be said of S. German, bishop of Auxerr● france, who having benne first a married man, and of great author in that kingdom, lived all the time of his bishopric in most ●uere discipline, and pennance, abstaining from all wine, oil, vineg●● salt, or what else soever might seazon or give taste to his meat, wh● was no other but barley bread. And he used commonly before his past( which was never before night) to eat ashes, and sometimes f●●bare to eat or drink five, or six dayes together: Also his apparel 〈◇〉 all one winter, and summer, and next to his skin he wore a shirt hair, day and night, his bed was never other then bare boards, without any bolster, or other thing to lay under his head, which kind life he continued thirty yeares together, 
Vide Surium 31. julij.  as witnesseth Constantin● priest and notable writer of that time.  
24 And how acceptable to God this his mortification, and pennan● was, it may appear, not only in the same author, but also in our ow● histories, 
S. Beda li. 1. histor. eccl. Angl. ca. 17.  namely in our venerable, and worthy contriman, S. Be●● who testifieth of him, that when our Britany was greatly afflict●● with the Pelagian heresy( before the conquest thereof by the Saxo● he passed thither out of France, 
Ibid. ca. 18. 19. 20.& 21.  together with S. Lupus bishop of Tr●● and wrought so many notable miracles( which S. Bede recount●● particulerlie, and I omit for brevities sake, that the Pelagians were vt●●ly confounded thereby, and such of them as could not be conuer●, were, by common consent banished, and the whole island cleared that pestilent infection of the Pelagian heresy. So that the good ●●ites of this holly Bishop in our country, and the notable miracles, ●●ich it pleased God to work by him, both there, and else where( as ●peareth in the history of his life) do give sufficient testimony to 〈◇〉 world, how grateful his mortification, and pennance, was to his ●ine majesty.  
●● To these two precedent examples of these two holly Bishops,& ●●nfessors, I will add two other, of two of the most famous doctors Gods church, the one a graecian Bishop( to wit, S. Gregory Nazianzen, name for his profound learning Theologus, the divine) and the ●her S. jerome, who was, I may say, the oracle of the world in his ●●e, for his exquisite knowledge, of all the learned tongues, and vn●●rstanding of the holly scriptures.  
●● S. Gregory Nazianzen, testifieth of himself, 
S. Gregor. Nazianzen. ho. de jejunia& silentio.  by what means he ●ed to quench the fire, and heat of concupiscence, and other passions ●his youth: I did extenuat, saith he, my body, with continual labours, ●●r that my flesh did continually boil in the flower of my age: I ouer●ame the greedy, and gluttonous appetite of my belly, and the tyranny of and partes adjoining thereto. I mortified my eyes, and repressed the ●y of anger, and bridled, or restrained all the members, or partes ●f my body. My bed was the earth, my appparell was haircloth, my ●●eepe was continual watching, and my tears, my repose. In the day ti●e I used continual labour,& travell. In the night I stood as still as an ●●age, writing hymns, not admitting any human delight into my ●ule, no not so much, as to my thought. This was the style, and course ●f my life, when I was young, for that flesh, and blood like a fournace ●ast out continual flames, and sought to withdraw me from the way ●f heaven.  
●7 The like doth also S. jerome, witness of himself, 
S. Hieron. ad Eustochium de virginit. custodia ep. 22.  writing to ●he holly virgin Eustochium, of the temptations, which he passed, in the ●eserts of Syria. O how oft, saith he, did it seem to me, that I was midst the delicious dainties of Rome, whiles I lived in that hideous ●ildernes, which being parched, with the excessive heat of the ●unne, striketh a horror in to the monks that dwell there. I sate me ●owne solitary and full of grief, having my weak, and feeble body ●ad with sackcloth, and my flesh even black, and consumed. I mour●ed all the day, and when sleep overcame me against my will, I prostrated myself upon the could ground, though my bones were sk●● able to hold together. I speak not of what I did eat, and drink, 〈◇〉 the monks( that dwell there) be they never so sick do never drin●● any thing but water, nor ever eat any thing that is sodd, which t●● hold for sensuality. In this banishment, and prison of mine( whe●● to for the fear of hell I voluntary condemned myself, having 〈◇〉 other company but scorpions, and wild beasts) I found myself ●●ny times in my conceit, amids the danses of the Roman dames, my f●● was pale with much fasting, and yet my will burned with bad desi●● and finding myself abandoned of all other help, I cast myself at 〈◇〉 feet of Iesus, I washed them with my tears I subdued my rebelli●● flesh with fasting whole weekes together.  
28 I am not ashamed to recount my temptations, and conflicts, 〈◇〉 rather I lament that I know not now, what then I was, but I reme●ber, I continued sighing, and crying day, and night, never ceasing 〈◇〉 strike my own breast, until at length this tempest, and storm w●● overblown, and the desired calm returned, by the commaundeme● of my Lord &c. And I call him to witness, that after all these sig●● sobs, and tears, and that I had fixed my eyes, and cogitations who●● upon heaven, with so great affliction, as I haue declared, I felt su●● contentment, and heavenly delights, that I was absorbed, transport●● and ravished out of myself, and thought myself to be amid t●● quyres of Angels, joyfully, and merrilie singing, post odorem vnguen●torum tuorum curremus, we will run o Lord, after the fragrant sauo●● of thy ointments.  
29 Thus saith S. jerome, concluding further with these words( whi●● I wish all men to note) if therefore the flesh do so terribly assau●● those which do afflict, and torment it, what do they think th●● shall suffer, who do pamper it with pleasures, and delights: is it pos●●ble, that such shall not haue very violent temptations? Though in su●● case, I think there can be no greater temptation then not to be tempted.  
30 All this I haue alleged, out of this ancient, and learned father the more amply, to the end it may appear thereby, that not only the● mortifications, and asperities, haue benne always accustomend by th● most holly, and learned men in Gods church( as necessary for the r●pression of human passions and sensuality) but also that the same a●● no less acceptable to God, then fruitful to us, seeing they wrought suc● effect in this holly man, as hath benne declared, to wit, the conquest 〈◇〉 concupiscence, and peace of soul, yea abundance of heavenly delights, and consolations which almighty God useth to impart to his ●●ruants in the greater measure, by how much more they afflict, and ●hastise themselves for the love of him.  
●● But what doubt can there be, that this custom of mortification ●ath been continual in Gods church, seeing that it is evident that mo●astical, and religious life( which of itself is nothing else but a conti●●al mortification) hath benne derived by a never ceasinge successi●n, from the Apostles time, until this very day, though in diffe●●nt orders of religion, yet all communicating, and agreeing in ●●e chastisement of the flesh, by abstinence, and fasting, watch●●ge, prayer, and meditation, haircloth, disciplines, and such like, ●ome more, and some less, all tending to the perfect imitation of Christ, for the mortification of sensuality, thereby to attain to christian perfection, that is to say, to true sanctity, and hollines of ●●fe.  
●2 And as for the derivation of religious life from the Apostles ●ime, I shall not need to say any thing thereof in this place, for ●hat I haue proved it at large in the 25. 26. and 27. chapters, where 〈◇〉 haue also treated amply of the spiritual consolations, which God hath given to religious men in all ages, in the exercise of contemplation: and therefore I will now say some what only concer●ing the mortifications, and rigorous discipline, practised by the ancient religious in the first four hundreth, and five hundreth yeares, ●●mitting nevertheless to speak of the first monks in the apostles time, under Saint mark in Alexandria, because I haue tou●hed it sufficiently a little before, and more amply in the 25. chapter.  
●3 I will therefore begin with S. paul the Hermit, 
S. Hieron. in vita Pauli.  whose life S. jerome writteth, testifying of him, that in the cruel persecutions ●f the church under Decius the Emperour, which was about the ●eare of our Lord, two hundred, and fifty, he retired himself to the desert, and lived there solitary, without any human company, or comfort, almost a hundreth yeares, during which time, he clothed himself with the leaves of a palm three, and fed upon the fruit ●hereof, drinking water, without any other sustenance, for well ●eere forty yeares, at what time it pleased almighty God, to pro●ide him miraculously of a piece of bread, brought him by a crow every day, for threescore yeares together, until saint Anthony, ●aving benne also threescore yeares in the same wilderness, found ●im by revelation, and was an eye witness, of Gods merciful merciful providence towards him. For whereas the crow had benn● always accustomend, to bring to S. paul half alofe for his repast● he brought him then a whole loaf for him, and his guest, as not only S. jerome in the life of S. Paul, but also S. Athanasius, witnesseth i● the life of S. Antony, and this shall suffice for S. Paul.  
34 And although I haue made mention diuers times already of S▪ Antony, and spoken largely of his contemplation, and of Gods grea● favours towards him in the exercise thereof, yet having hitherto sai● nothing of his mortifications, I will add here concerning him, tha●( as S. Athanasius testifieth in the famous history, which he wrote of hi● life) he did never use to eat until after sun setting,& then his repa●● was no other but bread, and salt, with a little water for his drinke● from the which he also abstained many times three dayes together, taking his refection only the fourth day,& he used for his bed nothing else, but a mat of rushes, covered with haircloth, and watched i● prayer whole nights, and so lived closed up, in and old ruinous castl● twenty yeares, until an infinite number of people, being moue● with the famed of his holly life, repaired to see him from all partes,& forced him to come forth, at what time it pleased God to give test●monie to the great merits of this his mortification, by many notabl● miracles, which he did in the expulsion of devils, and the cure o● many sick, and diseased persons.  
35 And what the opinion of all the learned, and good men, or rather of the whole world, was in the primitive church concerning his sanctity, and hollines, may appear sufficiently, not only by a● ecclesiastical histories, which writ of his time, but also by tha● which I recounted in the 16. chapter, to wit, how much S. August●● was moved with the famed of his rare virtue, before he himself was converted to the Christian faith,& how Potitianus and his companio● were suddenly drawn to forsake the world, only by reading th● history of his life, as S. Augustin also testifieth. Thus much of S. Antony.  
36 S. Hilarion( of whom I haue also spoken before, though not 〈◇〉 his mortifications) retiring himself, to the desert, when he was b●● fifteen yeares of age( being as S. jerome witnesseth, 
S. Hieron. in vita hilarionis.  of a very tender, and delicate complexion) became a mirror of austerity. Fo● finding himself molested with temptations of the flesh, by reason 〈◇〉 the heat of his youth, he resolved to quench the flamme of conc●piscence, by withdrawing from it all the matter, that might kindl● and nourish it, saying to himself( as S. jerome also witnesseth.) 〈◇〉 ass, I will shortly, bring thee so low, and hamper thee in such sort, that thou shalt not be able so much as to kick. I will not feed thee with barley, but with straw, I will punish thee with hunger and thirst, I will lay such load upon thee, and so treat thee both with heat, and could, that thou shalt haue somewhat else to think upon, then fleshly pleasure.  
37 Thus said he, and presently began to put the same in practise, for he contented himself once in three, or four dayes, to eat a few carrickes( which is a fruit in that country like to figs) and to drink the ioyce of herbs, and at such times, as he did not meditat, and pray, he also wearied his body with labour, digging the ground so long as he was able, and then made mats of rushes, in imitation of the monks of egypt, whom he had seen under S. Antony. Also he built himself a little cabane, which was to be seen, in S. Hieromes time, not past four foot broad, five in height, and some what longer then his body, so that it was more like a sepulchre, then a house. His bed was no other then a mat of rushes, laid upon the bare ground, his apparel was of sackcloth, which he never changed, nor washed so long as it lasted: And this kind of life he led from sixtenne yeares of age, till he was one and twenty. And for three yeares after, he used to eat nothing but a few Lentils, stiped in could water, and for as many yeares more, a little dry bread, sopt in water with salt, and during other three yeares, he lived upon herbs, and roots, and then finding himself some what sickly, he used to eat every day six ounces of barley bread, and a few sod herbs, with a little oil, which he continued till he was threescore and three yeares of age, and from that time, till he was four score, he did never eat bread, but a certain pottage made with meal, and herbs, shred very small, which served him both for meat, and drink, forbearing nevertheless to eat till the sun was set. And this kind of diett and fast, he never after altered, or broken, for any sickness, or other occasion whatsoever,  
38 All this, and much more S. jerome testifieth, 
Chap. 27. nu. 11. ch. 34. nu. 12. 13.& 14.  concerning the austerity of S. Hilarion, which almighty God also approved, with many wonderful miracles, recounted by S. jerome, whereof I haue already related some in the seven and twentieth, and thirty fourth chapters, upon other occasions.  
39 And therefore whereas these great servants of God( whose virtue the Christian world admired) were special propagators of monastical life, over all the east parts( as I haue declared in the five and twentieth chapter) let us see, 
Chap. 25. nu. 31.& 32  what was the practise of their disciple● and such as descended from them. This may appear, by that whic● the historiographers, and authors of those times do writ, concerning the manner of life of the monks, and hermits of egypt, Armeni● Nitria, and Syria, of whom Palladius, and Theodoretus( to omit diue● others) wrote particular histories, relating their most admirable asperities, and mortifications, and the miracles, which it pleased God t● work by them: of all which, the said authors themselves, either had benne eye witnesses, or else had otherwaise most assured knowledge.  
40 These then affirm of the hermits and monks aforesaid, tha●( besides the ordinary obligation of poverty, chastity, and other regular discipline common to them all) some of them, for their further mortification, fasted without eating, or drinking two, or three daye● together, 
Palladius in Macario. Theodoretus in Marciani uita de Sabino sub. fine. Pallad. in Pachomio.  some five, and some seven, and some did eat nothing during the lent time, but herbs, or dried pease, steeped in water, whic● abstinence some others also made some yeares together, and som● used to eat stinking, and loathsome meate, to deprive themselves o● all pleasure in eating. Others accustomend themselves, to stand on thei● feet al the night long in prayer. Other to go barefoot through thorns, and briars, in the remembrance of the pain that our saviour suffered by the nailes, 
Idem. in Isidoro presbitero. Idem in Paulo Simplici. Theodoretus in Macedonio. jacobo. Theodosio Romano Eusobio.  that pierced his hands, and feet, and also to stan● whole nights with their arms spread, and stretched out in imitatio● of Christ crucified. Some afflicted their bodies with continual labour in the sun, during the extremity of the Egpitian heats, which a● Palladius saith, might be compared with the furnace of babylon. Some la● both day, and night abroad, exposed as well to the winters could o● frost and snow, as to the summers heat. Others wore chains of Iro● about their bodies, under their hayrecloth. finally to omit diuer● other particulars, such was the rigour, and violence which some vse● upon themselves, that it had not been possible for human nature t● endure it, so many yeares as they did, if God had not miraculously assisted them, as well for his own glory, as also to invite others by thei● example to penance, 
Idem in Simoone.  and mortification: which Theodoretus obseruet● notably well in diuers religious hermits, and monks of his time, bu● especially in one called simeon, whom he termeth, magnum orbis miraculum, the great miracle of the world, in respect of his rare virtue, and holly life, known, as he saith, to all the roman Empire, yea to th● very Ethiopians, and Indians.  
41 This Simeon, being a shepherd, and hearing related out of th● gospel, that our saviour called them happy, who weep, and mourn, 
Ibidem. Matth. 5.  and those miserable, or wretched, who laugh, and are merry, was so moved and strooken therewith, that he shortly after resolved to abandon the word; and repairing to certain religious men in those partes, and being received amongst them, he so profited in fer●our of spirit, and desire of true mortification, that within a while, and exceeded them all, fasting from all kind of sustenance, whole weekes together, and binding his body under his clothes very ●●rait, with a rough, and sharp cord made of the palm three, which did so gaule, and exulcerat his flesh, that the blood dropped from him, whereby it was perceived, and he forced to leave 〈◇〉. And not contenting himself with the austerity that others used, he retired himself to a little cabane, where he lived three yeares alone in admirable manner, attempting to fast forty dayes, as our saviour Christ, Moyses, and Elias did, with out meate, 
Matth. 4. Exod. 24.3. Regum. 19.  or drink, which he also performed, and continued it ever after during the lent time, as long as he lived, which was above thirty yeares.  
42 And whereas it pleased God in the mean time, to give him such a grace in the operation of miracles, that he was oppressed with the multitude of people which came partly to see him& partly to receive health, and remedy by him( such being also their importunity, that they tore his very garments from him, to haue some relics, and monument of him) he procured a pillar to be made, first six cubits high, and after twelve, after twenty, and at last he caused it to be raised six and thirty cubits, and in the top thereof, a receptacle to be made for his body, not past two cubits broad, open to the air without any door, where he stood on his feet perpetually, thirty yeares together, eating only once a week a little pittance, which was brought him up by a ladder, and bestowing all the night, as also the greatest part of the day, in prayer, and contemplation, until it was three of the clock in the after noon. And from that time forward until sun setting, he either preached to the people( who were continually there in great numbers) or compounded quarrels, and controversies, which were remitted to his iudgement from all parts, or gave answers to questions demanded of him, or else cured the blind, lame, and disseased by his prayer, or benediction.  
43 Furthermore, such was the famed of his life, that the most Christian, and worthy Emperour Theodosius, being reprehended by him, for an edict which he made in favour of the Iewes, revoked it, and humbly craved the assistance of his prayers, and benedictio● Besides that his very pictures, and Images, were set up in every hous● and shop in Rome, and as Theodoretus also testifieth upon his ow● knowledge( who knew him well and frequented him often) the co●fluence, and concourse of people unto him, was like a sea continual● filled with supplies of riuers, on every side, for that infinite numbe● of men, and women, flocked unto him from all parts, as from Ita●● spain, France, and Brittany, besides Ismalits, Persians, Armenians, Ib●rians, Homerits, and other Eastern nations, though Infidels, and Pagan● of whom he converted( saith Theodoretus) an infinite number to the christian faith, and specially of the Ismaelits, or saracens, who came vn●● him ordinarily in great troops, sometimes two hundred, or three hu●dred, and sometimes a thousand together. Quos ego vidi,& audivi, sai●● he, patriam impietatem abnegantes, &c. Whom I haue seen, and hea●● renounce the impiety of their country, and receive of him the evangelical doctrine of Christ.  
44 All this Theodoretus saith, to show the manifest concurrence of almighty God with this holly man. Besides that he also answereth notably the frivolous cavils of such, as may perhaps blame, and condemn this extraordinary manner of life in him, to which purpose he wisheth them to consider, that God hath often moved his seruan● to do things extraordinary, to stir and awake the slothful out 〈◇〉 their drowsy sleep, 
Esa. 20. Hierem. 28. Oseae. 1. Ezechel. 4.  and therefore, saith he, God commanded the proph●● Esay, to go naked, and barefoot, Hieremy to carry collers of wood, and Ir●● about his neck. Osee to mary a common quean. And ezechiel to lye forty day● on his right side, and three hundred and 90. dayes on his left, &c. And he● upon Theodoretus concludeth, that as almighty God, having care 〈◇〉 those, which were sluggish, and slothful in his service in those t●mes, commanded his prophets to do these strange, and extraordinary things, ita hoc nouum,& admirabile procurauit spectaculum,& ●▪ So he caused this new, and admirable spectacle, drawing all men to i● by the novelty, and strangeness of it, to the end they might the rathe● believe the admonitions, and doctrine of his seruant, for the good o● their own souls. So he.  
45 I haue thought it convenient( good reader) to lay down al thi● the more largely out of this ancient, and approved author, to the en● it may evidently appear, not only what was his, and the general opinion concerning the use, and practise of mortification in his tim●( which was within the first four hundreth yeares) but also how acceptable the same was to almighty God in this holly hermit: seein● 〈◇〉 pleased his divine majesty to approve it in him, with conti●uall miracles, and the conversion of innumerable souls to the ●hristian faith, which no man, that hath so much as common sense, can ●scribe to any deceit, or illusion of the divell, or any other cause, then ●●e omnipotent hand, and spirit of God, who to convince the Epicu●ian worldlings of sinnfull delicacy, and slought, stirred up this, and ●ther his seruants, to the rigorous practise of these incredible asperities, ●ssistinge them therein above the course of nature, to the end, that no ●an might be excused from doing the worthy fruits of penance, with ●●e pretence of disability: for he which considereth, and seeth that God ●●ableth his seruants, which confided in him, to do, and suffer more ●hen human nature can bear, how can he with reason doubt of Gods ●ssistance( if he will duly implore, and seek it) for the performance of such works, as do not surpass the ordinary power of man? I mean ●uch moderat chastisement of the flesh, as wee see hath benne always used by good, and holy men, in the church of God, and is most necessa●ie to good life.  
46 And this shall suffice concerning the mortifications practised by ●he monks and hermits of egypt, Pallestina, Siria, 
S. Chrisost. in ca. 2. Mat. ho. 8 Chap. 25. nu. 33. Ibid nu 32.&. 35 S. Augustin. de moribus eccles. S. Hiero. ep. 8. ad Marcel. li. 2. Sozome. histor Tripart.  and other countries in the East parts: who shined, saith S. Chriostome, like Angels in mortal bodies, ●n which respect he also calleth the deserts of egypt, a paradise of pleasure, as I haue declared more amply, in the five and twentieth chapter, where I treated of monastical discipline, and laid down the opinions of S. chrysostom, S. Augustin, S. jerome, and Sozomenus, concerning the perfection of those who professed it. Whereby it may appear, in what veneration the church of God held them at that time( which was the fourth, and fift age) and therefore I shall not need to make a further deduction of mortification in monastical life, seeing from that time forwards, our aduersaries do not deny it, and if they should, they might bee easily convinced by the experience thereof, which is most manifest, even at this day, in the ancient rules, and religious orders of S. Basil, S. Augustin,& S. bennet, who being al three religious men( the two former, within less then four hundreth yeares after Christ, and the third in the age following)& living themselves in great austerity, entitled the strict rules, which haue been ever since observed in those of their orders, and haue served also for patterns of perfection, and mortification to the latter orders of religion, al which do embrace, and practise the chastisement of the flesh, and true abnegation of themselves, in imitation of our saviour Christ, of his Apostles, and of the first christians in the primitive church.  
47 So that the continual custom of penitential life, and mortific●tion, hath been so evident in the church of God, even from our Sau●ours time to this, and not only approved, but also practised by all t●● learned Fathers, and Saints of God, yea so confirmed also by almight● God himself, with infinite miracles, that no man can deny the neces●●tie and merit of it, without extreme impudency and folly, especial● seeing that I may also boldly affirm, that no one example can be pr●duced of any Saint, or holy man in Gods church( that hath benne f●mous for sanctity and holiness of life) who hath not also excelled▪ the practise of mortification, and austerity, seeing that the exterio● mortification, and chastisement of the body, is the special and ordin●rie means, to attain to the interior mortification of the mind● wherein consisteth the perfection of christian life: and therefore 〈◇〉 marvel, that the enemies of austerity and penance, are so far fro● deserving the famed or reputation of sanctity, that they are commonly infamous for 'vice and wickedness, as experience sheweth, a● may be exemplified in those, who were the chief and first impugne● of mortification in our age, 
Chap. 30. nu 23. 24.& c.. usque ad nu 30.  I mean, Luther, Caluin, Beza, and all the fir●● sectaries, of whose beastly and ambitious lives, I haue spoken ampl● in the thirty chapter.  
48 Therefore I conclude, that seeing the catholic church, careful● recommendeth to al her children, the use and practise of diuers sorts 〈◇〉 mortifications, and that the same are special means for the repressio●& conquest of sensuality, and for the obtaining of Gods grace( in whic● respect they are most necessary to good life) yt is no marvel yf tho●● catholiks which contemn, and neglect them, are no less loose, dissolute, and vicious many times, then Luther, Caluyn, and others of the● crew, giuing all liberty to the flesh, and neglecting the means whereby their vicious inclinations, and habits may be repressed, and refo●med: And this willbe much more evident, if wee consider what mann●● of men those catholics commonly are, who forsake their religion, t● become Lutherans, and Caluinists, whereby yt will also appear, wha● are the special motives which draw them thereto.  
49 For who seeth not by experience( yf he list to note yt, as I wis● thee good reader, to do) that the most dissolute, and licentious catholics, are always those, which embrace the doctrine of Luther and Ca●uin, such catholics I mean, as seeking liberty of life, and yeldin● themselves, as yt were, captyues to worldly, and fleshly pleasures, wi●● no longer endure the strait discipline of catholic religion: which 〈◇〉 Ambrose observed notably in certain loose catholics of his time● who being religious men, grew weary of their profession, and be●●me flat heretics, though they taught but some part of that carnal ●octrin, which the sectaries of our dayes profess:& therefore mark, ●ood reader, I beseech thee, how he painteth both the one, and the o●●er in their proper colours, writing to the church of Vercells, thus 〈◇〉 followeth.  
●● Audio, saith he, venisse ad vos &c. I hear, 
S. Ambros. ep. li. 3. ad Vercellens eccles.  that some are come ●●to you, who teach, that there is no merit of abstinence, nor grace of ●●rginitie, that all men are to be valued, or esteemed a like( that is 〈◇〉 say, are of like merit,) and that those men are mad, or dote, who ●●astise their flesh to make it subject to the spirit: which the Apostle 〈◇〉 Paul would never haue done himself, nor written for the instru●●ion of others, if he had held it for dotage, or madness. For he glo●●eth saying. I chastise my body, and bring it into bondage, 
1. Cor. ●.  least whiles I ●●each to others, I may become, myself a reprobate. Therefore they which ●each to others, and do not chastise their own bodies, are held for ●●probats, and can any thing be more to be reproved, and rejected, ●en that which allureth to lasciviousness, to corruption, to wantonness, ●●d is an incitation to lust, a provocation to pleasure and a nourish●ent of incontinency? What new school hath sent forth these Epicu●us? No school truly of philosophers, but of ignorant men, who ●each pleasure, persuade delicacy, and say, that chastity is to no use 〈◇〉 purpose. These were with us, but they were not of us &c. Yet whi● they were here, at first they fasted, they kept their cloisters, they had ●o place, or commodity to live riotouslie, or licence to jangle, or dis●●te idly, but so delicate were they, that they could not endure this, ●●d therefore they went from us, &c. I admonished them, but I pre●iled nothing, and they sowed abroad such doctrine, that being themselves inflamed, they became very fire brandes to kindle, and inflame ●ther men to all kind of 'vice: Miserable men! who having lost all their ●●rmer fasting, and continency, do now with a devilish mind, envy ●●e good works of others, whereof they themselves haue lost the ●●it.  
●● Thus saith S. Ambrose, of certain jovinian heretics in his time, ●hose Epicurian doctrine impugning chastity, and mortification of and flesh, our late sectaries haue revived, and added thereto, many ●ther heresies of their own, tending all to the liberty of the flesh, as ●ay appear in those, 
Chap. 33. nu. 35.  whom I haue name in the three and thirtieth chapter, to wit, Luther, Carolstadius, Caluin, Beza, Oecolampadius, Bucer, Peter ●artir, Ochinus, Miconius, Menius, Musculus, Pellicanus, Pomeranus, and Munsterus, with diuers others, who being votaries( I mean religion men) or catholic priests at least, and therefore bound also by vo● to live single, and chast) and not brooking the restraint that is used 〈◇〉 catholic religion, and especially in monastical profession, because renegats, or( as S. Ambrose saith of those in his time) very fire bra●des, to incense other men to lust and liberty, setting abroach that i● pure, and carnal doctrine, whereof I haue spoken before in the thi● chapter, to wit, 
Ch. 30. nu 2. 3. 4.&  that it is as impossible to live chast, as to live wit● out meat: 
nu. 16.17.& 18.  that polygamy( or the having of many wives at once) is n● forbidden in the new law: 
Idem. nu 8.  that it is not lawful so much as to pra● for the gift of chastity, no more, then for the spirit of prophesi● or the gift of miracles: 
nu. 15.  that a man may be divorced from h●● wife, and mary an other for many causes: finally that Christ so su●fred, 
Chap. 35. nu. 54.& 55. & satisfied for us, that all our satisfaction, pennance, a● mortification is superfluous, and vain: besides all those other mo● absurd, and impious paradoxes, which I haue mentioned in the la● chapter.  
51 All which do give so large a scope to sensuality, and sin, th● no man needeth to doubt, but that the authors thereof, came( as 〈◇〉 Ambrose saith of their predecessors) out of the school of Epicuri● seeking nothing else but to live in all liberty of the flesh, and to c●lour their own wickedness, and apostasy, with some pretence of religion. In which respect, we may also with S. Ambrose, worthily l●ment the case of all such renegats and apostatats, as of most wretche● and miserable men, who having lost the fruit of their former holly l●bours, and endeavours( of fasting, pennance, chastity, mortificatio● and good works, which they exercised in the catholic church) do● not only envy the merits, and good works of other men, as S. Ambrose saith, but also seek to draw all men with them to damnation, b● their pernicious example, and doctrine, which being plausible, an● grateful to flesh, and blood, doth easily insinuat itself into the corrupt nature of man, no less then the detestable doctrine of M●homet did, which( as I haue noted in the 14. and in the 30. chapter hath by the same means easily overflowed a great part of the world as also in like manner the sensual, 
Chap. 14.& Chap. 30. num. 20. Cicero. li. 2. de finib.  and beastly philosophy of Ep●curus, not with standing the absurdity of it, found an infinite number of favourers, and followers, not only in Greece, and Ita●● but also throughout all barbarous nations, as Cicero testifieth.  
52 Therefore it is no wonder, that the worst sort of Catholike● do sometimes become Lutherans, and Caluinists, such catholic I mean, as wholly abandon themselves, to sensual, and worldie pleasu●es, and so live in the profession of catholic religion, that they reap ●o more benefit thereof, then Lutherans, or Caluinists, vseing no more ●euotion, penance and mortification, then they, or at least( if they use ●nie at al( they do it not for devotion, but only for fear of the pe●alties, ordained by the ecclesiastical laws. Besides that, it is to be ob●erued, that these loose catholics, of whom I speak here, are commonly such as never frequent the holy sacraments of confession, and ●ommunion, except perhaps once a year, and then only for fashion ●●ke.  
●● And therefore whereas almighty God, doth not ordinarily use ●o give his grace to men by miracle, but by the usual, and ordinary means prescribed in his church, that is to say, by prayer, penance, and ●he holy sacraments, which he hath ordained to supply the benefit ●f his passion unto us, for otherways, Turkes, and Infidels, should bee ●●ned, as well as Christians, seeing that he died for al men alike, ●hough all men do not participate of the benefit, but those only, who use the means which he hath left,& prescribed for that purpo●●, therefore I say, it is no marvel, that such catholics, as use no mor●●fication, and do not frequent the holy sacraments, with such diligence and devotion, as is requisite, are not partakers of Gods grace, but ●all into horrible sins, and many times into schism, heresy, and ●postasie. And this will be most evident, when I shal treat of the admirable effects of the holly Sacraments of Gods Church, which ●or diuers respects I do remit to the third part of this treatise, where I ●m to handle the question of the church, and diuers controversies be●onginge thereto.  
●4 In the mean time, I conclude upon the premises two things. The one, that the worst, and most dissolute catholics, are commonly ●hose, which become Lutherans, and Caluinists. The other, that the bad ●iues of catholics, cannot be attributed, to any demerit of their religion,, but to their own negligence, in that they do not observe the ●uless thereof. And thus much for the first point, concerning the bad ●iues of catholics.  
●5 And for the second point, touched by the way of objection, in the ●nd of the last chapter( to wit the laudable lives of some Lutherans, or Caluinists) it is to be understood, that as al those, who profess a true religion, are not good men, so neither are al the prefessors of false religions, scandalous in life, though good christians they cannot be, howsoever they may live morally well in the eye of the world. This I say for two causes, the one, for that amongst such are found many times notab● hypocrites, who by the very instigation of the devil, do seek to a●thorize their bad, and heretical doctrine, with the external show 〈◇〉 piety, 
Hieron. ep. li. 2. ep. 13. ad Rustic. Matth. 7.  and virtue, being( as S. jerome saith of some such in his tim● Intus Nerones,& foris Catones, Neroes within, and Catoes without, or r●ther, as our saviour said, ravening wolves, clad in sheeps skins. Su●● were Arrius, Pelagius, Vigilantius, Nestorius, and diuers other Arch h●retickes, who by their pretence of piety, deluded the people wonde●fully, in so much that many good, and holly men were abused wi● their dissembled modesty, 
S. Epiphan. de heret. li. 2.  gravity, and counterfeit virtue, as S. Ep●phanius testifieth of Arrius, who, he saith, used to go in the streete● with a stolen about his neck, and shewed such love to religious chast●ty, that he assembled many virgins to live together in religious disc●plin, as also many priests, until he had infected them with his heresi● who therefore were afterwards expelled out of the city of Al●xandria, together with him, assoon as his heresy was discou●red.  
56 We red also, that very many, and amongst the rest, the holly b●shop S. Polinus, 
D. August. retract. li. 2. c. 33. Baron. an. 411. to. 5. Baron. an. 406. Theodore ep. ad Sporadium.  were for a while greatly deceived in the Archher●ticks Pelagius, and Vigilantius, by reason of their hypocritical, a● pretended devotion, in so much, that Pelagius had for some time, t● reputation of a very holly man. And Theodoretus testifieth of the Arc●hereticke Nestorius, that he drew all men to the admiration of hi● with an affencted gravity, and an hypocritical abstinence. And th● like hath benne observed more, or less in the most part of sects, esp●ciallie in their ringleaders, and first progenitors, though( to say trul● in none less then in those of our time, who were so far from dissembling, or covering their impiety, that they devised all their licentio●● doctrine to defend it, which nevertheless, others of their follower● may perhaps practise with more modesty, and art, in which respect 〈◇〉 may be presumed, that hypocrisy which is common to all other heretics, or sectaries, may be a cause that some Lutherans, or Calu●nists, are less scandalous in life, then their doctrine of itself permi●teth.  
57 An other cause, which I hold to be more ordinary, is the goo● disposition, and inclination, that many men naturally haue to virtue, which may be, and is, no doubt, such in many, that they lea● a commendable life,( exteriorlie in the sight of the world) of wha● religion soever they be, being naturally inclined to piety, iustice, liberality, temperance, modesty, clemency, and mercy, whereby the● exercise the acts of these virtues, with great promptitude, and facility and are not easily corrupted in manners, especially in such sort, that they cast of the natural bridle of modesty, and shane, or commit scandals, and public offences. And of these kind of men, I haue myself known very many in our country, and diuers of them my own kinsfolks, and dear friends, who though they were no catholics, yet were( and are no doubt if they be still living) of fuch an honest, and virtuous disposition, and carriage, that they were, and are worthily beloved, and respected, as well of all other men, as of myself.  
58 And it is no marvel, that there are such professing false religions, seeing that Plato observed the like, amongst the very Atheists of his time. For where as he ordained severe punishment for three sorts of Atheists, or impious men( as he termeth them) he maketh mention of some, who though they held, that there was no God, or divine providence, in the government of human affairs, yet were so well, 
Plato de legib. dial. 11.  and virtuously disposed by nature, that they lived very civilly, and morallie well, without hurt to the common wealth, as I haue signified before upon other occasions.  
59 And of this sort of moral men( yea, and such as did many good deeds for the benefit of the common wealth) there were always very many amongst the Paynims, as well Greekes, as Romans, and are now even amongst the Turkes, not withstanding that their religion, I mean paganism and mahometism, are most absurd in itself, and replenished with motives to all 'vice, and wickedness, as appeareth in the seventh, eight, ninth and fourteenth chapters, where I haue handled that matter at large.  
60 Also Epicurus( who placed mans felicity in sensual pleasures, and delights) was for his own person very civil, and morallie honest, in so much that Cicero, reproving, and rejecting his doctrine, confesseth nevertheless, that he was, vir bonus, a good man, and that many of his sect, were men of great modesty, and moral honesty, weighing all their actions in the balance of reason, and duty, and not of pleasure, in so much, saith he, that their life confuteth their doctrine, 
Cicero li. 2. de finibus.  and as some men are said to say better, then they do, so they do better then they say: Thus said Cicero of some honest epicureans: And the like may be said, of many honest sectaries, whose good nature, and disposition, seconded with the desire of a good name and famed, so far ouerwaigheth the corruption of their doctrine, that they use the liberty of it, with much moderation, and great respect of their reputation, and honour, whereas others of a malignant nature, and bad disposition, a● commonly transported therewith, beyond all limits of modesty, an● shane, and run headlong to the extremity of 'vice, whereto it tendeth.  
61 So that Lutherans, and Caluinists, haue not in this point( I mean● for the good lives of some of them) any advantage at all of the ver● Turks, paynims epicureans and Atheists, nay I may boldly say, tha● for some notable virtues, they come short of many of them. Fo● where haue we seen in any of their profession, such a notabl● contempt, of riches, honours, pleasures, and delights of the world as sundry pagan philosophers, both taught, and practised? Coul● ever any of them be compared for temperance, and abstinence● with the Phitagorians, 
Suidas. Dio. Laërtius.  who never did eat flesh or fish? Or for contempt of worldly wealth, and honours, with Antisthenes, who having heard Socrates teach philosophy, sold, and gave away all his goods leaving himself nothing but a cloak? Or with Crates( who, a● some writ, cast all his goods into the sea, least they might corrupt and overthrow him? 
Philostrat. in vita Apollō. Diocles.  Or as others affirm, sold them and pu● the money into a bank, to the use of the poor, if his children shoul● become philosophers, or other waise, to their use, least wanting both virtue, and riches they might perhaps perish? Or else with Diogenes, who dwelling in his tub, so litl● esteemed the large offers, which Alexander the great made him, 
Plutar. in Apotheg.  that he desired nothing of him, bu● to stand out of his light, and not to keep the sun from him? And seeing a poor boy drink in his hand, cast away his dish, as superfluous? Or finally, with all the other Cinick Philosophers, who professing a voluntary and most exact poverty, and living, as I may say, from hand to mouth, contented themselves only with that, which might suffice nature? Who if they had made their election o● poverty, for the love of God, referring it wholly, or principally, to his service, as catholic Christians do( I mean such as profess religious life) they had performed an act of singular, and perfect Christian virtue: And although their intention, was no other, but to avoid the distractions, and temptations, which accompany worldly wealth, to the end they might more freely give themselves to the study and practise of philosophy, yet it cannot be denied, but that they far excelled therein the Lutherans, and Caluinists, amongst whom no such practise of that moral virtue,( I mean the magnanimous contempt of the world) hath ever benne seen, for ought that I could ever hear, or red.  
62 But howsoever it may be said, that some of them do live lauda●ly, or morally well, and consequently may be called good moral men( as I say many Painimes, epicureans& atheists were, and many Turkes are at this day) yet I may boldly affirm two things, which I wish they would consider. The one, that their good life, and moral virtue, be it never so commendable, 
S. August. ea 152. ad Donatistas.  shal avail them nothing to their saluati●n, except they become members of the catholic church, as S. Au●ustin testifieth, saying. Quisquis ab hac ecclesia catholica &c. whosoever is se●erat from this catholic church, how laudably soever he liveth, he ●hal not haue life everlasting, 
Idem. ep 50. ad Bonifacium cemitē  but the wrath of God remaineth upon ●im, for this only sin, that he is divided from the unity of Christ. And again, in an other place. Nemo, saith he, poterit esse justus &c. No man can be just, so long as he is seperat from the unity of this body. And afterwards declaring what body he meaneth, he saieth, Sola ec●lesia catholica, corpus est Christi &c. The only catholic church, 
Cyprian. de simplicit prei August. ep 204 ad Donatum. Chrysost. h● 11. in epist ad Ephes Fulgent. li. de fide ca. 34. Pacian. ep 2. ad Simpron. Esay. 2.  is the body, of Christ, whereof he is the head, and saviour, and out of this body, the holy Ghost giveth life to none &c. Thus faith S. Augustin, with whom al the holy Fathers uniformly agree, teaching, that there is no salvation out of the catholic church, though a man live never so well, no, not though he suffer martyrdom for Christ: for so say expressly S. cyprian, S. Augustyn, S. chrysostom, S. Fulgentius, and Pacianus in the places alleged in the margin.  
63 And because some perhaps may doubt, what church is to be understood by the catholic church, I will add a word, or two concerning the same out of S. Augustyn, who sheweth it evidently, teaching that it is that visible church, which is called by the prophet Esay, the house of our Lord, set on the top of hills, whereto all nations shall ●low: and by Daniel, a hill which shal fill the whole world: 
Daniel. 2. Psalm. 18. Mat. 5. Idem. li de unitate eccles. contra ep Petiliani  and by the royal prophet, a tabernacle set in the undergone, id est saith S. Augustyn, in ●anifestatione, that is to say, in manifestation, or public show to the world. And lastly by our saviour himself, it is compared to a candle, which is not set under a bushel, but upon a candlestick, and to a city built upon a hill, which cannot be hide. Quam facile est tibi, saith S. Augustyn attendere,& videre. Which it is easy for thee to fee, and behold Ipsa est enim ecclesia Catholica, vnde Catholice grece nominatur &c, 
Idem. ep 170. ad Seue●i●u  for that is the catholic church where upon it is called Catholice in greek, because it is dispersed, over the whole world. Hanc ignorare nulli licet,& ideo secundum verbum Domini, abscondi non potest, Of this catholic church no man ought to be ignorant, and therefore according to the word of our Lord, it cannot be hide.  
64 Thus he: teaching expressly, as you see, out of the prophets, an● our saviours own words, that the catholic church is so visible, an● universal, that it can never be hide, or unknown. Which S. Chrisostom● also doth seriously urge, and inculcat to the ethnics of his time, willin● them to learn, 
S. Chrisost. ho. 4. de. verb Esaiae. vidi dominum.  vim veritatis, the force of truth, quomodo facilius est sole● extingui, quam ecclesiam obscurari, that it is easier for the sun to be extinguished, then the church to be obscured, or hide: whereupon it followeth evidently, that the catholic church cannot possibly be th● church of Lutherans, or Caluinists, which lay hide under the bushel, o● rather was not extant at all, for many hundreth of yeares. Whereto I also add, 
Idem. in psalmo contra Partem. Donati.& ep. 160.& li. 2. contra literas Petiliani. Irenae. li. 3. Cyprian. ep. 55 ad Cornel.& de simplicitate praelat. or. Ambros. in ca. ep. ad. Ti. Optat. lib. 2. contra Donatis. S. Hieron. ep. ad Damasum.  that S. Augustyn sheweth in like manner, which is the catholic church, by the continual, and manifest succession of bishops in ● Peters chair, saying to the Donatists. Numerate sacerdotes &c. Count th● priests, even from the very seat of Peter, and see who hath, succeeded on● an other in that order of fathers. That is the rock, which the prou●gates of hell shal not overcome. So he, which I might confirm by other most manifest places, as well out of him, as also out of S. Ireneu● S. Cyprian, S. jerome S. Ambrose, Optatus Mileuitanus, and diuers others but that I touch this point only by the way( and therefore thus breefl● as you see) to show what S. Augustin, and other fathers mean, by th● catholic church, to wit, a visible, and universal church, wherein ther● is a continual and manifest succession of bishops, from S. Peter: An● this I haue said, to the end it may also appear, that( according to th● doctrine of these fathers) out of this church there is no righteousness, n● sanctity, holiness, nor salvation, how well soever any man, that i● out of it, man seem to live, but that he is, prophanus, as saith S. Hierom, a profane man, quicunque extra hanc domum agnum comederit, whosoever eateth the lamb out of this house, that is to say, out of the communion of Peters chary. Which I wish may be well pondered, not only by Lutherans, and Caluinists, but also by all others, who being out of the unity of this visible, universal, and catholic Roman church, do vaineli● flatter themselves, with their own good lives, if there be any such▪ And thus much for the first point.  
65 The other, which I wish also to be considered of Lutherans and Caluinists, is, that how well disposed, or virtuous soever any of them, many seem to be, yet they are not, neither can be counted truly virtuous, that is to say, good,& perfect christians, being al of them, professed enemies of those christian virtues, in the which consisteth, the perfection of christian religion, I mean the true imitation of Christ, by the perfect abnegation of ourselves, the mortification of the flesh, contēp● of the world for the pure love of God, 
Chap. 28. 29 30.& 31.  and the observation of the ●uangelicall counsels taught, and practised by our saviour, and his apostles,& by infinite numbers of christians, ever since their time, until ●his day, though now rejected, and derided by Lutherans, and Caluinists: 
Chap. 28.29 30.& 31.  ●ll which I haue amply proved before, when I treated of the euan●elicall counsels in particular, where, I hope, I made it most manifest, ●hat lutheranism, and Caluinisme, is utterly voided of Christian perfe●tion, and therefore I conclude, that the laudable, and good life of such as profess that religion, neither arriveth to the perfection of ●hristian virtue in any of them, nor can be any justification of their ●octrin, which, as I haue also sufficiently declared, inviteth,& draweth ●en to 'vice.  
●6 But now, perhaps some will object further,& ask how it chanceth then, that in their books, and sermons, they exhort men to ver●ue, and greatly reprehend 'vice, as we see in the sermons before alleged, of Luther himself, Andreas Musculus, and John Andrew, besides many other which might be also alleged? Whereto I answer, that I cannot in this more fitly compare them to any, then to Epicurus, with whom they sympathize notably in the delivery of their carnal do●trin: for although Epicurus taught that mans felicity doth consist in sensual, and corporal pleasures, and his chief misery in pain, and ●orrow, yet he greatly praised virtue, and namely continency, and temperance, where upon Cicero saith, non id spectandum est, 
Cicero li. 3. d'. office. in fine.  quid dicat &c. Yt is not so much to be regarded, what Epicurus saith, as what it is convenient for him to say, who measureth all good with pleasure, and all evil with sorrow &c. For how can he praise temperance, who placeth his chief and in sensual, and bodily pleasures, seeing that temperance is the enemy of ●●nsuality, which hunteth after nothing else, but the pleasure of the body?  
67 Thus he: who also in an other place saith, 
Tusc. quaest. li. 5.  that Epicurus saith many things notably well, said quam constanter, conuenienterque dicat, non laborat, but and careth not how constantly, or conveniently he speaketh, that is to say, how well he agreeth with himself. And again, laudat saith he, 
Ibid. li. 3.  saepe virtutem &c. He praiseth virtue often, not unlike to Caius Gracchus, who when he had spent all the treasure of the Romans, did in words defend the treasure, in so much, saith Cicero, that if you red his orations, you would take him to be a spe●iall patron of the treasure.  
●8 Finally Cicero observeth also, that very many were deceived with the doctrine of Epicurus, and his disciples by many grave, and notable sentences contained in their works: Atque his, saith he, 
Ibid. lib. 5.  capiuntur im●eriti,& propter huiusmodi sententias, istorum hominum est multitudo. Hereby many are deceived, and by means of such sentences, there is a great multitu●● of these men, that is to say, of epicureans. Thus saith Cicero, discouerin● notably the devilish slight, that Epicurus, and his disciples used, to sophisticat their sensual doctrine, not only with the colour, and name o● philosophy, but also with some mixture of virtuous, and pious precepts, in so much, that( as Cicero also noteth else where) Epicurus wrot● books, 
Idem de natura deorum li. 1.  de sanctitate,& pietate, of hollines, and piety, with such show o● religion, that if you red them, saith Cicero, you would think that they wer● written by Coruncanus, or Scaeuola( two famous high bishops) and not by on● that did utterly destroy all religion.  
69 Lo then, what was the infernal invention, and devilish devise o● Epicurus, to instil the poison of carnal pleasure, even into the best disposed minds, with the pious pretext of religion, and virtue. And th● like may be observed in Luther, and Caluin, and other Archsectaries o● our time, in the publication of their Epicurian doctrine, which they honoured with the title of the gospel, and respersed with exhortations to virtue, reprehensions of 'vice, and frequent allegations of holly scriptures, as though it were wholly conform to the word of God and that they sought nothing else but to reform mens errors, and manners, to extirpat 'vice, and to plant true religion, and virtue in the mindes of men. Therefore it may be said of their pious praetexts, as Cicero said of Epicurus, and his like proceeding, to wit, that it is not so much to be considered what they say, as what is convenient for them to say, according to their own grounds, and how they agree with themselves in their doctrine.  
70 For to what purpose do they exhort to virtue,& cry out against 'vice, when their doctrine vndermineth all virtue, and establisheth 'vice? Not only depriving men, of the means whereby 'vice is to be repressed( to wit of all kind of mortification, and chastisement of the flesh, without the which the Apostle himself held not himself secure( as S. Ambrose noteth in the place before alleged: 
Cor. 9. S. Ambros. ep. li. 3. ad vercel. eccles. ) but also teaching all those points above mentioned, which as I haue declared, open a● wide gap to all sin, and wickedness? For when men are persuaded, that only faith justifieth, that good works are not necessary, but hurtful to justification, and salvation, that the best works of the best men, are damnable sins: that mens actions proceed not of free wil● but of an absolute necessity: that God moveth, and compelleth men to sin: that our Christian liberty admitteth no obligation either of human, or yet of divine laws: that therefore the ten commandments are abrogated by Christ: that all things but faith, are indifferent to be used or left: that nothing can damn a man, but incredulity: that chastity in the unmarried, is neither possible, nor to be demanded of God: that the more wicked a man is, the more near he is to Gods grace: and finally, that whatsoever our works are, we are justified,& ●●sure to be saved, if wee apply the merits of Christs passion to ourselves by only faith: when men I say, shall be thus persuaded, to what purpose, shall they be exhorted to virtue, or reprehended for 'vice, seing that of this doctrine it followeth infallibly, not only that virtuous, and good life is superfluous, fruitless, and impossible, when fate doth not force men to it, but also 'vice, and sin, is grateful to God, being his own motion, and work, yea fatal to all such as commit it, and therfore inevitable, and remediless?  
71 How ridiculous then, and absurd, are they, who teach this doctrine, and yet cry out against 'vice, and persuade men to virtue? Might they not keep that wind( as men are wont to say) to cool their pottage, and not loose it vainly with such a fruitless labour? For may not the wickedest man in the world, justly answer them according to their own grounds, that he can do no otherwaise, then he doth, because he hath no free will, and that God moveth, and compelleth him to sin,& therefore cannot of his iustice punish him for it, and that though it were in his power to amend his life, and to do all the good works in the world, yet it were needless, seeing that the best works, are no better then the worst, being all damnable sins in the sight of God: and finally, that he is justified by only faith, and sure to be saved, what soever he doth, if he trust wholly in Christs merits? May not, I say, the most desperat cut throat in the world, stop their mouths with these their own grounds?  
72 Therefore the Lutherans in Germany, had great reason to excuse, 
Chap. 35. nu. 86. & defend their bad lives( as you heard in the last chapter) by this very doctrine of their masters, which drew them, or rather drove them headlong, to all that liberty of the flesh, which Luther, Musculus, and John Andrew so severely reproved in them.  
73 Haue we not then just cause to say, that these their masters, and reprovers, are as ridiculous, as a physician should be, if he should counsel his patients, to use all riot in diet, and yet still exhort them to haue care of their healths, yea, and chide them when they surfeit? Or rather may they not be compared to one, that should cast a man headlong from the top of a tower, and not only call after him and bid him stay, but also exclaim, and cry out against him, for falling? For so do they, who when they haue precipitated men by their doctrine, and example to all sin, and wickedness, call upon them to live virtuously, y● and be rate them, and rail upon them, for their 'vice.  
74 This truly is so evident, that it cannot be denied, and therefore two probable, or rather most certain causes, may be given, why th● used in their books, and sermons, to exhort men to virtue, and d●hort them from 'vice. The one is, that, which I haue already touche● when I spoken of the like proceeding of Epicurus, to wit, to make the doctrine more currant amongst well disposed men. For if either Epicur●● had taught and published his licentious philosophy, or they their se●suall doctrine nakedly, without some cloak of religious piety, and o● love to virtue, and hate of 'vice, no honest mind would ever haue bro●ked, and much less embraced either the one, or the other, wherea● now wee see, that many honest, and well disposed men, being deceiue● with the honourable title of religion, and of the gospel of Christ, an● with the plausible pretence of holly scriptures, and some show of virtue, and promise of reformation, do as it were, in a golden cu● d●inke the poisoned dregs of heresy, so much the more greedily, b● how much more conform, and agreeable it is to mans corrupt nature and sensuality, by which means also, the carnal philosophy of Epicurus, and the beastly religion of Mahomet, were the more easily disperse over the world, as I haue declared before.  
75 The other reason that moved them, was also common to them with Epicurus, and his disciples, to wit, because they had just cause t● fear, that no wise prince, or magistrat, would admit, and endure thei● doctrine, if they should publish it without any mask, or visard of virtue, being otherwise of itself so licentious, and pernicious to common wealth, as I haue signified: For which cause the Duke of Saxony( Luthers great patron) seeing after some time, the bad, and beastly fruits of Luthers new gospel in his dominions, was forced to command a solemn visitation to be made, throughout all Saxony, where in it was ordained, 
Burius in comment au 1528.  that the ministers should preach pennance, the fear of God, and the necessity of good works: which was done with Luthers consent, though it were directly contrary to that doctrine, which he had most constantly taught, in so many places of his works, as you haue heard: so ready was he, to colour, dissemble, and contradict his own principles, for the pleasure of a prince, and to save the credit of his gospel, when he saw it endangered: but of his contradictions, and other of his fellowes I shall haue occasion to speak more amply hereafter.   

The conclusion of this treatise, divided into two chapters. And first, in this, a brief recapitulation of the whole, with certain considerations resulting therein, concerning our union with God, christian perfection,& felicity, worthy to be well pondered of every christian man: And next, certain doubts are cleared, touching christian perfection:& how far it may extend itself in this life. CHAP. 37.  
1 BEING now, good Reader, to conclude this second part of my treatise, I haue thought good to add these two chapters following, as well to refresh in thee the memory of that which hath benne hitherto treated, as also to represent unto thee, certain considerations resulting thereon, right worthy of thy due ponderation.  
2 First then, I showed evidently( if I be not deceived) the necessity of religion in common wealth, by an argument deduced from the whole to the parts, proving it to be so necessary for the conservation of the whole world( where of every common wealth is but a part) that the same could not stand with out it, in respect that the religion of man, is the special means whereby all creatures are reduced to their creator, receiving perfection,& consummation by glorifiing him, for whose service,& glory they were created. So that religion is nothing else but, as I may say, a sacred& holly bond, or knot, whereby the world is tied, knit,& combined with God, and thereby conserved: in so much, that if this link, or knot were dissolved, the world,& consequently all common wealths( as well, as all other worldly things) must needs fall to ruin, and utterly perish: the which I showed specially in the first, second, and third chapter.  
3 Secondlie, I proved the necessity of religion in common wealth, by a more particular consideration of the proper end, and felicity, as well of common wealth, as of all mankind in general, and of every particular man, proving their felicity to be all one, and to consist in union with God, which is obtained by religion. And this I performed in the 4. and 5. chapter, confirming it with the doctrine as well of the ancient philosophers, as of our divines, whereby I clearly deduced, not only the necessity, but also the supereminent dignity of religion in common wealth, yea& that it must needs be the true rule, and touchstone by the which all policy is to be tried,& examined. And by the way, I briefly proved the natural subordination of the civil societi●( that is to say of common wealth) to the religious, or ecclesiastical society( which is the church) by the same reason& law of nature, th●● the body is subordinat, and subject to the soul, earth to heaven, h●mane things to divine, and man to God, by all which I convinced th● politics of absurdity, error, ignorance,& impiety, in that they pe●uert the course of nature, preferring their false reason of state befo●● religion, and this I specially debated in the 6. chapter.  
4 thirdly I descended from the consideration of religion in genera●● to the discussion, what religion in particular is the end, and felicity 〈◇〉 common wealth. And for as much, as there haue benne in the world and yet are, 4. several religions professed( all which, at least, bear th● name of religion) to wit paganism, mahometism, judaism,& the christian religion, I discussed which of them is most convenient for state, an● proved that the christian religion is truly political, not only because the other three are most absurd,& ridiculous in themselves,& in man respects pernicious to common wealth( breeding contempt of religion atheism, 'vice,& all corruption of manners) but also because th● christian religion being the law of grace, hath the only means to reform mens manners, to repress 'vice, to plant virtue, and to vnit● man& common wealth with God( wherein consisteth their true felicity) and that therefore the same, is conform as well to true reaso● of state, as to the verity of true religion.  
5 And to the end this might more clearly appear, I discoursed amply, as well of the admirable effects of christian religion in the conversion of sinners, and the reformation of mens manners, as also of th● unspeakable dignity, and excellency of christian contemplation, an● of the practise thereof, where by the soul of man is most admirabli● united with God,& man beautified, or made happy even in this life▪ And all this I treated from the 6. chapter, to the 25. And by the way, 〈◇〉 not only showed how the providence of God in conserving the empire of the Romans, concurred with his iustice in punishing the same throughout the course of the Roman history( whiles their commo● wealth and empire was pagan) but also I answered certain friuolou● objections of macchiavel against christian religion, namely in the 24 chapter, where I discovered his absurd ignorance, and malicious impiety.  
6 Fourthly, whereas christian religion is, now at this day, diuersli● professed in diuers parts,& countries of christendom, as by catholics Lutherans, Caluinists, Anabaptists, and many other sectaries( in which ●espect it may seem doubtful to some which of these professions are ●ost conform not only to the verity of religion, but also to reason of ●ate) I haue therefore from the 24. chapter hitherto proved, that the ●atholike Roman religion is truly political,& giveth true happiness ●o man,& common wealth, and that the professions of the sectaries(& ●articularly lutheranism,& Caluinisme) are most absurd, in respect as ●ell of true policy,& reason of state, as of the verity of christian religion. And to this end I proved, that the catholic Roman religion ●nly, hath the true imitation of Christ, the perfect practise of the E●angelicall counsels,& consequently the highest degree of christian ●erfection, union with God, and the true felicity of man, and common wealth: and that on the other side, the aduersaries of the catholic religion, and Roman church, haue none of these at all,& consequently ●either the true felicity of man,& common wealth, nor the verity of ●hristian religion.  
● And this, I hope, I haue made clear, not only by the holly Scri●tures, and the ancient Fathers, but also by all the external and evident ●●gnes, that almighty God hath at any time used to show his internal ●nion with his seruants, which I haue evidently proved, to be most manifest in the catholics of these dayes, as they also were in the saints,& holly men of the primitive church, and of all the ensuing ages until ●his time, whereas I haue also showed, on the other side, that the se●taries haue no participation at all of such divine favours, nor any ex●ernal signs, of Gods internal union with them.  
● Lastly I haue proved my intent in like manner, by the doctrine and ●ruits of both religions, having showed evidently in ten points of ●ontrouersie, that the catholic Roman religion delivereth the true means to mortify the flesh, to restrain the violence of the passions, ●o practise all virtues, to obtain Gods grace,& consequently to make ●appy, as well the whole common wealth, as every member thereof. And that on the other side, the religion of the Sectaries, namely of Lu●her,& Caluin, doth not only teach diuers absurd, impious,& blasphe●ous opinions and heresies, but also that it is an Epicurien doctrine, tea●hing all liberty of the flesh, fostering,& feeding sensuality, withdrawing all men from virtue, and dryuing them headlong to 'vice, and ●inne, to the ruin, as well of the whole common wealth, as of every particular man that professeth it. And this I haue amply declared, as well in the 30. chapter( where I treated of the evangelical counsel of chastity, and laid down the absurd, and licentious doctrine of the Sectaries, with their loose, and lewd lives) as also in the two last chapters, where of I hope, good Reader, the contents are yet fresh in thy memory, that I shall not need to trouble thee with a further recapitulation thereof, and therefore I will now proceed draw some considerations out of all the premises, for thy further ●●tisfaction.  
9 The first consideration shalbe, that seeing I haue sufficiently pr●ued that the end, and felicity of man, and common wealth, consiste● in union with God, it infinitely importeth every man( be he private, 〈◇〉 public person) seriously to ponder, and weigh specially two thin● The one, the worth& value of this end: The other by what me●nes, and by whom the same is obtained. And therefore to say so●● what briefly of both points, and first of the former: What is the●● in the world that can haue any kind of comparison therewith, wh●ther we respect honour,& glory, profit, and benefit, or else pleasure sweetness,& delight? Is there any honour,& glory in the world co●parable to that which we receive by our union with God?  
10 For put the case, that a man were the greatest friend, mignion, favourite of the greatest prince in the world, what were that in respe●● of friendship, and union with almighty God, who is Lord, of Lord king of kings, and the author and giver of all true honour, glory, 〈◇〉 happiness? 
S. Bern. ser. 17. in psalm. qui habitat.  Where upon S. Bernard saith. Quam miseri sumus &c. Ho● wretched are we, that hunt after the glory which we haue one of an other, an● neglect that which is only of God, and hath continuance, yea& replenisheth,& filleth the soul with true contentment,& delight? Where as the other d●pending only on the vain conceits of men, is not only mixed with inf●nit corosiues,& disgusts, but also subject to so many dangers, cross checks,& changes, by practices of enemies, ielosies, suspicions, the inconstancy, and mutability of the princes themselves, that it is man● times sooner lost then had, and endeth very oft with lamentable disgrace, and remediless ruin.  
11 besides that, if we consider what true honour& glory is, as that i● is nothing else, 
Cicero Tusculan. q. li. 3.  but the public voice( as Cicero saith) of men, which judg● well and truly of excellent virtue, it is evident that where there is not solid, and true virtue( which cannot be had without union with God there can be no true honour,& glory, though mens titles, favours power,& pomp be never so great: in which respect the glory o● wicked men, is worthily termed in the holly scriptures, stercus,& vermis, 
1. Macha. 2.  dung,& worms, being like to the glow-worm, or to a kind o● rotten wood, which shineth in the dark,& being brought, to the light appeareth to bee nothing else, but filth, and putrefaction: And eue● so and honour, and glory of the world seem never so glorious in the ●●rrupt iudgement of worldly men( whose reason is obscured, and ●●rkned with error,& passion) yet being viewed and considered ●ith a clear understanding, illuminated with Gods grace, it pre●●ntly discovereth the abjection,& baseness of itself, as that it is ●othing else in verity, but a most miserable seruitud and bondage, ●asked with a vain, and false opinion of honour, and glory: for ●ho is such a slave, or so infamous, as he that is tiranised by his ●●ne passions, by the devil, and sin, as all worldlings, and wicked men are, be they never so honourable,& glorious in the sight of ●en?  
●● Whereas he that is united with almighty God,& thereby not ●nly his familiar friend, and favourite, 
1. Cor. 6.  but also vnus spiritus( as the apostle saith) one spirit with him, is truly honourable, and glorious, ●●iumphing over the devil his own passions, and sin, contemning ●ll the vanities of the world, and becoming even in this life, a ●eauenly and divine creature, as I haue declared sufficiently in my ●●act of contemplation: and therefore such a one, I say, is truly ●onorable, how abject soever he seem to worldly men. The due ●onsideration whereof, hath moved those wise, potent, and worthy Emperours, kings, and princes( of whom I haue spoken be●●re) to reject, and renounce all their earthly glory, power, and ●ominion, to the end they might the more assuredly and freely, ●nioye this other honour consisting in perfect union with God, ●ith out the which, they worthily esteemed all worldly honour, ●o be no better then base bondage, and seruitud: Whereas on the ●ther side, all worldly contempt is to him that is truly united ●ith God, the highest, and truest honour,& glory that may be, ●eing that which our saviour Christ, the king of glory, choose for himself,& for his dearest friends: whom by that means he glo●ifieth, not only eternally in heaven, but also temporallie even here ●n earth.  
●3 This may appear, both by the great respect, and reverence which ●he greatest princes haue in all ages and times born to holly men, ●hiles they lived) though in the eye of the world they were other●ayse most contemptible) and much more by the honour donne to them after their deaths, on their feastiual dayes,& by the i●●●nit miracles that haue benne from time to time and yet are wrou●● at their monuments,& memories, which are more triumphant then 〈◇〉 thrones,& trophies of all earthly potentates, kings,& emperours, w● become their suppliants, crouching,& kneeling unto them, and re●●rencing every little rag, or relic of them; so honourable,& glorious e●● in this world is he, who contemneth worldly honour,& glory for 〈◇〉 love of God, to the end he may be united with him, and therefore t●● psalmist saith of such. 
Psal. 138.  Mihi autem nimis honorificati sunt amici tui deus& They friends, o God, ar to me very honourable, and their principality is very stro●● or potent: and our saviour also himself said of his seruants. Si quis m●● ministrauerit, 
joan. 12.  &c. Who soever shall serve me, my Father which is in heau●● will honour him, or make him honourable. And finally, of such a one t●● wise man saith in ecclesiasticus. 
Eccli. 39.  Collaudabunt multi sapientiam eius &c. M●● shall praise his wisdom, and it shall never be abolished, the memory of him sh●●● never fail,& his name shall be required or sought after from generation 〈◇〉 generation, nations,& people shall speak of his wisdom,& the church sh●●● show forth, or declare his praise.  
14 nevertheless I wish it here to be noted, that I do not so separa●● these two kinds of honours, spiritual,& temporal( I mean by spi●●●ual, that which consisteth only in mans union with God, and contem●● of the world) as though they were incompatible, or could not sta●● together, but to show how they are truly to be distinguished,& ho● they may concur,& which of them is to be preferred: for there is i● doubt but temporal honours,& dignities are the gifts of God,& bei●● well used,& referred to Gods glory, as to their end, may not only we●● stand with mans union with God, but also may some way be the frui●●& effects thereof, as when almighty God bestoweth temporal honou●● upon his seruants, or conserveth them in honour,& dignity, for h●● own greater glory,& service: which may be exemplified in all tho●● famous,& holly emperours, kings,& Princes, which haue benne either canonized by the church for saints, or otherwaise known to be grea● seruants of God, though they still retained their dignity,& states unt● their deaths, whose temporal honours receiving solidity,& stabilit● by their union with God, haue made their famed no less memorable 〈◇〉 all posterity, then their souls are,& ever shall be glorious in heaue● so that they may be counted truly honourable.  
15 Whereas infinite other wicked princes, though no less potent i● temporal dominion then they, yet are either butted in perpetual obl●uion, or else remain more infamous for their vices, then famous, or memorable for their power, and dignity, whiles also their souls are plun●ed in to the perpetual misery of everlasting damnation, and therefore ●f such the book of wisdom testifieth, that. Illos deridebit Deus &c. 
Sap. 4.  ●●d will deride them, and they shall fall with out honour, and be a very contu●ely, or shane amongst the dead for ever. Whereby it appeareth that true ●onour, whether we respect it, as it is temporal only in this life, or as it 〈◇〉 eternal, proceedeth from mans union with God.  
●6 The like also is to be said of benefit, or profit, which if it be con●●dered as it availeth, or helpeth to the true felicity or happiness of man, ●an grow from no other roote, but the blessing of almighty God the ●eeuer of all true happiness( who as Aristotle himself teacheth) doth ●peciallie love, benefit,& cherish those, 
Arist. eth. li. 10.  which are most united with ●im, whom therefore, he concludeth to be most happy, as I haue signi●●ed diuers times before: besides that if we take benefit, and profit to ●onsist in wealth,& witches, is there any so rich,& wealthy, as he that en●oyeth God, who is all in all, and giveth also abundance of wealth,& ●ll kind of temporal commodities to his friends,& seruants, when it is convenient for them? In which respect the psalmist saith. divites ●gue●●●t,& esurierunt, &c. rich men haue wanted, and benne hungry, 
Psal. 33.  but those which seek God shall want no good, that is to say, not so much as any temporal good, when it is not prejudicial to their everlasting good.  
17 Therfore we see that God hath blessed many of his seruants in all times, even with temporal wealth, to the end they may by the good use thereof serve,& glorify him, do good to others, and consequently increase their own merit: though otherwaise when he seeth in his devi●e providence, that the same would hinder the salvation of their souls, he either doth not give it them, or mercifully depriveth them of it, even for their benefit: for as our saviour himself, most deuinelie said. Quid prodest homini &c. What doth it profit a man to gain all the world, 
Matth. 16.  if he loose his soul. In which case witches are so far from being profitable, or beneficial, that they are most pernicious, being, as Salomon saith. 
Eccles. 5.  Conseruatae in malum Domini. conserved, or kept to the hurt of their master,& possessor, whereof also S. james admonisheth us, saying, 
jac. 5.  your gold and silver is rusted, and their rust, shalbe a testimony to you, and shall eat your flesh like fire.  
18 Furthermore it is evident that al the benefit,& profit that groweth of worldly wealth,& witches, proceedeth of the good use thereof, for, as the comical poet saith, the goods of fortune ar good, or bad, 
Terenc.  according to the mind of him, that possesseth them: Quae uti scit, illi bona, illi, qui non utitur recte, mala: they are good, or beneficial to him that useth them well, but to him that abuseth them they are pernicious, Whereof we daily see the experience in tho●● who use their own goods,& wealth, no otherwise then as knives 〈◇〉 cut their own throats, purchasing to themselves thereby, nothing else b● infamy, hatred,& destruction both temporal,& eternal. And therefore seeing the good use of all things in this world, principally depende●● on Gods grace,& direction( which inseparably accompanieth h●● union with man) it is manifest that all temporal goods,& commoditi●● are most beneficial,& profitable to those who are united with God.  
19 And what need I speak of the incomparable pleasure,& delight th●● mans union with God doth yield him, I mean such a union,& in such degree, as I require to the felicity of man in this life; whereby he liveth& persevereth in the grace, favor,& friendship of God, free from the tyranny of the devil,& mortal sin, enjoying true repose& peace of conscience, cōmanding his own passions,& affections, contēning the world& al the vanities thereof, abounding in fervour of soul, swimming, as may say, in a sea of sweetness, ioy,& exultation in the love of God:& f●nally participating now& then of those extraordinary visitations, an● divine consolations which almighty God, out of his infinite bounty, i● wont even in this life to impart sometimes to his dearest seruants, an● friends, whom( as we red in the canticles) he leadeth. In cellam vinariam● In to his wine cellars, where inebriantur ab vbertate domus Dei, they are, ou● of the plenty of Gods house, 
Cant. 1.& 2. Psal. 35. Ibid.  made drōk as it were, with an inundation& torrent,( as the psalmist saith) of heavenly pleasure& delight, having even in this our mortal& miserable state, a true taste, or assay, of immortality,& eternal felicity? what need I, I say, treat further of this, in thi● place seeing that I haue most amply discoursed vpon the same in diuer● parts of this treatise, not only out of the doctrine of our christian divines, confirming it by the examples of holly men in all ages,& times, bu● also out of the opinion even of the philosophers themselves, who though for want of Gods grace,& true union with him, they could never arrive to the experience of the true pleasure,& delectation of it, ye● saw by reason,& seriously taught, that all earthly delights,& contentments, are but as it were, trash,& trumpery in respect thereof, for which cause they placed therein the end, and felicity of man in this life, no less then the wisest,& most learned christians do.  
20 Therfore I conclude, that whether we respect honour, profit, or pleasure, nothing in this world is comparable to mans union with God, in which respect the Psalmist saith. Quid mihi est in caelo,& à te quid volui supper terram &c. what is there for me in heaven, or what would I haue of thee, o Lord, upon th● earth? 
Psal. 72.  my flesh,& my hart haue fainted, or failed in me, for the fervent desire I haue to be united with thee. Deus cordis mei pars mea Deus in aeternum. Thou, o Lord, who art the God of my hart, shalt be my part, or portion for ever: for those which go away from thee shall perish,& thou destroyest all those who following their ●wne lusts,& desires, do divide themselves from thee,& therfore, mihi adhaerere Deo bonum est &c. It is good for me to be united with God,& to put my hope in him. Th{us} said this royal prophet, who though he abounded in all worldly honour, wealth, power,& prosperity, yet placed his delight,& felicity in nothing but in his union with almighty God: which the Apostle also signi●●ed of himself when he said. Omnia arbitror vt stercora, 
Philip. 3.  vt Christum lucrifaciam. I hold all things to be no better then dung, to the end I may gain Christ.  
21 And of this union with God, S. Bernard saith notably thus: 
S. Bern. de diligendo Deo S. Fel●● qui.  caro& sanguis, vas luteum quando &c. when is our flesh& blood, our vessel of day partaker of this? mary, when the soul feeleth in itself such affection, that it is drunk with a divine love, and forgetting wholly itself, becometh as a lost,& broken vessel to itself,& passeth wholly into God,& adhering, or cleaving fast to him, 〈◇〉 made one spirit with him, saying with the psalmist, my flesh, and my hart haue failed. Thou o Lord who art the God of my hart shalt be my part, or portion for ever:& I will count him, saith S. Bernard, a happy,& holly man, whosoever he is, to whom God hath granted the experience of this, in this mortal life, though it be but seldom, yea but once,& that for never so short a time, even for one minute of an hour. Thus saith this holly& contemplative Father, of the ineffable worth,& delectation of mans union with God.  
22 This thē is that vnum which, as our saviour said to Martha, 
luke 10.  is absolutely necessary, for that all other things do by their, multiplicity, rather distracted, thē delight, rather deuid then unite, rather encumber, then comefort: This is that margarit, or precious ston, which the wise negotiatour, 
Matth. 13.  or merchant seeketh,& finding it, giveth all he hath to buy it: this is that inestimable sweetness, whereto the royal Prophet inviteth us, saying. Gustate& videte quoniam suauis est Dominus. taste and see, for our lord is sweet: 
Psal. 33.  whereof the wise man also speaketh, when treating of a devout soul, under the parable of a wise,& valiant woman, he saith. Gustauit,& vidit, 
provver. 31.  quòd bona est negotiatio eius. She tasted,& saw, that she had made a good bargain. For so incomparable is the value of this union with God, that no man can conceive it, but he that possesseth it,& therfore when S. Peter enjoyed it vpon the mount with our saviour, he said, bonum est nos hic esse, 
Matth. 17.  it is good for us to remain here: This is the goal whereto every man ought to run,& the mark whereat we all ought to shute, the treasure of treasures, the fountain of all true honour, benefit, and pleasure, the heavenly reward of all our earthly labours, heaven on earth, and eternal happiness in heaven: finally, this is the end wherero all mankind was ordained, and consequently the true felicity of man, 〈◇〉 common wealth. And therefore I leave it to the consideration of an● man, who tendereth,& desireth his own good, how much it importe●● him to seek,& procure it by all possible means,& what an extreme folly it is, to prefer any worldly honour, profit, or pleasure before i● Thus much concerning, the worth and value of the end of man consisting in his union with God.  
23 And now to say some what also of the other point, to wit, of th● means how it is to be obtained,& who they are that arrive unto it, ● haue made it manifest, as I think, through out all this discourse, tha● the only means to attain to this end,& true felicity, is the christian religion, wherein the true imitation of our saviour Christ i● taught,& practised, by a perfect abnegation of ourselves, the mortif●cation of the flesh, and the exercise of all virtue: so that it is not to b● understood that all those which profess, and hold the christian faith arrive to this felicity, but those only who practise the same in perfection, as I haue showed amply in the 22.& 25. chapters, where I hau● also declared, that although the highest perfection of Christian religion, consisteth in the perfect imitation of our saviour Christ, by th● observation of the evangelical counsels( which in their highest perfection, are not compatible with the profession of secular men, such 〈◇〉 mean as are married,& haue propriety in goods, lands, or possessions yet every christian man professing any lawful state, or condition of life may be a perfect contemplative,& united with God in great perfection, which I exemplified in many kings,& princes, who albeit they flowed in wealth, honour,& prosperity, yet were of such rare virtue mortification,& contemplation, that they were hyghly favoured by almighty God, not only with internal graces,& virtues, but also with external,& evident signs of his internal union with them.  
24 And this, I say, I haue sufficiently signified before: And therfore for as much as there are three sorts of christians, who never arrive to that happy union with God in this life whereof I treat here, I think good first to say some what of them, as well because the due consideration thereof, seemeth to me very necessary,& important for every christian man, as also because the same being declared, it will more clearly appear, who they ar that do attain thereto.  
25 The first sort of those, whom I exclude from it, ar such, as believing all that which the christian religion teacheth,& being free from all heresy, or error in matter of faith, do nevertheless wholly abandon and give over themselves to the world, the flesh,& the devil, in such sort that they haue no more practise of christian precepts for good life, then ●he very worst sort of heretics, or infidels haue.  
●6 These are they, whom our saviour himself compared to one, 
Matth. 22.  ●ho being invited to the banquet of the great king, at the marriage of ●is son, sate down amongst the rest, without his wedding garment that is to say with out charity) whom therefore the king comaun●ed to be taken,& bound hand and foot, and cast in to the exterior ●arknes. ubi est fletus,& stridor dentium. Where there is weeping, wailing, 
Ibid.  ●nd gnashing of teeth.  
●7 These are they of whom the Apostle spake, 
Galat. 5.  when having re●ommended that faith which worketh by charity, and afterwards declared the works of the flesh, he concluded that, qui talia agunt, regnum Dei ●●n consequentur. Those which do such works, as these, shall not obtain the kingdom of God. finally, these are they of whom I spooke in the last chapter, who not brooking the restraint of catholic religion, but hunting after a licentious liberty, do many times become Lutherans, Caluinists, yea Turks, or Infidels: and therefore these are so far from all union with God, that they are rather members of the devil, 
1. Cor. 13.  not with standing their faith, though it be never so great, yea able to remove mountaines, as the Apostle witnesseth.  
28 The second sort of christians which do not arrive to this union, is of those, who though they are not altogether careless of their lives, but willing to serve God, and to save their souls, yet their care,& diligence commonly extendeth no further, then to conserve themselves in one state, with out seeking to profit, or proceed in virtue, and true mortification: and therefore, where as there are three degrees of good Christians, the first of beginners, the second of such as profit in the way of virtue, and the third of those which arrive to perfection( to which three sorts of men, I applied the three waise of contemplation, whereof I haue amply treated before, to wit, the purgative, the illuminative,& the vnitiue way) these of whom I now treat, are to be ranked with the first sort, to wit, with beginners who never pass further then the purgative way.  
29 For, al be it they do many good deeds, and are now& then, yea perhaps for the most part, in the state of grace,& consequently united with God in some degree, yet for as much as their fall into mortal sins, is also frequent, whereby they loose all union with God, and become his enemies for the time( I mean until they rise again) therefore such men, using no other endeavour, then only to rise when they are fallen,& rather to purge,& cleanse themselves from sin, then to furnish and adorn themselves with virtue( serving God rather for fear, th● for love,& loving him so, that they may also love the world with a such, I say, are so far from being partakers of that happy union wi●● God( wherein I place the felicity of man in this life) that they are more danger daily to fall clean a way from him, and to loose his gra● altogether, then to receive those favours which he bestoweth vpp●● his dear seruants, and friends, who live in continual mortification 〈◇〉 the flesh, contemning, and hating the world, yea themselves for t●● love of him, whom therefore he worthily loveth cherisheth,& ●●pouseth, communicating himself unto them in such sort, as I haue ●●gnified a little before, 
Chap. 21.  and much more at large when I treated of christian contemplation, and of the admirable effects thereof.  
30 Therefore I wish these kind of men for their own special goo● to consider, how far they are from performing the obligation, a●● duty of perfect christians, which what it is I showed amply in the 2● chapter, out of our saviours own doctrine of the 8. christian beatitud● and his other admirable precepts of poverty of spirit, 
Matth. 5.  mansuetud, patienc● the love of our enemies; contempt of the world abnegation of ourselves, and th● continual carriage of our cross, in imitation of him, from the which no ma● professing the faith of christ is exempted, as I declared at large in th● place above mentioned, where upon it followeth, that seeing all the● virtues are most necessary to the true imitation of Christ, and that no man can in this life arrive to such perfection therein, but that he ought to endeavour to be more perfect( in which respect S. John saith in th● apocalypse. 
Apoc. 22. S. Bern. ep. 253.  Qui justus est justificetur adhuc: he which is just, let him be justify still, And S. Bernard: Numquam justus arbitratur se comprehendisse &c. Th● just man neuerthinketh he hath comprehended, he never saith he hat● enough, he is alwaise hungry,& thirsteth alwaise after iustice, so that i● he should live ever, he would ever strive to be juster, and endeavour wit● all his force to proceed from good to better: for that he is not boun● to the service of God for a year, or for a certain time, like a hireling but for ever:) here upon, I say, it followeth, that those which contemn themselves to arrive but to a certain degree of virtue,& do not seek● daily to increase, and profit therein, do not perform the duty of perfect christians.  
31 This may further appear in the royal prophet, who foretold th● continual progress that christians should make in virtue through the grace of Christ, 
Psal. 83.  their law maker: etenim benedictionem, saith he, dabit legislator &c. For their law maker shall give them, his benediction, or grace, they shall go from virtue to virtue,& so the God of Gods in Sion shall be seen.  
32 This is also signified in many places of scripture, where we are ex●orted to virtue, by words importing motion,& proceeding, or going ●orward, as to go, to comme, to walk, to run: Qui vult venire post me, 
luke. 9.  saith ●our saviour, he which will come after me, let him deny himself, and ●ake up his cross, and follow me: signifying that he which will be 〈◇〉 perfect christian& follower of Christ, must stil go forward in the ●mitation of Christ, that is to say, never stand at a stay: Ambulate ●aith he also, dum lucem habetis, walk whiles you haue light:& S. John, 
joan 12. 1. joan. 2.  ●o the same purpose, saith that he which saith he remaineth in Christ, ●●ught to walk, as be walked.  
●● In like manner the Apostle useth the same manner of speech very ●●ft, exhorting us, to walk in the newness of life, 
Rom. 6. Ephes. 4. 1 Thes. 4.  to walk worthy of our vo●●tion,& to walk worthy of God, which he expoundeth to the Thessalo●ians, saying. We pray,& beseech you, that as you haue received of us, how 〈◇〉 ought to walk,& please God▪ sic& ambuletis, vt abundetis magis: you walk 〈◇〉, that you may abound more. And again to the Colossians more plainly: We do not cease saith he, praying for you, vt ambuletis dignè Deo, per omnia ●lacentes, in omni opere bono fructificantes,& crescentes in scientia Dei. 
Colos. 1.  That you ●ay walk worthy of God, in all things pleasing, fructifying in every good woor●●,& increasing in the knowledge of God &c. giving to understand, that ●hen we walk worthy of God,& our vocation to the faith of Christ, when we go forward,& proceed still fructifying,& increasing in good works,& the knowledge of God.  
●4 Therefore S. Augustin saith, Quid est ambulare? &c. 
S. Aug. de verb. Aposto. ser. 15. c. 15.  What is it to walk, I say briefly, it is to profit, lest perhaps you do not understand it,& walk more slowly then you should do. So he.  
●5 This also the Apostle expresseth yet more fully to the Corinthians, comparing the course of a christian mans life, to a race wherein we are ●o run continually until we arrive at the goal: An nescitis, saith he, quod hi qui in stadio currunt &c. do ye not know that those which run in the race do all run,& yet but one winneth the prise? therefore so run that you may obtain.  
●6 Here upon S. Bernard maketh a notable discourse, 
Sanctus Bernard ubi supra.  which I think good to set down here, though it be some what long, for it containeth most excellent doctrine concerning this matter. Ibi tu christian, saith ●he, fige tui cursus profectusque metam &c. O Christian, fix thou the bounds of thy course& progress there, where Christ fixed, and settled his, who became obedient even until death: therefore how much, or how well soever thou runnest, if thou do not run until death, thou canst not reach, or arrive at the goal,& win the prise, which is Christ: for if whiles he runs, thou standest still, thou dost not co●● near to him, but goest further from him,& therefore art to fear th●● which david said. Ecce qui elongant se a te peribunt: Behold all those whi●● do separat themselves from thee, o Lord, shall perish: therefore if to proffi● or go forward in virtue be to run, thou ceasest there to run, whe● thou dost cease to profit,& where thou beginnest no longer to runn● there thou beginnest to faint,& fail: where upon it is evidently 〈◇〉 be gathered, that noll. proficere, non nisi deficere est, not to seek to profit, is n●thing else but to fail, or decay. jacob saw the ladder& angels upon i● of whom none appeared resting, or standing still, but all of the● either going up, or coming down, to the end we may plainly understand that in the state of this our mortal life, there is no mean to b● found betwixt proffiting& decaying, but that as our bodies are alwai●● either increasing, or decreasing, so also of necessity our spirit, or soul doth either profit or decay.  
37 Thus far S. Bernard, who also else where saith further thus. Quis● quis in schola Christi non proficit &c. whosoever doth not profit, or go● forward in the school of Christ, 
Idem ep. 341.  he is unworthy of such a master especially seeing our case is such, that nothing remaineth in one state& therefore let no man say unto me, I will remain as I ame, it suffiset● me to be this day, as I was yesterday: for such a one sitteth down in the way, and stayeth upon the ladder, where jacob the patriarch saw● none but those, which either went up, or came down, and therefore 〈◇〉 say, 
1. Cor. 10.  qui existimat se stare, videat ne cadat, he which thinks that he standeth, le● him take heed lest he fall: the way is hard, and narrow, and the many mansions, or resting places( where of our saviour spake) are not here but in the house of his Father: 
joan. 14.  therefore he which saith that he remaines, or rests in Christ, ought to walk as Christ walked, for Christ, as th● evangelist witnesseth, 
1. joan. 2. luke. 2. Psalm. 18.  increased, and profited in wisdom,& age,& grace, both before God and men, therefore he restend not, said exultauit vt gigas, ad currendam viam suam, but exulted like a giant to run his course,& so also we, if we be not mad, will run after him.  
38 Thus he and addeth further after a while: let us be moved hereto with the example of our own secular desires, for when do we ever see an ambitious man content himself with the dignities that he hath got, and not aspire to higher? Or when is the curious mans eye, and ear satisfied? And what shall I say of covetous, and voluptuous men, or of those that hunt after vain praise? do not their insatiable desires argue us of negligence, and tepiditie? Therefore let us hold it for an● infamous thing to be less desirous of spiritual goods, then they are of temporal: and let a soul that is converted to God be a shamed to seek righteousness with less affection, then it sought iniquity,& sin, 
Rom. 6.  seeing that the reward of sin is death, and the fruit of the spirit is life everlasting: In which respect we may be a shamed, to go now more negligentlie towards life, then before we went towards death, and now to seek the increase of our salvation with less diligence, then before we sought to augment our perdition, and damnation, wherein we shall be altogether inexcusable, considering that the faster we run in the way of life, the more easily we run, and the greater that the light burden of our saviour is, the more portable it is: do not the very number of feathers, rather ease, and lift up the birds that bear them, then burden, or depress them? For take the feathers away, and the rest of the body falleth down to the ground: even so also the light burden, the sweet yoke,& discipline of Christ, doth rather bear us, then is born by us, in so much that in laying it a side, we presently fall to the ground.  
39 Thus saith this holly, and devout Father: which is right worthy to be duly considered of every christian man( of what condition vocation, or state, or of what perfection soever he be) but specially of those, of whom I treat principally at this present, I mean such idle, slothful,& vnproffitable seruants, as do not continually employ the talents, which their Lord, and master hath geeuen them to be put to use, and increase,& therfore they may well fear, that when the dreadful day of account, and reckoning shall come, they shal( as our saviour himself testified of such) be worthily, cast in to the exterior darkness, 
Matth. 25.  where there is weeping, and gnasshing of teeth.  
40 For if the justest, and most perfect man, be bound still to tend to perfection, 
ubi supra. S. Bernard serm. 2. de purificatio. B. Virg.  or otherways fainteth( as S. Bernard saith) and faileth in the course of christian life, or rather( as he saith in an other place) goeth backward, for non progredi in via vitae, saith he, regredi est, not to go forward, in the way of life is to go back ward. And if the Apostle himself, who gloried in nothing but in the cross of Christ,& was crucified,& wholly dead to the world, and therefore had already obtained an incomparable perfection of virtue, yet did not think that he might stay his course there, but saith? Fratres, ego me non arbitror comprehendisse &c. 
Philip. 3.  Brethren I do not think that I haue comprehended, yet one thing: forgetting the things which are behind,& extending myself to those that are before, I do still prosecut my course towards the mark: If he, I say, not only said this of himself, but also seriously advised it to all others, how perfect soever they be( adding, Quicunque ergo perfecti sumus, hoc sentiamus, 
Ibid.  let us therefore as many of us, as are perfect think, or persuade ourselves thus) what shal we say of those who so little care for perfection of virtue, that the● either sit down, and rest in the beginning of their race, or go on step forward,& two or three backward, and get no ground of th● enemy, but rather run round about,( as the psalmist saith of wicke● men, 
Psal. 11.  Impij in circuitu ambulant, wicked men walk in a circled as in a labi●rinth or a maze, ore else being entred in to the christian combat against such subtle, and potent enemies( as are the world, the flesh, and the devil,) they fight so lasilie,& cowardly, that they continually receiu● many mortal wounds of them? Can such ever hope to arrive at th● goal, to win the prise, or to get the victory, and crown, which i● reserved for those that persever to the end, consummat their course and fight man fully in the mean time? Nay, may not such cowardli● soldiers rather justly fear, that they shall not only loose the croun● of everlasting life, which they might haue gained, but also die eternalie of the deadly wounds, which they receive oft times, if Go● do not extend extraordinary mercy towards them?  
41 And whereas, men are most commonly the more negligent in this behalf, for that they presume over much, either of themselves, o● else of Gods mercy, I will briefly touch both kinds of presumptions, following S. Bernard in his notable treatise upon the psalm. 
S. Bernard in psal. qui habitat &c. Ser. 1.  Qui habitat in adiutorio altissimi, &c. where he excludeth from Gods help,& protection three sorts of men: The first are those( saith S. Bernard) that do not hope: The second, those that despair: And the third, those that hope in vain: of which three, the first,& last are those of whom I am to speak at this present.  

S. Bernard. in psal. qui habitat in adiutorio. Ser. 1.  42 Of the first, S. Bernard saith, that there are some which may well be said not to hope in God, because they confided in themselves, who having had, saith he, great fervour in devotion, in watching, in fasting, and such like, or perhaps stored themselves( as it seemeth to them) with the witches of many merits, become so confident therein, that they grow remiss, and slacken in the fear of God,& being drawn away with pernicious security, do decline to idleness, and curiosities, and so by degrees fall at last in to grievous sins: These, saith S. Bernard, 
Ibidem.  do not dwell in the help of the highest, neither do hope in him, because they trust to themselves, where as they ought so much the more to fear, and to be the more solicitous, and careful, by how much greater the gifts,, and graces are which they haue received.  
43 And therefore, he which is timorous, careful, and fervorous for a while, until he haue made some good progress in virtue,& haue had some taste of Gods goodness, and then groweth more could, and careless when his care, and fervour should increase: such a one, saith S. Bernard, 
Ibid.  ●ealeth no otherwaise, then as if he should say, what need I now serve God ●ny longer, seeing I haue that already which he was to give me: But, o si scires, with he, quàm parum est quod habes &c. o I would thou knewest, how little it which thou hast, and how soon thou shalt loose it, if he who gave it thee, do 〈◇〉 conserve it in thee: And after a while admonishing these kind of ●en of their folly, and danger, in that they make not their habitation▪ 〈◇〉 God, but in their own merits,& strength, he saith. Quid stultius est& c? What greater folly is there then to dwell in a house that is yet scant ●egunne? dost thou think that thou hast made an end? At cum con●mmauerit homo( saith the scripture) tunc incipit, 
Eccles. 18.  when a man hath made 〈◇〉 end, then he begins. finally, it is a very ruinous habitation, or ●ouse which hath more need to be vnder-propped, and upholden, ●hen inhabited.  
●4 Thus discourseth S. Bernard elegantly, to move those, which ●ave begun well,& received store of Gods gifts, and graces, not to ●resume so much on their own strength, and merits, as to slack their ●ormer care, and endeavour( as though they had any goodness of themselves, or could conserve it with out Gods grace, who gave it them) but ●till to proceed and go forward with humility, diligence, and fer●our, acknowledging alwaise their own infirmity,& whence is all ●heir strength, and sufficiency, and to work their salvation, 
Philip. 2.  as the Apostle ●duiseth, with fear, and trembling, remembering also his other admonition. Qui existimat se stare, videat ne cadat: he which thinks that he standeth, 
1. Cor. 10.  ●et him take heed lest he fall: And finally to practise carefully our sa●iours important precept, vigilate,& orate, ne intretis in tentationem, watch, 
Matth. 26. S. Bern. in psal. qui habitat. Philip. 3.  and pray, lest you enter into temptation, for, as S. Bernard saith, magna vir●●● est,& summa securitas &c. It is a great virtue, and the highest or ●heefe security to live well, and yet to be more attent to what thou ●antest, then what thou seemest to haue got, fogetting those things which are behind,& extending thyself to those, which are before. Thus much concerning those which presume of themselves, and therefore do not hope in God.  
●5 The other sort of presumptuous men, is, of those which hope in ●od( faith S. Bernard,) but in vain, because they do so flatter themselves with the confidence, or rather presumption of his mercy, that ●hey are the less careful to avoid sin: And against these, saith he, 
Idem. Ibid.  the prophet pronounceth, maledictus homo qui peccat in spe, cur●ed is the man, who ●●nneth in hope: so he, and after a while he addeth further, that he hopes 〈◇〉 vain, who by contempt rejecteth Gods grace, and by that means doth euacuat, and frustrat his own hope: and finally he concludeth, that those kind men, dwell not in the help of the highest, but in their own sin. Thus te●cheth this holly Father.  
46 Such therefore are to consider, that God is no less just, then me●cifull, and that as he extendeth his mercy to some, so also he execute● his iustice upon others, forsaking many( most justly no doubt) for the negligence: And therefore seeing no man knoweth whether God wi●● extend mercy, or iustice towards him: and that every man may iust●● fear, that the more negligent he is, in hope of Gods mercy, the mo●● he abuseth the same, and deserveth the rigour of his iustice, is it not extreme folly in men by their negligence, to put in hazard their eterna●● salvation, 
S. Bern. in psal. qui habitat in adiutorio &c.  rather then to redeem( as S. Bernard saith) endless, and incomprehensible torments, breuissimo,& leuissimo labour, with a most short,& ea● labour?  
47 And although God be merciful to sinners, yea and out of his i●finit mercy, doth some times save the worst, and most wicked me● from everlasting damnation, yet we are not to think, that either they or yet good men, shall be, by his mercy wholly exempt from his iust●ce ( qui iustitias judicabit, 
Psal. 74. See. S. Bern. ser. 55. in cantica. Matth. 12. Matth. 5. S. Bern. in ser. de obitu Humberti.  as the psalmist saith, who will judge, or exami●● the righteousness of the just) but that they shall yield a straight account f●● every idle word, and pay the penalty, and dets of their negligences, a nouissimum quadrantem, even to the last farthing, either in this world, o● in the next: where( saith S. Bernard) all those things, which haue benne hee● negligentlie omitted, shall be payed in purgabilibus locis centupliciter, a hundret● fold, in places appointed for purgation: so that, although they be finalli●● saved, yet it shall be( as the apostle saith) quasi perignem, as by fire, whe● all the wood, 
1. Cor. 3.  hay, and stabble which they haue built upon, the foundation of the christian faith, shall be consumed: where upon S. Augustin giveth a notable aduert●sement, concerning the fire of purgatory by occasion of those words of the apostle. 
S. Aug. in Psal. 37.  Ipse autem saluus erit, sicta men quasi per ignem: he shall be sawed, yet so as by fire.  
48 Because( saith S. Augustin) it is said, he shall be saved, that fire i● contemned: yea truly, though saved by fire, yet that fire shall be mor● grievous, then any thing that can be suffered in this life, and you know how great torments malefactors haue suffered, or may suffer,& y●● they haue suffered no greater then goodmen haue also endured, fo● what hath any malefactor suffered by the law, that martyrs haue no suffered for the confession of Christ? Those evils therefore that are her● in this world, be much more easy, and yet you see that men will do what soever you command them, rather then endure them: therefore how much better do they, in performing that which God commaun●eth, to the end they may avoid those torments which are greater. 
Idem lib. 2. de Genes. cōt. Manich. c. 20.  ●oe he. And again in an other place, he which will not, saith he, culti●●t his field, but will let it be filled with bryres,& thorns, shall feel ●he malediction of his ground here, and after this life, he shall either ●●ndure the fire of purgation, or shall suffer eternal pain: for no man scapeth this sentence, therefore it behoveth us so to deal, that we ●aye feel pain only in this life. Thus saith S. Augustin,& the like ●●so he teacheth expressly in 
li. 21. de civit. ca. 13. ser. 41. de sanctis& li. 50. homil. ho. 16  diuers other places, agreeing with al the ●athers of the church greek, and latin concerning the pains due after this life for human negligences, and sins unsatisfied here, as it ●ay appear by the places 
Orig. ho. 6. in ca. 15. exod. ho. 14. in ca. 24. levit. ho. 13. an Hierom.& ho. 25. in number. Greg. Nissen. in orat. de mortuis. S. Ambros. in 1. Cor.& ser. 20. in Psal. 118 S. Greg. li. 4. Dialog. ca. 39.& in Psal. 3. penitent. tertul. li de anima. ca. 35. S. Cyprian. ep. 52. S. Bernard. ser. de ob●tu Humberti. S. Chris. ser. de martyribus &c. To. 3.  cited in the margin: whereby we may 〈◇〉, how unadvised they are, who will rather expose themselves to such ●nspeakeable, though temporal torments, then take a little pains to ●oe their duty here, being with all uncertain, whether their negli●ence may provoke the iustice of almighty God, utterly to forsake ●●em, and to cast them in to everlasting fire, as it falleth out with ma●y, who having made great progress in the service of God, become ●egligent at the first, and after a while give themselves over, to all wickedness.  
●9 Therefore I wish all men, no less then myself( for I writ this ●r my own instruction, as well as for other mens) continually to remember a notable admonition, geeuen by S. chrysostom to all christians. Tu christianae, saith he, delicatus es miles, &c. Thou o christian, art delicate soldier, if thou thinkest to overcome with out fight, or to ●riumph with out combat, show thy strength,& valour, fight manful●●,& fircelie, consider the covenant, waygh the condition, know the ●arrefare, the covenant that thow hast made, the condition, which ●ou hast admitted, and the warfare, where to thou hast bound thy ●●lfe. So he, wherein he admonisheth us of three things, which it ●uporteth every christian man to haue continually before his eyes  
●● The first our covenant with God, when we were made christians, 〈◇〉 wit, the promise we made in our baptism, which was to renoun●● the world, the devil, and the flesh, and to serve God in the profession ●f the christian faith, during our lives: in which covenant we promi●●d, not only to beleeue in God, but also to obey and serve him, in kee●ng his commandments, in which respect the apostle saith, that fa●● est causa salutis aeternae omnibus obtemperantibus. 
Hebrae. 5.  Christ was made the cause 〈◇〉 eternal salvation, to all those which do obey him, and therefore we ought ●●yly;& duly to consider, how well, or evil we perform this covenant.  
51 The second point is, the condition of this bargain contra● betwixt God, and us, which is no other, but either union with G●( first by grace in this world, and after eternally in heaven) for the p●formance of the covenant, or else eternal damnation in hell for 〈◇〉 breach of it: except we satisfy the Iustice of God, by doing the worthy fruits of penance in this life: which if we duly ponder, and ha● any care of our eternal good, or evil, we must needs be moved to lo● about us, and to endeavour to discharge our duty, if not for the love 〈◇〉 God, and regard of his benefits( or in hope of the everlasting rewa● which he on his part hath covenanted to give us) yet at least for fe● of the unspeakable torments, prepared for such as do not accompl● the bargain on their parts.  
52 The third point touched by S. Chrysostome, is the warfare, whe● to we haue geeuen, and enroled, our names: whereby we are to v●derstand, 
job. 7.  that the life of a christian man, is no other then, as job sait● militia supper terram, a war fare upon the earth, that is to say, a con●nual fight against the three enemies before name, the world, the flesh and the devil, under the banner, and conduct of our captain, and s●uiour Iesus Christ, who guideth us in the battle, fighting together wi● us, and for us, and will assuredly give us both the victory, and t● crown, if we follow him, and fight under him with perseverance 〈◇〉 the end: to which purpose it is to be considered that three qualities, 〈◇〉 virtues are no less requisite in a christian to his victory in this spiritu●● war, then in a common soldier in his temporal, or secular war.  
53 The first is, true christian valour, and magnanimity in the co●tempt of the world, and of all the transitory pleasures, and delit● thereof, as of things unworthy of him whom God hath ordain and called to everlasting joys, of ineffable, and incomprehensible v● lew, which therefore are objects worthy of the noble mind of a tru● christian, 
Philip. 3. S. Bern. in Psal. Qus habitat in adiutorio &c. Ser. 16.  who should say with the Apostle, conversatio nostra est in caelis, o● conversation is in heaven. quia sub caelo, saith S. Bernard, omnia labour& ● For under heaven all things are but a labour, sorrow, vanity, and affliction 〈◇〉 spirit.  
54 The second virtue, requisite in a soldier, as well spiritual as temporal, is fortitud, and patience, not only in the valiant resistance of th● assaults of his enemies, and in manfully assailing them, as occasion shall require, but also in suffering, and enduring patiently the labours, an● travails incident to their profession, and necessary to the obtainin● of the victory: for as the delicate carpet knight, who cannot endur● hunger, could, thirst, watching, hard lying, and such other bodily afflictions, is not fit for the temporal war: so also he is unfit for our christian camp, and unworthy the name of a christian soldier, who ●empereth himself with pleasures, and delytes, and refuseth to carry ●is cross, and to endure the afflictions of bodily penance, which is ●he special means to overthrow his enemies, and especially his most ●omestical, and dangerous enemy the flesh, in which respect the apostle ●as I haue signified diuers times before, and cannot repeat to oft) spea●ing of his own fight, and combat, said, non sic pugno tanquam aërem ●erberans &c. I do not fight so, as a man that beateth the air, 
1. Cor. 9.  but I chastise my ●dy, and bring it into seruitud, lest-whyles I preach to others, I become myself ●reprobat: so that according to the doctrine of this holly apostle, the ●hristian soldier which doth not chastise his body, fighteth no other●aise then he that should make war with flies, beating the air all the ●ay: and which is more to be considered, is in danger to become a re●robat, as I haue more amply signified in the last chapter.  
●5 The third condition or quality in a christian soldier, is an exact obedience to the commandment, and will of his captain, with a true conformity to his actions, and imitation of his industry, valour, and ●ertues: 
Plutar. in Galba.  for even as a temporal soldier ought not( according to Plu●●rks rule and aduise) to haue any motion at all of himself, but such ●nly, as he receiveth from his captain: so ought also the spiritual soul●iar much more to be guided, and conducted wholly by the will of his ●aptaine, and general, our saviour Iesus Christ, who hath left us sufficient ●irection for our conduct in his warfare, not only by his word, but also by his example, which therefore we ought exactly to follow. For what a shane were it for a soldier, to see or understand that his cap●aine keepeth watch, and ward, that he lieth all night in the trenches, ●hat he endureth hunger, rain, and could, and exposeth himself to all ●he dangers, and labours, that military profession requireth, and yet he ●l mean the soldier) in the mean time, to lye warm on a featherbed, ●o feed well and delicatlie, and to take his ease, and pleasure: can such a ●ouldiar hope for any other, but the utter disgrace of his captain, and to be casht for a cowardly and lazy companion?  
●6 And so in like manner, seeing we haue before our eyes both the doctrine of our master and captain Iesus Christ, and also his example, ●uiting, and leading us to the abnegation of ourselves, contempt of the world, and carriage of our cross, as the only means to obtain his ●avour, and to subdue his, and our enemies in this our spiritual warre●are: were it not a shane for us, not only to reject his heavenly counsel, and instructions, but also to be more dainty and delicate then he? And what excuse can we haue for our sloth, seeing that besides his owns doctrine, and exemplar practise, we haue also the manifest example o● an infinite number of his seruants in all ages, who haue exactly followed his steps in the continual carriage of their cross, and mortification of themselves( as I declared amply in the last chapter:) besid● that he hath also geeuen us sufficient assurance, that he will assist ou● endeavours, and not only enable us to bear his yoke, and burden, bu● also make the same light, and pleasant unto us: in so much that it ma● be truly said, that many soldiers, and men of diuers trades, and occupations, take more pains to earn a poor pay, or hire, then man● good men do to obtain an eternal crown, yea and which is more many wicked men, endure more misery many times to procure th● accomplishment of their filthy pleasures, and consequently to purchase hell, and endless damnation, then we are bound to take for th● purchase of heaven, and everlasting salvation: and therefore what el● can we expect, if we neglect our duties( not with standing all these considerations) but that we shall be deprived of the reward, and crown prepared for us, and also punished eternally for our disobedience and ingratitude?  
57 Thus then we see, how necessary it is for every christian man dul● to ponder, and consider those three things a boue mecioned by S● Chrysostome( to wit, his covenant with almighty God, the condition and the warfare, or continual combat where to he is bound) to th● end that the remembrance, and consideration thereof, may move, an● incite him to show his valour, there by to win the victory, an● crown, which is in effect that union with God wherein consistet● mans end and felicity, first to be obtained in part by grace in this life and after fully to be enjoyed in eternal glory. And thus much I hau● thought good to say by the way of aduise, and admonition to such a● do not labour daily to profit in virtue, and good life, but having alreddie well, and comendablie played their first prise, in this spiritual combat, and behaved themselves valiantly for a while, do afterwards relent, and seek not so much to obtain the victory, as only to maintain the combat in some sort, and so weakelie, that they receive many grievous, and deadly wounds, whom therefore I place in the second rank of those that seldom, or never arrive to that union with God which I haue described before, to be the felicity of man in this life▪ and consequently of common wealth.  
58 The third sort, is of those who are cut of from the church o● Christ, be they heretics, schismatics, or excommunicated persons: fo● such being separated, and divided from christs mystical body, can haue no influence of his grace, nor participation of his holly spirit, and consequently no union with him. And this being so evident, that no christian man will deny it, of what religion soever he be, I shall not need to produce an further proofs thereof in this place:( especially, for as much at I haue made it manifest in the last chapter, out of the uniform doctrine of the most learned, and ancient Fathers, that though they should live never so well in the fight of men, yet being out of this ark of Noe, and house of God,( that is to say, being separated from the unity,& communication of this catholic Roman church) they cannot possibly be saved: And this shall suffice concerning the 3. sorts of Christians, whom I affirmed never to arrive to perfect union with God.  
59 Now therefore, I will next proceed to speak of the other point, mentioned by me in the end of the 24. number, to wit, who they are that do attain to this union. For seeing those only are excluded from it, who are either divided from the unity of the catholic Roman Church, or contaminated, and defiled with mortal sin, or else careless to proceed, and profit in virtue, it followeth that such as are members of the said church, and with all do not only live in the observation of the commandments of God( that is to say free from mortal sin) but also daily tend to perfection( such perfection I mean, as may stand at least with their state and vocation) those, I say, do attain to the perfection of Christian religion, and consequently to a perfect union with almighty God, and to the felicity which God hath ordained for man in this life.  
60 Wherein nevertheless it is to be observed, that although every one, that is justified, or in the state of grace, is united with God, yet all such do not arrive to that degree of union with God, wherein I place the felicity of man in this life, because every sinner, be he never so wicked, if he truly repent, is presently justified,& in the state of grace, though, being yet but in the first step, as I may say, towards christian perfection, and felicity, he deserveth not the name of a perfect,& happy christian, except he persever in iustice: it being requisite to the christian felicity, and perfection, whereof I treat here, not only to beleeue, and live well for a while, but also to continue in true belief, and in the exercise of virtue, esuriendo& sitiendo justitiam, hungering, 
Matth. 5.  and thyrsting after iustice( as our saviour speaketh:) which who soever doth, he is a perfect christian, and may truly be called a just, yea, and a happy man, being continually united with God, and therefore dwelleth as the Psalmist saith) in adiutorio altissimi &c. in the help of the heyghest, 
Psal. 90.  and in the protection of the God of heaven.  
61 And no marvel though continuance, and perseverance is requisit● to our christian, and supernatural felicity, seeing the philosophers required the same to theirs, which was only natural, consisting in the continual exercise of the moral virtues, as appeareth in Aristotle, who therefore defined it to be an operation, 
Arist. ethic. 1. c. 7. See S. Tho. upon the ethics li. 1. lec. 14.& in epito. ethic.  or working according to virtue in a perfect life, that is to say in a continual course, and progress of virtue: for as one swallow, saith Aristotle, maketh no summer, so neither one, nor yet many just, and virtuous acts, make a man truly happy, but the continuance thereof.  
62 And the same is with much more reason required to the perfection of our christian felicity: for though it be but temporal, and imperfect in respect of the eternal, yet being the high way, and special means to led us thereto, yea and a resemblance, or rather some beginning, and participation thereof in this life, it must needs be so much the more perfect, by how much more it resembleth, and approacheth to the eternity, and perfection of that other, which is the end, and consummation of it: And therefore the more continual, and durable it is, the more perfect it is, and the more deserveth the name of felicity: to which purpose it may also be noted, that when our saviour taught the 8. 
Matth. 5.  Beatituds( consisting in poverty of spirit, mansuetud, purity of hart, mercy, hunger, and thirst of iustice, and the rest) he meant not that those are happy who exercise the acts of those virtues for a day, or two, or for a while, but those who having the habits of them infused by the holly ghost, do conserve the same, and eagerlie prosecut, and perform the acts thereof, whensoever occasion requireth: for such do truly enjoy that repose, and peace of mind, that light of soul, that fervour of spirit, that abundance of Gods grace, and sweetness in his love, and smallie those heavenly visitations, and divine favours, by the which he maketh his seruants happy even in this life, as I haue often signified before.  
63 Therefore for as much as true iustice, or righteousness, where in consisteth christian perfection,& felicity, is lost, and extinguished by mortal sin,( which maketh us enemies of God, members of the devil, and consequently most miserable) it followeth that our perfection, and felicity, cannot stand with mortal sin, but requireth perseverance in virtue, and true iustice: whereby it may appear, that I did not with out great reason exclude from our christian felicity, all those who do not labour to proceed, and profit in the way of virtue, but content themselves with a certain mediocrity thereof, and aim at no other mark, but to rise when they are fallen, and therefore go continually stumbling, rising, and falling, committing many mortal sins: for although such be sometimes united with God( as I haue said) when they arise from sin, yet they are far from that degree of union with God, which is requisite to Christian felicity, seeing they are many times not only most wretched, and miserable for the present, but also in great danger of eternal misery, that is to say of everlasting damnation, whereinto many such do daily fall, as I haue sufficiently declared before.  
64 But here now, there may be moved a doubt which I think good to satisfy by the way, to wit, whether there is, or can be any christian perfection, seeing I haue made it evident before, that no man can be ●o perfect in this world, but that he may be more perfect, yea and that he ought still to tend to perfection, where upon it seemeth to follow, that there is no true christian perfection, seeing that what soever is perfect, wanteth nothing to perfection, for if it do, it is not perfect, and therefore if any christian man were perfect, he should not need to seek further perfection: Seeing then the most perfect christian, is still bound to tend to perfection, and consequently is unperfect, it seemeth that there is no christian perfection.  
65 For the satisfaction of this doubt, and to show with all, how far christian perfection may extend itself in this life, it is to be considered, in what it consisteth principally( or essentiallie, 
S. Tho. 2.2. q. 184. ar. 3.  as S. Thomas speaketh) as that it principally consisteth, in the observation of the law of God, as I haue signified before, where by man is truly made the seruant, friend, and child of God, enheritour of his kingdom, and a perfect christian, wanting nothing that is necessary to his salvation: for otherwaise Christ were not a good, and perfect lawmaker, and a saviour, if his law being ●ully performed, suffized not to make us perfect christians, and to save ●s by the help of his grace, and merits of his passion.  
66 Now then this observation of the law of God, is true iustice, and righteousness, where of S. John speaketh, when he saith, 
1. joan. 3. Rom. 2.  he which doth iu●tice, is just, as he also( that is to say Christ) is just, and the doers of the law, saith the Apostle, shall be justified before God: Also you are my friends, saith our saviour, if you do those things which I command you: and again: 
joan. 15. joan. 14.  he which loveth me, saith he, will keep my commandments, and my Father will ●ove him, and wee will come unto him, and make our abode with him: whereby our saviour signifieth, that those which keep his commandments, are ●ruely united with his Father, and him, which they could not be if they were not just, and therefore he also said to the same puroose, 
Matth. 13.  if thou wilt enter into life keep the commandments, which in like manner the hol● Ghost teacheth expressly, 
Psal. 118. Item psal. 1.  by the royal prophet, saying, beati immacul● in via &c. happy are the immaculat, or the unspotted in the way, who wal● in the law of our Lord.  
67 Also the holly scripture testifying that Zacharias, and Elizabeth we● both just before God, 
luke. 1.  showeth the cause, adding, incedentes in omnibus ma●datis,& iustificationibus domini, sine querela, going in all the commaundmen● and justifications of our Lord, without blame. finally Ecclesiastes geeuin● this golden lesson. 
Eccles. ca. ult.  Time Deum,& mandata eius obserua, fear God, and ke●pe his commandments, addeth hoc est omnis homo, this is every man, that is t● say, this is the end, and perfection of every man. So that in the obse●uation of the law, and commandments of God, consisteth both ma● iustice, 
Gen. 6. Ibid. 17.  and his perfection, in which respect it is said of Noe in th● holly scripture, that he was vir justus,& perfectus, a just, and perfect ma● and almighty God said to Abraham, ambula coram me,& esto perfectu● walk before me, 
Isay. 38.  and be perfect. And again: king Ezechias praying to almighty God for health in his sickness, said, that he had walked befog him in veritate& in cord perfecto, in truth, and in a perfect hart, which almighty God approved by granting him his request and restoring hi● to health. In all which I wish it to be noted by the way, not only tha● true iustice, and perfection consisteth in the performance of Gods law( whereof I specially treat for the present) but also that the commandments, and law of G●d, are possible to be kept, which ou● aduersaries do absurdly deny, as shall further appear in the nex● chapter.  
68 Of this perfection Moyses spoken, when he said to the people, perfectus eris, 
Deut. 18. 2. Reg. 22.  & absque macula, thou shalt be perfect, and with out spot. And th● Royal prophet, perfectus ero coram te &c. I will be perfect before thee, 〈◇〉 Lord, and I will keep myself from my iniquity. And our saviour to hi● disciples, 
Matth. 5. 2. Cor. 13.  perfecti estote, &c. be you perfect, as your heavenly Father is perfect Also the Apostle speaketh thereof in diuers places, as Gaudete, perfect estote &c. rejoice, be perfect, take exhortations, be of one mind &c. and Qui● cunque perfecti sumus &c. 
Philip. 3. 2. Tim. 3.  let us all that are perfect, be of this mind. An● again, all scripture, saith he, inspired of God is profitable &c. vt perfectu● sit homo Dei, ad omne opus bonum instructus, that the man of God may be perfect, 
jac. 1.  instructed to every good work. Also S. james, patientia, saith he, opu● perfectum habeat, vt sitis perfecti,& integri &c. let patience haue a perfect work, 
1. joan. 2.  that you may be perfect, and entire, failing in nothing. finally S. joh● saith also of this perfection. Qui servat verbum eius in hoc verè charitas De● perfecta est, he that keepeth his world( or commandment) in him the charit● of God is perfect in very deed.  
69 nevertheless I wish it to be understood, that I do not assign here a perfection void of all frailties, or imperfections, that is to say, free from all venial sin, with out the which no man passeth the course of this our mortality( as S. John witnesseth, saying, Si dixerimus &c. 
1. joan. 1.  ●f we shall say that we haue no sin, we seduce ourselves, and the truth is not 〈◇〉 us,& S. james: in multis offendimus omnes, 
jaco. 3. provver. 24.  we do all offend in many things: and lastly Salomon, septies in die, saith he, cadit justus,& resurget, The just man shall fall seven times a day, and rise a gain:) but I exclude from our christian perfection, al mortal sins, because they do directly impugn the law of God, in so much that out iustice, and righteousness is ●ost, and abolished thereby, and we separated from all union,& friendship with God, made members of the devil, and deputed to eternal damnation, except we repent.  
70 Whereas the other sort of sins, which I call venial, because in respect of their lightness, and our frailty they deserve pardon, are not directly contra legem Dei, against the law of God as S. Thomas teacheth, 
S. Thomas 1. 2. q. 87. ar. 5. & q. 88. ar. 1. primum& 22. q. 105. 1.& 1.2. q. 72.5. c.  but prater legem, besyd the law, not having( saith he) perfectly and absolutely the nature of sin, but being a disposition thereto, in which respect he also compareth venial sin to sickness and mortal sin to death, and therefore such human frailties, as the justest men do now, and then commit, do not exclude charity, nor divide them from the union, and friendship of God, nor abolish their iustice, and perfection, but may well stand there with, according to the doctrine of S. Augustin, 
S. Aug. li. de natura& gratia ca. 38.  who speaking of just men in the law of nature, saith. Quia saepe in leuissimis &c. because sin doth creep in oft times in very light, or small matters,& sometimes at unawares they were just, and yet not with out sin, so he: teaching that light& little sins, commonly called venial, do not exclude iustice, or righteousness, where of there can be no doubt, for other waise no man could be just in this life, which were flat contrary to the holly scriptures, as it may appear by that which I haue already touched a little before, and shall appear more amply in the next chapter, where I mean to confirm our catholic doctrine concerning a true, real, and inherent iustice.  
71 Therefore the Christian perfection, whereof I speak here( and whereto I do so much exhort every christian man) is to be understood to be no other, but such, as God doth expect, and exact of us in this life, perfectio, saith S. jerome, quam capere potest humana natura: 
S. Hieron. in Ezechiel li. 14. c. 46.  a perfection, which human nature may receive, that is to say, such a perfection as may stand with our frailty: such I mean, as though it be grounded upon the observation of Gods law, through the help, and assistan● of his grace,( with out the which no man can think so much as a go● thought, 
2. Cor. 3.  and much less arrive to any degree of perfection) yet, it is no free or exempt from human imperfections, and therefore it may b● daily refined, increased, and grow more perfect, until it come to b● consummated, and perfited, in everlasting glory, as the wise man sign●fieth, 
provver. 4.  saying, servorum semita, vt lux splendens &c. The way of the just, 〈◇〉 a shining light, proceedeth, and groweth continually, until it be perfect day meaning by perfect day, the perfection of the next life: where( saith th● Apostle) cum venerit quod perfectum est, euacuabitur quod ex parte est, whe● that shall come which is perfect, 
1. Cor. 13.  that which is of a part, or unperfect, shall b● evacuated, or made void.  
72 And therefore, as there are diuers degrees of iustice, or righteousness( for no man is so just in this life, but he may be more just, as I hau● 
Supra. nu. 30.& sequent.  sufficiently proved already:) so also, there are diuers degrees of perfection, and in every degree a man may be said to be both perfect, an● unperfect: perfect, in respect of those that are not so perfect as he: an● unperfect, in respect of others that excel him imperfection: As fo● example, he that observeth the commandments,( that is to say liuet● with out mortal sin) is perfect,( having attained to the first degre● of christian perfection) and yet not so perfect as he, who doth with all observe the evangelical counsel of voluntary poverty, and therefore our saviour said to the young man, who affirmed that he kept th● commandments. 
Matth. 19.  Si vis perfectus esse &c. If thou wilt be perfect, go, an● sell all thou hast,& give it to the poor, and yet he that should so doe● should not be so perfect, as he that should add thereto continency, an● chastity for the pure love and service of God, as may appear by tha● which I haue amply discoursed in the 29. chapter, to prove that virginity, and chastity is a special point of christian perfection.  

S. Dionis. ecclesiasti Hierar. c. 6. par. 2. S. Basil. de monast. constit. c. 18. S. Greg. Nazianz. de obitu. Basil. S. Chrisost. li. 3. adverse. vitup. vitae monast.  73 Also such a one, as liveth out of mortal sin, and with all observeth those two evangelical councils of poverty, and chastity, is no● equal in perfection to him, who addeth thereto the third counsel o● perfect obedience, and abnegation of himself in religious disciplin● where by he maketh a perfect sacrifice, and holocaust of himself to almighty God, as I haue amply proved in the 31. chapter, where I also showed the great dignity, and high perfection of religious life, ou● of the most ancient, holly, and learned Fathers, who call it vitam perfectissimam, a most perfect life: perfectionis culmen, virtutisque fastigium, the height of perfection, and top of virtue, a most high, and excellent profession, lyk● to the purity of Angels, wherein is vowed not only all hollines, but also all perfection of hollines, yea and the very end, and consummation of all perfection, for so saith S. Bernard, 
S. Bernard de vita solitar. ad fratres de monte.  meaning only such a perfection as may be obtained and had in this life: which also may be continually augmented and increased, as I haue signified before.  
74 For no man in religion is so perfect, but he may be more perfect, that is to say, more fervent in the love of God, more resined to his will, more humble, more patient, more meek, and more pure of hart if he keep continual watch upon himself, duly examine his conscience, combatt daily with his passions, and bad inclinations, and mortify, or chastise his flesh to make it subject to the spirit, whereby ●his in ward man as the Apostle speaketh, 
2. Cor. 4.  may be renewed from day to day. And yet when he hath all donne, he shall be unperfect in respect of the Angels, and saints in heaven, in whom also there are degreese of perfection, no less then of glory, and therefore the Apostle saith that, as one star differeth from another in brightness, 
1. Cor. 15.  so also shall it be in the resurrection of the dead. Finally the most perfect angel, or saint or rather the perfections of all angels, saints, and other creatures, if they were all joined in one, yet should be unperfect in respect of the infinite perfection of almighty God, who is perfection itself, and imparteth his own excellencies, and perfections to his creatures, diuidens singulis prout vult, dividing the same to every one as it pleaseth him. 
1. Cor. 12.   
75 Thus then we see, that there are diuers degrees of perfection, and that the best men, are both perfect, and unperfect, which S. Augustin observeth very well in the words of the apostle, who having signified how much he contemned the world, being configured,( as he saith) to the death of Christ, acknowledged his own imperfection, adding, 
Philip. 3.  non quod iam acceperim, aut iam perfectus sim, not that I haue already received, or that I am now perfect; and yet nevertheless saith S. Augustin, he saith shortly after. Quicunque ergo perfecti sumus, hoc sentiamus, let us therefore, 
Ibidem.  as many as are perfect, be thus minded.  
76 Here upon S. Augustin saith, that although the apostle was, 
S. Aug. li. 2. de peccator merit.& remiss. ca. 13. Idem de verb. Apost. ser. 15. ca. 15.  perfectus viator, a perfect quarreler, yet he was not, ipsius itineris perfectione per●entor, a perfect arriuer at the end of his journey; as also else where he saith to the same purpose that we may be here, perfecti viatores, nondum perfecti possessores, perfect trauaylers, but not yet perfect possessors, giving to understand, that all human perfection is no other, but, as it were, a continual journey, or peregrination towards our country, which is heaven, and that( if we proceed from virtue to virtue in this life) we shall haue there an eternal possession of true perfection in everlasting glory: 
S. Bernard in psal. qui habitat.  in which respect S. Bernard also saith, that the perfection of this life, is but imperfecta perfectio, an imperfect perfection, which shall be perfited i● the life to come, 
S. Aug. in Psal▪ 38.  and in the mean time( saith S. Augustin) aliter non potes esse perfectus, nisi scias hic te non posse esse perfectum, thou canst not otherwais● be perfect, except thou knowest, that here thou canst not be perfect, signifyin● that nothing is more requisite, on our partes, to christian perfection then a true, and profound humility, which can never be with out perfect charity, from whence proceedeth the observation of Gods law and consequently all christian perfection, as shall further appear in th● next chapter.  

Idem de verb. a post. ser. 15. ca. 15.  77 Therefore I conclude for the present concerning this point, wit● a brief, and grave aduise of S. Augustin: proficite( saith he) fratres m &c. go forward my brethren, and profit in the way of virtue, discuss, o● examine yourselves, alwaise with out deceit, flattery, or partiality, &c. let tha● which thou art displease thee, if thou wilt attain to that which thou art not: for i● thou dost please thyself, or stand in thy own conceit, thou remainest by th● way, if thou sayest, it sufficeth( that is to say, if thou persuadest thyself that thou hast enough, or needest no more) thou art utterly lost, therefore alwaise add more, alwaise walk, alwaise go forward, or profit, do not remain, or stay by the way, do not go backward, do not go out of the way: h● stayeth which doth not profit; he goeth backward, which returneth to those things that he had left before: and he goeth out of the way, who becometh an Apostata, that is to say, who forsaketh his faith or his practise of perfection for better goeth the halt, or lame man in the way, then he that runneth out of th● way, Thus saith this holly Father.  
78 And for as much, as I haue in my tract of contemplation, laid down the particular means, how a man may daily proffi● in virtue and arrive to that perfection, whereof I haue here treated, I shall no● need to enlarge myself further therein: and therfore I remit thee good reader, thereto, desiring thee to be mindful thereof, for thy owns especial good, seeing that our saviour Christ proposed the perfection o● his law to all men with out exception,( as I haue also signified before) and that therefore every christian man, is so bound to tend, yea and to attain thereto( at least according to his vocation, and state) that wha● soever he shall want thereof, and leave unsatisfied at the hour of hi● death, it shall be supplied by the iustice of God, in the next life, with unspeakable torments, either temporal, or eternal, for no man, saith S. Augustin, 
S. Aug. de Genes. contra Manich. li. 2. c. 20.  escapeth this sentence, as I haue declared out of him, and other Fathers, more particulerlie 
nu. 48.  before, which I leave to thy pious, and serious consideration.   

An objection of our aduersaries concerning christian perfection, is fully answered, whereby their doctrine of imputative iustice is confuted: with an application of all the former discourse to common wealth, by the consideration of 4. notable effects of charity, by the which it is proved, that the catholic Roman Religion only, giveth true felicity to common wealth. CHAP. 38.  
thou hast seen good reader, in the last chapter what christian perfection is, to wit, that it is nothing else but true christian iustice, or righteousness, whereby man remaineth united with God, and most happy, according to the happiness that may be had in this life.  
1 But perhaps, our aduersaries will demand here, what perfection can be said, or imagined to be in our iustice? seeing that the same is( as they teach) continually 
Luther. in artic. à Leone 10. damnatis, art. 2.& in assert. ar. 31. 32.& 36. Caluin. in Antidoto council. sess. 5.& li. 4. Instit. c. 15.§. 10.& 11. Item libro secundo ca. 1.§. 8.  stained, and soiled with sin: and that our iustice, or righteousness is not in us but in Christ, whose iustice is only 
Caluin. li. 3. Instit. ca. 11.§. 2. 3. 21.& 22. Item li. 3. ca. 3.& ca. 14.§. 9.  imputed unto us:& that our sins are not remitted, and taken a way thereby, but only covered, and hide: so that we remain alwaise not only unperfect, but also wicked, and abominable before God, so far forth as concerneth our own actions, especially seeing that our very best works are impure sinful, and damnable, for so teach our aduersaries. And if this be true, then all the christian perfection,( where to I haue so seriously exhorted my reader) is but an Idle conceit, and needless to be sought, or procured, and consequently all my former discourse, which hath specially tended thereto, hath benne built upon a false foundation.  
2 Therefore, good reader, I must crave thy patience, whiles I extend myself a little upon this point, as well to confirm, and establish all my former discourse, and doctrine concerning christian iustice, and perfection, as also to discover unto thee, the absurdity of these opinions of our aduersaries, which are not only blasphemous against God, but also most pernicious to man, and common wealth, as I haue already showed in part, in the 35. chapter, where I haue debated this matter by way of state, and therefore this occasion being now offered, I can not forbear to treat it also by way of religion, which nevertheless I will do with as convenient brevity, as the importance of the matter may permit.  
3 Now then: that which I undertake here to prove, is, that our iustice or righteousness, whereby we are justified, is a gift of good communicated, and infused in to our souls, by the which we are inwardly or in spirit changed, renewed, and sanctified, our sins truly remitte● and we consequently of wicked men, made truly just: This the apostle signifieth when he saith, cum apparuit benignitas& humanitas saluatori● nostri &c. When the benignity, and humanity of our saviour appeared, not by the works of iustice which we did, but according to his mercy, he saved us by th● water of regeneration,& renovation of the holly ghost, whom he powred abundantly in to us by jesus-christ our saviour, to the end that being justified by hi● grace, we may be heirs according to the hope of life everlasting. Thus far the Apostle who describing the manner of our justification, as you see, showeth with all as well the principal causes thereof, as the effect.  
4 For he signifieth, that the efficient cause of our justification, is the benignity, and mercy of God, the meritorious cause, our saviour jesus-christ, the instrumental cause, the washing of baptism, the formal cause the infusion of the holly ghost abundantly communicated unto us: and finally that the effect resulting of these causes, is a regeneration, and renovation, which must needs import an inward change in our souls, wrought by the holly ghost, and not a bare imputation of an extrinsical iustice:& therefore the apostle yielding the reason why almigthie God doth regenerat, and renew us by the infusion of the holly ghost, addeth, vt justificati gratia ipsius, heredes simus &c. That is to say, to the end that being justified by his grace, we may be heirs &c. giving to understand that our justification consisteth in the regeneration, and renovation, which the holly ghost worketh in us by his grace.  

1. Cor. 6.  5 This may also be confirmed out of the same Apostle, when he saith to the Corinthians, & haec quidem fuistis &c. These you haue benne,( to wit fornicators, and Idolaters,) but you are washed, but you are sanctified, but you are justified in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ, and in the spirit of God, 
S. Chrisost.& S. Ambr.& Theophilact. in hunc locum. S. Chrys. ho. ad Baptizan. S. Hieron. ep. ad Oceanum. S. Chrisost. ho. ad Baptizan.  that is to say,( as the ancient Fathers expound it) they were purged, and sanctified in baptism, by the invocation of the name of Iesus Christ, and by the operation of the holly ghost, in so much that S. chrysostom, and S. jerome do prove out of these words of the Apostle, that all sins are fully forgeeuen in baptism: where upon it folloloweth, that our justification consisteth, not in that our sins are only covered, or hide, and Christs iustice imputed unto us,( as the sectaries teach) but in that they are washed away, and cleansed, yea and that we are( saith S. chrysostom) made not only pure, and clean, but also holly, and just, non enim dixit, lauati tantum estis &c. for the apostle said not only, you are washed, but you are also sanctified, and justified: behold then how this ancient, and learned Father urgeth the words of the apostle ●o the same purpose, that the catholics now do, to wit, to prove a real ●●stification, consisting in a true remission of sins, and a true sanctifi●ation whereby we are, saith he, made holly, and just.  
● This the Apostle also proveth in his epistle to the Romans by an ●nuincible argument, grounded upon the plenitud, and fullness of Christs merits, and the abundance of grace, which we believe thereby. 
Rom. 5.  ●i enim unius delicto, saith he, mors regnavit per vnum &c. if by one mans ●ault, death hath reigned by one, much more those which receive abandance of gra●, and of the gift, and of iustice, shall reign in life by one Iesus Christ: in which words it is to be noted, that the Apostle speaking of justification, doth plainly exclude, and reject the imputation of iustice, making express mention of a righteousness, which we receive abundantly with grace, and a gift given us by almighty God: which abundance of grace, and iustice being geeuen us, and received by us, must needs be really in us, and make us truly just: and this is much more evident by that which followeth. Sicut enim, 
Ibidem.  saith the Apostle per inobedientiam ●nius hoins &c. for even as by the disobedience of one man, many sinners were made, so by the obedience of one man, many just shall be made.  
7 Thus saith the Apostle, who as you see compareth, or rather opposeth Christ, to Adam, and our justification given us by Christ, to the death of the soul, or damnation purchased us by Adam, concluding that we are made as truly just by Christ, as we were truly sinners by Adam, yea and this he also enforceth further in the same place, 
Ibidem.  saying si enim unius delicto multi mortui sunt &c. for if by one mans fault many haue died, much more the grace of God, and the gift in the grace of one man Iesus Christ hath abounded unto more men, whereby the apostle signifieth, not that more are justified by Christ, then haue died, or benne condemned by Adam,( which in the greek is manifest, wherein steede of plures, more men, we red pollous, many men,) but that Christs grace was more abundant, and of greater force to justify us, then Adams sin to make us sinners, and to condemn us: which he confirmeth also afterwards saying, ubi abundauit delictum, superabundauit gratia, 
Ibidem.  where the fault abounded, grace hath benne much more abundant.  
8 whereupon I infer, with the blessed Apostle, that seeing the sin of Adam was of force to make us truly sinners, the merits, and grace of Christ are of far greater force to purge, and cleanse us from our sins, and to make us truly just, for otherwaise we must needs say that our help is not equivalent to our harm, nor our remedy to our disseas, nor our rising to our fall, nor our gain to our loss, nor consequently Christ to Adam, which were impiety to think, and blasphem● to say, and yet so must our aduersaries say, contrary to this expres● doctrine, of the Apostle, if they will maintain this their opinion o● imputative iustice.  
9 This may further appear if we add hereto, many other plac● of scripture, which evidently prove a true remission of sins in ● with purity, and cleans of hart, and a real sanctification, and innovation of spirit: 
Psal. 50.  as when the psalmist saith. deal iniquitatem meam, blot o● o Lord, my iniquity: Amplius laua me ab iniquitate mea &c. wash me mo● o Lord from my iniquity, and cleanse me from my sin: thou wilt sprinkle m with hissop, and I shall be made clean, thou wilt wash me, and I shall be ma● whiter then snow: creat or make in me, o God, a new hart, and innouat a new sp●rit in my bowels &c. and confirm me with the principal spirit. Thus praye● the royal prophet, demanding nothing else but justification, consisting in true remission of sins, and purity of hart by the infusion of th● holly ghost.  
10 The same also may be confirmed out of the apostle, where h● saith that Christ gave himself for his church, 
Ephes. 5.  vt illam sanctificaret &c to the end he might sanctify it, cleansing it with the washing of water in th● word of life, and vt mundaret sibi populum acceptabilem, that he might mak● clean, 
Tit. 2. Hebr. 15.  and pure for himself an acceptable people, and again vt sanctificare per suum sanguinem populum, that he might sanctify his people by his blood And is not this sanctification, trow you, real, and true, but imputative This may appear by our saviours own words, who in his prayer to his Father before his passion said, 
joan. 17.  & pro eis, ego sanctifico me ipsum, vt& ipsi sint sanctificati in veritate, I sanctify myself for them, that they may b● sanctified, or made holly in verity, or truth.  
11 Thus saith our saviour, but if we haue no true remission of sins or sanctification, but only by imputation, and that we still remain soiled with our sins, when we are justified, and sanctified, then Christ either did not, or could not perform that by his passion which he desired, I mean he did not sanctify us in verity, and truth neither should i● be true which S. john saith, 
1. joan. 1.  sanguis Iesu Christi emundat nos ab omni peccato, the blood of Iesus Christ doth make us clean, from all sin, nor that our saviour Christ is, agnus Dei qui tollit peccata mundi, the lamb of God which taketh away the sins of world. 
joan. 1.   
12 lo then how blasphemous is the opinion of our aduersaries, which by a necessary consequent, doth euacuat the merits of Christs passion, and death, depriving it of the principal force and effect thereof, even in that where in God is most glorified, the devil most confounded, and we most honoured, and benefited, to wit, in the perfect re●aire of our wrack received by Adam, I mean our true justification, ●nd the full remission and abolition of our sins by the merits of Christ.  
●3 But let us hear the doctrine of the ancient Fathers. Iustitia, saith S. Augustin, virtus est animi magna praecipuéque laudabilis, Iustice, or righteousness, 
S- Aug. in Psal. 118. Conc. 26. Ibidem.  〈◇〉 a great virtue of the mind and highly commendable: and presently after, ●uis fecit in homine justitiam &c. who made iustice, or righteousness in man, but and which justifieth the wicked, hoc est per gratiam suam, de impio facit justum, ●hat is to say, he which by his grace doth make a just man of a wicked man. Thus goody, where you see that righteousness is a virtue of the mind, and therefore really inherent in us as other virtues ar, and that God doth not only repute a man to be just, but also facit justum ex impio, maketh him just, where he was wicked before.  
14 again: quid est aliud iustitia, saith he, 
Idem ep. 85. ad consentium.  cum in nobis est &c. what else is iustice, when it is in us, or any other virtue, whereby we live well and wisely, but the beauty of the inward man? so he: acknowledging righteousness to be really in us as other virtues are, and that it is the beauty of the soul: where upon he also saith else where, that, when mans nature is justified by his creator, à deformi forma formosam transfertur in formam, 
Idem de Trinitate li. 15. c. 8.  it is transposed, or changed from a deformed unto a beautiful form. Which is flat contrary to the doctrine of Luther, and Caluin, who teacheth that a man being justified remaineth still deformed with sin, though Christ for his own merits do hold, and repute him to be just.  
15 Furthermore, legimus, saith the same Father, 
Idem li 1. de peccator. mer.& remiss. ca. 10.  justificari in Christo qui credunt in eum, we red that those are justified in Christ which beleeue in him, and then to show how they are justified, he addeth propter occultam communicationem,& inspirationem gratiae spiritualis, by the means of a secret communication, and inspiration of a spiritual grace, 
li. de spiritu& littera per totum. Et ser. 15 de verb. apostoli& de haeres. haer. 88. Caluin Instit. li. 3. c. 11. sect. 15. Idem li. 3. c. 3. sect. 10& li 4. c. 14. sect. 26.  and this grace he saith else where, is caritas diffusa in cordibus nostris per spiritum sanctum qui datus est nobis, charity infused in to our harts by the holly ghost which is geeuen vs.  
16 Whereby it is evident that he neither taught nor knew any other iustice, or righteousness in man but a real, and inherent iustice, consisting in true remission of sin, and infusion of faith, charity, and other virtues: and therefore no marvel that Caluin is forced flatly to reject him in this question, though nevertheless he acknowledgeth him sometimes to be the most faithful, and best witness of antiquity, but whether of them deserveth more to be believed, and followed, I remit it to the iudgement of any vnpassionat man, that hath care to save his soul.  
17 Yet if S. Augustin had been singular in this point, or ever hitherto noted by any good christian man to haue erred therein, Caluin mig● seem to haue more reason to reject him: And therefore let us hea● one of the Fathers of the greek church, to wit S. chrysostom. who e●pounding the epistle of S. Paul to the Ephesians: 
Ephes. 1.  and particularly the● words, Deus nos gratificauit in dilecto filio suo, God hath made us gracious, o● acceptable in his beloved son, 
S. Chrysost. in Ep. ad Ephes c. 1.  saith thus, gratiosos nos reddidit, hoc est &c he hath made us gracious, that is to say, he hath not only delivered us from sinn● but also hath made us his beloved friends: for as if a man should make one fair● and young, who before was old, scabbed, disseased and pestiferous, and should beautify him so, that his face, and eyes should cast out resplendent beams of light, an● further cloth and adorn him with purple, and all kind of furniture, even ● hath God, as it were, curiously wrought our soul, and made it beautiful, woorth● to be desired, and beloved.  
18 Thus far S. chrysostom, who you see teacheth that God doth no● only give us remission of sins when he justifieth us, but also doth so renew, beautify, and deck our souls with his grace, that we are no● esteemed only, and reputed to be acceptable in his sight, but also are indeed made gracious and acceptable unto him, 
S. Ambros. li. 6. Hexamer. c. 8.& li. 6. in lucā. S. Hieron. li. 1. aduer. pelagian. Ibid. li. 3. S. Prosper. in respons. ad ca. 6. Gallorum. S. Basil. de baptis. ho. 1. par. 2. Nyssenus& Nazianz. orat. in sanct. Baptis. Ezech. 36. Clemens Alexand. li. 1. pedagogue. ca. 6. Galat 6.  and adorned with an inward, and spiritual beauty. And I haue the rather alleged this place o● S. chrysostom expounding the words of the Apostle, because our aduersaries abuse them, to the confirmation of their opinion of imputative iustice, pretending that the greek word echaritosen,( which in our latin translation is gratificauit) doth signify gratiosos habuit, that is to say hath held, or esteemed us for gracious, where as S. chrysostom,( who may worthily be presumed to haue understood the greek, and the meaning and drift of the apostle, some what better then any of our aduersaries) interpreteth it, gratiosos reddidit, hath made us gracious, or acceptable, and urgeth the same notably, as you haue heard, for the proof of our catholic doctrine, of a true, and inherent iustice.  
19 I might add many other testimonies of the Fathers to prove inherent Iustice, and true remission of sin, if I thought it needful, but to avoid prolixity, I remit my reader to the places cited in the margin, and to all those Fathers who treat of the effects of baptism, teaching not only a full remission, ablution, and abolition of our sins,( according to the promise of God by his prophet, saying I will power upon you a clean water, and you shall be cleansed from all that filth, and corruption) but also a perfect regeneration, and renovation of the soul, whereby we become noua creatura, as the Apostle saith, a new creature, and are made, saith S. gregory Nazianzen, of old new, and of 
Orat. in sanct. baptis.  human divine, and as S. chrysostom testifieth, 
Hom. ad baptizan.  mundiores solis radiis, cleaner then the beams of the sun, being 
Rom. 8.  the children of God, and 
1. Cor. 4.  temples of the holly ghost, and therefore truly just, not by the same iustice, whereby Christ is just,( as our aduersaries absurdly affirm) but by the iustice saith S. Augustin, 
S. Aug. de spir.& lit. c. 9.& 11.  qua justos nos facit, whereby he maketh us just, and 
Idem tract. ●. 6. in joan. To. 9.  quam dat homini Deus, vt sit homo justus per Deum: which God giveth to man, to the end that man may be just by God. For, so saith S. Augustin. so that our iustice being true iustice, may be called both Christs iustice, and ours, Christs, because he doth give it us, and ours because we haue, and possess it by his gift: And therefore I conclude with him, 
Idem de peccat. merit.& remiss. li. 1. c. 9.  saying also else where, that the grace of Christ, doth work inwardly our illumination, and justification.  
20 But here our aduersaries may perhaps demand, why then the prophet Isay doth say of all men, and of all their iustice, or righteousness i facti sumus vt immundi omnes,& quasi pannus menstruatae, 
Isay. 64.  vniuersae justitiae nostrae: we are all become as unclean, and all our iustices, as a stained clout. which words of the prophet our aduersaries do commonly object against the true iustice, and righteousness whereof I haue hitherto treated, to whom I answer: that the prophet in this place speaketh not of just men, but only of the wicked Iewes, for whose great sins, and wickedness, the city of jerusalem was to be geeuen over in to the hands of the king of babylon, and therefore speaking in their person he saith, we are all become as unclean &c. wherein it is also to be observed, that when he speaketh of all their iustices, he doth not mean all the works of those wicked men,( whereof some might be at least morally good, or indifferent,) and much less doth he mean the works of just, or good men, but he understandeth the works of the law, wherein they did put all their confidence, placing specially therein all their iustice, and righteousness, though nevertheless they performed the same with so bad intention, and evil circumstances, that the prophet worthily said, that they were all unclean, and like to a filthy stained clout.  
21 And of those kind of works, and to those wicked men the same prophet said also in the person of God, 
Isay. 1.  i Ne offeratis vltrà sacrificium frustrà &c. do not offer sacrifice any more in vain, their incense is abomination to me, I will not endure their Neomenie, their Sabbats, and other feasts: your assemblies, are wicked: my soul hateth their Calends, and your solemnities &c. whereby it cannot be understood, that God hated all the sacrifices, feasts, and works of the law, or held them to be unpure, and unclean, when they were well performed by good men, but when they were donne wickedly or by such as presumed so far thereon, that they persuaded themselves to be justified thereby, how badly soever they lived otherwaise, in which respect the prophet speaking in the person of those wicked men, as I haue said, called those works, and feasts of the law iustitias nostras, our iustices, because they placed all their righteousness therein. finally those words of the prophet, are so far from impugning the iustice of good works, that both Luther, and Caluin do confess it in their commentaries upon the same place, as 
Bellar. de justificat. li. 4 c. 20. Luther in assert. 31.  carded. Bellarmin noteth, though nevertheless Luther being allwaise most inconstant, and variable, doth else where absurdly labour to prove thereby, that all the works of the justest, and best men are sins.  
22 Furthermore our aduersaries object against real, and inherent iustice those words of the apostle, 
Rom. 4.  credidit Abraham Deo,& reputatum est ei ad justitiam, Abraham believed God, and it was reputed to him for iustice, where upon they will needs gather, that Abraham was not just in deed, in the sight of God, but only that God reputed, and esteemed, him to be so. Whereto I answer, that the words reputatum est, do not signify only an estimation, or imputation of a thing which is not in deed, but a true estimation of that which truly is: for almighty God,( whose iudgments are alwaise according to iustice, and verity) reputeth, or esteemeth every thing as it is in deed, and therefore as those whom he reputeth for evil men, are evil in deed, so also those whom he reputeth for good men, are truly good, because he hath made them good, and just by his grace.  
23 besides that it is evident in the same epistle, and chapter of the Apostle that the word imputare, to impute, doth signify there a true esteemation of that which really is, as it is reputed to be, for we red in him, that ei qui operatur, merces imputatur, non secundum gratiam, said secundum debitum, 
Rom. 4.  to him that worketh, the hire, or wages is imputed, not according to grace, or favour, but according to duty, so that you see, imputation here, doth not signify a bare opinion of a thing to be due, when it is not due, but a true esteemation of a thing no less due, then is the hire to the labourer, or work man; and in this sense we deny not but that it may be truly said, that the iustice of Christ is imputed unto us, when it is truly communicated, and geeuen unto us by our saviour Christ, and that we are truly reputed for just, when God hath made us just by the remission of our sins, and infusion of his grace, in which sense nevertheless, our aduersaries will not admit it.  
24 The like is also to be answered to an other objection, which our aduersaries make out of the same chapter of the Apostle, and the 31. psalm, 
Rom 4.  where we read. 
Psal. 31.  Beati quorum remissae sunt iniquitates &c. happy are they whose iniquities are remitted, and whose sins are covered: blessed is the man to whom God hath not imputed sin: where upon our aduersaries absurdly infer, that no sins are truly remitted, but only covered, and not imputed.  
25 To which purpose it is to be noted, that they fly here to their common shift, to find out some few obscure texts of scripture to interpret thereby a great number of plain, and evident places, which might be exemplified in most controversies betwixt them, and us, and in this is most manifest: for is there any thing in the holly scriptures, either more plain, or frequent then the mention of true remission, and abolition of sin, which is expressed there so many waise, and by such different manner of speech, that nothing can be added to make it more clear, as when the prophet saith, 
Esay. c.  if your sins shall be like scarlet they shall be made as white as snow, 
c. 33.  The iniquity of the people shall be taken away. 
c. 43.  I ame he who do wipe, or blot out thy sins for my own sake: 
c. 44.  I haue abolished thy iniquity like a cloud, and thy sins as a mist:& in an other prophet, 
Ezechiel. 36.  I will power out a clean water vpon you, and you shalbe cleanzed from all your filth. And again in an other, 
Miche. 7.  he will cast all our sins in to the bottom of the sea: And in the proverbs, 
Prou. 15.  sins are purged by mercy, and faith. Also in the Psalmist, 
Psal. 102.  he hath made our iniquities to be as far from us, as the east is from the west. And again: 
Psal. 9.  his sin shalbe sought, and shall not be found: whereto may be added the prayers of the psalmist which I haue mentioned before, to wit, that it might please God to 
Psal. 50.  blot, or wipe out his iniquity, to make him clean, and to wash him more, and more, that so he might be whiter then snow. 
Ibid.   
26 Also in the new testament the like manner of speeches are most frequent, which I haue partly alleged before, as that our saviour 
Apoc. 1.  washed our sins in his blood: 
Haeb. 9.  shall cleanse our consciences from dead works, 
Ibid. ca. 1.  make a purgation of sins, 
Act. 15.  purify our harts, 
joan. 1.  take a way the sins of the world, 
Colloss. 2.  cancel our obligation of debt, 
Eph●s 2.  kill our enmities in himself, 
Hebr. 9.  exhaust or consume sin, and finally make us 
Coloss 1.  holly, immaculat, and irreprehensible coram ipso, before him, or in his sight, in all which you see, the holly ghost teacheth such a full, and perfect remission, and utter abolition of sin( to our exceeding comefort) that if a man should study, and devise words, and phrases to signify, and persuade the same, it were not possible to do it more effectually.  
27 And yet all these places being so evident, as you see, must be understood, say our aduersaries, of covering, or hiding sin, or not imputing it, because the scripture sometimes useth such manner of speech though reason would require, that the more rare and obscure phrases, or manners of speech, should be expounded by the more frequent and clear, especially seeing they ar other whiles so conjoined the one with the other, that they must needs be understood to signify one and the self same thing in effect, or at least to be a consequent the one of the other, 
2. Esdrae.  as for example we red in Esdras, ne operias iniquitatem eorum,& peccatum eorum, coram fancy tua non deleatur, do not cover, o Lord) their iniquity, and let not their sin be blotted out before thy face, and again in the psalmist: 
Psal. 50.  auerte faciem tuam a peccatis meis,& omnes iniquitates meas deal, turn a way thy face from my sins, and blot out my iniquities, and again: remisisti● iniquitatem plebis tuae, 
Psal. 84.  & operuisti omnia peccata eorum, thou hast remitted the iniquity of thy people, and hast covered all their sins. And so in like manner the same psalmist saith in the place before alleged, 
Psal. 31.  blessed are they whose iniquities are forgeeuen, and whose sins are covered, giving to understand that when sins are forgeeuen, they are so covered▪ that almighty God himself to whose eyes, 
Hebr. 4.  ( omnia nuda sunt,& aperta, all things are naked, and open) seeth them not, because they are utterly blotted out, and extinguished, as it may further appear in the same place, where the psalmist having said, 
Psal. 31.  blessed is the man to whom God hath not imputed sin, addeth immediately, nec est in spiritu eius dolus, nor any deceit is in his spirit, or soul, whereby he signifieth plainly, that mans sins are covered, and not imputed, when his soul is clear, or free from sin.  
28 But to decide this controversy, let us hear the interpretation of some of the most ancient, and learned fathers of the church. S. justin the martyr, who lived with in a 150. yeres after Christ, in his disputation with Triphon the jew, allegeth the same words of the psalm, beatus cvi non imputabit Dominus peccatum, blessed is he to whom God shall not impute sin, 
S. justin in Dialogo Triphone in fine.  and expoundeth them thus. hoc est cvi paenitenti Deus peccata remittit &c. that is to say( saith he) to whom being penitent God shall remit his sins, not as you( Iewes) do say deceiving yourselves, or as others like you do affirm, to wit, that although they be sinners, yet if they know God, he will not impute their sins unto them. Thus far S. justin, expressly rejecting, as you see, this interpretation of our aduersaries, and coopling them with the Iewes, and other miscreants of that time, who held, as it seemeth, the same opinion, that they do now, concerning this point.  

Orig. li. 4. in ep. ad Rom.  29 Origen also interpreteth the same verse of the psalm of true, and perfect remission of sin, making three degrees therein, saying, that it is a great benefit when God remitteth, or forgeeueth a mans sins: a greater when he covereth them, and the greatest when he doth not impute them, for that then they are blotted out in such sort, that no appearance, or show thereof remaineth, as though a man had never sinned. 
S. Aug. concio 2. in psal. 31.   
30 S. Augustin expounding also the same words of the psalmist saith, non sic intelligatis &c. do not you understand that which the psalmist saith,( to wit that sins are covered,) as though they remained there, and lived still: and again afterwards, medicus, saith he, tegit vt curet, emplastro enim tegit, the physician covereth the wound, or sore, to the end he may cure it, for he covereth it with a plaster: and the same similitude is also used by S. Gregory the great. 
S. Greg. magnus in 2. Psal. penit.   
31 Thus then you see how far these Fathers differ from Luther Caluin and other sectaries in the exposition of the psalmist, and of the Apostle, concerning the covering, and not imputing sin, which the Fathers understand to signify a full, and perfect remission, whereas these other teach the contrary, euacuating, as I haue said, the fruits of Christs merits, and establishing the kingdom, and tyranny of the devil.  
32 For if it be true, 
1. joan. 3.  which S. John teacheth and no true Christian can deny, to wit, that the son of God appeared,( that is to say came in to the world, and took our flesh,) vt peccata tolleret, to the end that he might take away sins, and, vt dissoluat opera diaboli, 
Ibidem.  to dissolve the works of the devil, and if the works of the devil be sin, and that he which sinneth( as S. John also saith) is of the devil, yea his bondman, and his slave: 
Ibidem. Coloss. 1. Tit. 3. 1. Cor. 3. Rom. 8. Galat. 6.1. Cor. 6. Coloss. 1. joan. 15. Matth. 28. luke 8. Matth. 5. Rom. 8. 2. Cor. 6. Apoc. 1.& 5. 1. joan. 3.  and if Christ came to redeem us, and deliver us, from this bondage of the devil, and sin, and to renew us in spirit, to make us new creatures, to cleanse us, to sanctify us, to justify us, yea to make us immaculat, and irreprehensibile in his sight, to make us his friends, his brethren, his children, his temples, and his kingdom, in whom he might reign, and rule as in his proper inheritance dearly purchased with his blood. If all this, I say be true,( as it must needs be, being the express doctrine of the scripture,) how is it performed, if notwith standing the merits of our sauious passion applied unto us by baptism, and such other means as he hath appointed, we are only reputed by almighty God to be just, and not so in deed: nor truly sanctified, but remain still defiled with sin, bondmen of iniquity, and children of the devil, as S. John saith we are, whiles we are in sin?  
33 Can we then be the children of God, and the children of the devil both at once? or can we say that Christ conquered the devil, and dissolved his works,( that is to say sin) if it still remain in our souls when we are justified? can there be any agreement betwixt Christ, and Belial? 
2 Cor. 6. Isay. 28.  any participation betwixt light and darkness? my bed, saith the holly ghost by the prophet, is narrow, and two can not lye in it at once, but the one must fall to the ground, whereby it is signified that God, and the devil cannot dwell together in one soul, as they must needs do, if mortal sin still remain in it, not with standing that it is sanctified by the infusion of holly ghost. And much more if our best works are sinful, and da●nable, as Luther, Caluin, and others their followers teach, contrari● the express doctrine of the holly scriptures, which testify that go● works, which proceed of Gods grace, are spirituales hostiae acceptab● Deo, 
1. Pet. 2. Philip. 4.  spiritual sacrifices acceptable to God, and( as the Apostle saith of the ●mes of the Philippians,) hostia accepta placens Deo, an acceptable sacrifice pl●sing to God, in which respect our saviour himself speaking of the go● works of the faithful, 
Matth. 6. luke 11. See Bellarm. li- 4. de justific. ca 15.  saith, si oculus tuus fuerit simplex &c. if thy be simplo, all thy body shall be light, and if all thy body be light, not having ● part of darkness, the whole shall be light, and as a candle of brightness shall illu●nat thee.  
34 Thus saith our saviour, describing a perfect good work, m●ning by the eye, the intention, and by the light body, the good woo● and therefore he saith else where, let your light so shine before men, that t● may see your good works: 
Matth. 5.  so that according to our saviours similitude, a testimony, good men may do works which shall be throughly lig● and clear, and haue, as he saith, no part of darkness, that is to say, no m●ture of sin: so that such works, being the works of the ho● Ghost in us, are so far from being sinful, and damnable in Gods sig● that they may abide the trial of Gods iustice, and iudgement, as t● royal prophet signified of himself, saying, Igne me examinasti& non inuenta in me iniquitas: 
Psal. 6.  Thou hast tried me, o Lord, with fire, and iniqui● hath not benne found in me: 
1. Cor. 3.  and the Apostle much more clearly: Si qu● saith he, superaedificat supra fundamentum hoc &c. if any man build vpon t● foundation gold, silver, precious stones, wood hay, stubble &c. fire shall try eu● mans work, of what kind, or quality it is, if any mans work, which he bu● thereupon, do abide, he shall receive reward, if any mans work burn, he sh● suffer detriment, but himself shall be saved, yet so as by fire.  
35 Thus saith the Apostle, signifying by gold, silver, and precious ston● such works of good men, as proceed from the grace of God, a● therefore are so good, and pure, that being tried by the fire of Go● iudgement, they do suffer no detriment, but shall receive rewar● where as other works of theirs, to wit light, and venial sins( whi● he therefore compared to wood, hay, and stubble) shall not be able ● abide the like trial, and much less receive any reward, but suffer detr●ment, that is to say punishment, yet so, as the party who did tho● works shalbe saved, 
S. Aug. ser. 41. de sa●ct. S Greg. li. 4. dial. ca. 39.  quasi per ignem, as by fire: whereby it is euiden● that these works of the latter sort, are not mortal, but venial sin( as the ancient Fathers do also interpret the same) and that the oth● works compared to gold, silver, and precious stones, are good works ●oceeding from Gods grace, and so far from being damnable,( as and sectaries would haue our best works to be) that Gods iudgement ●th find them to be not only pure, but also worthy of reward, in ●hich respect the Apostle speaking else where of his own fight, and ●urse, and his perseverance in the faith of Christ, did nothing doubt to ●, that the crown of iustice was laid up, or reserved for him, 
2. Tim. 4.  quam reddet ●hi dominus, saith he, in illa die justus judex, which( crown) our lord the ● judge, will render me in that day.  
●● And although the Apostle do exclude from justification, 
Rom. 3.  not only ● works of infidels, which go before faith, but also the moral ●oorks of the faithful themselves, which do not proceed from ●ace, yet he teacheth evidently, that the works which follow faith, ●d proceed of grace, do justify before God, and therefore he saith, ●t factores legis iustificabuntur apud Deum, 
Rom. 2.  the doers of the law shall be iusti●l before God, and not the hearers only, meaning by justification, an en●ase of iustice, that is to say, a justification, of the just, according to and saying of S. John, qui justus est, justificetur adhuc, he which is just, 
Apoc. 22. 2. Cor. 9.  let him be ●ified still, to which purpose also the apostle saith of alms, augebit in●menta frugum justitiae vestrae, it shall augment the increase of the fruit of your ●tice, and S. james also witnesseth, 
jac. 1. jac. 2.  that factor operis beatus in suo facto ●t, the doer of the work, shalbe blessed in his dead. and that Abraham was ●tified by works, when he offered his son Isaac, &c. and after concludeth, ●at man is iust●fied by works, and not by faith only, as I will prove more ●rgely in the third part.  
●● Seeing then our good works which flow from the fountain of ●ods grace, are acceptable to him, yea so pure in his sight, that they ●ay abide the trial of his iudgement, and justify us that is to say, en●●ease our justification, how false, and absurd is the contrary doctrine of ●t aduersaries, teaching that such works are mortal sins?& where ● may they be thought to tend, but, as I haue said, to establish the ty●●nny of the devil, and to overthrow the kingdom of Christ, in our ●uless, not withstanding their pretence to patronise Christs merits ●ainst us, charging us most falsely to impugn the same by our Ca●●olike doctrine of good works, and of the merit thereof, whereby ●●ey say we obscure the glory of Christ, attributing to ourselves, and to ●●r own merits, that which Christ hath merited for us: as though it ●●uld be any derogation to the merits of our saviour to say, that he not ●ly merited for us himself and conquered the devil, and sin, but also ●ade us able to merit,& to conquer them both? or rather is it not far more glorious to Christ, and a greater confusion to the devil, that Chri●● conquereth him, and sin daily in us,& by us, then if he had only on● subdued them for us? for by making such weak ones, as we are, daily ● tread them under our feet, his conquest, and triumph is far mo●● glorious, his mercy to us more manifest, his enemies, and ours, mo●● confounded, and we infinitely more obliged to him, in which respe●● we may truly say with the Apostle. 
1. Cor. 1.5.  Deo gratias qui dedit nobis victoriam thanks be to God, who gave us victory: but how by ourselves? no, but p● Dominum jesum Christum, 
Ibid.  by our lord Iesus Christ, from whose grace, and merits proceed all our force, and habilitie, all our good works, our iust●fication, 
S. Aug. ep. 105. contra pelagian.  and salvation, in which respect S. Augustin saith, that whe● Christ crowneth our merits, he crowneth his own gifts.  
38 therefore as our doctrine concerning the merits of works, remi●mission of sin, and justification, is glorious to our saviour,( teachin● that his merits were of sufficient force, with the help of his grace, t● make us merit, to cleanse, and wash away our sins, to renew us i● soul, and to make us as truly just, as before we were truly sinners) s● the contrary opinion of our aduersaries, is not only dishonourable t● our saviour Christ, yea blasphemous,( as I haue signified) but also pernicious to common wealth, for that it serveth to no other end, but for very cover, and cloak to sin, yea for an encouragement thereto, seein● that whosoever is imbued with this doctrine, must needs think it boo●telesse for him to labour either to cleanse his soul from sins past b● repentance, and penance, or else to preserve it in purity, for the time t● come, persuading himself, that he is, and alwaise shall be pollute● with damnable sins, do he what he can, and yet not with standin● that he shall be still justified by the imputation of Christs iustice, an● thereby be the child of God, the temple of the holly Ghost, and coheir with Christ? and therefore will any man that is thus persuaded, ca● greatly what he doth? no truly, or at least he needeth not to care, i● this doctrine be true, in which respect it is no less prejudicial to common wealth,( as I declared more amply in the 35. chapter) then repugnant to the verity of our holly scriptures, and to the doctrine of all th● ancient Fathers.  
39 hereupon I conclude, that seeing it is evident by all this discour● concerning justification, that when we are justified our sins ar● through the merits of Christ, truly remitted, and our souls by the infusion of the holly Ghost, purified, renewed, illuminated, and sanctified, and that thereby we become temples of the holly Ghost, the children of God, heirs to his eternal kingdom, and are therefore mo●● acceptable, and dear unto him, it must needs follow, that whosoever ●iueth, and persevereth in this state of Christian iustice, he is a perfect christian, and continually united with God, not with standing the human frailties, and imperfections whereto the justest man is subject in this life: For although the said imperfections,( or venial sins) can not stand with the perfect purity of the next life, forasmuch as they are not directly 
S. Tho. 1.2. q. 87. ar. 5. & q. 88. ar. 1. primum& 22. q. 105. 1. 1.  repugnant to the law of God, they do not exclude us either from the perfection of this life, or yet from 
Chap. 37. nu. 88.  true iustice, as I declared in the last chapter, 
S. Aug. li. de natu.& grat. ca. 38. S. Aug. ep. 108& li. 50. hom. ho. 40. Chap. 37.  besides that they are not alwaise committed, and being committed, they are( as S. Augustin teacheth) daily remitted through the repentance, penance, and prayers of the just, so that then the soul, being both purged from those imperfections, and also adorned with grace, and the habits of all virtue, remaineth pure, immaculat, and irreprehensible before God, yea most faire, and beautiful in his sight, according to all those testimonies of the holly scriptures, and Fathers, which I haue alleged before to this purpose.  
40 Now then to proceed, having declared in the last chapter in 
Nu. 78. 79.& 80.  what consisteth christian perfection, and felicity, 
Nu. 77.  who they are that arrive unto it, and by what means it is obtained, I will now apply the same, and all my former discourse to common wealth, showing how it is made no less happy, then particular men who are members of it.  
41 This may sufficiently be gathered, and inferred of that which I haue already discoursed: For seeing the felicity, and happiness of the whole common wealth, and of every member thereof, is all one,( as I proved in the fourth chapter) it cannot be denied, but that the means also to beatify, or make happy the common wealth, must needs be the same that giveth happiness to every part thereof: for as when every part of the body is sound, and healthful, the whole body is sound, and well disposed: so also the whole common wealth must needs be happy, when every member thereof( that is to say every particular man) is happy.  
42 Seeing then I haue proved that no man can obtain true union with God( which is the end, and felicity of every man) but by the perfect exercise, and practise of the catholic Roman religion, it is consequently evident that common wealth cannot be united with God, but by the same means, especially for two causes declared before, the one, because perfect virtue,( which is the stay, and principal pillar to uphold common wealth) cannot otherwaise be had but by the catholic religion, and the other because true union with God,( wherein consisteth the end,& felicity of common wealth) is also the special effect thereof.  
43 And to the end that this may be the more manifest, and that I ma● with all clear a principal difficulty controversed betwixt our aduersaries and us, concerning the means whereby the christian religion doth unit man with God,( they ascribing it to only faith, and we rathe● to charity then to faith, though in deed to the concurrence of both, an● of all other virtues, yet in such sort, that faith is understood to be th● foundation, and charity the consummation of the whole building to the end, I say, that this may appear, I will first prove that our vnio● with God is properly the effect of perfect charity, and then I will evidently show, that the virtue of perfect charity, is proper only to th● catholic Roman church, and not to be found in the congregation of Lutherans, or Caluinists, or of any other sectaries of these dayes, wher● upon it must needs follow, that the religion which the catholic Roman church teacheth, uniteth man with God, and consequently giveth true felicity to common wealth.  
44 Therefore for as much, as our union with God, and consequentl● the felicity of common wealth, is wrought by our justification, whic● our aduersaries attribute wholly to faith, I will here show the excellency, or rather the pre-eminence of charity, before faith, in the woork● of justification, thereby to show also, how our union with God, an● the true felicity of common wealth, is principally wrought by charity  
45 Let us then consider how much the Apostle himself preferret● charity before faith for justification, seeing he saith, that though h● should haue all faith, 
1. Cor. 13.  yea such as might remove mountaines, yet if he had no charity, he were nothing,& further comparing them together for worth and value, 
Ibid.  he concludeth expressly, that of faith, hope, and charity; maior horum charitas, the greatest of these is charity: and treating else where o● justification, he saith also, that the faith which is necessary thereto, is fides quae per dilectionem operatur, a faith which worketh by love, or chariti● wherein he signifieth plainly, that charity is( as the schoolmen speak) the form, or that which giveth viuacitie, life, and operation to fait● in the act of justification; as the soul giveth life, and operation to the body, which in the greek text is more evident, then in our latin, fo● that the word operatur in latin, is in the greek euergoumeny, that is to say, mota, or acta, moved, or stirred, giving to understand, that faith when it justifieth, is moved, or stirred by charity, as the body is by the soul, whereupon it followeth not only that faith with out charity is( as S. james worthily termeth it) inanis vain( so far forth as concerneth justification, but also that charity far excelleth faith in worth, and dignity, as much as the form excelleth the matter, and the soul the body. Whereby two absurd heretical opinions of the sectaries are clearly confuted, the one of Luther, who teacheth, as you haue heard, 
Chap. 35. nu. 5. Luther. in ca. 2 ad Galat.  in the 35. chapter, that fides sine charitate,& ante charitatem justificat, faith justifieth with out,& before charity, whereas the Apostle teacheth, as you see, the flat contrary, to wit that the faith which justifieth, must be such a faith, as shall work or be moved by charity, and therefore it cannot possibly justify with out, and before charity, no more then the body can do the functions requisite thereto, or yet live, with out the soul.  
46 The other absurd opinion confuted by this place of S. paul, is of Caluin, and all other sectaries at this day, who hold, 
Caluin in Antidoto council. ad art. 11. sess. 6& li. 3. instit. c. 16. sect. 1.  that albeit charity do, and must needs concur with faith to justification,( because faith cannot be with out charity, as they fond affirm) yet the act of justification, is to be attributed, say they, only to faith, and not all to charity, wherein, they say as wisely, as if they should affirm that mans actions are to be attributed wholly, and only to the body, and not at all to the soul, where as it is evident in the Apostle, that, as all mens actions are principally to be ascribed to the soul, from whence proceedeth his life, and operation, so also the act of faith in justification is chiefly to be attributed to charity, which giveth life, and operation unto it.  
47 Therefore S. Augustin saith, fidem non facit vtilem nisi charitas, 
S. Aug. de trinit. li. 15. ca. 18.  nothing maketh faith profitable but charity, and in an other place, sine amore fides nihil prodest, with out love faith nothing proffiteth, where upon it followeth, that seeing faith doth justify, as the apostle teacheth by the means, and operation of charity, much more doth charity justify which giveth life, and operation to faith, 
S. Aug. de natu.& gra. ca. ult.  in which respect S. Augustin maketh no doubt at all to say thus, caritas inchoata, inchoata iustitia est, caritas magna, magna iustitia est, caritas prouecta, prouecta iustitia est, caritas perfecta, perfecta iustitia est: charity begun,( that is to say unperfect) is unperfect iustice, great charity, is great iustice, charity increated, is increased iustice, perfect charity, is perfect iustice. Thus saith this ancient, and most learned father, not denying justification by faith, but giving to understand whence proceedeth all the force, and efficacy of faith in the work of justification: and therefore also in his treatise upon S. John, 
Idem in joan. tract. 83.  he proveth notably that all the sum of christian religion is reduced to charity, because he which truly loveth God, must needs both beleeue, and hope in him, where as every one which believeth, doth not hope in God, and love him, to which purpose he saith also else where, 
Idem in ep. 1. joan. tractatu 5.  dilectio sola discernit inter filios Dei,& filios diaboli, only love, or charity, doth discern, or distinguish betwixt the children of God, and the children of the devil.  
48 Furthermore our saviour himself sufficiently signified the eminent excellency of charity, and the power it hath to justify, when he abridged the whole law, into the love of God, and of our neighbour, saying, 
Matth. 22.  in his duobus mandatis pendet vniuersa lex,& prophetae: upon these two commandments dependeth the whole law, and the prophets: whereupon the Apostle also saith, 
Rom. 13.  plenitudo legis dilectio, the plenitud, or accomplishment of the law, is love, or charity, and there upon it also followeth that charity doth justify, for he which fulfilleth the law, is just, and a perfect christian( as I haue proved in the last chapter) and therefore seeing that he which hath true charity, 
Chap. 37. nu. 77. 84. 85.& 86.  doth thereby fulfil the law, he must needs also thereby obtain true iustice, and christian perfection: in which respect the Apostle calleth charity, vinculum perfectionis, the bond of perfection, 
Coloss. 3.  saying, induite vos &c. put upon you the entrails, or bowels of mercy, benignity, humility, modesty, patience, bearing one with an other &c. supper omnia autem haec caritatem habete, quod est vinculum perfectionis, above all these, haue charity which is the bond of perfection. And S. Peter also exhorteth us to haue mutuam caritatem ante omnia, 
1. Pet. 4.  mutual charity above all other things, and the reason is because charity giveth perfection, and connexion to all other virtues: for with out it, there is no true virtue, 
S. Aug. de verb. Domini ser. 53. ca. 6.  and where it is there are all virtues, sola charitas est, saith S. Augustin, quae vincit omnia &c. It is only charity which overcometh all things, with out the which all things are nothing worth, and which draweth all things unto it, wheresoever it is.  
49 More over such is the prerogative of charity a boue all other virtues, that no other but it can make a man truly good, and virtuous, 
Aug. ep. 52.  and therefore S. Augustin saith, non faciunt bonos vel malos mores, nisi boni vel mali amores, nothing but good, or evil loues, maketh good, or evil manners, and in an other place he affirmeth, that charity is the precious margarit, 
Idem tractatu 5. in ep. joan. S. Aug. de natura,& gratia. ca. 38.  with out the which, nothing can profit us, and which alone, if we haue it sufficeth: and again in an other place, speaking of the righteousness of Abel the just, he ascribeth the same to charity only, saying, qua vna verè justus est, quicunque justus est, by the which( charity) alone, he is truly just whosoever is just, not meaning, that charity can ever justify, or yet be alone with out faith, and other virtues, but that it only hath this pre-eminence above all other, to consummat and perfect the rest, and that when it is once had in perfection, there needeth no more to be added to perfect justification, nor consequently to true union with God, for he that is justified, is truly united with God, and the more just he is, the greater is his union with God, and therefore seeing charity doth consummat,& perfect our justification, it doth principally work our union with God, 
S. Dionis. Areop. li. de divines nom. ca. 4. par. 1.& 2. Chap. 20.& 21.  in which respect S. dionysius Areopagita calleth it virtutem vnificam, connexiuam, adunatiuam,& commiscentem, a virtue which combineth, uniteth, knitteth, and mingleth together, whereby he signifieth the force it hath to unit, and conjoin man with God in such sort, that they become, as it were both one, as I haue showed amply when I treated of contemplation, and particularly of the vnitiue way.  
50 This the Apostle signifieth when he saith, qui adhaeret Deo, vnus spiritus est, he which adhaereth, that is to say is united with God, is one spirit with him, and that this is wrought principally by charity, 
1. joan. 4.  S. John signifieth plainly, when he saith, Deus est charitas &c. God is charity, he that dwelleth in charity, dwelleth in God, and God in him, and again: si diligamus invicem, Deus in nobis manet, if we love one another, God remaineth in vs. 
Ibid.  Also our saviour himself witnesseth the same, saying, qui diligit me, sermonem meum seruabit &c. he which loveth me will keep my commandments, and my father will love him, and we will come unto him, and make our abode with him. Thus saith our saviour, teaching as you see, that not only the observation,& keeping of his commandments, but also his, and his fathers union with us, is the special effect of our true love of him, that is to say of perfect charity.  
51 Whereby it may appear how absurdly Luther, and his followers do ascribe all our union with God, to only faith, alleging for that purpose the words of the prophet Osee to the people of the Iewes, 
Osee 2.  speaking of their last conversion, sponsabo te mihi in fide, I will espouse thee unto me in faith, in which words of the prophet, fides, is not of necessity to be understood, to signify the faith whereby we beleeue, and are justified,( as carded. Bellarmin noteth very well) but the fidelity which God useth in performance of his promises towards us, 
Bellar. de justific. li. 1. ca 23. Osee 2.  in which sense he promised to espouse his people in fide, in faith, that is to say fideliter, faithfully, or assuredly, as he said immediately before, sponsabo te mihi in iustitia, judicio,& in misericordia, I will espouse thee unto me in iustice, iudgement, and in mercy, which may very well be understood to signify justly, and mercifully.  
52 But though fides should there signify belief, or a justifying faith, yet our aduersaries should gain nothing thereby, 
1. Cor. 1●.  seeing that faith doth not otherwaise conjoin us with God, then as it justifieth, to wit per dilectionem, by love, or charity, by the means, and force whereof, it worketh both those effects, and therefore howsoever it may be said, that faith doth make the espousal, or contract betwixt God, and our soul, yet, it is charity which maketh the matrimony, and perfect union betwixt him, and us, as it is sufficiently expressed throughout all the canticles, where the coniunction of Christ, with his church, or with a faithful soul, is signified by a continual allegory of two passionat louers, or the bridegroom, or the spouse languishing, as it were, with the lo●● one of the other, 
S. Bern. in in cant. serm. 1.  in which respect S. Bernard calleth the canticles Ep● talamij carmen, or carmen nuptiale, a wedding, or marriage song,( betwixt t● bridegroom, and his spouse) exprimens, saith he, castos iucundosque co●plexus animorum &c. expressing the chast, and pleasant coniunction of the minds, and the mutual charity of their affections one to an other.  
53 Thus then we see, what is the special force, and effect of charity, t● wit, to conjoin, and unite us with God, whereby it appeareth that a●though faith is worthily esteemed to be the foundation of our iust●fication and union with God, 
Haebr. 11. ( for as the Apostle saith, accedentem ● Deum oportet credere &c. whosoever cometh to God must beleeue &c. and si● fide impossibile est placere Deo, with out faith is is impossible to please God) y● charity is the consummation, and perfection thereof, which the mo●● ancient,& learned fathers of Gods church do teach expressly.  

Origen. in in cap. 4. ep. ad Rom. S. Ignat. ad ad Philippens.  54 Puto, saith Origen, quod prima salutis initia &c. I think, that the fir●● beginning, or the very foundation of our salvation is faith, the augmentation or increase of it hope, and the perfection, and top of the building, charity. Th● like saith S. Ignatius disciple to S. John the evangelist, principium vit● saith he, est fides &c. The beginning of life is faith, the end of it love, or charity and both joined, and united together do perfect the man of God.  

Clemens. Alexand. li. 2. stromat. S. Aug ser. 20.  55 Also Clemens Alexandrinus saith, praecedit fides, &c. faith goeth before, fear raiseth the building, and love doth consummat, or end it. Finally t● omit diuers others for brevities sake, S. Augustin saith, Domus Dei credendo fundatur &c. The house of God is founded by belief, erected, or raised b● hope, and perfited, or finished by charity.  
56 lo then how uniform is the doctrine of these most learned, an● ancient fathers, and conform to the holly scriptures before alleged all teaching that our justification, and consequently our union wit● God, is perfited by charity, in which respect, we do truly say, that charity doth justify, yet not so, that we deny justification by faith, but rathe● establish it, signifying wherein consisteth the life, and efficacy of a justifying faith, 
1. Cor. 13.  quae per dilectionem operatur,( as the Apostle saith) which worketh, or rather is moved, and made to work by charity. And therefore whereas the Apostle speaketh oft times of justification by faith, he never saith, or ever meaneth, that faith justifieth alone, without charity and other virtues, but that it justifieth, as the beginning and first disposition to justification, and the means to obtain all other things necessary thereto, 
S. August. de praedestinat. sancto. c. 7.  as S. Augustin teacheth expresslly saying, Ideo dicit Apostolus justificari hominem, &c. Therfore the Apostle saith that man is justified by faith, not by works, because faith is given first, by the which the rest are obtained, which ar pro●erlie called works, wherein we live justly. So he.  
●7 And this shall suffice for this time, for so much as concerneth iusti●●cation, whereof I mean to treat more amply in the third part, and to declare further, how faith, and works do justify, and what works ●re excluded from justification, with diuers other things pertaining to ●his question, contenting myself for the present, briefly to haue ●howed the excellent dignity, and efficacy of charity in working our ●●stification, and union with God, wherein consisteth the felicity of ●an, and common wealth. I will therefore now proceed to show that ●his most excellent virtue of charity is proper to the Roman Catholi●es, and not to their aduersaries, whereby it will evidently appear, ●hat the common wealth cannot attain to true felicity, but by the catholic Roman religion.  
●8 It is therefore to be understood that some of the woorthyest, and ●ighest fruits of perfect charity, or the love of God, are those most excellent points of perfection, which our saviour recommended unto us, no less by his example, then by his doctrine, to wit, the continual cari●ge of our cross, the contempt of the world, and the mortification, or chastisement of our own bodies for the pure love of God. For so deep, and firm is the roote that ourself love hath taken in our corrupt nature, that nothing is able to extirp and root it out, and to plant in us a true christian contempt of the world, and a holly hate of ourselves, but charitas Dei, diff●sa in cordibus nostris, 
Rom 5.  per spiritum sanctum qui datus est nobis, The charity, or love of God spread in our harts by the holly ghost, which is geeuen us, whereof the power, and force, exceedeth all natural power, and therefore the Apostle saith, neither death, nor life, nor Angels, 
Rom. 8.  nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come, neither might nor height, nor depth, nor other creature, shall be able to separate us from the charity of God, which is in Christ Iesus our Lord. Also the spouse of Christ in the Canticles, feeling in herself the admirable force, and power of his love, 
Cant. 8.  worthily compared it to death, saying fortis vt mors dilectio, love is as strong as death, giving to understand that even as death killeth,& destroyeth the body, depriving it of all sense, motion, and operation, so also true love of God, suppresseth, and conquereth all the inordinat affections of the soul of man in such sort that he death wholly to the world, and himself,& liveth only to God, saying with the Apostle, 
Galat. 2.  I live not now, but Christ liveth in me.  
59 The experience hereof hath benne sufficiently seen in those holly men, of whose admirable austerities,( surpassing the power, and strength of human nature) I treated amply in the last chapter, in whom Theodoretus( who wrote the lives of many of them, 
Theodoret. histor. religiosa, orat. de charitate.  above a 11. hundreth yeres ago) showeth notably the stupendious force, of Gods love▪ proving evidently that the voluntary asperities, of hunger, could, fasting, watching, and other mortifications which they endured, excelled all the labours, and travails that any sort of men what soever, undergo in any state, or condition of life in this world, which he attributeth wholly to the force of a divine love, where with they were enflamed, describing the notable effects thereof in a large discourse, whereof I think it not amiss to lay down some part here, as well for our edification, as for our better instruction in this point.  
60 Therefore this ancient father having exemplified the great force of charity, first in Moyses, and after in S. paul, allegeth his words to the Romans, 
Rom. 8.  Quis nos separabit à charitate Christi? &c. who shall be able to seperat us from the love of Christ? shall afflictions, anguish of mind, &c. And then( saith Theodoretus) the Apostle showeth the cause of this sufferance, saying, in his omnibus superamus propter Deum, qui dilexit nos, in all these we overcome for God, who loved us, for considering who we are, and what benefits we haue received, and that we did not prevent God with our love, but were prevented by him, yea and were beloved of him, whiles we hated him, and were reconciled to him, when we were his enemies, not by any suit, or petition of ours, but by his own son, whom he sent as ambassador unto us,( in so much that we, who had donne the injury were invited, and alured by him which had received it) and furthermore pondering with ourselves, the cross, passion, and death, that the son of God suffered for us, and the hope of resurrection that he hath geeuen us thereby, we overcome all difficulties, and comparing the memory of our benefits, with our corporal afflictions, which are but transitory, and short, we do willingly endure them: for when we balance, and weigh all the troubles of this life with our love to God, we find them very light, and though we collect, and gather in our minds all the pleasures, and delights of the world, and consider on the other side, the love that we owe to God, they do appear more vain and vanishing then a shadow, and more frail then the fading flowers of the spring.  
61 Thus he, and after a while prosecuting still the same matter he addeth. Qui ergo divinum accepit amorem, &c, he therefore that hath received the love of God, contemneth all earthly shings, treadeth under his feet all the pleasures of the body, he despiseth witches, glory, and all honour of men, he esteemeth the Imperial purple no more then cobwebs: and precious stones to be no better then pebble stones in the sea cost: he holdeth not bodily health for any happiness, nor sickness for calamity, nor poverty for misery, neither doth he measure felicity by witches, and delights, but thinketh all these things to be most like to the fleeting water of a river, which passeth a long by the trees planted on the banks, and stayeth not at any of them.  
62 Finally this grave, and learned author having after many other notable sentences, and advises, concerning the effects of charity, alleged the examples of the great torments that the Apostles, and innumerable martyrs of Gods church, being inflamed with this heavenly fire, most willingly suffered, he returneth to those holly men of whose voluntary penances, and austerities he had treated before, saying, Huius quoque pulchritudinis amore capti, novi Athletae &c. These late, or new champions being also surprised with the beauty of this love, undertook those great combats, which exceeded the nature of men. Thus far Theodoretus: showing, as you see, the admirable force, and notable fruits of charity in those holly hermits, monks, and religious men who being inflamed with the fervent love of God, served for patterns, and examples to the world of true mortification, and Christian perfection in his dayes: And therefore to the end we may now discern, and discuss in what church, and profession of Christians, these, and other true fruits of perfect charity are practised, it shall suffice that we only consider, what I haue already treated concerning the same, which may also serve for a recapitulation thereof, and evidently show that they abound, and flourish in the catholic Roman church, and that Lutherans, and Caluinists, cannot claim to themselves so much as any shadow thereof.  
63 For this purpose I will touch only 4. principal effects, or fruits of charity, whereof the first shall be that which I haue now lastly mentioned, and was practised in great perfection by these holly men of whom Theodoretus treateth: to wit, a true,& holly hatred of themselves, showed by the continual carriage of their cross in the exercise of penance, and mortification, or chastisement of their flesh.  
64 Now then that, this effect of perfect charity is no less manifest at this day, then it alwaise hath benne in our catholic Roman church, it is clear both by our catholic doctrine concerning the necessity therof, and also by the continual practise of it, evident in infinite numbers, as well of secular, and lay men, as of religious and clergy men, exemplar even at this day in all kind of mortification, I mean not only such mortification as the catholic church ordaineth, and enjoineth to be generally used at certain times, but also many particular, and private penances, as frequent, and rigorous fasts, disciplins, hair cloth, laborious peregrinations, watching, and diuers other austerities partly prescribed by the ancient rules of religions with in the first 400. and 500. yeres,( as I haue signified before in the 36. chapter,) and partly enjoined in some cases by ghostly fathers, and partly voluntarily undertaken, an● practised by particular men of all states to satisfy the iustice of God fo● sins past,( through the merits of our saviours sufferings, and satisfa●ction) to prevent future sins, by the repression of concupiscence, t● obtain Gods mercy towards other men, as well for the conversion o● sinners, as for the relief of their temporal necessities, and finally t● conform their lives to the lives of our saviour, of S. John Baptist, o● the Apostles,& of all the holly men of the primitive church, of whose severity, and rigour in all kind of penances, and mortifications, ● treated amply in the aforesaid 36. chapter, where I also declared th● continual practise thereof from our saviours time to these our dayes▪ by a continual succession of ages, and times, so that it cannot be denied, but that the use and custom thereof, and consequently this notable fruit, and effect of charity, both is, and alwaise hath benne euiden● in the catholic Roman church.  
65 But now on the other side, if we consider either the doctrine, or ye● the practise of our aduersaries, we shall find them to be utterly voide● thereof, as it hath appeared sufficiently in diuers parts of this treatise, especially in the 35. chapter, 
See the 35. chap.  where I laid down diuers points o● their doctrine, wholly repugnant to all mortification of the flesh, teaching such a free remission of sin by the merits of Christ, that all our voluntary penances are in their opinion derogatory to Christs merits, and satisfaction: besides that their doctrine also of justification by only faith, and of a Christian liberty, exempting us from all obligation of external works, 
Ibidem.  doth wholly exclude all penance, and chastisement of the flesh, as needless and superfluous: And therefore no marvel that they haue no exercise amongst them at all of mortification, whereof they are such open aduersaries, that they exclaim against nothing more then the practise thereof in the catholic church.  
66 So that of this most notable effect of charity they haue not so much as any pretence, whereby the common wealth is infinitely endamaged both spiritually, and temporallie, for as the restraint, and mortification of the flesh, doth notably repress 'vice and advance the virtue of temperance, which( as I haue declared in the ninth chapter out of Plato,) is a most political virtue: so also the general liberty of the flesh must needs foster, and nourish all kind of 'vice, and breed generally great intemperance, and enormity of sin, to the great offence of God,& breach of political laws, and consequently to the great prejudice of common wealth: and thus much for the first fruit of perfect charity.  
67 An other special fruit, and effect thereof is, the observation of the commandments of God, and of the evangelical counsels: and first touching the commandments, the same appeareth evidently by our saviours own words alleged before, to wit, Si quis diligit me, sermonem meum seruabit &c. if any man love me, 
1. joan. 14. Matth. 22.  he will keep my commandments &c. as also in that he abridged the whole law into the two precepts of charity, to which purpose also the Apostle saith, plenitudo legis dilectio, the fullness or accomplishment of the law is love, or charity, 
Rom. 13.  and finally S. John teacheth that. Haec est charitas Dei vt mandata eius custodiamus, This is the charity, or the love of God, that we keep his commandments. 
1. joan. 5.   
68 Now then here we are to consider whether this fruit of charity be to be found in the catholic Roman church, or amongst the sectaries, and first concerning them, it is manifest that they are in this point as I may say rei confitentes, so guilty that they confess their fault, teaching that the commandments are impossible to be kept: yea Luther Melanchthon, 
See chap. 35.  the Antinoni, and the rigid Lutherans affirm, that the commandments are abrogated by Christ, as appeareth in the 35. chapter, whereto tendeth also all their doctrine concerning justification by only faith, and our Christian liberty, which Luther teacheth to be such, 
Luther de christia. libert. Item ad c. 2. ad Galat. Item in ep. c. 7. ep. 1. ad Cor.  that we are bound to nothing but only to beleeue, and confess God, and that in all other things, we are free, and left to our own liberty, as I haue also declared more at large in the 35. chapter: and therefore it is evident by the doctrine of these Archsectaries, that they neither kept the commandments, nor thought it needful to do it, no nor yet, as it may be presumed; ever so much as endeavoured to keep them: for no man is so simplo to take pains, to do that, which he thinketh to be but needless, and impossible.  
69 The like may also be said with great reason of all Lutherans Caluinists, and other sectaries who beleeue, and follow this doctrine of their maisters: so that I may well conclude that this most excellent effect of perfect charity, to wit the observation of the commandments, or law of God, is not to be found amongst these aduersaries of the catholic Roman church, where upon it also followeth that their congregations can not be the true church of Christ, seeing that almighty God promised in the old testament, to give his holly spirit to his seruants in the new testament, whereby they should observe his commandments, as appeareth in the prophet Ezechiel, who speaking of the church of Christ, saith in the person of almighty God, 
Ezech. 6.36.  Spiritum meum ponam in medio vestri &c. I will place, or put my spirit in the midst of you, and I will make, or cause that you shall walk in my precepts, and keep my judgements. Thus saith the prophet, whereby it is evident that the commandment of God shall be fully observed in the church of Christ.  
70 And if this be denied it must need follow that the church of God had greater privilege, and assistance of his grace, and holly spirit vnde● the law of Moyses, then it hath now in the law of grace: And this I say, for that it is evident, that in Moyses his law the commandments, and law of God were exactly fulfilled, as the scripture testifieth of diuers holly men in that time, 
Iosue ca. 11.  as namely of Iosue, saying, non praeteriit de vniuersis mandatis, ne vnum quidem &c. he did not let pass, or transgress so muc● as one of all the commandments which God commanded to Moyses.  

3. Reg. c. 15.  71 Also of david we red in the book of kings, that fecit rectum in oculis Domini &c. he did ●hat which was right,( or just) in the sight of God, and did not decline from all those things( that is to say from any of those things) which God commanded him all the dayes of his life, except in the matter of Vrias. besides that he signifieth of himself, that he performed the commandments of God with all facility by the help of his grace, and therefore he saith viam mandatorum tuorum cucurri &c. 
Psal. 118.  I ran the way of thy commandments when thou diddest dilate my hart. In life manner the evangelist witnesseth of Zacharias, and Elizabeth,( as I haue signified in the last chapter) that they were both just before God, 
luke. 1.  walking in all the commandments, or justifications of our Lord with out blame.  
72 Seeing then these, and many others no doubt, kept the commandments of God under the law of Moyses, it were very absurd, and injurious to Christ, to say that the commandments are impossible to be observed in his church, which hath received of him the law of grace, and abundance of his spirit, and a promise of his continual assistance until the end of the world, besides that he himself also witnesseth that his yoke is sweet, 
Math. 11. 1. joan. 5.  and his burden light, and S. John saith that mandata eius grauia non sunt, his commandments are not heavy, yea and the psalmist testifieth that they are dulciora supper mell,& fauum, sweeter then hunny, and hunny comb. 
Psal. 18.  what marvel then that good, and holly men being assisted with Gods grace, and holly spirit, do not only receive infinite sweetness and consolation in the observation and performance of the commandments, but also do exceed, or go beyond them, performing much more then is commanded? as I haue already proved before when I treated of the evangelical counsels, and will also prove more particularly after a while.  
73 In the mean time I infer hereupon that the comaundments of God are not impossible, but easy, and sweet by the help of Gods grace which I could confirm by infinite places of Scriptures, and Fathers but that for brevities sake I must remit all this question to be handled mo●e at large in the third part of this treatise: therefore for the present, I ●ish it to be noted, that the fathers abhorred this opinion of the secta●ies, as impious, and blasphemous, and therefore S. Basil saith, 

S. Basil in orat. in il●ud attend tibi. non longè à principio.  
S. Chrisost. ho. 8. de poeni●ent circa medium.  
S Paulin ep. ad Celantiā inter ep.  
S. Hieron. li. 1 ep. 14.  
S. Aug. li. de natura& gratia. ca. 69.   imptum est ●icere impossibitia esse spiritus praecepta, it is a wicked thing to say that the prae●●pts of the holly ghost are impossible to be kept and S. chrysostom in like man●er, nequaquam, saith he, dominum acouses, &c. do not thou accuse our Lord, he o not command impossible things, multi ipsa superant praecepta, many do ●●rpasse; or go beyond the precepts themselves: and S. Paulinus to the same purpose saith nec sufficit quod iusta non facimus &c. neither doth it suffice us, ●at we do not those things which are commanded, except we also pronounce him ● be unjust, who commanded them, whiles we complain that the very author ●f equity did command things not only difficult, and hard, but also impossible. ●inallie to omit others S. Augustin saith thus, eo ipso quo firmissimè credi●●r &c. for as much as it is most firmly believed that God being just, and good, ●uld not command impossible things, we are hereby admonished both what to and in those things that are easy, and also what to crave of God in those things ●hich are hard, or difficult: for all things are easy to charity, whereto alone the ●urden of Christ,( that is to say Christs law, or commandment,) is light.  
74 Thus saith this holly father giving to understand two things, the ●ne that to affirm God to haue commanded things impossible, were to accuse him to be neither good, nor just, which is no less then mere blasphemy, and impiety: and the other is, that the hardest commandments are easily performed with the help of charity, which therfore ●he saith we ought to crave of God in our prayers, whereby he also teacheth that the observation of the commandments, or law of God, is and effect, or fruit of charity, as I haue showed before.  
75 And now to say some what particulerlie of the Roman church, it is evident that in it is the true observation of Gods law, and commandments not only because it is the true church, and spouse of Christ, and practiseth all the means that God hath ordained for the performance of his law,( as I haue proved sufficiently before) but also because the evangelical counsels of Christ( which include the commandments) are fully and exactly observed therein, as appeared in the 25. 28. 29. 30. and 31. chapters, where I haue manifestly showed, that the Roman catholics only, haue the true imitation of Christ, by the observation of the evangelical counsels, besides that it is no less manifest, that the counsels do both include the commandments, and also in some sort exceed them in perfection: for although Christian perfection doth consist in the observation of the precepts,( as I haue declared in the last chapter, and that the counsels are referred thereto as to their end,( being proposed, and taught by our saviour to the end that the precepts may be th● more perfectly observed) yet they do excel the precepts three waise  

See Bellarmin li. 2. de monachis c. 6.  76 The first is if we compare together those counsels, and precepts which concern one, and the self same matter, as for example the precepts forbidding covetousness, are, non concupisces rem proximi, Thou shal● not covet thy neighbours goods; and non furaberis, thou shalt not steal, an● the evangelical counsel, that concerneth that matter, is voluntary poverty, but to forbear to steal, or not to covet the goods of our neighbour, is not of such excellency, and merit, as to forsake or give awa● all that we haue to the poor for the love of God, whereto our saviour promiseth a hundreth fold in this life, and an everlasting kingdom i● the next.  
77 The like also may be said of the council of virginity, as that it i● more excellent, and perfect then the precept non maechaberis, thou shalt n● commit adultery, for he which doth, for the love of God conserve himself in perpetual virginity, and chastity, is no doubt more perfect the● he, that only forbeareth to commit adultery, or fornication, as marie● folks may easily do.  
78 Secondly it is also evident, that a far greater measure of chariti● is necessary to the keeping of the counsels( which require a perfect renunciation of our goods, and pleasures) then to the observation o● the precepts only, which may be kept, and yet our goods, and modera● pleasures retained: 
S. Aug. ser. 18. de verb. Apostoli. cap. 11.  in which respect S. Augustin saith of virgins, maio● amor, maius onus imposuit, a greater love laid a greater burden upon them, therefore where there is greater charity, or love of God, there is also greate● perfection.  
79 Thirdly if we compare the state of those that keep the counsels with those that keep the precepts only, the former no doubt are o● far greater merit, and perfection, because the counsels being perfectl● observed, do include the precepts, and ad more thereto, in which respect our saviour answered to the young man, who said that he had kep● the commandments, 
Mar. 10. luke. 18. Matth. 19. S. August. ep. 89. q. 4. ad Hilarium.  adhuc vnum tibi dost &c. Thou yet wantest one thing if thou willt be perfect, go and sell all thou hast and give it to the poor, an● follow me, whereupon S. Augustin saith, magister bonus mandata legis a● ista excellentiore perfectione distinxit &c. Our good master( Christ) distinguishe● the commandments of the law, from this more excellent perfection, for he sai●● there, if thou wilt enter into life keep the commandments: and here( he saith) if thou wilt be perfect sell all thou hast &c. So he, who also in the same plac● calleth this aduise of our saviour to the young man, grande& praeclaru● perfectionis consilium, a great, and notable counsel of perfection, 
Ibid.  as may be seen more at large before in the 28. chapter, where I treated of the counsel of voluntary poverty in particular.  
80 For these respects the ancient fathers of the church do affirm, that the evangelical counsels do surmount, or go beyond the precepts. Origen saith, that they are supra debitum, and supra praeceptum, above, 
Orig. in ca. 15 ad Romā.  or beyond our duty, and above the precept, or commandment of God: and S. Ambrose speaking of virginity, 

S. Ambrosius ad Vercel. eccles. li. 3. ep. 25.  
S. Paulin. Nolan. ad Sulpit. Seuerum. ep. 4.   saith non enim praecipitur quod supra legem est &c. That which is above the law is not commanded, but is rather persuaded by the way of council: and not only S. Paulinus, but also S. Augustin, do give to understand that virginity,( which is one of the evangelical counsels) is a work of supererogation: to which purpose S. Pauli●us alluding to the parable of our saviour concerning the good Samaritan, who cured the wounded man, saith, that he which doth add the counsel of virginity to the precepts, dé suo supererogat, doth lay out of his own more then is commanded, and shall be rewarded for it, when our Lord returneth, as the good Samaritan promised to the innkeeper, to tender, or repay him at his return whatsoever he should lay out of his own, more then the 2. pence which he gave him for the cure of the wounded man.  
81 And the very same application of that parable is used by S. Augustin not only concerning virginity in his book de virginitate but also else where concerning the other counsels, 

S. August. de virginitate ca. 30.  
Idem li. 2. quaest. evang. q. 19.  
Idem li. 1. de Adulterinus couingiis. c. 14.   mentioned in the holly scriptures, whereof he saith thus. Haec sunt quae amplius erogantur saucio &c. These are those things, which are laid out over and above, that which was ordained) for the cure of the wounded man, whom the Samaritan out of his mercy, ●nd compassion caused to be carried to the inn to be cured. And therefore they are said not to be commanded by our Lord, although they are by him advised to be offered, to the end we may understand that they are so much the more grateful, by how much more they are undue, that is to say, by how much less wee are bound to undertake them. Thus teach these two holly fathers, wherein I wish our aduersaries to note, that the term of supererogation applied to works, is not a late invention of ours, but used 1200. yeres a go, and derived out of the holly scripture, by the ancient fathers. 
S. Chrisost. ho. 8 de penitent.   
82 S. chrysostom also testifieth that multi& ipsa superant mandata, many do pass or go beyond the commandments, as appeareth in the place, which I haue alleged out of him 
Nu. 75. S. Greg. li. 26. Moral. ca. 20.  before, to prove the possibility to keep the commandments. And S. Gregory affirming also the same, saith, Alij non judicantur,& regnant, qui etiam praecepta legis perfectione virtutum transcendunt &c. some are not judged, and do reign, who do transcend, or mount above the precepts of virtue, not being contented, only to fulfil that whi● the law of God commandeth to all men, but endeavouring also with a more exce●lent desire to exhibit more, then they could hear in the general precepts. Th● saith S. Gregory in conformity with all the other fathers, concerni● the counsels of our saviour.  
83 Finally for as much as the heyghest perfection of Christian lif● consisteth in the true imitation of Christ, and in the perfect obseruatio● of his commandments( as I haue often signified before) and that Chr● is truly imitated and the commandments perfectly observed,( so far● forth as is required in this life) by the means of the Euangelic● counsels( which cannot be perfectly practised, and performed, with o● a most excellent, and eminent charity) Therefore all the ancient, an● holly fathers of the church do with uniform consent, attribute th● heyghest perfection of Christian life, to the performance of the cou●sels, in religious discipline, as I haue signified briefly in the last chapter and proved more at large in the 28. 29. 30. and especially in the 3● chapters; whereupon I conclude, that seeing the catholic Roma● church hath the true imitation of Christ, by the exact practise of the evangelical counsels, it hath also that most excellent fruit, and effect o● charity, whereof I now treat, to wit the perfect observation of th● commandments of God, and consequently the heyghest, and all th● perfection of Christian religion: and that on the other side, the aduersaries of the Roman church, being professed enemies of the evangelical counsels, and not observing the commandments by their owns confession,( seeing they teach them to be impossible to be kept) ar● therefore utterly void, not only of the true imitation of Christ, and o● Christian perfection, but also of perfect charity, which( as I hau● showed before) the Apostle calleth vinculum perfectionis, 
Coloss. 3.  the bond of perfection.  
84 And to the end thou mayst, good reader, the better call to min● what I haue discoursed, and proved before concerning this point, i● may please thee to remember, that having deduced the doctrine, an● practise of these counsels of our saviour out of express scriptures, an● the ancient fathers, not only in general, but also of every counsel i● particular, I showed that the said sectaries haue no use, or practice thereof at all: as first concerning voluntary poverty, I made it maninifest, that albeit there hath benne in all ages, and times from our saviour Christ until this day, infinite numbers who haue followed hi● counsel, and example of voluntary poverty, abandoning all their worldly wealth, substance, and honours for the love of God, and amongst them many emperours, kings, princes, and most eminent personages,( eminent I say for their temporal power, dignity, and riches) yet it was never heard that any Lutheran, or Caluinist would leave the value of six pence, and much less all his temporal commodities, and dignities, to become poor, needy, and contemptible for Christs sake.  
85 In like manner I showed also the same touching the evangelical council of chastity, as that notwith standing the express doctrine and practise thereof delivered unto us by our saviour, and his Apostles and that innumerable holly men, and women in all succeeding ages until this day, haue voluntarily consecrated themselves to the service of God, by vow of perpetual chastity, nevertheless the Lutherans, and Caluinists, haue not so much practise of this Angelical, and heavenly virtue, as painimes had, amongst whom it was heyghly esteemed, and practised by many,( as I showed evidently in the 30. chapter) whereas these professors of the new gospel, and pretended reformers of the world do with might, and main impugn it, teaching a most carnal and absurd doctrine, contrary to experience, and common sense, to wit, that it is no more possible to live chast, then to live with out meate, besides that, to exclude, 
See the 30. chap.  and debar men from the special means to attain unto it( I mean from Gods grace and assistance) they teach also, that it is no more lawful to crave of God the gift of chastity, then the gift, or grace of prophesy, or of doing miracles: also that a man may be divorced from his wife, and mary again for many causes, and that polygamy, or the having of many wives at once, is not forbidden in the new testament, but indifferent to be used, or left at our pleasure, for so teacheth Luther, and other of the sectaries his followers, opening a wide gap to Mahomets beastly Alcoran, as I haue declared in the 30. chapter, where I also showed that their lives were suitable to their doctrine, being most impure, carnal, and scandalous, as I will declare further after a while.  
86 moreover, touching the third evangelical counsel of obedience, or abnegation of ourselves,( whereto our saviour most seriously invited every christian man,) I also made it manifest, that although the practise thereof hath benne alwaise evident in Gods church in religious discipline, from the time of the Apostles until this day, yet the sectaries above name, haue not so much as any pretence, or shadow thereof, having no practise of the abnegation of themselves any way in the world, no, not so much as in captivating their reason, and understanding to faith, seeing they reduce all matters of faith, and the sense of holly scriptures( as all heretics haue ever donne) to their own understanding, and private iudgement, which they ridiculously call the spirit of God, every one of them pretending to haue the infallible assistance of Gods spirit, though they be never so different in opinion, and doctrine of most important points of divinity, condemning one another of absurd, and damnable heresies: besides the luciferian, pride which Luther, Caluin, and others of them show in their own writings, and with most odious exprobrations, do cast in the teeth one of another, as I declared amply in the 31. chapter: so that, it is more clear then the sun, that they haue no colour, or prerence at all of that true christian humility, and abnegation of themselves, which our saviour required in his seruants, and followers, whereupon I haue inferred diuers times before, and now conclude that their congregations being utterly destitut of all exercise, or practise of the evangelical counsels, haue no participation of that notable fruit of charity, whereof I now treat, nor any true imitation of Christ, nor perfection of Christian religion, nor finally that felicity which is the end of man, and common wealth: and that on the other side the catholic Roman church exercising, and performing exactly these counsels of our saviour, and consequently observing the law, and commandments of God( as I haue declared before) excelleth in all christian perfection, and giveth true felicity to the common wealths where it flourisheth.  
87 And this may appear, so far forth as concerneth the evangelical counsels, by the great benefits that redound to the common wealth by the observation thereof. For although the perfect practise of them cannot stand with the state of every member of the political body,( I mean, such as are married men, and haue propriety in goods, or possessions) yet it is necessary for the perfection of the whole common wealth, that they be exactly observed in some part thereof, and therfore I showed by diuers instances, and examples in the 31. chapter, that some things are necessary for the whole, that are not needful to be found in every part: and this, I say, is evident in the evangelical counsels in regard of common wealth.  
88 To which purpose it is to be considered, that whereas there are three things especially which do corrupt, and ruin not only the souls of men, but also whole common wealths,( to wit, concupiscentia carnis, concupiscentia oculorum, 
1. joan. 2.  and superbia vitae, the concupiscence of the flesh, the concupiscence of the eyes, and the pride of life) our saviour, intending to cure these most dangerous and inueterat diseases of mankind, to the benefit as well of all men in general,( that is to say of whole common wealths) as of every man in particular, proposed, like to a wise, skilful, and pious physician, three remedies of a contrary quality, to wit the three notable virtues of single, and chast life, voluntary poverty, and obedience, or abnegation of ourselves, practising also the same himself most exactly for our example, and encouragement.  
89 Therefore whosoever doth duly follow his counsel, and example in the exercise of these three virtues, must needs be not only a good and perfect christian,( sacrificing himself wholly soul, body, goods, and liberty to almighty God) but also an excellent member of his common wealth, living therein most laudably with out the injury, or offence of any, loving every man as himself, benefiting all men to his power, practising profound humility, patience, remission of injuries, and all kind of virtue, and finally abounding in perfect charity, which is the fountain from whence floweth all perfection as well political, or civil, as evangelical, and Christian.  
90 And although it is not necessary, or convenient, as I haue said, that every member of the common wealth, do exactly observe these counsels, yet it is requisite that some do perform them in perfection, for where as most men that are transported with 'vice, and sin, do commonly measure all others by their own infirmity, and therefore would easily suppose, that the perfection of virtue were impossible to be obtained, if they should not see the perfect practise of it in some men at least, it cannot be denied, but that the example of such as perform evangelical counsels, is an evident argument to all men that those virtues are possible, yea and helpeth to dispose, and notably move, and incite many to the exercise thereof, if not in the heyghest perfection, yet at least in some sort, according to their state, and vocation. And therefore the covetous rich man, seeing riches abandoned for the love of God, is moved thereby at least, less to affect his wealth, and to use the same well without the offence of God, or of his neighbour; and the incontinent man, be he married, or single, is by the example of the virgin, the sooner induced to live continent in his vocation. Lastly the proud, and ambitious man learneth less to esteem the world, and the vanities thereof, by the profound humility of those that do wholly contemn it, and deny themselves for the love of God: so that virtue is notably furthered, and advanced in the common wealth by the example of such as practise the evangelical counsels, and not only by their example, but also by their other good endeavours of admonitions, fraternal correptions, and exhortations.  
91 For; the excellent, and singular charity, or love of God, which moveth them to practise perfect virtue themselves, inciteth them also to further the same in others, by all possible means, and to join the active with the contemplative life in the heyghest perfection; whereby the common wealth is exceedingly benefited, as may appear by all that which I haue amply laid down before, 
34.  concerning the gaining of infinite numbers of souls to God, and the conversion of innumerable nations to the Christian faith, by such only, as haue practised the evangelical counsels: and therefore when our saviour determined to employ his disciples in the promulgation of his law, and the conversion of the world, he taught them the evangelical councils, knowing in his divine wisdom, that none could be fit instruments to induce other men to Christian perfection,( which is repugnant to flesh and blood) if they did not perfectly practise it themselves; whereupon I inferred, that our aduersaries being enemies to the evangelical counsels, can neither themselves arrive to christian perfection, nor persuade other Christians to embrace it, and much less convert infidels to the Christian faith: All which I haue largely debated in the 34. chapter, where I haue also declared what great benefits, spiritual, and temporal God hath in all ages bestowed upon princes, and their states by the prayers, and endeavours of religious men observing the evangelical counsels. Finally I haue also shewed, in the same chapter, how much the first christian Emperours, and kings, as well in our country, as else where haue esteemed, and honoured such men, and laboured to advance their profession: by all which it evidently appeareth, how necessary, and beneficial the exercise of the evangelical counsels is, not only to every common wealth in particular, but also generally to the whole world. Thus much concerning the second effect of charity, consisting in the performance of the commandments, and of the evangelical counsels of our saviour.  
92 The third fruit of perfect charity( whereof I determined to treat) is all kind of good works, for, although our aduersaries do attribute the same wholly to faith, as the proper fruit thereof, yet they are to understand, that good works are no otherwaise the fruits of faith, then as faith worketh, or is made to work by charity, from whence they do immediately proceed, and therefore are the proper fruits, and effects thereof, 
S. Aug. de fide& operib. c. 14.  in which respect S. Augustin saith, that the Apostle commending faith unto us, doth recommend no other, but an wholesome and evangelical faith, cuius opera ex dilectione procedunt, the works whereof do proceed from love, 
Idem praefat. in psal. 13.  or charity: and again( si fides, saith he, sine dilectione sit &c. if faith be with out charity, it shall be with out works, add to it hope, and love, and take no thought for thy working, for charity can not be idle. Also in the same place, 
Ibidem.  quod credit, saith he, fidei est, quod operatur charitatis, that a man believeth, it is of faith, that he worketh, it is of charity. Thus he.  
93 And this may be confirmed out of the Apostle, who attributeth to charity all the effects, and fruits of virtue, saying, charitas patience est, 
1. Cor. 13.  benigna est &c. charity is patient, is benign, or meek, charity envieth not, dealeth not perversely, is not puffed up, is not ambitious, seeketh not her own, is not provoked to anger, thinketh not evil, rejoiceth not upon iniquity, but rejoiceth with the truth, suffereth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, beareth all things &c. So saith the Apostle, signifying that charity is the mother of all virtue.  
94 Now then, it resteth to be considered, where this notable effect of charity is to be found, whether in the congregations of the sectaries, or in the catholic Roman church, to which purpose I shall not need to trouble thee, good reader, with any further discourse, then with a brief recapitulation, of what I haue treated already concerning the doctrine, and lives of the sectaries, and Roman catholics.  
95 First, for the sectaries: I haue declared at large in the 35. chapter what an absurd, pernicious, and pestilent doctrine they teach touching charity, and works, as that faith only justifieth before charity, and with out charity, 
See chap. 35. ( for so teacheth Luther) that good works are neither meritorious, nor necessary to salvation, but hurtful thereto: that the best works of the best men are damnable sins: that nothing can damn a man but incredulity, or lack of faith: that the more wicked a man is, the nearer he is to Gods grace: that whatsoever our works are, we are sure to be saved, if we apply to ourselves the merits of Christ by faith: that mens actions proceed nor of free will, but of absolute necessity: that God moveth, and compelleth men to sin: besides those other absurd, and impious paradoxes, 
Nu. 68.  mentioned a little before in this chapter touching the abrogation of the commandments by Christ, the impossibility to keep them, and our Christian liberty admitting no obligation of law human, or divine: whereupon it must needs follow,( as I haue signified before diuers times, and specially in the 36. chapter) that all virtuous, and good life is superfluous, yea impossible,( when fate doth not compel men unto it,) and that 'vice, and sin is acceptable to God, seeing that according to their doctrine, it proceedeth of his own motion, and compulsion, and is his own work, and therefore by a necessary consequent must needs be good, and commendable, inevitable, and remediless to man.  
96 What then can be expected of those which teach, or beleeue this doctrine, but al wickedness, 'vice, and sin? especially seeing they also reject all the means that may bridle lust,& concupiscence in man, as all kind of penance, mortification, and chastisement of the flesh, as I haue sufficiently declared in the 35. and 36. chapter: 
Chap. 35.& 36.  where I also inferred upon the premises, that their exhortations to virtue, and reprehensions of 'vice, are not only booteles, and fruitless, but also ridiculous in them, being contrary to their own grounds, and of no other force, or effect, then a weak antidote, geeuen after a strong poison, especially seeing that also the lives of their chief maisters, and doctors,( Luther, Caluin, Beza, and others) were conform to their doctrine, and so beastly as I described in the 30. chapter, and therefore no marvel though their first disciples practising their doctrine, and imitating their example, loosed the bridle to all 'vice, and wickedness in such sort, that their maisters themselves were ashamed of them, and exceedingly lamented and complained thereof, as evidently appeareth by that which I haue alleged before out of the writings of Luther, 
Chap. 35.  Caluin, Andreas Musculus, and John Andrewes, which last signified plainly that the Ghospellers in Germany excused all their wickedness▪ by the doctrine of only faith, whereupon they wholly relied, holding good works, and all good christian discipline for nothing else, but for a new popery, and monkery,( for so saith John Andrewes) as may be seen more at large in the 35. chapter, whereto may also be added the testimonies not only of Villagagnon( first a Caluinist, and after a catholic) concerning the brutish bestiality of the genevian ministers, and others sent by the magistrates of Geneua to Noua Francia in America, but also of Czecanonius, and Wigandus protestant writers in Germany, witnessing the great excess of enormities, that grew in all those parts by reason of Luthers loose, and dissolute doctrine, to the exceeding damage of the common wealth, as I haue signified more amply in the 30. chapter: 
Chap. 30.  by all which it appeareth most manifestly, what fruit of good works their gospel yieldeth, and what benefit the common wealth may reap thereby.  
97 But perhaps some will say that howsoever Luther, and his followers the Lutherans ouerlashed in their doctrine concerning good works, excluding them from justification, yet Caluin admitteth them thereto in some sort, at least as fruits, or signs of a good faith, affirming that faith can not be voided of good works,& therefore he exclaimeth greatly against those, that charge him to teach that justification may be without them.  
98 Whereto I answer, that although Caluin, and the milder sort of Lutherans are more modest in words, then Luther, and his followers, not speaking so outragiouslie against good works as they, yea seeming to admit them in some sort to justification, yet for as much, as they do euacuat the special fruit, and effect thereof, denying their merit,( contrary to the doctrine of our saviour, and his Apostles) whereby they also impair the reputation of good works, and hinder mens desire, and diligence to perform them, Therefore, I say, their doctrine is impious, and pernicious to common wealth, especially if Caluins opinion be well examined, what he meaneth when he requireth good works with faith to our justification.  
99 For although he seemeth sometimes to admit them,( as I haue said) yet in truth he holdeth them to be altogether needless on our part: I say on our part: for, expounding his own opinion what he meaneth, when he saith, that faith can not be with out good works, he signifieth plainly, that the good works which he requireth to our justification, are not ours, but the works of Christ imputed to us: but let us hear his own words, in the same place where he crieth out against his calumniators, as he calleth them.  
100 Non somniamus, saith he, fidem bonis operibus vacuam, 
Caluin instit. li. 3 c. 16.§. 1.  aut justificationem quae sine illis constet &c. we do not so much as dream of a faith void of good works, or of a justification which may stand with out them: this only difference there is, that where as we confess that faith, and good works do necessarily concur together, we place justification in faith, and not in works: and in what manner this is donne, it is easy to declare, if we turn ourselves to Christ, to whom faith is directed, and from whom it receiveth all the force it hath. wherefore, we are justified because we apprehended by faith the iustice of Christ( by which only we are reconciled to God,) and this thou canst not apprehended, but thou dost also apprehended his sanctification, for he was geeuen us for our iustice, wisdom, sanctification, and redemption: and therefore he justifieth no man, but he doth with all sanctify him, for these benefits are conjoined together with a perpetual, and indivisible bond &c. And after a while having added more to the same purpose, he concludeth, cum ergo haec beneficia &c. Seeing therfore our lord doth not grant us the fruition of these benefits,( of justification, and sanctification) but by giving himself unto us, he doth give us them both together, and never giveth the one with out the other: and so it is manifest how true it is, that we are not justified with out works, neither yet by works: because sanctification is no less contained then iustice, in the participation of Christ, whereby we are justified. So he, explicating his own opinion, how good works must needs concur with faith in our justification: wherein nevertheless you see he doth not so much as mention our works, but giveth to understand that the works of Christ( which are comprehended in his sanctification) are imputed to us together with his iustice, 
Caluin li. 3. instit. ca. 11.§. 2.& 3.  for it is evident that Caluins constant opinion and doctrine concerning our justification, is that it consisteth in the remission of sin,& the imputation of Christs iustice unto us, vt pro justis, saith he, in Christo censeamur, qui in nobis non sumus, that we may be held for just in Christ, who are not( just) in ourselves: So that when he teacheth that we are not justified, with out works, and declareth his meaning to be no other, but because we apprehended the sanctification of Christ by faith together with his iustice, it is manifest by his own interpretation, that the good works which he requireth together with faith in our justification, are Christs, and not ours, I mean no otherwaise ours, then Christs iustice and sanctification is ours, that is to say, not really, and in deed, but only by imputation, according to his opinion, which I haue sufficiently confuted in the beginning of this chapter.  
101 And this is also most conform to his doctrine in other points, seeing he teacheth expressly, as I haue declared in the 35. chapter, that our best works are mortal sins, 
Caluin li. 3. institut. c. 14. sect. 9. Ibidem li. 3. c. 11. sect. 13.& 17. Idem de eater. Dei praedestina. printed at Geneua an. 1552. fol. 905. 906 916. 944.& 945. Item li 1. instit. ca 17.§. ●1. & ca. 18.§. 1.&§. 2.&§ 4. Item ibid. li. 2. ca. 4§ 2.&§. 3.& 4. Item li. 3. c. 23§. 4. 7. 8.& 9.  and that our justification by faith, is soluta conditionibus legis, free from the conditions of the law: Besides his other blasphemous opinion, that God is the author of sin, inclining, moving, ad compelling men thereto, yea and working it himself in their minds, as the first cause, using them as his instruments, which how absurd, and impious it is, I haue already showed sufficiently before: where by it is evident, that his doctrine concerning works being well sifted, and examined, is no less prejudicial to good life,& consequently no less pernicious to common wealth then Luthers, though it be sometimes more cunningly shrouded with some more shadow, and colour of piety.  
102 Whereas on the other side, I haue manifestly showed in diuers parts of this treatise, and especially in the 
Chap. 35.& 36.  35. and 36. chapters, that the doctrine, and practise of the catholic church, is most behoveful, and beneficial to common wealth, inviting, encouraging, and leading men to all kind of good works, virtue, and christian perfection, teaching out of the holly scriptures, and fathers, that good works are necessary to justification, and salvation: that they are most acceptable to almighty God, and meritorious: that contrition, confession, and satisfaction, is requisite to the remission of sin: that the chastisement of the body is not only grateful, and pleasing to almighty God, and satisfactory for sins past, but also needful to the repression of concupiscence, and prevention of future sins: that the meditation of our saviours life, passion, death, and resurrection, is necessary to the true imitation of him, and giveth singular contentment, and comefort to a devout soul( though Luther saith, that he had more gust, and pleasure in bread and bear, then in such meditations, as I declared out of his own drunken confession in the 32. chapter: 
Chap. 32. ) finally that the practise, and performance of of the evangelical counsels of Christ, is necessary to the perfection of Christian religion: all which doctrine tending directly to virtuous and good life, to the repression of 'vice, to the reformation of manners, and to Christian perfection, and being most exactly practised in the catholic Roman church, must needs bring forth plenty, and abundance of all good works, to the incredible benefit of common wealth.  
103 And to this purpose I haue also further proved in the 36. chapter, that although there are very many who profess catholic religion, 
Chap. 36.  and are with all very vicious, and wicked, yet their 'vice, and wickedness, neither doth, nor can proceed of the catholic faith which they profess, but of their own negligence, in not following and observing the prescript, and rules thereof: And again on the other side, I also showed in the same place, that the bad life of such as profess lutheranism, or Caluinisme, both may, and commonly doth spring of their doctrine, and belief, and that the good deeds, or commendable lives of some of them, are not the fruits of their religion, but to be ascribed to the hypocrisy of some, and to the good natural disposition of others yea and that therein also they haue no advantage of epicureans, Pagans, 
Ibidem.  Turks, or Atheists, amongst whom there haue benne,& are many as morally good, and virtuous as any of them. finally that amongst the old philosophers there were diuers who in moral virtue excelled the best of them: whereas all those that ever haue benne famous and admirable in Gods church for sanctity, and hollines of life, and haue attained to the perfection of Christian religion, haue benne Roman Catholiks, and lived in the exercise of the catholic Roman doctrine, as appeareth at large in the 36. chapter aforesaid. So that there is nothing more evident, then that this notable fruit of charity,( consisting in good works, and true Christian virtue) doth no way belong to the profession of sectaries, but to the catholic Roman Religion, which therefore is most convenient, and necessary to the happy state of common wealth, as well temporal, as spiritual.  
104 There remaineth yet the fourth effect, or fruit of charity, whereof I promised to speak here, to wit our union with God, which I haue proved to be a special effect of charity, as well in my tract of contemplation, when I treated of the vnitiue way, as also in this chapter, 
Chap. 20.& 21.  where I haue showed the eminent dignity, and excellent operation of charity in the work of justification, and in uniting the soul of man with God in which respect it is called by the ancient, and learned Father S. Dionysius, 
S. Dionisi. li. de divinis nomin. c 4 par. 1.& 2.  virtus vnifica, connexiua, concretiua, commiscens &c. As ● haue signified before, in this 
Num. 49  chapter.  
105 And now to show that this effect of charity is evident in the catholic Romar church, the same appeareth by the evident experience and manifest demonstration of all the external signs, of Gods interna● union with his seruants: which I haue showed to be no less manife● in Roman catholics at this day, then it alwaise hath benne in other seruants of God in former, times. To which purpose I haue laid doun● in the 27. chapter, 
Chap. 27.  examples of Gods extraordinary favours, graces, an● gifts bestowed upon his saints in this life, not only in the old, but als● in the new testament, and ever since continued in all ages successiuel● from the Apostles until this day, I mean the admirable, and stupenduous effects of a contemplative, and ecstatical love, as abundance o● spiritual sweetness, and heavenly consolations in prayer, extases, and rapts, the spirit of prophesy, revelations, visions apparitions, of ou● saviour, Angels, and Saints, the operation of miracles, and such other evident signs of Gods union with holly men: of all which the catholic Roman church only, hath ever had, and still hath the specia● privilege, as by the examples aforesaid is more clear then the sun especially seeing I haue also evidently showed that Lutherans, 
Chap. 32.  and Caluinists, and other aduersaries of the Roman church, haue not, nor eue● had any participation of those divine favours, and external signs o● Gods internal union with them, but rather manifest tokens of the contrary by feigned miracles, false revelations, fanatical dreams, and manifest illusions of wicked spirits, such as I showed in Luther, Caluin● Zuinglius, Carolstadius, fox, and others, as it may be seen in the 32 chapter.  

Ibid.& Chap. 27.  106 besides that I also made it manifest partly in the same chapter, and partly in the 27. that those divine graces, and gifts whereof I speak haue benne alwaise most evident in such Roman catholics, as hau● not been subject to the least suspicion of any deceit, or illusion, in respect of their admirable sanctity, and holiness of life, manifest to th● Christian world, and approved in diuers of them, with such stupendious miracles as passed the devils power to do, or counterfeit.  
107 Finally I showed this effect of charity not only in the greatest seruants of God for the 600. yeres last past, to wit in S. Bernard, S. Francis, S. Dominick, S. Thomas, Aquinas S. Catherin of Siena, S. Brigit, and diuers others( besides many holly men, and women of this age) but also in the old religious monks, and hermits of the first 600. yeeres after Christ as S. paul the first hermit, S. Antony, S. Hilarion, S. Ephraem, S. Basil, S. jerome, S. Martin, S. Augustin, S. bennet, S. Gregory, and others, of whom I haue produced notable examples in this kind, and by them haue derived a continual succession from the primitive church until this day, as well of these spiritual graces, and miraculous gifts, as also of religious, and monastical life which they all professed.  
108 So that it being evident, that God hath testified, and manifestly showed his internal union with holly men, by such external favours even from the time of his Apostles, to this our age, and that the same hath benne alwaise, and is still most manifest in Roman Catholiks, yea and that no Lutheran, Caluinist, or other sectary can, or ever could challenge to themselves, any true participation thereof, it must needs be granted that this effect of perfect charity,( to wit Gods union with man,) is proper to the catholic Roman church only, and to that religion which she professeth, and delivereth to her children.  
109 whereupon I conclude that for as much as it appeareth by the whole discourse of this treatise, that the end, and felicity of man, and of common wealth, consisteth in mans union with God, and that this union is wrought by perfect charity, which is found only in the catholic Roman church and religion, therefore it must needs follow, that the said catholic Roman religion, and church hath the only means to unite man with God, and consequently to make a happy common wealth, both spiritually, and temporallie: spiritually, for that the members thereof living in the perfect practise of the catholic Roman religion, shall abound in all the fruits of the spirit mentioned by the Apostle, who saith, Fructus autem spiritus sunt charitas, gaudium, pax &c. The fruits of the spirit are charity, joy, peace, patience, longanimity, bounty, 
5. Gal.  benignity, mansuetud, faith, modesty, continency, chastity, and that these are proper to Roman catholics, it appeareth sufficiently by all those effects of catholic religion whereof I haue treated as well in diuers parts of this treatise, as now lastly in this chapter: Of these the Apostle also addeth further in the same place, aduersus huiusmodi non est lex, against such as these, there is no law, signifying that those which haue these virtues infused by the spirit of God, do not need any written law, human, or divine, to divert or with hold them from doing evil, or to 
D. Tho. 1. 2. q. 96. ●r. 5. Rom 2. Hierem. 31. Psal. 36. Ephes. 2.  compel thē to discharge their duty towards God or man, because( as he saith of such else where) sibi ipsi sunt lex, they are a law to themselves, having the law of God written in their harts by the holly Ghost: whereby they are also ●iues sanctorum,& domestici Dei, fellow citizens of saints, and household seruants of God,& finally do enjoy true peace, comefort, and joy of soul, which far excelleth, al bodily or worldly pleasures, and contentments.  
110 And the more general this spiritual f●licitie is in the members of the common wealth, the greater also is the temporal happiness that redoundeth thereof to the whole state, which being spiritually united with God in all the parts, and members thereof, must needs dwell( as the psalmist saith) in the help of the heyghest, and in the protection of the God of heaven, and flourish in all plenty, tranquilitie, peace, prosperity, and security. 
levit. 26.  According to the promise made by almighty God to his people, saying. Si in praeceptis meis ambulaueritis.& mandata mea custodieritis &c. If you walk in my precepts, and keep my commandments, I will give you, rain in due season, and the earth shall bring forth her spring, and your trees shall be filled with fruits: the thrasshing of your harvest shal reach to the vintage: and the vintage shall continue until the sowing time, you shall eat your bread to your fill: and you shall dwell in your land with out fear, I will give you peace in your coasts, you shall sleep, and there shall be no man to affright you: I will take away noisome beasts, and the sword shall not pass over your bounds: you shall pursue your enemies, and they shall fall before you: five of yours shal pursue a hundreth strangers, and a hundreth of you ten thousand: your enemies shall fall by the sword in your sight: I will respect you, and make you increase: you shall be multiplied, and I will ratify my covenant with you: you shall eat the eldest of their old store, and shall cast away the old upon the coming in of the new: I will set my tabernacle in the midst of you, and my soul will not reject you: I will walk a 'mongst you, and will be your God, and you shall be my people.  
111 Thus said almighty God to the Iewes, promising them all the temporal felicity that could be imagined, if they would inviolably observe his law. And the same is no doubt to be understood of any other people, or common wealth, living in the profession of true religion, and the observation of the commandments of God: wherein nevertheless I wish it to be understood, that for as much as temporal prosperity, being considered in itself, is common, as well to bad common wealths, as to good, at least for a time: it is never to be taken for any part of true happiness, but only when it concurreth with the spiritual felicity before mentioned, or rather redoundeth thereof, as a benediction, and blessing of almighty God bestowed upon his particular people: for otherwaise it may rather be counted an infelicity, and malediction, for such reasons, as I haue signified partly in the 9. chapter, and much more at large in the first part of this treatise, 
Chap. 26.  where I laid down the causes why God prospereth wicked men, and showed evidently that their sinful prosperity, doth not only pronosticat, but also accelerat their ruin, and is, as S. Augustin saith, a just punishment of God for their sin, 
S. Aug. in Psal. 9.  serving for no other end sometimes then, as it were, a lightning before death, and other while, for a pleasant pasture to feed, and fatten them for the slaughter, yea being many times an assured token, 
See the first part. chap. 26. nu. 25. 26. &c. unto the end of the chapter. & argument of their reprobation, or an earnest penny of their eternal damnation, and therefore the greater, and more general is such prosperity of the wicked, the greater is their infelicity, and misery, as shall further appear in the third part of this treatise, when I shall treat of the notable punishments of almighty God extended upon princes, and their states, for heresy, and schism, whereby also the eminent dignity, and excellent fruit of catholic religion in common wealth, shall be yet much more manifest.  
112 And this being as much as I haue thought good to represent unto thee, good reader, in this second part, I will here make an end, remitting thee to the third, as well for the complete accomplishment of my whole project, as also for some things which I haue particularly promised in my first part, and not yet performed. In the mean time, I beseech almighty God to inspire thee, to make no less use, and benefit of these my labours, then I heartily wish thee, to Gods greater glory, and thy own eternal good.   
Laus Deo qui dedit velle& perficere.   

The principal faults escaped are thus to be amended. The letter p. signifieth the page., The letter n. the number, and the letter l. the line.  
PAg. 59. l. 10. for, in the year after the foundation of Rome, read in the year 423. after the foundation of Rome, p. 64. n. 8. l. 8. For esteenning, esteeming. p. 67. l. 16. for hold, should p. 68. l. 10. for here, how p. 71 n. 24 l 8 for aloustruse, abstruse, p. 73. n. 28. l. 2 for others, oaths p. 74 l. 9 for hem, them. ibid. n. 32. l. 2. for cum profundum, cum in profundum p. 82 n. 24. l. 3 for attended, attend. p. ibid. n. 31 l. 1. for, labour to, labour to be like to p. 84 n 39. l. 1. for emplified, exemplified p. 88 n. 47. l. 12. for stade, stood p. 91 l. 4. for lauds, lands p. 92. n. 10. l. 13. for with, which. p. 93. l. 2. for intigate, mitigate. p. 94. n. 13. l. 6. for livij livy. And the like correct in more places hard by p. 97 n 21. l. 3. for Turius, furious. p. 100. n. 32 l. 1. for Madonie, macedon, p. 184. l. 1 for hebcttat, hebetat p. 290. n. 11. l. 2. for asaxe, as are p. 318. l. 4. for treat, treated p. 329. n. 27. l. 8. for cast, case. Ibid. n. 28. l. 5 for icta, ista. p. 353. n. 25. l. 12. for diuinitions, difinitions p. 354. l. last, for cruel, cruelty p. 357. n. 32. l. last, for not, nor. p. 360. n. 7. l. 6. for held, geld p. 446. n. 21. l. 16. for monarie, monastery.  
If there be some other little faults which I haue omitted, and thou shalt chance to find in the reading, I pray thee of thy gentleness to correct them.   

A TABLE knowing BRIEFLY THE principal POINTS THAT ARE HANDLED IN the Second part of this Treatise.  

A.  
ABSTINENCE, 
Abstinence.  see Fasting, and Mortification.  
adultery, 
adultery.  see chastity, and Lust.  
alms, 
alms.  see liberality, and Monasteries.  
S. Bernards description of the Ambitious man pag. 26. num. 4. The wise and grave reprehension of Cineas to Pyrrhus king of Epyrus, touching his insatiable Ambition 
Ambition.  ibid. num. 5.  
The description of Anger 
Anger.  pag. 29 num. 12. The same further exemplified in Aman, against Mardocheus. p. 30. n. 15 Repression of Anger, see Valour.  
The angelical 
Angells.  Spirits divided into three Hierarchies p. 300. n. 35. &c. Of the great excellency of the angelical nature. p. 301. n. 35 &c.  
The strength of an army, consisteth not in the multitude of the men, but in the good discipline. p. 513. n 9. Religious men, not exempt from arms. 
arms.  p. 114. n. 10. Notable feats of arms performed by clergy and religious men ibid.  
Of diuers Apparitions 
Apparitions.  of our saviour and his Saints, to sundry holy personages. p 390. n 15. To S Martin. ibid. To S. gregory. n. 19. To S. Cuthbert. n 21. To S. John Damas●●n, n. 2●. To S D●ustan. n. 24 To S bridget. n. 31. To S. Catharin of Siena n 32 To mother Teresa of Iesus n. 41& 43.  
Of sundry Apparitions of the divell, and other deceitful illusions, to Luther, Zuinglius, John Fox, and others p. 471 n. 28 &c Fox his exposition and computation of the 42 monthes ibid. The vision of Corolostadius p. 474. n. 37. Apparitions, see revelations.  
Two sorts of Ath●ists 
Atheists.  p. 69 n 19& p. 73 n 30 The severe punishment ordained by Plato against A heists ibid. Atheists, see Common welth.  
Of the great authority of the augurs 
augurs.  in the Roman Empire p. 60. n. 1. 2. &c.   

B  
OF the victorious B●taille 
Battailes.  of Lucius Papirius against the samnites p. 66. n. 14. Decius consecrated himself as a sacrifice to the Gods, to obtain victory in a battle p. 98. n. 25. Which example, his son afterwards imitated in a battle of his own and also performed it. p. 99. n. 28.  
Three hundred and six Fabij, all of one family, slain in one battle p. 91. n. 7.  
Battailes of the Romans against the king of Siracusa p. 102. n. 1. Against the Ca●thaginenses n. 3. Betwixt Hannibal, and Scipio p. 105. n. 11.& 12 Betwixt Hanniba● and Paulus Aemilius n. 13.& 15. Betwixt Silla, and Mithridates p. 117. ●. 49 betwixt Vitellius, and Otho n. 41. Betwixt Vitellius, and Vespasian n. 42. Battailes, s●● wars.  

Benefits.  Benefits, see religious men, and conversion.   

C  
NOthing to be left unto Chance, 
Chance.  which may be assured by counsel and wisdom● pag. 66. num. 13.  
The excellency and pre-eminence of charity 
charity.  above Faith p. 640. n. 43. &c. Tw● absurd opinions of heretics, touching this point, confuted p. 641. n 45. &c. The perrogatiue of charity above all other virtues p. 642. n. 49. Four principal fruits o● effects of charity p. 647. n. 63. &c.& n. 107.  
Notable examples of the virtue of chastity. 
chastity.  Of Scipio towards a faire virgin taken in war p. 2●3. n. 2. Of Virginius, who slay his own daughter p. 93. n. 11 Of Lucretia, who killed herself p. 214. n. 5. Of Hippo, who drowned herself ibid. The conjugal love of the Indian women p. 215. n. 6. Of Porcia Catoes daughter ibid. O● the daughters of Phido, fifty Lacedemonian virgins, seven Milesian virgins, The two daughters of Scedasus A, Theban maid, and others, who all killed or drown● themselves for the love of chastity p. 449. n. 33.  
The singular chastity of Henerie the Emperor p. 337. n. 8. Of king Edward the Confessor p. 342. n. 15.  
Of the evangelical counsel of chastity p. 421. n. cap. 29. per totum. Luthers beastly and Mahometicall doctrine, concerning the impossibility to live chast p. 438. n. 2. &c. The like absurd and beastly doctrine of Caluin p. 439. n. 5. Of Zuinglius n. 7. Of Bucer n. 8. The great inconveniences which ensue of this their Mahometicall doctrine p. 440. n. 9. &c. heretics allow not only adultery, but also polygamy, o● plurality of wives at once p. 441. n. 12. &c. laws made by Plato, for punishment of adultery p. 448. n. 32.  
The use and obligation of a vow of chastity p. 494. n. 10. &c. The same proved by the uniform consent of all the ancient Fathers ibid. n. 12 &c. The acts and decrees of king Vitiza, Valens Emperor, Mauritius Emperor, Comnenus Emperor, and Nicephorus Phocas Emperor, against religious parsons and their vows of chastity p. 510. n. 1. chastity, see virginity.  
Trajan and Adrian, informed of the innocency and harmlesnes of the Christians, 
Christians.  gave order that they should not be punished for their religion p 204. n. 20. what an excellent member a good Christian is to the common wealth wherein he liveth p. 204. n. 22.  
Ceremonies, 
Ceremonies.  see monks.  
Christian Religion, see Religion.  
The great and intolerable pride of Caluin 
Caluin.  p. 465. n. 41. &c. Caluins raising of his man Brule p. 469. n. 24.  
Carnallitie, 
Carnallitie.  see Lust.  
clemency, 
clemency.  see remission of injuries.  
Of the possibility to keep the commandements, 
Commandements.  and of the benefit which this doctrine bringeth to common wealth p. 540. n. 23. &c. Diuers holy seruants of God in the old law kept the Commandements. p. 649. n. 69. &c. The testimonies of sundry ancient Fathers that the commandements may be kept. p. 651. n. 73. How the evangelical counsels include the commandements, and in some sort exceed them. ibid. ●. 75. &c.  
How dangerous and pernicious an Atheist is to a Common wealth. 
Common wealth.  p. 70. n. 22. &c. Of the detriment of sin, and 'vice to Common wealth, and the laws of Licurgus for the prevention thereof. p. 77. n. 6. Diuers Common wealths subverted by means of sin and 'vice. ibid. n. 7. 8. &c. Numerositie of people, most dangerous to a Common wealth. p. 512. n. 5. 6. Religious life, no way hurtful but profitable to Common wealth. p. 582. n. 81. &c.  
Communion, 
Communion.  see Sacrament.  
preparative Considerations 
Considerations.  for Meditation, of our saviours life, death passion, &c. p. 251. n. 18. Of mans miseries and imperfections, compared with Christs merits& perfections. ibid. n. 19. Of the presence of God, and of all the blessed trinity. p. 255. n. 35. &c. Of the substance of man concerning both his soul, and body. p. 256. n. 40. 41. Of the end of mans creation, and negligent care he hath had thereof. p. 257. n. 42. Of Gods rigorous iudgment in punishing sin. ibid. n. 43.  
A horrible conspiracy 
conspiracy.  practised by the matrons of Rome against the men. p. 58. n. 28.& p. 98. n. 26. Iunius Brutus put to death two of his own sons, and two of his wives bretheren, for conspiracy. p. 88. n. 1. A conspiracy of 3000. slaves, and as many sailors to surprise Rome. p. 102. n. 2. The conspiracy of Catelin. p. 121. n. 59. conspiracy see Rebellion, and Sedition.  
conjuring, 
Cōiuring.  see soothsaying.  
Of the three evangelical Counsels, 
Counsels.  of poverty, chastity, and Obedience. p. 360. n. 7. &c. The difference betwixt a precept, and a Counsel. p. 411. n. 10.& p. 413. n. 14. 15. &c. The frivolous evasion of Caluin answered. ibid. Of the evangelical Counsel of chastity, cap. 29. per totum.  
Of the convenience and necessary practise of the evangelical Counsels in common wealth. p. 456. n. 51. &c. How the evangelical Counsels include the commandements, and in some sort exceed them. p. 651. n. 75. &c. Of the evangelical Counsels of perfect poverty, chastity, and Obedience. p. 685. n. 84. &c. The great benefit which redoundeth to common wealth by the observation of the evangelical Counsels. p. 686. n. 87.& n. 90. counsels, see poverty, chastity, Obedience, and Commandements.  
Of continency, 
continency.  and the great temperance to be used therein. p. 186. n. 49. Of the moderation thereof betwixt such as are married. p. 188. n. 53. The absurdity of the doctrine of heretics, and heretical inferences concerning continency. p. 451. n. 36. &c. The doctrine of continency confirmed by the testimonies of the ancient ffathers. p 452. n. 42. &c. The possibility of continency compared to a sick man. p. 454. n. 46. A motion, or proviso of a burgess of the parliament, concerning the continency of the Ministers. p. 512. n. 7. continency, see chastity.  
Notable examples of the great love which sundry parsons bare unto their country: 
country.  Turius Camillus being banished returned, and relieved his ungrateful country, being in great distress. p. 96. n. 19.& p. 97. n. 22.& p. 162. n. 18. Of the two Decij, the father and the son. p. 214. n. 4. Of the escape of the famous Clelia. p. 89. n. 3. Of young Scipio. p. 106. n. 13. Of Pomponius Bassa, who made offer of his life for the public good. p. 162. n. 18. country, see conversion.  
Of the Contemplation 
Contemplation.  of the old philosophers, and the means they used to ascend thereto. p. 231. n. 7. 8. &c. The lets and impediments of Contemplation. p. 233. n. 15. what thing the old philosophers required to true Contemplation. p. 234. n. 16. &c. The great delectation they taught to be in the exercise of Contemplation. p. 236. n. 23. &c.  
A definition of christian Contemplation. p. 246. n. 2. The difference betwixt cogitation, meditation, speculation, and contemplation. ibid. n. 3. The proper offices and functions of the memory understanding, and will, in the exercise of Contemplation. p. 247. n. 6. 7. &c. Of diuers approved authors who haue purposely treated of Contemplation. p. 318. &c.  
An objection against the practise of Contemplation, answered. p. 320. n 1. 2. &c. Of the two parts of a contemplative life, speculation, and practise. ibid. n. 2. 3. 4. &c. Contemplation specially requisite in the prince and magistrates, to make a common wealth happy. p. 322. n. 5. How every man in a common wealth, of what vocation soever he be, may be a perfect contemplative. p. ibid. n. 7: 8. &c. Of the active, and contemplative life: and of the perfection of the mixed life compounded of them both. p. 323. n. 8. 9. &c. That every perfect contemplative, is a good citizen. p. 325. n. 17. Contemplation, see Exstasies, and Prayer.  
Examples of sundry kings, which nevertheless were great contemplatives. 
contemplatives.  p. 334. n. 1. The same exemplified in holy job. ibid. n. 2. In Moyses. p. 335. n. 3. In david. ibid. n. 5. In many notable princes in all countries. p. 336. n. 6. In Henerie the Emperor. ibid. n. 7.  
Notable examples of the strange and sudden conversion 
conversion.  of sundry parsons. p. 221. n. 24. Of the Apostles. p. 222. n. 25. Of Dionysius Areopagita. ibid. Of a young man converted by S. John evangelist. ibid. n. 26. Of a great philosopher by Spiridion an unlearned Bishop. ibid. n. 27. Of two companions of Potianus. ibid. n. 28. Of S. Augustin. p. 223. n. 30. Of S. anthony. p. 224. n. ibid.& p. 369. n. 29. Of Pachomius. ibid. n. 31. Of S. William Duke of Aquitan. p. 225. n. 32. Of Nannes. p. 226. n. 33. Of cardinal Domenico de Cuppis. ibid. n. 34. Of Isaac a jew. p. 227. n. 35. Of S. John Gualbertus. p. 374. n. 9. Of S. Bruno. p. 375. n. 11. The admirable effect wrought by S. Bernard in the conversion of souls. p. 394. n. 28. Of Constantine. 154. n. 89.  
Diuers countries and nations converted to the Christian faith by the labours of religious men. p. 517. n. 28. France by S. Remigius. ibid. n. 29. England by S. Augustin. n. 30. germany by S. Bonifacius. n. 31. hungary by Adelbertus. n. 34. The Vandals by Vicilinus. n. 36. One Franciscan baptized 20000. souls. n. 40. Another Franciscan baptized 12000. n. 42. The great and prosperous success in gaining of souls, procured by the Fathers of the society of IESVS. p. 520. n. 45. conversion, see Religious men.  
Valerius description of the covetous man. p. 25. n. 2. The covetousness 
covetousness.  of Vespasian. p. 139. n. 43.  
The vision of the cross 
cross.  to Constantine. p. 154. n. 89. How S. Oswalde by erecting a cross obtained a miraculous victory. p. 340. n. 13. How Heraclius the Emperor carried the cross barefoot. p. 344. n. 20.   

D  
THe miserable end and disastrous Death 
Death.  of sundry great and eminent persons. The Death of king Pyrrhus. p. 27. n. 5. Of Paulus Aemilius two sons. p. 112. n. 33. Scipio africanus found Dead in his bed. p. 124. n. 40. Pompey killed with a thunderbolt. p. 117. n. 47. Iulius caesar about to kill himself. p. 122. n. 63. Antonius and Cleopatra queen of egypt killed themselves. p. 124. n. 69. Many principal men in Rome killed themselves, because of Augustus tyranny. p. 125. n. 70.  
The death of Tiberius by poison. p. 136. n. 32. Of Caligula slain by his own guards. n. 33. Of Claudius poisoned by his wife. n. 34. Of Nero who cut his own throat. n. 35& p. 163 n. 21. Of Galba by a conspiracy. p. 136 n. 36. Of Otho who stabbed himself. ibid.& p. 163 n. 21. Of Vitellius drawn with a halter about his neck along the streets, and after killed. n. 37  
Vespasian died of a flux, p. 136 n. 43 Titus killed by a conspiracy of his own seruants, n. 46 trajan ordained for a sport, ten thousand gladiators to fight one with another to death, n. 51 The miserable death of Adrian, n. 52 Lucius Verus died suddanilie, n. 54 Heliogabalus drawn in the streets through the dirt, n. 63. Taurinus drowned himself, because he would not be emperor, n. 65 Gordian hanged himself for fear and sorrow for the death of his son. ibid. Decius to save himself leaped into a ditch horse and all, and so stuck fast in the mud and died, num. 69  
Valerian made Sapores his footstool, after flayed him and salted him alive, p. 87 n. 74 Claudius the second died of the plague, n. 77 Quintillius brother killed himself, n. 78. Carus killed with a thunderbolt, n. 82 The miserable death of Galerius Maximilianus, n. 87 Maxentius the tyrant drowned, pag. 154 n. 89 Maximinus eyes leaped out of his head, n. 92 Licinius put to death by the order of Constantin, n. 94 Of sixty three Roman Emperors, only six died a natural Death, pag. 162 n. 18 See the miserable Deaths of many of them together, pag. 163 n. 20. 21. &c.  
Notable examples of the contempt of death, 
Contempt of death.  exemplified in Marcus Curtius, pag. 97 n. 22 In Mutius Sceuola, pag. 217 n. 4 In the two Decij the father and the son. ibid. In Socrates, pag. 214 ibid. The benefit which groweth by the meditation of Death, exemplified in Henerie the Emperor, pag. 338 n. 10. Death, see Murders.  
The bodies of men adiudged by the magistrates to their creditors, to suffer whipping and sundry other torments, for satisfaction of their debts, 
debts.  p. 90 n. 4.  
Of the causes of Desolation, 
Desolation.  p. 269 n. 27 &c. Of the benefit of desolation. ibid. n. 30& 46 Remedies to be practised in time of spiritual desolation, pag. 271 n. 32 &c.  
The great devotion 
devotion.  of S. Oswald, p. 339 n. 11 His zeal to convert souls. ibid. n. 12& 14 The devotion of king Edward the Confessor, p. 341 n. 15 The devotion of king david, p. 343 n. 18 devotion, see Prayer.  
The causes of Distraction, 
Distraction.  p. 262. n. 4 The remedy of Distractions proceeding from our sences, ibid. n. 5 &c. Against those that arise by the passions of the mind, p. 268 n. 13 Against those that arise by the occasion of seely business, p. 266 n. 17 How to converse with men in all kind of affairs, without much distraction of spirit. ibid. n. 17& 18  
divination, 
divination.  see soothsaying.  
Of the sin of drunkenness, 
drunkenness.  see p. 79 n. 10  
devil, 
devil.  see Luther.   

E  
A fearful opening of the earth in the city of Rome, p. 99 n. 29. Another horrible Earthquake, 
Earthquakes.  pag. 101 n. 37 An Earthquake which lasted for eight dayes together, p. 127 n. 3. An Earthquake which ruined thirteen cities in one night, p. 138 n. 38 &c. A terrible Earthquake at antioch, n. 49 Another terrible Earthquake, num. 68  
The number of the Roman Emperors, 
Emperors  sixty three, p. 162 n. 18 Only six died a natural, and a peaceable death, ibid. The short life, and havoc, made of the Roman Emperors, p. 164 n. 22 Mauritius of a notary made an Emperor, p. 529 n. 83. His death, and the strange publication thereof, pag. 530 n. 85 Emperors, see Souldiers, and lives.  
The empire 
empire.  set on sale by the soldiers for who would give most, pag. 144. n. 58. How Iulius caesar came to the Roman empire, p. 121 n. 62. How octavianus Cesars nephew advanced himself thereto, after his ouncles death, p. 122 n. 62 That the Roman empire hath subdued more by christian peace, then ever it did by force of arms, p. 170 n. 35 empire, see Soldiears.  
The difference betwixt the Essaei, 
Essaei.  and the Esseni, p. 363 n. 15  
king Edward the Confessor was the first king of England to whom the gift of healing the kings evil 
evil.  was granted by almighty God: which hereditary gift of grace was after wards continued in his successors. p. 342. n. 15  
Of avoiding the excess 
Excesses.  of mind which may happen in public, p. 290 n. 11 &c. Of the excess of mind called Exstasie, and of the effects thereof in sundry contemplative seruants of God, p. 314 n. 20  
Of certain rapts and ecstasies 
ecstasies.  in the old philosophers, and others, pag. 240 n. 32 Of Archimides the great geomitrician, ibid. n. 33 Of Restitutas a priest, p. 241 n. 34 Of Cardianus, ibid. Of Appolonius Thyaneus, p. 244 n. 44 Of the last Pithonissa which served in the temple of Apollo, ibid. Of Mahomets famed ecstasies, ibid. num. 45  
Of ecstasies, Rapts, and excess of mind in diuers devout seruants of almighty God, pag. 391 n. 17 Of an Abbot of a monastery in the desert of Scythia, ibid. Of Macarius, ibid. n. 18 Of Isidorus, ibid. Of an Abbot called Ioannicius, p. 393 num. 23 Of Pope gregory the seventh, ibid. n. 26 Of S. Francis, p. 394 num. 29 Of S. Dominick n. 30 Of S. Thomas Aquinas, ibid.  
Of S. clear p. 395 n. 31 Of S. Elizabeth of Spalbec, ibid. Of S. bridget, ibid. Of S. Catharin of Sienna, n. 32 Of S. Diego p. 396 n. 33 Of Father Ignatius of Loyola. n. 35 Of Father Zauerius, p. 398 n. 37 Of Father Lewis Gonzaga, p. 400 n. 35. Of Father Giouanni, p. 403 n. 47 Of suora Catharina, ibid. n. 48 Exstasies, see Prayer, revelation, Vision.   

F  
OF justification by Faith 
Faith.  and works, and of the fruits which arise by this catholic doctrine to common wealth, pag. 534 num. 3 The detriment that the contrary doctrine of sectaries bringeth to commonweth. ibid. n. 4. 5. &c. Faith, see charity.  
A great famine 
famine.  in Rome, p. 93. n. 10 The misery of a ffamin, p. 94 n. 15.& p. 96. n. 17 A great misery and want of corn, p. 116. n. 46 Another great ffamin in Rome, p. 127 n. 3. A general ffamin over all the world, pag. 138. n. 39. Another great ffamin, pag. 143. num. 56.  
The exercise of fasting 
Fasting.  necessary to contemplation, pag. 291. num. 15. The benefits resulting to common wealth by the catholic doctrine of fasting. pag. 552 num. 59. &c. The prejudice arising by the contrary doctrine, pag. 554 num. 66 Of the practise of fasting and mortification in all times and ages. pag. 565. num. 4. 5. &c. proofs deduced out of the old testament. ibid. proofs out of the new testament, p. 567. n. 11. 12. &c. Fasting, see Mortification.  
The beastly feasts 
feasts.  of the bacchanalia discovered, pag. 109 num. 24 The prodigality of Heliogabalus in his feasts, who spent at every ordinary meal, two thousand five hundred crownes: and many times at some one supper 75000. crownes, pag. 134 num. 24 Adrian bestowed vpon his soldiers and the people in donatives and plays, ten millions in the feasts which he made. p. 157 n. 3  
Notable examples of fidelity. 
fidelity.  Of Marcus Attilius Regulus in rendering himself prisoner to accomplish his promise, p. 103 n. 4.& p. 214 n. 3. Of the men of Seguntum in Spanie, who burnt their own city, p. 105 n. 12. The like of the numantines in spain, p. 114 n. 38 fidelity, see Iustice.  
Notable examples of fortitude. 
Fortitude  In young Scipio, who drew out his sword in the senat, pag. 106 num. 13 Of certain women who assisted and fought in the company of men, pag. 155. num. 44 Of Heraclius Cocles defending a draw bridge. pag. 213. num. 3 Of Mutius Sceuola, who burnt of his own hand, num. ibid. Of the virtue of fortitude, pag. 346 num. 4.& num. 7. Fortitude, see Valor, and Torments.  
John Fox, 
Fox.  see Apparitions.   

G  
THe great donatives and Gifts 
gifts.  of Iulius caesar, pag. 157 num. 3 Of Augustus caesar. Of Antonius. Of Nero. And of Adrian, ibid. Gifts see liberality.  
The glory 
glory.  of wicked men compared to the shining of the gloue-worme: or of a kind of rotten wood which shineth in the dark, pag. 598 n. 11  
A proverb of gluttony, 
gluttony  pag. 28 num. 7 The infinite evils which accompany gluttony, ibid. num. 8& 10. Of the insatiable gluttony and prodigallitie of Heliogabalus, pag. 134 num. 24. Of Gallienus, pag. 135 num. 27 gluttony, see feasts.  
The multitude and turpitude of trifling Gods 
Gods.  adored by the Romans, pag. 48 num. 1. 2 &c.& pag. 52. num. 17.& pag. 69. 18 The superstitious worship of their Gods, pag. 51 num. 13 &c. Their impure and beastly feasts and ceremonies where with they honoured them, pag. 54 num. 19 &c. Their abominable and bloody sacrifices of men made unto them, pag. 55 num. 21 The derision and contempt of the poets themselves towards their own Gods, pag. 68. num. 16 &c.  
Man wholly dependent on God 
God.  and his government exemplified by Aristotle in an apt comparison, pag. 210 num. 33  
The effect of Gods grace 
Grace.  in the hart of man, pag. 203 n. 17   

H  
THe dissembled holnies and hipocricie 
Hipocricie.  of diuers heretics, and atheists. As, of Pelagius, Vigilantius, and Arrius, pag. 586 num. 55& 56. Of Epicurus, pag. 587 num. 60  
spiritual and temporal Honor, 
Honor.  not incompatible, pag. 600 n. 14  
The religious humility 
Humility  of Henerie the Emperor, Who being present in a synod of Bishops at Francford prostrated himself vpon the ground, and would not rise until the Archbishop of Mentz lifted him up. pag. 338 num. 9. Also he would needs help carry the body of Romualdus the Abbot to burial, bearing on part of the beer vpon his own shoulders, ibid. Also how he cast himself prostrate at the feet of the Archbishop of Cullen, craving pardon of him for a wrong opinion which he had conceived of him, ibid. The humility and meekness of king Edward the Confessor, pag. 341 num. 15.& pag. 344. n. 19 Of the wonderful humility of king david, pag. 343 num. 17. 18 The religious humility of Heraclius the Emperor, pag. 344 num. 20 humility and magnanimity, not contrary one to another, pag. 346 num. 3 &c. The great humility of king Carlomanus set to keep sheep, pag. 418 num. 26.  
humility, see Patience.   

I  
I Dolatrie, 
idolatry.  see Idolatrous Priests.  
The great commotions of the Iewes 
Iewes.  in several parts of the world, pag. 141 num. 50 Of the religion and Thalmud of the Iewes, p. 191 n. 64 The sundry compounders of the Iewes Thalmud, ibid. n. 65 &c. The Iewes Thalmud ten times bigger then our Bible, p. 192 n. 67 The execrable doctrine, blasphemies, errors, and gross lies which it containeth, pag. 192 n. 68 &c. Diuers most ridiculous articles taught by their Thalmud, p. 193 n. 70 Diuers particularities wherein the laws of the Iewes, contradict the laws of Moyses, which yet they pretend to keep, pag. 194 num. 72 &c.  
Of the illuminative 
illuminative.  way, and of the practise thereof, p. 261 n. 1 &c. Meditations belonging to the illuminative way, p. 298 n. 30 &c.  

imputative.  imputative Iustice, see Iustice.  
Such as are unthankful to God for his benefits, compared to hogs and swine, pag. 35 n. 27  

Ingratitude. injuries.  The clemency of Iulius caesar in pardoning his enemies, preferred before all his famous conquests, pag. 348 n. 10 The same virtue further exemplified in Licurgus, p. 394 n. 11 In photion, ibid. n. 12 In Augustus caesar, n. 13  
Notable examples of Iustice 
Iustice.  and fidelity. Of furious Camillus vpon a schoolmaster, p. 213 n. 1 Of the senat of Rome towards king Pyrrhus, ibid. Of Lucius Crassus towards Carbo his enemy, ibid. Of Titus Manlius in putting to death his own son, p. 98 n. 25  
The doctrine of catholics concerning inherent Iustice, with the good effects which arise to common wealth by means of this doctrine, pag. 537 n. 16 The bad effects proceeding of the contrary doctrine of sectaries, ibid. p. 17 The definition of that Iustice or righteousmes whereby we are justified, p. 625 n. 3 The causes and effects of our justification, ibid. n. 4 That we are made as truly just by Christ as we are made sinners by Adam, p. 627 n. 7  
The doctrine of the ancient Fathers, proving a real and inherent iustice in us, pag. 629 n. 13 &c. A common objection of the aduersaries concerning our Iustice, answered, p. 631 n. 20 A second, and third objection, answered, p. 632 n. 22& n. 24 proofs out of the ancient Fathers concerning this point, ibid. num. 28 &c. The effects of true justification, p. 638 n. 39  
justification, 
justification.  see charity.   

L  
OF the titles of dignity attributed to our blessed lady, 
lady.  p. 277 n. 52  
The laws 
laws.  of Licurgus for the government, of his common wealth, p. 77 n. 6 The like most notable laws of Cato for the government of his, pag. 79 n. 12 &c. Diuers wicked laws of certain Emperors, against the profession of religious life, p. 510 n. 1  
Notable examples of liberality. 
liberality.  Of Scipio, who gave to a virgin for hir dowry, the money paid for hir ransom, p. 213 n. 2. Of Basa, an Italian matron, who received and maintained 10000 soldiears, p. 214 n. 5 The great piety and liberality of king Oswald to the poor, p. 340 n. 12 liberality, see Gifts, and alms.  
The catholic doctrine concerning Christian liberty, 
liberty.  and how far it extendeth, p. 554 n. 67 The detriment arrising to common wealth by the contrary doctrine, pag. 555 n. 67 &c. The absurdity of Luthers doctrine concerning this point discovered, p. 557 n. 73 &c.  
The vicious lives 
lives.  of sundry Emperors. Of Tiberius, p. 129 n. 9 Of Caligula, ibid. n. 10 Of Claudius, n. 12 Of Galba, n. 15 Of Vitellius, n. 16 Of Domitian, n. 17 Of Commodus, n. 19 Of severus, n. 20 Of Antonius Caracalla, n. 21 Of Macrinus, n. 22 Of Heliogabalus, n. 23 Of Maximinus, n. 26 Of Gallienus, n. 27 Of Aurelianus, n. 28 Of Carinus, n. 39 Of Maxentius, p. 153 n. 88 &c. twenty two wicked Emperors, out lived forty one good above a hundred yeares, p. 160 n. 12& p. 163 n. 22  
Of the holy, strict, and religious lives of the first christians in Alexandria, and other places of egypt, p. 362 n. 13 &c. sundry testimonies of heretics themselves concerning their own bad lives, p. 560 n. 82 &c. From what ground and cause the bad life of the catholics proceedeth: and whence the bad lives of sectarists, p. 564 n. 2. 3 &c. Of the laudable lives of some sectaries, p. 586 n. 55 &c. Bad lives, see 'vice.  
Of the sin of Lust, 
Lust.  see pag. 78 num. 9& p. 129 n. 9 n. 14 19& p. 334 n. 29& p. 153 n. 88 Luthers description of his own vehement, and beastly Lust, p. 444 n. 22 How much the same sin abounded in Caluin, ibid. n. 23. 24 Likewise in Beza, p. 446 n. 25 In Zuinglius, n. 26 The testimony of villagagnon, n. 27 Lust, see sodomy.  

Luther.  Luthers pride and contumacy, p. 451 n. 34 &c. The opprobrious epithets given him by sectaries themselves, p. 453 n. 38 &c. Luthers little practise of meditation, p. 465 n. 12 Luther fell down at mass at the reading of the gospel, p. 466 n. 16 Luthers attempting to cast out a devil out of a woman, p. 468 n. 21 &c. Also, out of William Nessen, p. 469 n. 23 A miracle wrought vpon Luther himself being dead, ibid. Luthers conference with the devil, p. 471 n. 28   

M  
THe duty of Magistrates, 
Magistraetes.  pag. 81 num. 23 &c.  
magnanimity, 
magnanimity.  see ffortitude and valour.  
marriage 
marriage.  of heretical Priests, see Priests.  
objections of Machiauel 
Machiauel.  answered, touching the exercising of some acts of christian religion, pag. 345 n. 1 &c. His reasons examined for preferring balsams before christians for valour and magnanimity. His first reason, pag. 350 num. 18 &c. His second reason, p. 353 n. 25 His third reason, p. 354 n. 27 His folly in rejecting christian names, p. 355 n. 31  
The first beginning of Mahomet 
Mahomet  and mahometism, p. 171 n. 2 Mahomets falling acquainted with Sergius an Apostata monk. ibid. sundry particularities of Mahomets religion, ibid. n. 5. 6 &c. His own beastly and impious life, p. 174 n. 12 The rewards he assigneth for the next life, p. 176 n. 17 His gross, absurd, and detestable lies, ibid.& n. 19. 20 &c. Mahomets doctrine of plurality of wives refuted, p. 180 n. 31 &c. His allowance of sodomy, p. 188 n. 56 His law of divorce, and repudiation, clearly refuted, p. 189 n. 57 &c. His law of Talion, p. 190 n. 62  
The honor which the catholics give to the sacrament of matrimony, 
matrimony.  and how greatly the heretics dishonour the same, p. 436 n. 38. 40 &c.  
meekness, 
meekness.  see humility, and Patience.  
preparative points of Meditation, 
Meditation.  concerning our saviours divinity, humanity, and personal union with man. p. 278 n. 53 &c. Of the work itself of our saviours Incarnation, p. 279 n. 55 Of the inestimable& excellent privileges of our saviours humanity, n. 56 Of the noble and heroical acts of virtue of our saviours soul, exercised towards God his Father, p. 281 n. 69 &c. Of his excellent acts of virtue towards his neighbour, ibid.& n. 71 Of his poverty, humility, obedience, &c. pag. 283 n. 74 &c. Of his glorious Ascention, p. 299 n. 33  
Of the excellency of the angelical nature, p. 301. n. 45 Of the great glory and ioy of the same. p. 303 n. 47. 48 Of the imitation of their virtues, p. 304 n. ibid.& 49 Of the attributes and excellencies of the divine nature, to wit, power, wisdom, iustice, &c. p. 305 n. 1. 2 &c. Of the inscrutable mystery of the blessed trinity. p. 311 n. 15. &c. Meditation, see Considerations, and illuminative way.  
Of diuers and sundry miracles 
Miracles.  concerning many devout seruants of almighty God, pag. 389. n. 9 S. Paul the hermit miraculously fed by a crow, ibid. The miracles wrought by S. bennet, p. 392. n. 19 By S. Augustin our Apostle, ibid. n. 20 The miraculous healing of S. John Damascens hand, p. 393 n. 22 By S. Dunstan bishop of canterbury, n. 24 By S. Dominick, p. 395 n. 30 By S. Diego, p. 396 n. 33 By Father Xauerus, p. 398 n. 37 By mother Teresa of Iesus, ibid. n. 41 By F. Antonio of the mount of Cicardo, p. 402 n. 45 By F. Antonio Corso, ibid. n. 46 By F. Giouanni Spagnol, p. 403 n. 47 By Maria Madalena di Pazzi, n. 52. 53. By S. cecily. p. 570 n. 18. 19 By S. Martin Bishop of Tours, p. 571 n. 20 By S. Germam Bishop, p. 572 n. 23 By Simeon a shepherd, p. 578 n. 41 &c. Miracles, see Luther.  
Of sundry pretended and counterfeit miracles, of Luther, of Caluin, of a minister of Polonia, and of John Fox, p. 468 n. 22 &c. The exceptions which heretics take against our miracles, discussed, and answered, p. 475 n. 39 &c. Examples and testimonies of many approved miracles in the church of God, p. 477 n. 43 A miracle done at the memory of S. Stephen, ibid. n. 44 many miracles wrought by S. Malachias, p. 478 n. 47 &c. By S. Bernard, p. 479 n. 49. By S. Vincent Ferrer a Dominican Friar, p. 482 n. 56 &c. By the intercession of our lady at Montague, p. 483 n. 58 By the blessed Sacrament at Bisanso in burgundy, ibid. n. 60 A miraculous accident concerning sir Gerrard Braibrook, p. 484 n. 61 &c.  

Ministers  Ministers, see parliament.  
Ten thousand monks, 
monks.  and twenty thousand virginis, in the Monasteries of one city, called Oxirnico, p. 200 n. 10. The rites and ceremonies whereby the monks of the primitive church were consecrated to the service of God, p. 365 n. 19. The reason and explication of the said ceremonies, ibid. n. 20. Of monks and Monasteries, see more pag. 369. n. 28 &c.& cap. 26. per totum. monks, see Orders.  
monastical life, Monasteries 
Monasteries.  and the name monk instituted by the Apostles themselves, pag. 362 n. 13 &c.& pag. 364 n. 17. 18. Diuers kings and princes who haue built and erected Monasteries, given great posessions, and lived in them, p. 522 n. 54 &c. to numbers 74 The rage and fury of heretics against monks and Monasteries, p. 478 n. 56 &c.  
The great penance and mortification 
Mortification.  of S. Ioames Bishop of jerusalem, p. 569 n. 15 Of S. Lazarus, p. 570 n. 16 Of S. mary Magdalen, ibid. n. 17 Of S. cecily. ibid. Of S. Martin Bishop of Tours p. 571 n. 20 &c. Of S. Germain Bishop of Auxerre p. 572 n. 23 Of S. Gregoire Nazianzen, p. 573 n. 26. Of S. Hierom, ibid. n. 27 Of S. Paul the Hermit, p. 575 n. 33. Of S. anthony, n. 34 Of S Hilarion, n. 36 &c. Of diuers holy personages together, p. 578. n. 40 Of Simeon, n 41 &c. Of the Pithagorians, p. 590. 61.  
Romulus Murdered 
Murders.  by his brother Remus, p. 85. n. 41 Romulus himself afterwards murdered by the senat, ibid. n. 42 Horatius killed his own sister, because she wept for the death of one to whom she was fianced, whom he had slain, p. 86 n. 44 Two Gaules, a man and a woman, together with a graecian woman butted alive, p. 104. n. 40 A hundred and fifty Roman citizens murdered in one day, p. 116 n. 47 Aristonicus strangled in prison, p. 114 n. 40 Marius and Cinna caused the heads of the senators of Rome to be brought in to their banquets to recreate themselves, p. 117 n. 48 Death to any man if Marius did not offer him his band to kiss, ibid. All the citizens in two great cities, condemned by Silla to be slain as if they had been but one man, p. 118 n. 50. Pompey slain by the order of young king Ptolomeus, p. 122. n. 62 caesar stabbed in the senat with twenty three wounds. pag. 122. num. 64.  
The muderous and bloody mind of Tiberius, p. 129 n. 9 Of Caligula, ibid. n. 10 Of Claudius, n. 12 Of Nero, n. 13 Of Galba, n. 15 Of Domitian, n. 17 Of Commodus, n. 18 Of severus, n. 20 Of Antonius Caracalla, n. 21 Of Macrinus, n. 22 Of Heliogabalus, n. 23 Of Maximinus, n. 26 Titus killed by a conspiracy of his own seruants, n 46 Commodus murdered by his own concubine, n. 55 Pertinax killed by his soldiears, n. 58 julianus killed in his palace by the senat, n. 59 Alexander severus killed by the soldiears, n. 65 Maximinus and his young son killed by the soldiears, ibid. Pupienus, Balbinus, and Marinus killed by the soldiears. n. 67 Gallus, Volusianus his son, and Aemilianus slain by the soldiears, num. 70 Odenatus traitorously slain by his cousin German, n. 75 The fortunat Probus killed by his soldiears, n. 81 Maximian taken, and strangled, n. 86 Tiberius smothered with a quishion, pag. 163 n. 21 Murders, see Death, Conspiracies, and Sacrificing.  
Of the music 
music.  Euthsiastican used by the priests of jupiter and Olimpus, pag. 241 num. 36   

N  
THe absurd reasons of Anaxagoras touching the disease, and wound of mans nature, 
Nature.  pag. 209 num. 31 The absurd opinion of Empedocles, Heraclitus, and others concerning the same, ibid. Others that nature in man, was declined from hir first integrity, ibid. n. 32 The cause of the defection and rebellion of the inferior powers in man, against reason, p. 211 n. 35   

O  
OF the necessity of oaths 
oaths.  in common wealth, pag. 71 num. 24 The use of oaths grown of the imbecility of human fidelity, n. 25 The great authority and force of oaths in former times, n. 26 &c. The great fidelity of M. Attilius Regulus in performing his oath, p. 103 n. 4. oaths, see perjury.  
Of the evangelical counsel of Obedience, 
Obedience.  and the great praise and merit of this virtue, p. 460 n. 3. 8. 9. &c. A notable definition of religious obedience, p. 461. n. 11. The counsel of the holy fathers touching the virtue of obedience, p. 462 n. 14. &c. Examples of Gods miraculous approbation of religious Obedience, p. 467 num. 20 Of one who for two yeares every day watered adrie strike, p. 464 n. 21 Of another who at the commandement of his Abbot entred into an hot oven. n. 22 Of S. Maurus who ran boldly vpon the water to fetch out a child that was drowned, n. 23 The reward of Obedience in John an Abbot, p. 447. n. 24 Of an other religious man mentioned by Dorotheus, ibid. The pretended exercise and practise of Obedience in Lutherans and Caluinists discussed, and answered, p. 447 n. 27. 28. &c. Lutherans and Caluinists far behind the Pagans in the virtue of Obedience, pag. 449 num. 32  
evil men not to be admitted to public Offices, 
Offices.  pag. 82 n. 25  
Of the beginning and propagation of diuers religious Orders 
Orders.  from the first 300. yeares after Christ until our time, cap. 26. per totum. An order of monks instituted by S. Basil, ibid. By S. Augustin, called Augustins, p. 372 n. 3 By S. Benedict, called Benedictins, n. 6 By S. Romoaldus, called Camaldulenses, num. 8 By John Gualbertus, called de Valle Ombrosa, n. 9 By S. Robert, called Cistercienses, num. 10 By Bruno, called Carthusians, n. 11 By Norbert Archbishop of Magdeburg, called Promonstrarensi, n. 12 By John of Malta, and Felix an Anchorit, called the order of trinity, num. 13  
By John Patriarch of jerusalem, called Carmelits, p. ibid. n. 14 By S. Francis, called by 3. several names, p. 376 n. 15 By S. Dominick, called Dominicans or Friars preachers, ibid.& num. 16 By 7. gentlemen, called servi, or Seruitae, ibid. num. 17 By Don Iayme, king of arragon, called the order of the redemption, pag. 377 num. 18 By Pedro Moron, called Celestins, ibid. num. 19 By Bernardus Ptolomeus, called Oliuitani, ibid. n. 20 By joannes Columbinus, called Iesuati, ibid. n. 21 By Pedro Ferdinando, called Hieromits, pag. 378 n. 22 By S. Cletus, called the Crucigeri, ibid. n. 23 By Francisco de Paula, called the Minimi, ibid. n. 24 By Pope Paulus the 4. called Theatins, ibid. n. 25 By Ignatius of Loyola, called the society of IESVS, ibid. n. 26 By S. Bridget, p. 379 n. 27  

overthrows.  overthrows, see Battailes, wars, Victories.   

P  
A Motion by a burgess of the parliament 
parliament  house, pag. 512 num. 7.  
How to combat against particular passions 
Passions.  and imperfections, pag. 265. num. 15. &c.  
A notable example of Patience 
Patience.  in Socrates, pag. 214. num. 4.  
Patience, see Precepts.  
Two Roman consuls forced to make a shameful and dishonourable Peace, 
Peace.  pag. 99 num. 27 The Carthaginians forced vpon conditions of a Peace, to burn their navy of 500. sail of ships, pag. 107 num. 17 Phillip king of macedon forced to surrender to the Romans all his Gallies, and to pay them 4000. weight of silver for ten yeares, p. 108 n. 20 Mancinus delivered to the numantines naked with his hands bound behind him, and so to stand before their town a whole day together, pag. 113 num. 38.  
The benefit which ariseth to Common wealth by the catholic doctrine of Penance. 
Penance.  p. 548 n. 45 &c. The bad effects which follow of the contrary doctrine of sectaries. ibid. n. 47 An objection answered concerning the facility of obtaining absolution, p. 549 n. 48 &c. Penance, see Mortification.  
Two perfections 
Perfection.  necessary to every man to make him a true Christian, pag. 326 n. 18 &c. The scope and end of the law of Christ, was to make every man more perfect in his vocation, p. 327 n. 22  
Of our progress and profiting in the way of Perfection, p. 606. 607 &c. perseverance requisite to true Christian Perfection, p. 618 n. 61 An objection concerning Christian Perfection resolved, p. 619 n. 64 &c. A Perfection void of all frailties can not be attained unto in this life, p. 621 n. 69 What Christian Perfection is exacted of us in this life, ibid. num. 71 Diuers degrees of Perfection, pag. 622. num. 72.  
The punishment used by the egyptians, and Indians for perjury, 
perjury.  pag. 73. num. 29. perjury, see oaths.  
The infinite riches of certain pirates, 
pirates.  pag. 120 num. 58  
many died in Rome of the Plague, 
Plague.  pag. 92 num. 9.& p. 93. n. 10.& p. 95. n. 16. 17 Another strange Plague in Rome, with an absurd remedy for the prevention, pag. 97 n. 21 A great Plague both vpon men and cattle, pag. 99 n. 29 A strange Plague which killed children in their mothers womb, and cattle in their dams bellies, p. 101 n. 34 Another grievous plague, n. 38.  
A most cruel plague which lasted above three yeares, p. 110. n. 26. A horrible plague that the men alive were not able to bury the dead, p. 113. n. 37. above a million and eight thousand died of the plague in afric, pag. 114. n. 41. A great Plague so that for some time the ground was left untilled, pag. 125. n 71.& p. 139 n. 44. Another great Plague amongst the Romans, p. 142. n. 54. Another in Rome, n. 56. A great Plague which infected the waters. n. 72.& n. 34.  
Of a prince who used to determine of the suits of his subiects, by playing 
Play.  at cross and pile, p. 66. n. 13.  
No full content to be had in worldly pleasures, p. 31. n. 18.& n. 21. Pleasures 
Pleasures.  and delicacies, and their great danger. p. 77. n. 5. 6. &c.  
The absurdity of Politiques 
Politiques.  who frame religion to reason of state, p. 45. n. 24.  
Mahomets polygamy 
polygamy.  refuted and convinced, p. 180. n. 31 &c. No use of polygamy amongst the Iewes in Christ time, p. 182. n. 36 An objection concerning the polygamy of the Patriarkes answered, ibid. polygamy against reason of state, pag. 183 num. 37 Another objection touching polygamy answered, p. 183 n. 38 A third objection answered, p. 184 n. 43 No necessity of polygamy, ibid. n. 44. &c. The punishment thereof exemplified in Mahomet himself, pag. 185 n. 46 A fourth objection answered, p. 186. n. 49.  
Of the evangelical counsel of poverty, 
poverty.  pag. 409. cap. 28. per totum. sundry manifest arguments of our saviours poverty, ibid. n. 6. &c. Examples of Emperors, kings, and princes, who haue changed their princely dignities with evangelical poverty, p. 417 n. 25 &c. Isaacius Comnenus, and johannes Brena Emperors, ibid. Also Theodorus Lascaris Emperor, and Lotharius Emperor, ibid. Of kings an infinite number, p. 418 n. 26 &c. Of Princes of royal race, n. 28 Of Dukes, ibid.& n. 30 Of earls n. 29.  
A horrible fact of the matrons of Rome to poison 
poison.  the whole city, p. 98 num. 26. Hannibal poisoned himself, p. 109 n. 25 Augustus poisoned with figs, pag. 128 num. 5 Tiberius poisoned, pag. 136 n. 32 Claudius poisoned, n. 34 Commodus poisoned, n. 55 Diocletian the great persecutor of the christians poisoned himself, pag. 152 n. 86  
The great fervour of prayer 
Prayer.  in diuers devout and contemplative parsons. In S. anthony, p. 389, n. 10 In S. Ephrem, ibid. n. 14 In an Abbot of a monastery in the desert of Scithia, p. 391 n. 17 In S. Cuthbert, p. 392 n. 21 In S. Anselmus Bishop of canterbury, p. 394 n. 27 In F. xaverius, p. 398 n. 37 In F. Borgia, n. 38 In F. Gonzaga, n. 39 In F. Pedro de Alcantara, p. 402 n. 43 In F. Antonio Corso, num. 46 In Maria Magdalena di Pazzi, p. 403 n. 49 In blessed Stanislao, p. 404 n. 50 Prayer, see ecstasy, revelation, Vision.  
Diuers objections against the observation of our saviours Precepts 
Precepts.  answered, and refuted, p. 328 n. 23 &c. Of the observation of the Precept of patience, pag. 329 n. 27 &c. In what case the Precept of patience is to be observed, and in what case not, p. 330 n. 29 &c. Of the Precept to love our enemies, p. 331 n. 31 &c. Of the Precept of the carriage of the cross, p. 332 n. 33  
The benefit which ariseth to common wealth by the catholic doctrine of Predestination, 
Predestination.  p. 538 n. 18 The bad effects which follow thereon by the contrary doctrine of sectaries, n. 19. 20 &c.  
Of two sorts of presumptuous 
Presumption.  persons excluded from Gods service, p. 610 n. 41.& 45.  
The Luciferian pride of Caligula, p. 129. n. 11 The pride 
Pride.  of Domitian, n. 17.  
Of the great authority of diuers idolatrous Priestes, 
Priests.  and of the great respect that was born towards them, pag. 38 n. 8. 9 &c. Andreas Corolostadius the first Priest amongst the sectarists that ever presumde to marry, p. 475. n. 37 Vitiza king of spain forced Priestes and religious men to marry, p. 510. n. 1.  
A notable moral lesson of Seneca to Princes in their purposes to do good or hurt. p. 53 n. 7 The conditions Plato requireth in a Prince, 
Prince.  p. 82 n. 26 &c.  
Of great spoils and Prizes 
Prizes.  taken in the warres, p. 103 n. 5 Hanniball sent to Carthage three bushels of gold rings, taken from the hands of the Roman gentlemen that were slain, p. 106 n. 13 The incredible wealth and riches, brought by Paulus Aemilius out of macedon, p. 110 n. 29 &c.  

Prodigallitie.  Prodigallitie, see feasts, and gluttony.  
deniers of Gods providence, 
providence  p. 69 n. 19  
The Punishments, 
Punishments.  miseries, and afflictions of the Romans, p. 84 n. 39 &c. The punishment of their tyrannicall kings, p. 87 n. 45& p. 88 cap. 10. 11. 13. per totum. The punishment of God vpon pagans, far greater then ever it was vpon christians, pag. 166 num. 27. &c. The punishment of God vpon Mauritius the Emperor, pag. 530 num. 86. Valens Emperor burnt in a cabin, n. 88 Vitiza deprived of his eyes, ibid. Roderic slain, ibid. Iaascius Comnenus Emperor, strooken from his horse with a thunderboult, p. 531 n. 89 Nicephorus Phocas slain by the means of his wife, n. 90 Punishment, see Faman, Plague, Wonders.  
Of the purgative, 
purgative.  illuminative, and Vnitiue way, and of three sorts of persons that they are appropriated unto, p. 254 n. 24 &c. Meditations belonging to the purgative way, p. 297 n. 29.   

R  
THe Rebellion 
Rebellion.  of the fedenates, pag. 95 num. 16 A great Rebellion in sicily of 70000. slaves, p. 114 n. 39 The Picentes and others, took arms to deliver themselves from the dominion of the Romans, p. 116 n. 46 Rebellion, see Conspiracies.  
The necessity of Religion, 
Religion.  cap. 1. pag. 1. The definition of Religion, pag. 5 How by the Religion of man all other creatures good or bad, do glorify and serve God, p. 9& 10 A similitude to this purpose, ibid. That the true end and felicity both of man and common wealth consisteth in Religion, p. 15 n. 2 &c. The absurdity, superstition, impure ceremonies, bloody sacrifices, and bad effects of paganism, shewed in the Religion of the ancient Romans, p. 48 &c. unto p. 58 Their superstitious southsayinges, p. 60 n. 1 &c.  
The great force and conquest of christian Religion, p. 170 n. 35 Two principal points or heads, selected by the author, to prove the necessity of christian Religion, p. 199 n. 6 All perfection of virtue contained in christian Religion, ibid.& n. 7. 8. &c. The great change and alteration which christian Religion wrought in the mindes of men. p. 200 n. 9. 10 &c. The great purity and excellency thereof, n. 12  
Christian Religion most political and fit for government of state, pag. 203 num. 19 The praise given by panimns of Christians and of their Religion. p. 204 n. 20 The force and effects of Christian Religion for the alteration of mens mindes& manners, pag. 220 n. 21& 24  

Religious persons.  The exercise of contemplative and religious life deduced from the Apostles to these our dayes, pag. 368 num. 25 Of religious women of our nation in Portugall and Flanders, p. 380 n. 27 &c. Of the multitude and variety of religious orders, p. 381 n. 30 &c.  
Notable examples of benefits done to countries, princes and their states, by the merits and prayers of religious men, pag. 514 num. 12 S. Hilarion by his prayers obtained rain, ibid. n. 13. Destroyed the serpent Boa, n. 14. And delivered the city Epidaurus from a great deluge, num. 15 Senuphius obtained for Theodosius a victory by his prayers, num. 16 Macezill obtained a famous victory by the prayers of certain holy monks, num. 17 Kyricus a victory by the prayers of Theodosius, num. 18.  
Rome delivered from sacking by prayers, n. 19. jerusalem from a drought, by prayers, n. 20 lacedaemon from a plague, n. 21. Ranulph a victory by the prayers of S. Bernard, n. 22 Henerie the 2. from drowning, by the prayers of S. Hugh, n. 23 Aretium from sedition, by S. Francis, n. 24 Assissio from sacking, by S. clear, num. 25 Messina from sacking by Albertus a Carmelit friar, n. 26 Murisia from a storm, by S. Vincent, n. 27 The great honor which Emperors, kings, and princes haue done to religious persons, p. 522 n. 51 Theodosius to Senuphius, n. 52 Henerie the first to S. Romoaldus, n. 53 Religious, see conversion, and Orders.  
Of sundry revelations 
revelations.  imparted by God to his seruants, pag. 388 n. 6 The revelations of S. Dionysius Areopagita, touching S. John the evangelist, ibid. Of S. Carpus before he said mass, ibid. Of S. Basil, and S. Ephrem, p. 390. n. 12 Of Pope gregory the seventh, pag. 393 n. 20. revelations, see Exstasies, Visions, Prayers.  
Plato refused to give laws to the Cyrenians, because of their excessive riches, 
Riches.  p. 23 n 23 &c. The great wealth and riches of the Romans, pag. 159 n. 2. &c. Notable examples of the contempt of riches. In the matrons of Rome, p. 97. n. 22. In Antisthenes, in Crates, in Diogines and others, p. 590 n. 61 Riches, see Prizes.  
Rome 
Rome.  sacked by the Gaules, p. 95 n. 19.  
The severity of Gods punishment vpon the Romans, 
Romans.  cap. 10. per totum. The Romans slay a number of their own soldiears, p. 101 n. 36   

S  
THe admirable effect of the blessed Sacrament 
Sacrament  in the conversion of S. William Duke of Aquitan, p. 225 num. 32 Henerie the Emperor caused always his whole army to receive the blessed Sacrament before he gave battle, p. 337 n. 7.  
five thousand men sacrificed 
Sacrifice.  in Mexico in the west indy in one day, pag. 354. num. 28.  
Many towns, cities, and countries miraculously protected by the patronage and protection of Saints, 
Saints.  and Angels, p. 356 n. 31 The benefit arising to common wealth by the catholic doctrine of prayers to Saints, pag. 551 n. 57 The prejudice which ensueth by the contrary doctrine. ibid.  
Of the excellencies and perfections of our blessed saviour. 
saviour.  See Meditation, and Sibbils.  
How Menenius Agrippa pacified a sedition, 
Sedition.  and mutenie amongst the people by telling of a fable, p. 90 n. 4 Another sedition of the people, n. 5 Another sedition betwixt the people and the senat, n. 6 Another sedition, p. 91 n. 8 Dangerous remedies sought to prevent seditions, p. 94 n. 13 A sedition raised by a consul a plebeian, p. 98 n. 26 Seditions that the plebeians might marry with the nobility, p. 100 n. 29. The famous sedition of Tiberius Gracchus, p. 114 n. 39 The sedition of Cayus Gracchus, p. 115 n. 42 The sedition of Cayus Maurus, p. 115 n. 45 Other great seditions and dissensions, p. 121 n. 60 Sedition, see Rebellion, and conspiracy.  
Of the guard and recollection of our Senses, 
Senses.  exemplified in S. Bernard, and F. Pedro de Alcantara, p. 262 n. 5. 6.  
Two hundred seuentie Sects 
Sects.  since Luthers time to ours, and but one hundred eighty one, from Christs to Luther, p. 449 n. 30.  
Prodigious signs, 
signs.  see Wonders.  
A navy of a hundred and thirty ships, 
ships.  built and furnished by the Romans in wherefore dayes, pag. 102 num. 1 Lamentable shipwrecks, p. 103 n. 5. 6. ships, see Peace.  
Of the great detriment of sin 
sin.  and 'vice to a common wealth, p. 76 n. 3.& 5. 7. &c. A notable law of Seuleucas, forbidding all company with wicked men, ibid. n. 4 The nature of sin compared to a bowl cast down a hill, p. 217. n. 14. To a ship with out a stern, p. 218. n. ibid. The blasphemy of Luther, Caluin, and others making God the author of sin, p. 543. n. 34. &c. The great detriment which ariseth to common wealth by this doctrine, p. 544. n. 38. &c. sin, see Common wealth.  
All the particulars of our saviours life, death, and miracles, severally fore-tould by the Sibbils, 
Sibbils.  p. 198 n. 3  
The great insolency of the Soldiears 
Soldiears  in setting up and pulling down Emperors at their pleasures, p. 144 n. 57 &c. The empire set on sale by the Soldiears for who would give most, ibid. The great servitude of the senators to the Soldiears, p. 151 n. 79 Three qualities belonging to a christian soldiear, p. 614 n. 53 &c. Soldiears, see Murders.  
Mahomet alloweth the sin of sodomy, 
sodomy.  p. 188 n. 56 The Thalmud of the Iewes alloweth the same, p. 194 n. 72 public stews of boyes allowed, p. 200. num. 10.  
The three powers of the soul, 
soul.  represent the high mystery of the blessed trinity, pag. 250 num. 16. &c.  
The duty of Subiects, 
Subiects.  pag. 81. num. 22.  
Of the manifold and foolish Southsayings 
Southsayings.  practised by the Romans, pag. 60 n. 1. The beginning of soothsaying derived from Tages, p. 6 n. 4 Their innumerable lies and deceitful predictions, p. 63. n. 9. 10.& p. 66. n. 14.  
The Religion which destroyeth religion, pernicious to State, 
State.  p. 70 n. 21  
Of diuers holy personages, who received in this life the Stigmata, 
Stigmata  or marks of our blessed saviour, p. 463. n. 8.  
Swearing, 
Swearing  see oaths.   

T  
THe punishment of tyrants and of tirranie, 
tyranny.  pag. 87 num. 45. The tyranny of Marius and Silla, p. 117. n. 48 The tyranny of octavianus caesar, p. 123. n. 67.& p. 124 n 70. Of the cruelty and tyranny of Tiberius, p. 128. n. 7. 8. Of Caligula, p. 129. n. 10. 11 The horrible tyranny of Maxentius, n. 91.  
Mutius Sceuola threatened with Torment, 
Torments  held his own hand in the fire until it was consumed, pag. 89 n. 3.& pag. 214. n. 4 Porcia Catoes daughter swallowed down hot burning coals, p. 215 n. 6 The saying of a heathen philosopher extremely afflicted with the gout, p. 406 n. 55 Of Arnulphus vexed with the torment of the collique, ibid. n. 56.  
trinity, 
trinity.  see soul.  
The form of a Roman triumph 
triumph.  represented, p. 110. n. 29.   

V  
THe commendation of perfect Valour 
Valour.  exemplified in the Lacedemonians, pag. 347. num. 8 In Chrisantus, p. 348 n. ibid. A case put, of a panim and a christian going to the war to fight for their country, pag. 352 num. 23. Valour, see Fortitude.  
Of the four cardinal virtues, 
virtues.  and of the great benefit which they bring to the common wealth where they are exercised, p. 75. n. 2.& p. 80. n. 17. Polemon of very riotous, became sober and temperat by the doctrine of Zenocrates, pag. 449 n. 34. Three virtues requisite and necessary to a christian soldiear. pag. 614. n. 53 &c. virtue, see holy lives, and Obedience.  
'vice, 
'vice.  see vicious lives.  
Of divine Visions 
Visions.  and illustrations of spirit in sundry contemplative seruants of God, p. 315 n. 27 Of S. Ephrem, p. 390 n. 14. Of S. Hierom, n. 16 Of S. Romoaldus, p. 393 n. 25 Of S. Anselmus, n. 27 Of S. Francis of Paula, pag. 396 n. 34 Of the B. Father Ignatius of Loyola, n. 35 Of F. Borgia, pag. 399. num. 38 Visions, see ecstasies, revelations, Prayer.  
The victory 
victory.  of the samnites againsts the Romans, pag. 99 num. 27. Of the Gaules against the Romans, ibid. n. 29. Of Luctatius against the Carthaginienses, p. 104. n. 7. Of the Gaules against Appius Claudius, p. 113. n. 37. Of the Vaccei against Lepidus. p. 114. n. 39. The great victory of the Cimbri, and others against the Romans, p. 115. n. 44. The admirable victories of L. Lucullus, p. 119. n. 54. The victorious conquest of Cneus Pompeius, p. 120. n. 55. The like famous victory of Iulius caesar, ibid. The victory of caesar against Pompey. p. 122. n 62. Against Pompeis friends and children. ibid. n. 63. The miraculous victory of Marcus Aurelius by the prayers of the christians, pag. 143. n. 54.  
Alexander the great overthrew Darius with six hundred thousand men, with less then forty thousand, p. 513. n. 9 victory, see battle, war, and overthrows.  
Of the natural inclination the soul hath to be united with God, 
union.  compared to the mariners compass touched or rubbed with the loadstone, p. 34. n. 25. That almighty God uniteth himself diversly with his, according to the different capacity and disposition he findeth in their souls, p. 386. n. 2.  
The worth and value of mans union with God, p. 598. n. 9. The incomparable pleasure and delight thereof, p. 602. n. 19. Of the means how it is to be obtained, and who they are that arrive thereto, p. 604. n. 23.& p. 617. n. 59. Of three sorts of Christians who never arrive to that happy union with God in this life, p. 614. n. 28.& p. 616. n. 58.  
Of the vnitiue 
Vnitiue.  way and of the practise thereof, p. 286. n. 1. &c. five things to be observed by those which practise the vnitiue way, p. 287. n. 2. 3. &c. Meditations proper to the vnitiue way. p. 305. n. 1.  
Of diuers virgins consecrated to God in the primitive Church, pag. 360. num. 11. The objection of Luther, Peter Martyr, and Melancthon against the reward of single life answered, p. 428. n. 18. &c. Luthers frivolous shift concerning the matter of virginity, 
virginity.  discovered p. 423. n. 5. Another absurd devise of Peter Martyr disproved. p. 431. n. 27. Another evasion of the aduersaries disproved. p. 433. n. 33. Another ordinary objection answered, p. 434. n. 34. 35. The great praises of the state of virginity, p. 436. n. 40. &c. Of the vestal virgins amongst the paynim, and the great honor done to them. p. 448. n. 33. virginity, see chastity.  
unthankfulness, 
unthankfulness.  see Ingratitude.  
The objections of the aduersaries against vows 
Vow.  answered, pag. 490. num. 2. 3. &c. What maner of things may lawfully be vowed. p. 493. n. 8. Other shifts and cavils of theirs discovered and convinced, p. 469. n. 19. 20. Luthers vain gloze answered. p. 498. n. 24. Caluins shifts and gloses answered. ibid. n. 25. 26. &c. The absurd reason of Peter Martyr, p. 507. n. 45. Their reason of their restraint of christian liberty, p. 508. n. 47. Their reason drawn from scripture, p. 407. n. 46.& p. 509. n. 49. The acts of diuers wicked Emperors against religious vows. pag. 510. num. 1. An objection, if all should become, religious, answered, pag. 511 num. 4 vows of chastity, see chastity.   

w  
THe cruel war 
wars.  betwixt the Romans and the tyrant tarqvinius, pag. 89 num. 2 Betwixt the Romans and the Sabins, Aequi, Volsci, and Aranci, ibid. Betwixt the Romans and the Fidenates, p. 95 n. 16. 17 Betwixt the Gaules and the Romans, pag. 96. num. 19. again betwixt the Volsci and the Romans. ibid. n. 20. Betwixt the Romans and the Samnites. p. 27. &c.& p. 97. n. 24.  
With the Gaules, p. 99. n. 29. With the Tarantins, p. 100. n. 31. With the Falissi, and Gaules, p. 104. n. 9. With the Illirici. ibid. n. 10. With Philipp king of Macedony, p. 107. n. 19. With the Syrians, p. 108. n. 22. With the Ligures, p. 109. n. 23. The second war of macedon, with K. Perseus, p. 110. n. 27. The Romans with the Celtiberians, p. 112. n. 34. The last war with Carthage, p. 112. n. 35.  
A Portugal who first began to rob vpon the high ways, grew so strong that he was able to make war vpon the Romans, pag. 113. n. 36. Betwixt the Romans and the numantines, ibid. n. 38. Of Iugurthina against Aulus Posthumius, p. 115. n. 43. The wars with Mithridates▪ and betwixt Marius and Silla, p. 116. n. 47. Betwixt Sertorius& Metellus, p. 118. n. 52. The infamous wars of the fugitives under Spartacus, ibid. n. 53. The wars of the pirates and their incredible forces, p. 120. n. 57. The wars betwixt caesar▪ and Pompey, p. 121. n. 62. See more in battles, and Victories.  
Of the benefit which ariseth to common wealth by the catholic doctrine of free will. 
Free-will.  p. 542. n. 32. Of the detriment which ariseth thereto by the contrary doctrine, p. 543. n. 33.  
Diuers prodigious signs and wonders, 
Wonders.  raining of blood, cruel famine, strange plagues, &c. p. 86. n. 42. Showers of gobbets of flesh, p. 92. n. 10. The earth opened to the very bowels in the midst of the market place of Rome, p. 97. n. 22. raining earth, p. 99. n. 29 Men killed by a prodigious thunder, p. 100. n. 32.& p. 101. n. 34. A marvelous eruption of fire out of the ground. ibid. n. 37. abundance of blood flowed out of the earth. ibid. n. 38. A rain of blood two dayes together, p. 110. n. 26. Two mountaines in Medena ran one against another, p. 116. n. 46  
Cattle and beasts fell mad, and would suffer no man to approach them, p. 116. n. 46 The town of Pysaurum wholly swallowed up by the earth, p. 124. n. 69. The hill of Vesuuius, cast forth incredible heaps of fiery ashes. p. 139. n. 44. A prodigious darkness and roaring noise out of the earth, pag. 149 num. 75. Wonders, see Punishment.  
How contemptibly and basely Luther speaketh of good works, 
works.  p. 535 n. 5. 6. &c. An objection answered, in what sense Caluin admitteth good works, pag. 690. n. 97. 98. &c.   
FINIS.