AN HISTORICAL COLLECTION, OF THE MOST MEMORABLE ACCIDENTS, and Tragical Massacres of France, under the Reigns of HENRY. 2. FRANCIS. 2. CHARLES. 9 HENRY. 3. HENRY. 4. now living. Containing all the troubles therein happened, during the said Kings times, until this present year, 1598. Wherein we may behold the wonderful and strange alterations of our age. Translated out of French into English. Imprinted at London by Thomas Creed. 1598. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE GEORGE EARL OF CUMBERLAND, BARON OF CLIFFORD, LORD OF WESTMERland, Skipton, Vipont, Bromflet, and Vessy, Knight of the most honourable Order of the Garter, all health and happiness. AMong many that have taken in hand (Right Honourable and my very good Lord) to write the Stories of ancient times, the wars and worthy deeds of famous Princes, it was my lot (though unworthy) to be called to the translating of these last troubles of France, which by the Author, was in the French tongue very learnedly and eloquently set down. And sith the matter therein contained, meriteth to be well regarded, and duly considered of all noble and honourable personages: and the knowledge thereof, profitable to be imparted unto all Christian kingdoms, it was thought very meet and requisite, to have the same turned into our English tongue, for the profit and benefit of all such Englishmen, as are not skilful in the other language: what sweetness of phrase it hath lost, being thus stripped out of it own attire, I beseech your good Lordship to pardon; considering that the French in phrase, carrieth a peculiar grace in itself, which cannot always in an other speech be expressed. Not what I would, but what I could I have done in the translation, wishing in my heart (for your Lordship's sake) that my skill could have stretched to my good will. Nevertheless, for the saluing of all imperfections therein, and the entire affection which I bear to your honourable virtues, In all humility I commend my Book to your Lordship's patronage, that your worthiness may supply what is wanting in me, and shield my book from the envy of Satirical carpers: who beholding your Lordship to be a Protector of my simple labour, will rather blush at their own peevishness, then proceed any further in their malice. Thus building on hope of your honourable favour, I humbly rest. Your Lordships in all duty. TO THE COURTEOUS AND FRIENDLY READER. Such is the plenty of fine wits in this our age (right gentle and courteous Reader) that nothing can pass currant without control, except it be rare in conceit, or excellent for Art: for my own part, I cannot boast of either: yet have I been (like blind Bayard) bold to deal in the translating of this book, which I confess might have well beseemed a man of greater skill: notwithstanding being called thereunto, I have done my best to satisfy the world, submitting myself to the correction of the learned. Many faults have escaped herein, some by my own oversight, some through the Printers negligence, which I would desire the skilful, courteously to correct with their pen, or friendly to pardon through their courtesy. For such as are used to the Press, are privy to this, that few books goes clear without an Erata: yet thus much I dare presume, that to my knowledge, no fault herein committed, hath either spoiled the sense, or mangled the Story. Therefore in so great a labour as this is, think not a small fault a great prejudice. So shall you bind me by your courtesy, to be ready hereafter both to correct this, and to procure some other thing, that may be more to your content. Yours in all courtesy. THE CONTENTS OF THE MOST PRINCIPAL POINTS CONTAINED IN THIS HISTORY. HENRY THE SECOND. THe reign of Henry the second, containeth the alteration of the Court, by the death of Francis the first. Wars in Scotland. Practices wrought at Rome against the Emperor. Revolt in Guyenne: because of exactions made upon Salt. Persecutions against those of the religion. War at Bullen. The notable actions of Merindol and Cabrieres. The re-establishment of Guyenne. Occasions of wars renewed between the Frenchmen and the Spaniards. The beginning of wars beyond the mountains. Preparation for wars in Picardy. The king's proceed against the Pope, the Emperor, and the Council of Trent. The Edict against the abuses of the Court of Rome. Continuance of persecutions against those of the religion. Pretences against Lorraine. Counsels and agreements between the King and the Protestant Princes, to cross the emperors proceed in Almain and elsewhere. The taking of Metz, an Imperial Town, brought under the King of France his subjection. Wars in Luxemburg. The Conquest of the Duchy of Bovillon. The Emperor agreeth with the Almains to besiege Metz, and overrun Picardy. The issue of the siege of Metz. The taking and rasing of Terovenne. Hesden sacked. The overthrow and taking of the Duke of Arscot. Three royal armies which revenge the fires made by the emperors Army in Picardy. The Town of Bains among others is burnt. The encounter at Renty. The overthrow of the Army of Frenchmen in Picardy. Wars in Piedmont and Savoy. The French Army conducted by Strossy, overthrown, and Siene yielded. Wars in Picardy, and the Isle of Corsie. The Emperor yieldeth up his Empire unto his brother, & other dominions unto his son. The two kings make truce for five years, which are presently broken, and wars renewed about Rome. The Duke of Guise marcheth with an army for the king to aid the Pope, who maketh peace with the Spaniard. Mean time, the Constable looseth the battle of Saint Laurence. Saint Quintin taken by assault, and many other places won from the Frenchmen in Picardy. The king assayeth to recompense his losses, and following his intent long practised, he recovered Calais and the County of Oye: after that, Theowille and others. On the other side, the Earl of Egmont overthrew the Marshal de Termes hard by Gravelines. A speech of peace, in the mean time Charles the fift, his sister Elinor, and Mary Queen of England died. In the end the two Kings agreed together, and the King of France began to persecute those of the religion more than ever he did: but while he played his part, death seized upon him, and laid him on the ground, by a blow with a Lance. Whereby ensued a marvelous alteration in France. FRANCIS THE SECOND. THe Court in a moment is wholly altered and changed by the practices of the house of Guise, that withstood all men, executing Anne de Bourg, an excellent person, under the authority of a Prince of the blood. Information is made against them, and the Baron de la Renaudie, in the name of a great part of the Nobility, and third estate, undertaketh the commission to take the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal of Lorraine prisoners What order was holden therein by Monsieur de Renaudie, which in the end was discovered, whereof ensued divers bloody Tragedies at Amboise. The Prince of Conde valiantly maintaineth his innocency, and showeth the cowardly tyranny of his enemies, where it was openly proclaimed throughout the Provinces. The Guisarts not content with the troubles in France, move wars in Scotland, but to their own confusion. The religion multiplieth in France, even in the middle of their persecutions, and next after God, submit themselves under the protection of the Princes of the blood, determining to oppose themselves against the house of Guise, who by divers subtleties receive and award their blows, discover the enterprise wrought against them, cause the principal Nobility of the Realm to be assembled at Fontainbleau, where the Admiral galleth them on all sides. This assembly produced an advise and consent of a Parliament, to be holden in the end of that year. The Princes are summoned to come unto the Court, and all subtle practices used to get them thither: being arrived at Orleans, where the Court was holden, They were stayed as prisoners, specially the Prince of Conde, the house of Guise practising the total ruin of the Princes, and all others of the religion, leave no means undevised, which by the sequel is well perceived. While these actions were in hand, the king fell sick: in the end the Queen his mother got the Regency, with the aid of the house of Guise and the king of Navarre: the Prince of Conde, and those of the religion, are relieved by the king's death. CHARLES THE NINTH. I Account the reign of Charles the ninth, to be the time of wonders in France, his beginning was the assembly of a Parliament, where nothing was done but only in words. Those of the religion openly increasing, the house of Guise began to practise against the estate, many edicts were made to pacify the troubles. The Queen-mother useth practices that overthrew the laws of the realm, to satisfy those of the religion: an assembly was holden at Poissy, which ended in words, and no resolutions, and lastly with mutinies in Paris. The Edict of januarie was made, whereby the Duke of Guise undertook to commit the massacre at Vassy, inducing the king of Navarre to consent with him: he seizeth both of Paris and the king, which bred the first civil wars, which on the one side, contain infinite exploits of wars, as battles, encounters, assiegings, defences, and taking of places: on the other side, spoils and horrible murders of those of the religion in all the Provinces of the Realm. The troubles being ended by the death of the Duke of Guise, slain at the siege of Orleans, the first Edict of pacification (abolishing that of januarie) was established. After the peace, the Englishmen were driven out of New-haven, the king is declared to be of age to govern without a Protector, and causeth divers Edicts to be made. He is solicited by the Spaniard, to break his Edict of pacification, which is weakened in divers points: the beginning of the voyage of Bayonne, divers Citadels builded, many Towns unwalled, those of the religion sacked and spoiled in many places, leagues made against them, Edicts revoking those that had been granted unto them. The shameful entry of the Cardinal of Lorraine in Paris: Counsels holden at Bayonne: the king's progress throughout France. A dissembling reconciliation made between the houses of Guise & Chastillon: the miserable state of France: a notable process at Paris, between the University and the jesuits. Under pretence of a passage to be granted to the Spaniards to pass into the low Countries, preparation was made to overrun those of the religion, which constrained the Prince of Conde and his associates, to seek to defend themselves: whereof ensued the second evil wars, set down with the most notable accidents therein happened. Negotiation of peace, which the Prince is constrained to accept. This peace presently after, conceived a third civil wars. The Prince and the Admiral having hardly saved themselves in Guyenne, followed by divers others. The Princes first exploits: edicts against those of the religion: many warlike exploits between the contrary armies. Wars began to be in greater force in the year 1569. then ever they were before. The Prince was slain after the battle of Bassac: the Prince of Navarre declared general of the army, and the Prince of Conde assistant. A puissant army of Almains under the conduction of the Duke de Deux Ponts cometh to aid them: the encounter of la Roche la bell: the wars of Bearne: the siege of Poitiers and Chastelleraud: the battle of Moncontour. What both the armies did after that. The siege of S. john d'Angely overthrown, the army victorious. divers exploits of wars in Poictou, Guyenne, Xaintongne, and Angoulmois: a great voyage through the Provinces, after the battle of Moncontour: continuance of wars, which is ended by the third edict of pacification and about the end of the year, the king married the emperors daughter: a voyage made unto the Queen of Navarre, for the marriage of her son with the king of France his sister. Counsels among those of the religion: the death of the Cardinal of Chastillon. The marriage aforesaid agreed upon, wars were pretended against the Spaniard: the secret of the Court discovered, the Queen of Navarre went to Paris, where she died: the Princes and the Admiral came thither. Contracts and espousals of the king of Navarre: most horrible, bloody, and cruel counsels and massacres of the Admiral and thirty thousand of the religion in Paris, and in many other Towns: all the circumstances precedent and following, set down at large. Many devices to destroy those that were resting of the religion, who in Rochel, Sancerre, Languedoc, and other places, resolved to stand in a just defence of their cause: the assieging and yielding of Sancerre. A notable discourse of the siege of Rochel, from the beginning until the peace granted. The state of those of the religion in Quercy, Languedoc, and other Provinces, where they overthrew their enemies, and presently after, reduced the king to such a stay, that he was forced to begin again, who fell sick as his brother went into Poland. A devise not over good for those of the religion, The fourth troubles began at the massacres, and ceased for a time at the peace of Rochel: and began the fift by the enterprises against Rochel and Languedoc. The wonderful practices of the Queen-mother, to maintain her actions, and to serve her turn by her third son against those of the religion. The estate of divers provinces, specially of Normandy, where Monsieur was taken prisoner. Wars in Poictou against those of the religion. The Prince of Conde goeth into Almain. The sickness and death of the king. HENRY THE THIRD. THe Regent's dealings during the wars in Normandy. The estate of Languedoc, Vivarais, and Dauphine. Montgommery beheaded in Paris. The Prince of Conde chosen general by those of Languedoc. War in Poictou. The arrival of the new king, escaped out of Poland. The beginning of his actions. The siege of Lusignen. Wars in Dauphine. Practices against those of Languedoc. The death of Charles Cardinal of Lorraine. The memorable siege of Liuron. Conquests in Languedoc and elsewhere. Negotiation of peace, which procured wars. Notable exploits of Mombrun, with the end thereof. The state of Xaintongue. New practices invented against those of the religion. The Duke of Alencon the king's brother leaveth the Court, and promiseth wonders. Accord between the Prince of Conde and the Duke Casimir, overthrown by the Queen-mother. The misery of Frenchmen. The Germans army entereth into France. The king of Navarres departure from the Court. After, the D. of Alencon is made general of the army. A peace is propounded, which in the end is fully agreed: thereupon the fift Edict of pacification was made, which like the rest, hatched the sixth civil war. Foundations of the league begun by the house of Guise. Preparations and beginnings of new war. A summary of the king his Oration to the estates. The intention of the same estates discovered. What the king of Navarre and Prince of Conde answered to the Deputies of the same estates. Entrance to the sixth civil war, and the most memorable things of the same, being ended at last by an ample edict of pacification. The proceed both of one and other after the peace, especially after the king, his mother, and those of the house of Guise, which began to stir, and constrained the King of Navarre to look to himself, but chief after the death of the Duke d'Alencon, which served for an infantation or production of the league in Paris and elsewhere: the progressions whereof are declared. Pretext of the leaguers mutiny, whom the king attempteth to disunite. The King of Navarre manifesteth himself against them. The Queen-mother maketh herself a necessary Agent herein, and causeth the King to yield unto the leaguers more than they hoped for: so that he abolished the last edict of pacification, prepareth for war, and demandeth money. The Pope excommunicateth the King of Navarre and Prince of Conde, the which the Parliament of Paris disliketh: yet nevertheless the king formally proclaimeth himself against those of the religion: who prepare to make resistance. The Duke de main his exploits for the league: & then those of Duke de Mercoeur. The memorable expedition of the Prince of Conde towards Angers. What those of the religion did for their defence in Poictou, Xaintongue, and other places: and the King of Navarre against four armies of the league. The first and last exploits of the Duke de joyeuse for the league, against the King of Navarre. Battle of Coutras. Discourse of the journey and overthrow of the Rutters army, abou● the end of the year 1587. A summary recital of the attempts of the league against the Duke de Bovillon in those seasons. Fresh attempts of the league, against the estates and those of the religion. The war taketh beginning at Sedan. The death of the Prince of Conde. The Duke of Guise cometh to Paris, upon which ensueth the battle of Barricadoes. The King's retreat, and the beginning of extreme evils in France. Proceed of the King and Leaguers. Assignation of the estates at Blois. An edict of union in the month of july. War ordained against such of the religion as intended those estates. Attempts of the Duke of Savoy against France. Assembly of the Estates, and that which proceedeth the overture of the same. The King's Oration, who would confirm his Edict of Union. The Duke of Guise his progressions discovered, whereupon ensueth the putting to death of him and his brother. Warlike exploits by the K. of Navarre, for his own defence: and of the army of the league, in buse Poictou. Niort taken from the league. Restitution of Ganache. Dissipation of the leaguers army. A strange confusion in the estate of France. Death of the Queen-mother. Behaviour of the king, the league, and king of Navarre, during these beginnings. Truce between the two kings. divers exploits and enterprises of the leaguers, who are discomfited in Normandy, Beausse, & in the Isle of France. The king with a puissant army, having brought in divers places of importance, drew near Paris, where a jacobin monk, suborned of long time for the same purpose, traitorously gave him a wound with a knife▪ whereof after some certain hours he died, and in him failed the race of the French kings, of the line of Valois. HENRY THE FOURTH. DIsposition of the French, after the King's death. Counsels of the league. Orders given for the affairs of his army, by the new King, being Henry the fourth, lawful successor to the Crown. His genealogy. His proceed and notable exploits in Normandy, near to Arques. From thence he cometh towards Paris, taketh the subburbes, assayeth to draw the leaguers to fight: taketh Estampes, Vendosme, Man's, reduceth many Provinces to his obedience, and martyreth Normandy, whereupon the Parliament riseth against him. 90. Stratagems of the League, for maintenance of themselves. Exploits by the king in Normandy. Battle of Paris. Attempts of the Parliament of Rouen & the Parisians, against the K. The siege of Paris. A strange division of the Order of Sorbonne, from their sovereign Lord within the Realm. Famine oppresseth the Parisians, who desire peace, and cannot obtain it, through the false devices of the heads of the league, who goeth about to decive the king and people. As for the king, he goeth forward against his enemies, who are savoured by the Duke of Parma, the king of Spain his Lieutenant, who being resolved not to couple with the Frenchmen, entrench in a strong place, and make themselves Masters of Lani upon Marne. Their entrenchment and avoiding of fight, is an occasion that the king dismisseth his army: whereupon ensueth the entry of the Duke of Parma into Paris. The taking and reprisal of Corbeil, with the shameful retreat of the Spaniards and Walloons. 91. Paris is besieged, as before. Dauphine reconquered to the king. The Pope fortifieth the league. Chevalier d'Aumale is slain. Stratagems of the Spaniards for defacing of Paris. Romish attempts against the king, who taketh Chartres by composition, and by his Lieutenants discomfiteth the league in Province and Poictou. Afterwards he publisheth Edicts, for the retention of two religions in his Realm. The Parliaments of Tours and chaalon's, condemn the bulls, the Pope's Nuntio, and Legate. In the mean while, the Duke of Guise escapeth out of prison. On the other side, the king besiegeth and taketh Noyon. Overthroweth the army of Savoy at Pontcharra: entereth into Normandy, whither he draweth the Duke of Parma: when in the mean while the mutinous Parisians hang up Brisson, Archer, and Tardif. For revenge of whose death, four of the principal seditious were dispatched out of the way. 92. Arrest and decree of the Parliament of Roan against the king. Discourse of the siege of Roan. Disposition of the leaguers army: it is joined and fought withal, being put to flight, both by sea and land. The ignominious retreat of the Duke of Parma. Attempts by the league in divers parts. Bayon in vain assailed by the Spaniards. Amblize and the Lorraine leaguers, discomfited by the Duke of Bovillon. joyeuse overthrown with his army before Villemur. Complaint by members of the league, and resistance made by the heads. Arrest of the Parliament of chaalon's against the Pope's bull: and assembly of the estates of the league. Proceed of the heads of the same. Death of the Duke of Parma. Attempts of the Duke of main after his death. His declaration against the king. 93. The king maketh answer to the Duke. And his Council offer a proposition to the estates of the league, who are turned aside out of the way of peace, by the Pope's Legate and Spanish Ambassador. The king is solicited to go to Mass: whereunto the leaguers apply all their policies, overthrown before by the Parliament of Paris. The king maketh profession of the Roman religion: whereupon ensueth a general truce and new practice of the leaguers, to withdraw the people from acknowledging him. In the mean while, the tragedies of Peter Barriere are a playing, who desirous to have a part in the league, conspired against the life of the king, and Duke de Nemours. The leaguers turn themselves on every hand for their own maintenance, and to ruinated those of the religion. Stratagems of certain Politicians against the king: who expresseth his good will to those of the religion, and looseth that which he had conquered in Piedmont. 94. He bringeth the league under subjection: enforceth rebellious towns to their former obedience, namely Paris: where the Parliament opposeth itself against the spaniards. After certain doings too and fro to Rome, the less desperate Leaguers are received to favour. Amongst others, the Parisians, who are wont to chase away the ancient enemies of France, published a decree or arrest against the league and the Duke de main. What ensued upon a favourable declaration of the king, who in Picardy pursued the remainders of this union. During this, the University prosecuted the jesuits. War is noised in Britain, and towards the low Countries. About the end of the year, a disciple of the jesuits attempted to kill the king. 95. Process against the jesuits, and their secret complots discovered. War proclaimed against the king of Spain. Leaguers of Soisson hewn in pieces. Spaniard's discomfited, in the Dukedom of Luxembourg. War in Franch-Countie. Beaune surrendered to the king. Memorable explopts, both of one and other part. Duke d'Aumale executed in his image and portraiture. The siege of Fere. The king obtaineth absolution from the Pope. Estates of Picardy. 96. Marseilles reduced under the king's obedience. The Cardinal of Austria relieveth Fere, and by force of arms taketh Callais and Ardes. Nevertheless, Fere is by composition delivered into the king's hands. Afterwards Marshal Byron made divers incoursions into Artois. And the amity between the king, the Queen of England, and the united Provinces of the low Countries, was confirmed. The king convocateth the estates at Rouen, discovering briefly unto them, his intention. Henry the second. M. D. XLVII. HENRY the second of that name, and the 59 King of France, Pharamont, the only son of Francis the first, that died upon the 30. day of the month of March, in the year of our Lord 1547. succeeded in the Crown by order of succession, according to the ancient salicque law of the land. He while the Nobility were busied to provide for the obsequy and funerals of his deceased father, and staying for his sacrying & anointing, in the month of April following, made and ordained an edict, An edict against blasphemers. to be published against blasphemers of the name of God: which action made show of a notable and commendable beginning: yet, that so laudable a work continued no longer in force, than many others had done before it. Nevertheless, it wrought this effect, that thereby it evidently appeareth, that succession, and not the sacrying and anointing of a Prince, is the chief original of royal authority. The 16. of julie, the Court was much troubled by a contention, and memorable action that happened between Messieurs de jarnac, and Chastegneraye, gentlemen of great account, that had defied each other, by reason of certain words used by one of them, which had procured the other to give the lie. The King in stead of ending their cause, by advise of his Council, and to constrain the offender, to satisfy the offended, granted them the combat: whereupon, according to the King's appointment, they appeared upon the day aforesaid, at S. Germans in Say: where, in the presence of the King, Princes, Lords, and others, they entered into the lists. There Monsieur jarnac, who by all the company was esteemed the weaker, by reason he was newly recovered of a certain sickness, withal despised and little favoured, overcame the other (to whom before they entered into the combat, every man adjudged the victory:) and wounded him in such sort, that not long after he died, to the King's great grief: who upon that occasion, expressly forbade all combats whatsoever: in this manner he began with a bloody tragedy, and ended with the like, as hereafter you shall hear. The King sacred at Reims. The 27. of julie, after he was sacried and anointed at Reims, with all the ancient & accustomed ceremonies thereunto belonging, in the presence of twelve Peers, spiritual and temporal. The spiritual, were the Archbishop of Reims, the Bishop of Langres, Beawais, Noyon, Laon, and Challons: the temporal, the Duke of Bourgongne, Normandy, and Guyenne, the Earls of Champagne, Flaunders, and Thoulouse. Most part of the Princes & Nobility of the Realm being likewise present, with divers Ambassadors of strange nations. But the Ambassadors of Florence, Mantove, and Ferrare, came not, by reason of a controversy that fell out between them, concerning their pre-eminence of places, and for that they could not agree thereupon, they absented themselves, till the cause was further debated. The Constable exalted. Anne de Montmorency, Constable of France, who certain years before had been banished the Court, and secretly held at Chantilly: as soon as Francis the first died, was repealed again, and the new king committed the principal charge of the affairs of the Realm unto him, which at that time were executed by the Cardinal de Tournon, & the Admiral Annebaut, who as then had good leisure to repose themselves, yielding their place to him, whom the king termed his Gossep, one that in times past had done him many services, as afterward he did. Mesieurs de Longueval, d'Espars, de Boncour, de Framezelle, de Antipe, the Baron de la guard, the General Bayard, and others, were narrowly sought and pursued, for divers secret causes, in such sort, that some of them were forced to save themselves by the gilded Gate, others by means of their friends. Wars in in Scotland. The king having made a Progress into Picardy, went further into the Realm, and caused an Army to be levied under the conduct of Monsieur D'esse, to aid the Queen Dowager of Scotland, against the Englishmen, causing her to be safely conducted into Scotland, to the end, to impeach the union of both those Realms, which might be to the prejudice of France, and thereby to maintain the ancient amity, that had long continued between the countries of France and Scotland. Monsieur Pierre Strossie, Colonel of certain Italian companies, Monsieur D'andelot, Colonel of the French Infantry, & the Rhingrave, General of the Lansquenets, accompanied Monsieur D'esse. And while they with their Troops kept the Englishmen from invading Scotland by land, Leon Strossi, Prior of Capove, with his Galleys, and certain French ships, came close under the Castle of S. Andrew, which he entered by force: and taking all that he found therein, returned into France. D'esse presently after drove the Englishmen out of a Fort, by them erected, hard by that Castle: but before the fire waxed greater, by meeting of Ambassadors on both sides, the peace before spoken of, and propounded at Ardies, between the kings of England and France, was made and concluded, whereby that war ceased. The rest of this year, passed over without any matter of importance done in France. The king having taken such order in Guyenne, touching the Impost of Salt, and other customs, that in fine, it proved the spring and beginning of those insupportable exactions, that bred and produced the seditions of the year ensuing. Ordinances for custom of Salt, and other things. Autome & all the rest of the year, was much troubled with showers of reign, whereof ensued great overflowings and inundations of waters, foreshowings and prescriptions of the troubles, that after ensued both within and without the Realm. The house of Guise being insinuated into the king's good favour, by means of Diane de Poitiers, Duchess of Valentinois, that wholly ruled him, he gave the Archbishoppricke Bishopric of Reims to Charles, younger brother to the Duke of Guise, to whom not long before, Pope Paul Farnese, had sent the Cardinal's Hat: this was, The Cardinal of Lorraine solicited the Pope to take part with the king of France. that great and so much renowned Cardinal of Lorraine, that lived in such fame in the times of the King's successors to Henry the second. Charles of Bourbon, brother to Henry Duke of Vandosine, and after King of Navarre, was also made Cardinal at the same time. But the difference was great between these two Cardinals. The Lorraine, a man of great judgement, and one that seemed to be borne only to stir up strife within the Realm, was as then sent and employed in embassage unto the Pope, to draw and persuade him to favour the King of Francis part, and wholly to dissuade him from the Emperor, against whom as then he was much incensed, because his Lieutenant in Italy had ceased upon the town of Plaisance, after the murder of Pierre Lovis the Pope's son, slain by the conspiracy of his own subjects, the 10. of September 1547. The Emperor and the King sent unto the Council. The Emperor sent his Ambassadors to the Council, as then holden in Bologne, to protest against such as were assembled in that place, thereby to induce them to return again unto Trent. The King likewise sent his Ambassadors thither, to exhort them to look unto themselves, and to provide for their affairs. These practices and devices, in time proved the sparkles of the fire of vengeance, and desire of reenterie into wars, enclosed within the hearts and breasts of those two Princes, specially of the King, who partly provoked by the opinion of his means, and partly solicited by such as knowing his nature much inclined to the delights and pleasures of the Court, and of a soft spirit, little practised or broken with matters of estate, thought to fish in a troubled water, as the common saying is: not being able to distress the peace made with the Emperor at Cresoy, in the year of our Lord 1544. complaining against the animosity of the Emperor, used towards France: and among other examples to prick him, alleging the death of Colonel Vogelsberg, beheaded at Ausbourge, at his return from the wars of Scotland, where he had served the King. While the King made preparation to ride on progress throughout his Realm, Gasper de Colligny sieur de Chastillon, sent into Picardy, The Fort of Chastillon. caused a fort to be erected near unto Bullen, that as then was holden by the Englishmen, which after annoyed them much. The King being in Bourgongne, made his entry into most part of the Towns, and having visited La Bresse, Savoye and Piedemont, returned unto Lions, where he held a feast for the Knights of the order of S. Michael. Commotions in Guyenne by reason of exactions. During his voyage into Savoye and Piedemont, the commons of Guyenne, Saintonge, and Angoulmois, rose up in arms, because of the extortions used by those that had farmed the impost of salt, and in short space assembled to the number of 40000. men well armed, besides those of the ylands, and by common consent, set upon the farmers of Salt: and although in the beginning, the king of Navarre had sought by all means to dissuade them, nevertheless, they held firm, and earnestly pursued their enterprise against those of the farmers, upon whom they might lay hands. The commons of Gascoigne likewise rose up and followed the pernicious examples of the rest, whereof ensued the massacring of many of the King's officers in divers places of the country, who abusing their offices, had been the causes of that mutiny. Fault of the Governor & the jurats of Bourdeaux. The Mayor and jurates, having charge within the City of Bourdeaux, the parliament of Guyenne, and Monsieur de Monneins, that therein commanded as Lieutenant for the King, in stead of remedying and taking order for those tumults, defended it too long: specially Monsieur de Monneins, who not reproving the insolency of one of the principal leaders of those troops, named La Vergne, made him become so bold and impudent, that not long after, he presumed to raise and call the people together by sound of bell: besides this, he committed an other fault, which is, that being fearful, and having withdrawn himself into the Castle of du Ha, thereby, as he supposed, to put the people in some doubt. He sent out divers Calivers, at several times, to repress their insolency, but it fell out contrary to his intent. For that this issuing of the Soldiers, set the people in such a rage, that having found mutinous companions for the purpose: as Lafoy Vergne, l'Estonnac, Maquanan, and others, presently they fought, where the farmers and their partakers, were put to flight, and many gentlemen's houses (under pretence of searching for the exactors of Imposts, whom they affirmed to be hidden therein) were rob and spoiled. Disorder in the capital Town of Guyenne. The commons entered into the Town, where they rung a bell to assemble the people, no man daring to pass through the streets, unless he were armed, and in company of the Nobles, otherwise they were cruelly massacred and murdered, by such as met them. The counsellors of the Court of parliament, were constrained to put off their gowns, and in their doublets and hose, with sailors caps, to bear pikes, and so to march with this mutinous company, that constrained two brethren, called Messieurs de Saulx, one a Captain of the Town, the other of the Castle called Trumpet, to be their Leaders, and to assist them at the spoiling and robbing of divers houses of the Citizens their friends, whom they massacred before their eyes. though sacking of the townhouse, and massacring of the Governor. The townhouse, wherein there lay great quantity of armour was sacked, and Monsieur de Monneins, being so ill advised to leave the Castle of Du Ha, (where he was in safety) to go out to entreat & persuade the people, was cruelly murdered with divers wounds, both before and after his death: a Locke-smith giving him the first blow, and the Friars, that within 3. hours after in the nighttime, sought to take up his body, all filthy and moiled with dirt, and lying in the streets with a gentlemen called Monteluen, were in danger of massacring, because they buried them within that Temple. But the principal Leaders of this mutiny, longing to put water into their wine, and such as had made their prey by spoiling houses, Execution of justice against the mutinous. having withdrawn themselves, some in one place, some into another, the parliament being strengthened and assisted, by honest and peaceable Citizens, began to show his authority, and caused some of the notablest companions amongst them, to be taken, whom they executed: namely, La Vergne, that was drawn in pieces by four horses. The Constable with all rigour punished those of Bordeaux The king being certified thereof, wrote unto the commons, assuring them with all speed to take order therein, commanding them to lay down their arms, which was the cause that every man withdrew himself. But in the mean time, an army was prepared, to enter into Saintonge, and Quiennie, Monsieur de la Devese, ceased upon the Castle Trumpet, and put out l'Estonnac and his adherents. The Constable had commission to punish those of Guyenne, followed by Francis de Lorraine Count d'Anmalle, after Duke of Guise, much renowned in the reigns of Francis the second, and Charles the ninth. This Earl conducting 4000 Lansquenets, and great numbers of French Horsemen, entered into Saintonge, which he pacified without resistance, not punishing them for their offences past, minding to obtain the name of a mild and gentle Prince, and leaving the report of cruelty and severity unto the Constable, who being accompanied with all the forces, and both the arms joined in one, entered into Bourdeaux all armed, giving most hard speeches unto the Captain of the town, that at his entry, presented him with the keys of the town, that at his entry presented him with the keys of the City, beseeching him to be favourable unto the citizens: but he being master of the town, without blow given, bereaved the citizens of all their titles, registers, privileges, and franchises, deprived them of all honours, burned all their privileges, caused the Court of Parliament to cease, wholly disarmed the citizens, pulled down their bells, and constrained the principallest of the city, to the number of seven score, to go to the Friars, there to fetch the body of Monsieur de Monneins, and to convey it to the Church of S. Andrew's, where it should be buried: each of them with a wax candle lited in his hands, having first before the Constable's lodging, asked mercy both of God and the king, and justice, Estonnoc, the two brethren du Saul, and others had their heads stricken off. He forgot not likewise those that had been assistant at the murdering of the Governor, and the sacking of the houses, a Provost Martial with a great number of soldiers went through Bourdeaux, Baradois, and Agenois, executing such as had rung the bells, and in the end, he took the two chief Leaders of the Commons, named Talemagne and Galaffie, who were broken upon a wheel, having first been crowned with a Crown of Iron burning hot, for their punishment in usurping the sovereign Majesty. Pastime in the Court. This Tragedy, ended in Comedies at the court, for Anthony de Bourbon, Duke de Vandosine, espoused jeane d'Albert Princess of Navarre, and Francis de Lorraine, Duke d'Aumalle, the daughter of the Duke of Ferrare. But among those sweet and pleasant conceits, they mixed a most rigorous & bitter ordinance, establishing within Paris an extraordinary chamber, Persecutions against those of the religion. therein to proceed against those of the religion, as then called Lutherans, whom they burned to death, if they remained constant in their profession. The coronation of the Queen. The pleasures of the Court increased more by the delivery of the Queen of a young son, and great part of this year was passed over in plays & sumptuous sports. The Q. being crowned at S. Dennis, upon the 10. of june, & the 16. of the same month, the king made his magnifical entry into Paris, & there ran at tilt, to show some pleasure to the Ladies and Gentlewomen, which being ended, he sat openly in the Court of Parliament, where in presence of the Princes and Peers of his Realm, he gave judgement in divers causes, according to the ancient custom of his predecessors. Difference between the kings in times past, & those of our time. For the ancient kings of France, were careful, and used ordinarily to hear the complaints of their subjects, but of late years they referred that manner of exercise unto the consciences of their Officers, seeing by other men's eyes almost concerning all their affairs, which is neither good nor comfortable for the people, nor yet any means to further justice. And since this carelessness hath entered into the majesty of our kings, the estate of the realm hath been weakened, and the majesty royal embased: so that in the end, the people have not refused to rise against the person of the king, and sometimes to murder him. But remedy herein will be had, when our kings abstain from shameful actions, and only do that whereunto God hath called them. A general procession. After many sports and devices, the king caused a general & solemn procession to be made in the month of july, wherein he was present, assisted by the Queen, the Princes of the blood, Lords, Cardinals, Orders, Estates and dignities of Paris, and at his return from the Bishop's Palace, where he had dined, he would see and behold the burning of certain Christians, detesting the errors and abuses maintained and holden by the Papists and their Doctors. Among the which was a Tailor, where not long before, A notable Tailor. by the force and virtue of the spirit of God, had made answer and given notice of his saith and religion, in presence of the king and divers Courtiers, where he sung a wonderful lesson unto the Duchess de Valentimois, of whom I spoke before: saying unto her, that she ought to content herself, to have so much infected France, without mixing her venom and filthiniesse, with so holy and sacred a thing as is the religion, and the truth of the son of God: and that it was to be feared, that for the same occasion God would send a grievous plague and punishment both upon the King and his Realm. But the King being moved and sore grieved with such exhortations, which touched her to the quick to whom they were spoken, Punishments of those of the religion. having commanded that his judgement should speedily be given, said he would in person behold the execution of his Tailor, and the better to do it, he went unto the house of Monsieur de la Rochpot, in Saint Anthony's street, before Saint Catherins' Church, right against the scaffold where the Tailor showed most singular and constant patience: and having espied the king, he beheld him with so steadfast a countenance, that by no means he would look of, and the sire being put unto him, he had his eyes so steadfastly fixed upon him, that the king was constrained to leave the window and to withdraw himself, being so moved thereat, that he confessed that he thought the shadow of the Tailor followed him, and with the apprehension of that spectacle, for the space of certain nights after, it still represented itself before his eyes, in such manner, that he made an oath and protested, that he would never see nor hear any more of those Lutherians. The King's protestation. But not remembering the same, about ten years after, he heard that which he ought to have given better respect unto, and pretending to see the person of a man of great estimation burnt, he lost both his sight and his life, as when time serveth you shall read. Orders for apparel, made in paper. At that time excess of apparel was so great in every man, by reason of the pomp and magnificence of the Court, that it bred a dearth and scarcity of all things, so that cloth of gold, silks, lace, and imbroydery, were forbidden to be worn by divers persons, every estate being appointed what he should wear. But this was but an ordinance made in paper, and of little continuance, and the greatest example shown by the king himself, who ordinarily went plain in his apparel, the rest of the Court using what apparel they would. Estate of Scotland. Monsieur de Termes, knight of the order, was sent into Scotland, to supply the place of Monsieur de Esse, there to continue the wars, Marry Queen of Scots being of the age of six or seven years, having the year before been conveyed into France, Monsieur d'Esse before his departure, having given the English men an overthrow before Hedungton, and taken the Isle of Horses, left the rest of his affairs unto his successor, that behaved himself most bravely, and with great honour. Hard dealing used against monsieur du Biez, because of Bullen. For the recovering of Bullen holden by the Englishmen, the king commanded his Nobility and Captains to assemble themselves, by the first of September next after ensuing, before Bullen. In the month of june, jaques de Couci Lord of Vervin, had been beheaded in Paris, and Edward du Biez, Marishall of France, his father in law, after a long imprisonment, degraded of his estate. The Marishall was accused to have unadvisedly placed his son in law within Bullen, and the other for having yielded up a place so impregnable and well furnished, unto the enemy, to the which end, divers witnesses and Commissaries were appointed and procured, by such as had credit about the king, so that not very long after, it was plainly and manifestly seen, and openly known, that the innocency of those gentlemen, had been falsely accused and condemned, by the envy of certain Courtiers, that ruled the king. who acknowledged the fault by him therein committed, but remedied it not, the condemnation against Monsieur de Vervin, continuing still in force, until the year of our Lord 1575. that his son and heir, by petition made to king Henry the third, besought the king to restore the name and honour of his Father, and Grandfather by the mother's side, and commandment was given unto one of the Heralds, to be assistant at the funerals of those two Lords, which were solemnly held at Bullen, in the month of june. 1577. War at Bullen. But to return to the wars of Bullen, the king being arrived at Monstrueil, upon the sea, the 17. of August, caused his army to march towards Bonlamberg, and having taken the Fort of Selaque, where Monsieur de Chastillon entered by force, and that of Blaconnet by composition. The Englishmen left Bonlamberg, which was presently repaired, after that, they besieged the Tower of Ordre: but by reason of the winter time, the Forts being garnished with men and victuals, the king dismissed his army, and withdrew himself till spring time. This year the process of Merindol, was pleaded in the Court of Parliament at Paris, being the 50. time that it had been heard, which was thus. The notable process of Merindol & Cabrieres In the month of September 1540 the parliament of Provence, had by default condemned 17. persons of Merindol, to be burned for religion, and that the Village of Merindol should be razed, and all the trees cut down within 200. paces round about it: this judgement for a time continued in suspense, although both the Bishops, and spirituality of the country, were very earnest to have it executed, but many Gentlemen and others of good account, stayed the rigour thereof: and about five months after, king Francis, first Earl of Provence, sent a pardon to those of Merindol and others surnamed Vandois, upon condition, that within three years after, they should abjure and renounce their errors. They accordingly made their appearance in the Court of Parliament, requiring to let them see the Copy of their accusations, (which was denied them) touching the points that accused them to have maintained and published certain errors, and that they should by the word of God, be better instructed: which done, they said they would be ready and most willing, to follow all good counsel whatsoever. And because their error was ntot showed unto them, and that they only sought their blood, they in open Parliament presented the confession of their faith, with a most ample and large declaration and answer, unto the false reports and untruths, imposed and devised against them, desiring therein, either to be maintained and upholden, or otherwise to be heard and permitted to speak in their own defences. From that time, till the year of our Lord 1544. there was divers practices used to oppress and overthrow those poor people, but while their enemies contented themselves to assault them by words and threatenings, they solicited and besought the king, that it would please his Majesty, to call the hearing of that arrest of contumacy before himself. The Precedent Chassane, a man of indifferent judgement, being dead, one john Menier succeeding in his place, who having forcibly taken the goods of certain husbandmen of the village of Oppede, whereof he was Lord, under pretence of religion, was become a mortal enemy unto those of Cabrieres and Merindol, where those husbandmen dwelled, who in harvest time, in despite of Menier, reaped the corn which as then they found upon their ground, which he held from them by force: so that as then the execution was pursued. And thereupon the Parliament at the instant request of M nigher, sent an huissier, to the Cardinal de Tournon, at whose request king Francis the first, sent letters patents to the parliament, for the execution of that first sentence, and by that means in the month of April 1545. Menier naming himself Lieutenant to Monsieur de Grignan, Governor of Provence, having assembled an army of thieves, and being accompanied by Monsieur de la guard, set fire in divers villages about Merindol, sent great numbers of poor Countrymen into the Galleys, and caused a young man to be openly harquebushed, and finding no man within Merindol, peeled, sacked, , and razed all the houses, and having besieged, battered, and by composition taken the little Town of Cabrieres, in stead of holding his promise made unto them, he chose out 25. or 30. men, such as pleased him, that were cut and massaced to pieces, in a Meadow that lay under the Town, & about 40. women, whereof most of them were great with child, were burnt within a barn, and many being found hidden in their Cellors, were tied two and two together, and so led into the Hall of the Castle of Cabrieres, where they were most cruelly murdered. Within the Church, many old women, young maids, and children, that had saved themselves, were all put to the sword. The number of the slain and massacred, amounting unto 800. persons and more. The Baron de la guard led above 800. persons away, and put them into the Galleys, where the most part of them died in great misery. Many women and maids were deflowered, and great numbers led prisoners to Marseille, Aix, and avignon. divers villages being wholly burnt and consumed by fire, whereby the desolation and misery of that country was exceeding great. But king Francis being sick, for the space of certain years after that cruel massacre, and urged in conscience with a remorse of that mischief, whereof he had partly been the cause, and sorry before his death he could not execute open punishment upon those that abusing his name and authority, had committed so horrible a mischief among his subjects of Provence, expressly charged his son Henry, not to defer that punishment, saying: that if he put it in oblivion, God would be revenged thereof against him, and that their memory would remain in horror and execration unto all strangers, if the persons that had committed so notable a crime, should be suffered to escape unpunished. This clause expressly set down within the King's testament, advanced the discredit on the Cardinal of Tournon, and put Grignan and la guard in great pain: but to conclude, they had more fear then hurt, for the king by his letters patents of the 17. of March, 5549. caused the matter to be heard by the Court of Parliament in Paris, where Menier and three others his companions, appeared in person, the rest of the Councillors by their Attorneys. And there, after long process, in stead of punishment, one man only, called Guerin, a Councillor, less culpable than the rest, was hanged in Paris: Menier, principal of that massacre escaped, and falling out of his wits died, being ceased with a secret fire within his body, in the open sight & knowledge of all the country of Provence. The rest of the matter vanished (as it were in a smoke) before the sight of men: but God made both the king, his Council, & all his Realm, to know and well perceive, that the blood of so many innocent persons, and others that were put to death, both before and after that time, for the confession of the Gospel, is most precious in his sight: as the things that happened and fell out in the years ensuing have well declared, which we must in order set down, as time and place shall serve. The death of Margaret Queen of Navarre. The same year in the month of December, did Margaret de Orleans, Queen of Navarre, sister to king Francis the first, a most noble and famous Princess, and of as notable a spirit, as any that lived in her time. In the beginning of this year, the king suppressed and abolished the imposition of salt, in the country of Guyenne, with all the officers that had the execution thereof, for the sum of 450000. franks, with the countries of of Poicton, Saintonge, Angoulmois, Perigort, high and low Limosin, and high & low Marthe, should pay unto him, with 25000. franks to the officers for their charges. Touching those of Bourdeaux, in the month of October before, they had procured and obtained a general pardon, upon condition, that they and their successors, should always keep two ships furnished for the wars, ready to put to sea, & to serve under whomsoever it should please the king to command, and to receive into the Castles of Trumpet and du Ha, such garrison, as the king should send into them, and to victual them with all sorts of victuals, which they should yearly furnish and renew, taking away the old. And thereupon, in the month of januarie after, the king re-established the parliament, and their Town was reduced into the former estate, they that had been beaten making the amends. Three Precedents in Paris displaced, and after re-established, only Liset. At that time, three Precedents of Paris, not well thought of, by the house of Guise, as then being in great credit, were displaced out of their offices: but not long after, S. Andre, & Minard, having promised to become good servitors, were restored again. Liset was made Abbot of S. Victor, that an other of less judgement than himself, might have his place. And so he took upon him to deal in matters of divinity, wherein he sped so hardly, and of a good practition, he became so ignoranta sophister, that falling in a great laughter, he was suddenly taken with a disease and so died. He showed himself a sworn and perpetual enemy to those of the religion, thinking to advance himself by cruel inventions: but he was cut off by the way: thereby serving for an example, to many better men than himself, not to bandy against him uho is able to surprise and entrap the subtilest in their fond inventions, and against whom the wisdom and force of man, is nothing but mere beastliness and vanity. Remedies for false & clipped money. This year because that most of the money in France was found to be clipped, by the king's edict, all such money was commanded to be cut in pieces and molten, and many of that occupation, among the which were divers quoyners executed. Bullen restored to the King. In the months of February and March, a peace was agreed upon, between the kings of England & France, whereupon the 25. of April ensuing, Bullen was delivered into the hands of the king of France, who made his entry into it upon the 25. of May after. About that time died claud de Lorraine, first Duke of Guise, and john Cardinal of Lorraine, both being poisoned, with Humieres, the Cardinal of Amboise, and john of Caracciol, Prince of Melphe, Lieutenant general for the King in Piedemont, and Marshal of France, after whom succeeded Charles de Coss, Barron de Brissac, in his time a most valiant Captain. Now we enter into wars, Occasion of wars begun between France and Spain. as hotly begun, as ever they were, between the Frenchmen and the Spaniards. The king from time to time casting his eyes upon the Duchy of Milan, and withal, remembering the titles thereunto pretended, by the house of Orleans, whereunto they never renounced, being no less sorry for that which had happened in Plaisance, in regard of Pierre Lovis, son to Pope Paul Farnese, who therein had been slain by his household-servants. For besides that, the report went, that it had been done and practised by the subtle means of Ferdinand de Gonzague, Lieutenant for the Emperor in Lombardie, thereby to advance his masters affairs, he had ceased upon Plaisance. The Pope desirous to revenge himself, and having not an arm as strong as his heart, had sent Camille Vrsin to keep and defend Parma, and accepted the offer by the king, in aid unto him: which was to receive the family of Farneses', and all their lands and goods into his protection. The Pope had given Parma unto his Nephew Octavian, who not long after was invested therewith by julius, the third successor unto Paul: but the Emperor pretending, that the Title of protector, belonged better to him, then to the King, that had nothing to do in Italy: and perceiving that accord between the king and the Pope, to be as a thorn within his foot, determined to assure himself of Parma, & wrought in such manner, that Pope julius abandoned his vassal Octavian, that had espoused the emperors Bastard-daughter. Octavian repaired to the king, that named himself Protector of the lands of the Church, and of the Ferneses': and Pope julius being solicited to take order therein, made no account thereof, whereupon the king determined to aid Octavian: and not long after Gonzague besieged Parma, which caused the king to command the Marishall of Brissac, his Lieutenant in Peidemont, to fortify and strengthen Mirandole, but Gonzague having discovered the enterprise, surprised the Soldiers that Martial Brissac sent thither, and caused them to stay. On the other side, the Pope began to threaten the king, because he had received Octavian into his protection, and said he would excommunicate him, and all the Realm of France. To cool the Pope's choler, the king expressly forbade all his subjects, not to carry any money to Rome, neither yet to go thither for any cause whatsoever: ordaining the Metropolitans of his Realm, to supply their default therein, until further order should be taken. This was no small blow unto the Court of Rome: and surely if the king had still continued in that mind, the Popes had never peeled France in such manner, as afterward they did, but thereby they had been taught to become wise. Which had surely been a beginning of reformation throughout Christendom: but it being grounded only upon temporal considerations and commodities, it proceeded to no good end. Octavian was declared a rebel unto the Sea of Rome, and presently war was proclaimed against him: Gonzague entering by arms into the territories of Parma. Beginning of wars beyond the Mountains. On the other side, the king dispatched new forces into Piedemont, commanding the Marshal of Brissac to aid those of Parma, and Mirandole. From whence proceeded the taking of Quires, S. Damian, with certain Forts & Castles in the Marquisall of Montferrat. Whereby Gonzague was constrained to leave Parma, to defend the milanese. At that time the Emperor found himself much busied with many important affairs, having to do both with the king of Fance, the Turks, and Africa, besides the troubles which as then were not fully ended in Almain. The Histories are very divers, touching the breach of this peace, between the Emperor and the king: but it must be understood by this new commotion, happened between two so puissant Princes, for asmall matter, as it outwardly appeared, that they sought some former quarrel, whereinto both of them most willingly entered, under pretence of their new war, for Parma: but above all things, the just judgement of God minding to scourge Christendom, as then filled with all disorders, and culpable of grievous crimes, was the only cause thereof. Preparation for wars in Picardy. In the beginning of the year 1551. Marry, Queen of Hungaria, sister to the Emperor, and Governor in the low Countries, made great preparations for wars, both by sea and land. And understanding that the Marshal de S. Andre, was ready to sail into England, to bear the order of France, unto Edward king of England, sent certain ships to lie between Dover and Calis, to take the Marshal, who taking ship at Deep, held an other course, and so performed his voyage. And for his security, he caused certain Flemish ships to be stayed at Deep, which were presently released assoon as they understood of his arrival in England. On the other side, Queen Marie caused an arrest to be made of all French Merchants ships, that as then were in any Port within the low Countries, wherewith divers Merchants were not very well pleased, by reason of the disorders and losses, that commonly happen by such arrests. Monsieur de Villebon, minding to refresh Turovenne, wherein he commanded, with new victuals. Monsieur du Reux, a great adversary to France, sent certain Soldiers to lie in Ambuscado, and to impeach that enterprise, but in the end he was constrained to retire, without effecting that they went for. Irons in this sort being heated, commandment was given to the Ambassadors on both parts to departed. The Queen of Hungaria stayed the Ambassador of France prisoner in a certain Castle, with a great guard, where he stayed for a time. The king's proceed towards the Pope, the Emperor, and the Council of Trent. But before further proceeding unto wars, the king sent Monsieur de Termes to Pope julius, to excuse himself, in respect of that which he had done in the behalf of Octavian Farnese: he likewise showed unto the Emperor, what reason moved him to take arms, and sent the Abbot of Bellosanne, to signify unto the council of Trent, that he could not send the Bishops of his Realm unto such a Council, neither yet esteem that assembly to be a general Council, that they should respect the animosity of the Pope, against the Realm of France, and the eldest son of the Church: and therefore that they should not find it strange, if he seemed not to show obedience to that assembly, not made for the common benefit of Christendom, but only for the particular profit and commodity of some special men: not that thereby he pretended to leave or forsake papistical religion, but protesting only to do it, that he might not be surprised, by such as under pretence of religion, and reformation of abuses, sought to embase his kingly estate and dignity, which he hoped to impeach by all just and reasonable means that possible he might. An edict against small dates, and other abuses in the Court of Rome. After this protestation, he published an edict made the year before, touching the obtaining of Benefices: against the deceits of petty dates, and other abuses used the Court of Rome, and also touching the ancient arrests and edicts, made against Annates, and abuses of reservations and exactions invented by the Popes: forbidding his subjects not to go to Rome for Annates, nor any other occasions touching or concerning Benefices, appointing them to be disposed and ordered by the ordinaries: certifying into all places, what wrong Pope julius did, both to him, and to Octavian Farnese, Duke of Parma, whom he deprived of the place wherein he had been solemnly invested. The Cardinals and others of the Pope's creatures in France, fearing lest this edict (whereupon Charles de Moulin a Council of great understanding, wrote a most learned Commentary, in the which he discovered many terrible practices in Rome) would give a hard push unto the Papasie, with earnest suit, procured the King to publish and ordain, far straighter and severer edicts, than ever he did against the religion: to the end that jules & the Cardinals on the other side of the mountains, might assure themselves of him to be their friend, as long as they seemed to agree with him. Those ordinances were followed by divers cruel and terrible executions in many places of the Realm, against great numbers of the religion that were burned for most boldly confessing the truth of the Gospel, rejecting man's traditions induced and brought into the Church and service of God. Those that were assembled at Trent, wrote unto the king, to induce him to accept and allow the decrees of their council, and to send the Bishops of his Realm unto them, as also to entreat him to be a means unto the Swissers, to send thither likewise: but war being open in all places, and the Emperor having sent for the Spaniards that were in Almain, to make war in Italy against Parma, the pursuit of the Council of Trent, hung still upon the field. Preparation for war in Lorraine. Wars in this sort being kindled, the King determined to assure himself of Lorraine, being in some suspicion of the Duchess, that as then was Dowagar, and having sent certain companies into the frontiers, the Emperor also strengthened all his forts and places, the one beholding the other with several intents, whereof in time the effects appeared. The Princes of Almain take counsel, to deliver themselves from servitude. Because the Emperor proceeced with the Almain Prince, in such sort as seemed inconvenient, they not being acquainted with any such kind of servitude, much less to be in subjection of the Spaniards, perceiving that the King made preparation to set upon the Emperor, esteemed it a most fit & good occasion, for them to serve their turns, which King Henry of France, thereby to abash the Emperor Charles, and so to procure the means of better and more friendly usage towards them on his behalf, or else wholly to leave them. And thereupon entered into secret conference with the King, to beseech him, that it would please his Majesty to employ his means to procure the ancient liberty of the Germans. He thinking to have found an entry and means to attain unto most high and haughty enterprises, thereby to abase the greatness and pride of his most glorious enemy, and by that means to erect the honour of France, willingly gave ear unto the Almains, and to the same end, about the beginning of the year, he sent the Bishop of Bayonne, though King's letters to the Protestant Prince. unto the Prince's Electors, with letters importing many protestations, and offers of amity, as also showing and declaring the many and great wrongs by the Emperor done unto the Princes and town of Almain, protesting that he was fully resolved for their cause to employ both his forces, and his person, to defend their rights and privileges, not expecting any recompense, but only honour, to have thereby deserved the good will and liking of so puissant a country as that of German. And therewith assuring them by the faith of a Prince, that his only intent and meaning was, to deliver all the estates of German from the oppressions of the Emperor and his Spaniards, which he likewise meant to do, particularly in the behalf of his loving Cousin, john Duke of Saxon, & Philip, Landgrave of Hessen, as then detained & kept in miserable servitude by the Emperor, contrary to his oath & promise. And in the end of the letter he added these words: We will promise you likewise by the living God, and before all the Kings, Princes, and Potentates of Christendom, that our intent is not in any sort whatsoever, to permit that either you in general, or any of you in particular, of what estate or condition soever he be, shall suffer or endure any wrong or injury, and much less will we (that bear the name of most Christian king) permit that any damage or hurt shall be offered or committed, either to the persons or goods of your most reverend Prelates, Abbots, and other Ecclesiastical persons, as our adversries have most wrongfully given forth, but rather mean to take and receive you into our protection and safeguard, so you will acknowledge it both unto us, and to our allies, and therein certify us of your whole and full intents: hoping for the good and reunion of the Church, which is to be expected by the recovery of public and ancient liberty, wherein GOD willing we will employ all our force and means whatsoever. Which most reverend Prelates, most noble Princes, and other estates of the holy Empire, we thought good to certify unto you, to the end you should not be ignorant of the cause of this our wars, whereby we mean to pursue the Emperor, both with fire and sword, and (although to our great disliking) to cut him off (as a putrefied member) from the body of the Commonwealth, or at the least, constrain him from henceforth, from further molesting or troubling of your estate. Effects contrary to words. While the king in this sort termed himself the Protector of Almain, and defender of the Country and nation of the holy Empire, giving a great hope of the reunion of the Church, his Officers in many places of the realm, burned such as they called Lutherians, and that agreed and consented to the doctrine holden and believed by most of the Princes & Towns of Almain, open enemies to the traditions and ceremonies of the Pope. On the other side, he made great preparations for a voyage into Almain, whereby he showed as if he would have driven the Emperor and all his adherents out of those Countries: And minding to go thither in person, in the month of March, he being in the Court of Parliament in Paris, named and ordained Catherine de Medicis his wife, Regent of the Realm, The first Regency of Catherine de Medicis. making many Edicts concerning politic Government, the ordering of Soldiers, and the observation of military discipline, thereby reforming both the abuse of the Leaders, and the insolency of the soldiers: so that as than you might have seen both good and commendable orders among all the soldiers, as well on this side as beyond the Mountains. France likewise abounded with Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, and soldiers, well ordered and governed, in respect of that which after was seen in the time of Henry his son. The Constable Genenall of the army, A good order and policy among soldiers, but not long observed. assisted by the Princes of the blood, and other Noblemen of France, marched towards Victry, where the Army was to assemble, and besides the new and old companies of French soldiers, there came twenty of the old companies of Piedemont, such as might compare both with the Phalangees of the Macedonians, and the ancient Romans, those of Gascoigne seconded them, the companies of Monsieur de Duras, for the most part being composed of Gentlemen and old Soldiers, every man able to command. Of all this Infantry, next to the Admiral, Monsieur Chastillon was Colonel, besides 10000 Lansquenets in twenty Companies, and divided into two Regiments, conducted by Recrod and Rhingrave their Colonels: with a great number of horsemen sent unto the king, by the Protestant Princes, under the conduct of Colonel Chartel. The French horsemen (whereof claud de Lorraine, Duke of d'Aumalle youngest son of the house of Guise, was Leader) were 1500. men of arms, every man having two Archers with him, all made 4500. horses, 2000 light-horse, and as many calivers on horseback. Of voluntary soldiers, both Gentlemen and others, there were so great numbers, that all the country was covered with horses: but now we must see what all these troops effected. The Duke and the country of Lorraine, put into the king's hands. The Constable being near to Thoul, Chrestienne, Duchess Dowager of Lorraine, came unto the king, biding at Ginuille, there to excuse herself of the suspicions imposed upon her, because the Emperor was her near kinsman, and considering the tempest that as then threatened Lorraine, she committed herself, and Charles her son, into the protection of the king, who sent the young Prince unto the Dauphin his son, where he was brought up, and after married a daughter of France. Mean time, Thoul yielded unto the Constable: which done, he parleyed with the Town of Metz, an imperial and fair City: they offered to serve the army with victuals for their money: and to permit the king with all his Princes, free passage through the Town, as at other times they had done unto the Emperor: but the Constable having partly persuaded them by promises, and then using some threatenings, Metz an imperial Town, surprised and brought under the French king. in great choler, said unto them: that the king would have a passage, and repassage through their Town, without any conditions, and that it were best for them, not to hazard the contrary, if they minded to obtain the kings good will and favour, without the hurt and discommodity of his army. Those of Metz would gladly have resisted, both by word and deed, but not having in time provided for themselves, they were constrained to bid their liberty farewell, and to open their gates to two companies of foot, which drew so long a tail after them, that in fine, all means of resistance was wholly taken from them, for that all the valiantest sousdiers in France were there in person: and upon the 10. of April, the Constable accompanied with divers Princes and great Lords, stayed the coming of the king, who within eight days after, made his entry into the Town, with all his army, where he stayed three days to take order for their affairs, received oath & fidelity of the Citizens: he likewise swearing both to them, and those of Thoul, to defend them against all men, and to preserve their rights and privileges, and franchises in all things whatsoever: also to provide for the strength and fortification of 〈◊〉 place, which as then he fully pretended to make one of the principal bulwarks and Frontier-townes of France, wherein he left as Governor, Monsieur de Gonnort, brother to the Marshal de Brissac, giving him in charge to look unto the citadel, and other fortifications of the Town. The French army goeth towards Strasbourg. Metz yielded to the king, the army being composed of 30000. men, marched into Almain, and in the beginning of May, stayed two days upon the plain of Sauerne: the horsemen going within a mile of the town of Strasbourg, the Citizens whereof, being taught by the misfortune of Metz, wrought with more policy for themselves: sending certain victuals unto the army, wherewith the Constable seemed not well content, thinking to put them in some fear, and assoon as Pierre Sturne, Goteshem, and Sleidam, their Deputies, were departed, he sent two Gentlemen to the Council of the Town, to know their answer, where, in a long time and eloquent discourse, they showed The Constable's proceed with those of Strasbourg. the king's good will and meaning unto the country of Almain, the causes why he had raised an army, and been at so great charges, requiring that the soldiers might enter into the Town, to buy such necessaries as they wanted: but the Council of the Town using delays, the next day the Constable used many speeches unto the Deputies, threatening them very hardly. But whatsoever he said, it little availed, for those of Strasbourg put a strong Garrison into their Town, preparing themselves unto resistance, if any pretence were offered: mean time, not refusing to furnish the camp with victuals, and all other necessaries whatsoever: but the army doing nothing, marched towards Hagenaw, and Wisbourg, where the Deputies of three of the Electors next adjoining, as also of other Princes, The request of the Almain Princes to the king. came to beseech the King, to pity the poor peasants, to impeach the spoil of the country, and not to pass any further, but rather to hearken unto a peace, without pressing them to a perpetual alliance, considering their bounden duties unto the Emperor, withal, making a specially request for the safeguard of the territories of Strasbourg. Letters of Duke Maurice. At the same time being the eleventh of May, Duke Maurice, Elector of Saxon, sent letters unto the King, containing the effect of the treaty made at Lints, wherein a peace had been propounded, which the Emperor seemed to hearken unto, concerning Almain, desiring the King (if his meaning were to be comprehended herein,) to declare and show upon what conditions he intended to compound, and make agreement with the Emperor. The king's answer to the Princes The King perceiving, that by means of his great army, the Protestant Princes had brought the Emperor to some reason: and on the other side, understanding that the Queen of Hungary with her forces, was entered into the field, left the Almains, and at his departure, made answer unto the Princes, that he contented himself, to be esteemed the cause whereby the Princes that were prisoners, should shortly be delivered, and the country of Almain, enjoy a happy peace: and that, if thereafter it should have cause to use his help, he would not spare what means soever he had, to do them good. Mean time, the army fed upon the poor peasants, and the country belonging to those of Strasbourg (that stood upon their guard) was nothing spared. The Leaders notwithstanding repressing the insolency of the Soldiers, as much as possibly they might, but in so great a multitude it is impossible, that some disorder should not be committed. The meeting at Passau, where the French Ambassador was present. Duke Maurice having driven the Emperor out of Almain, and thereby procured an assembly and meeting to be holden at Passau, there to take order touching the reducing of the Country of Almain into her an●●er 〈◊〉, Ambassadors for the Emperor, the Electors, and divers ●●aces of Germany met together. Where the Bishop of Bayonne, Ambassador for the King, failed not to come & upon the 3. of june, in a learned Oration, he showed the ancient & long conjunction of the countries of Almain & France: the affection that the His Oration. king bore unto the Empire, as then hardly and evil governed by the Spaniards and their adherents, finding it good for the Protestant-Princes, to agree and make an accord with the Emperor, so the prisoners might be delivered, the ancient alliance of France, with the Empire, and the last capitilation made with the Princes, ratified and confirmed, that the Emperor should do him reason, and that his whole desire was, to consent and agree with them all, and particularly with Duke Mauris: the answer thereunto, was composed with many thanks and declarations, couched in such sort, that neither the Emperor nor the king, Their answer. could in any sort be discontent therewith. Touching the renewing of ancient alliances, they said, that a matter of so great weight & importance, required great and more ample assembly: mean time, they desired that the amity always holden & continued between the two nations, might still remain in force, and that the controversies between the Emperor and the king, might be appeased: promising therein to employ all means possible: mean time, they desired the king to show what wrong he could pretend had been in any sort offered unto him by the Emperor, to whom they would not fail to write, that thereby some end and final agreement might be made. Wars in the Duchy of Luxenbourg, with divers exploits, spotless, and pilling of places. During this assembly, the Queen of Hungary having commanded the Marshal of Cleveland, to enter into the Duchy of Luxenberg, with an army of 3000. foot, and 600. horse, caused them to join with the companies of the low countries, in such sort, that their army being compassed of 12000. foot, and 3000. horse, began to work many exploits, and having taken Stenay upon , a small Town belonging to the Duchy of Lorraine, they enterprised against other places, but not to any effect, only that they burned certain villages and small hamblets, but the king's army approaching, they began to retire, which made the Council to determine upon the conquest of the Duchy of Luxenbourg, wherewith they first set upon a strong Castle called Roc de Mars, which was presently taken and spoiled. The like was done to Mont S. john, Solieure, and other places. The Emperors, and the king's forces, skirmishing before Thionuille, & the army passing by it, made towards d'Auuille, which being battered, and yielded unto the king, the Captains were kept prisoners, and the Soldiers suffered to departed without arms, only a white stick in their hands. juoy was likewise battered, and after yielded upon the like condition. The Governor being sent prisoner unto Paris, all the spoil was given unto the Constable, who distributed the greatest part thereof among his troops, and particularly to that of his eldest son: whereat the Soldiers of the old companies began to mutiny: next juoy, they took Monmedy, and while they were employed therein, the Marshal Sedan, heir unto the house la Marsh, obtained certain companies of the King, wherewith he recovered the Town and Castle of Bovillon, with all the places depending & belonging to the Duchy: Winning of the Duchy of Bovillon. which done, the Castles of Lumes, Treton, Glaion, and others, were taken and overthrown, and to please the old Soldiers, they had the spoil of Cimay, a Town and Castle belonging unto the Duke d'Arscot, given unto them. Where the assieged having withdrawn themselves into the Castle, and desiring to make some composition, were mined under the gate, and other places of the Castle, by the great fury of the assailants, (wholly famished and thirsting after spoil,) whereunto they ran with so great haste, that some of their Matches fell into a certain quantity of powder, The Castle and Town of Cimay burnt. whereby about six score of the most forwardest of them were burnt and blown up into the air, and to conclude, the fury of war burnt both the Town and Castle, but because the Army began to diminish, and to weaken, some being laden with spoil, and the greatest part sick and not well at ease, about the end of july, such as were left, were placed in Garrisons, there to attend the Emperor's resolution, who having to do both with the Protestant Princes and the King, determined to agree and compound with the Princes, by their means to aid himself against the King: and upon the last of july, he made and concluded a peace with Almain, Peace in Almain. to begin his wars with France. The King was much moved at that agreement: yet he discharged the Hostages of Duke Maurice, who likewise released his, being the Earls of Nantueil and jametz. The emperors enterprises for the recovery of Metz, Thoul, and Verdun. After this appointment with the Almains, the Emperor used such means that the Princes and Towns of Almain, by little and little agreed to furnish him with men, money, and Artillery, therewith to drive the King out of Metz, Thoul, and Verdum, imperial Towns: to the which end, he gathered an Army of 50000. foot, and 20000. horse, with a great number of Artillery, and while he was preparing this army, Albert marquess of Brandenburge, who in the King's name had made most cruel war upon many Towns and Bishopprickeses in Almain, being secretly reconciled unto the Emperor, having to the number of 2000 horse, and 8000. foot, with certain artillery, approached the Frontiers of Luxembourge, and of Lorraine, where for a long time he held the King in hope, to follow the wars for him, and all that time his troops overran the plain country, and there foraged themselves after most strange manner: but in the end, he found the means to withdraw himself from the King's army, and having impeached those of Metz from victuals, he departed with all his troops. Difficulty of the siege of Mets. Winter approaching, many were of opinion that the Emperor would not hazard so puissant an army, as he then had, unprofitably to fight and strive against the cold and the Ice, and by that means, constrain it of itself to be dispersed, and miserably overthrown. But the hope he had to recover the Town of Metz, wherein were many Princes, Lords, and Gentlemen, caused him to reject all other apprehensions whatsoever, in such sort, that his Forces began to march and set forward towards the country of Lorraine: mean time, the Duke de Nevers fortified Stenay, and constrained the Burgonian Garrison of Vireton, to yield themselves to him. A company of the old bands being in Roc de Mars, were drawn from thence: Those that commanded in Verdun, juoy, danvil, and Monmedy, strengthened themselves, and made provision for their own defence: not long after, the Emperor came to Sarbruch, The Emperor's approach a Town lying within seven miles of the City of Metz, from whence he sent the Duke of Alue, his Lieutenant General, and the marquess of Marignan, with 4000 foot, 4000 horse, and six field pieces, unto the Town to view it, and to choose the most commodious places wherein to lodge his men about it. The Duke of Guise being Lieutenant General for the King within the Town, caused certain troops to issue forth, that skirmished with the emperors Forces, A skirmish. wherein the Duke of Alue lost above 150. men: on the French part, there was five soldiers slain, and one Gentleman of Picardy, named Marigni, and two Captains hurt, that died not long after. The King being at Rheims, was advertised by the Duke d'Aumalle, touching The marquess of Brandebourg overthroweth the Duke d'Aumalle, and taketh him prisoner. the practices of the Marquis of Brandebourg, with the Emperor, & required to send some forces of 200. men of arms, with whose help, and the rest of his troops, he said he doubted not, but easily to overthrow the Marquis: to the which end, Monsisur de Bourdillon was sent thither, but the Duke for that time sent him back again: esteeming that the Marques as then having past the , meant to join with the emperors army: but about the end of October, the Duke being advertised that the Marquis began to dislodge, placed himself in order of battle, with all his horsemen, upon a plain called lafoy Croix du Monstier, to see what way the Marquis held, who having intelligence that the country people, and certain Frenchmen, skirmished and spoiled some of his footmen: would himself in person go to see what they were, and went so near, that his Interpreter was slain with a caliver, standing close by him, who therewith returning in great choler, appointed his horsemen to advance themselves, & to set upon the enemy: and so in great fury charged the Duke's companies, who as then thought to retire. At the first onset, the Marquis set upon a great troop of Pages, and others that were placed there to make a show, who were presently dispersed. The second charge was made upon a squadron of Light-horse and Argolets, who in a manner made no resistance, and so all the strength fell upon the lancers, who presently by the Rutters Pistols, were forced to retire, being ill provided of Lances to make resistance. The Duke perceiving his horsemen to be disranked, and flying to save themselves, and the Marquis at handblowes with divers of his Leaders, ranked himself in order again, with some few of his men, and entered into the skirmish, where his principal Gentlemen having been slain before his eyes, the rest hurt, beaten down, and taken prisoners, and all his men put to flight and chased, himself being hurt in two places, and his horse slain under him, in the end was taken prisoner, and all his company in a manner overthrown. The Viscount of Rohan, slain by them that took him, and many Cornets, Captains, and Gentlemen, to the number of two hundredth and more, slain in the field: the number of the prisoners being many more, this Josse of so many Gentlemen, was a mends for the happy success, which the king had about a month after, against the Emperor. The Marquis being victorious, sent the Duke d'Aumalle his prisoner, into Almain, for whom afterward he got 50000. Crowns for a ransom, which the king paid, at the instant request of the Duchess de Valentinois, mother in law unto the prisoner: which done, he went unto the Emperor, as then being before Metz with all his camp, at the same time. The Count de Reux, Lieutenant general for the Emperor in the low Countries, entered into Picardy with a great army, Taking of the town & Castle of Hesdin from the King, and the spoiling of Picardy by the emperors army. where he burned Noyon, Nesse, Chauni, Roye, and the pleasant Castle of Foulenbray, with more than 800. Villages: which done, he besieged Hesdin, the Town being taken, they enclosed the Castle, having beaten down a great Tower that stood on the Park side, and caused a great piece of a wall to be undermined, filling the ditches with the rubbish thereof, which served the assaulters for a bridge to pass over, to make the assault, wherewith the defendants were stricken in such fear, that without further resistance, they yielded the Castle, upon condition to departed, their lives & goods saved. A gentleman named Monsieur de Rasse, who as then commanded in the Castle, in favour of the Constable, made that composition: but if his master had not entreated for him, it had cost him his life, because he never defended himself, and not long before had sent word unto the King, that he doubted not the Castle. But for the same cause he was sent home unto his own house, and never after employed in the wars. Resolution of the assieged within the Town of Metz. The king having received that second loss, wrote unto the Duke de Guise, to know in what disposition he found himself to be within the Town of Metz. The Duke sent him answer, whereof the effects proved correspondent with his words, and with all certified him, of the order holden by the Emperor in his camp. When the king perceived himself to be secured on that side, he left the Duke de Nevers, for General of his army in Lorraine, made Monsieur de Chastillon, Admiral of France, and his Lieutenant in Picardy, in place of Monsieur d'Annebaut, not long before dead within lafoy Fere. The Admiral de Chastillon presently went to Hesdin, & the companies of the Duke de Nevers, began to trouble the Emperor's army, by surprising their victuals: great pity it was to behold, what misery the soldiers at that time endured, by reason of the winter. The Italians left the emperors camp, constrained to do it by force of cold and famine, and went unto the Duke, to be employed under the king, The state of the emperors army before Metz. and while the Duke d'Alue used all the means he could to place his battery, those within Metz made many assaults, sometime on horseback, sometimes on foot, to the great discommodity and loss of the emperors camp, much abashed at the boldness and valour of the Frenchmen, who at that time did many strange and unaccustomed actions: as entering so far into the camp, that they set upon the Artillery: ran into the enemy's Tents, and in small troops never ceased to give alarms unto the emperors camp. About the 20. of November, Valour of the assieged. Battery. the battery began to play upon the Town in three several places: and the 26. of the same month, the walls of the Town were battered with 40. great Pieces, that shot both night and day without ceasing, but only to refresh them: being one of the most furious batteries, that ever was seen at any time. The assieged, not only Princes and Lords, but every man whatsoever, carried earth to make rampires, by which their diligence, they no less abashed the emperors camp, then by their valour. Hesdin taken by the Frenchmen from the Emperor. The French army conducted by the Admiral de Chastillon, entering into Picardy, where the Duke de Vandosme commanded as Lieutenant for the king, caused the emperors army conducted by the Count de Reux, to withdraw themselves from thence, who left his son with a strong Garrison within the Castle of Hesdin, which being assieged upon the 17. of December, and furiously battered with 4066. cannon shots, without any reasonable breach: fear so much ceased upon the assieged, that the next day after they yielded themselves, with lives and goods saved. On the other side, the Duke de Nevers continued his course, molesting the emperors army, and by the conduct of Monsieur de Movy, cut off a great Convoy of victuals and munitions from them, without the loss of any man: wherein Movy obtained great honour, by having advanced himself so far, and bravely returned from among a great company of the enemies, without leaving one man behind him, and yet bereaving them of a great relief. The Emperor retreat and raising of his camp from Metz, to the great honour of the assieged. Touching the Emperor, his batteries being spent in vain, and his Mines, countermyned by the diligence and industry of the assieged, that never ceased by sallies, and continual charge, to molest, and disperse his army, wholly afflicted with cold and necessity, about the 18. of December, he caused the greatest cannons of his battery to be dismounted, with resolution to retire with honour and commodity, whereunto the Count d'Aigremont, was employed, to discover, and to assure his passage. The Duke de Nevers provided with great diligence for Thoul, thereby to shun a surprise, and by divers courties made the Emperor to make haste away, who being advertised of the condition of Hesdin, perceiving the dispotition of his army, and his forces used against Metz, to take no effect, having lost a great number of men, and much treasure, and part of the reputation which before he had obtained. Upon the fift of januarie he began to retire, leaving all the charge unto the Duke d'Alue, to separate and retire his army. Great pity it was, to see and behold the number of poor Soldiers, that as then were discharged and sent away, without any means to help themselves. The Duke d'Alue, and the Count de Brabancon, The dislodging of the camp. with the most part of the army, dislodged in great disorder, departing by night only with two fires for their guide, making no noise, & without sounding of trumpet, drum, or fife, leaving their Tents standing, with some quantities of armour, barrels full of powder, and great store of necessary provisions, part of the artillery under ground, & many poor sick men: whom the Duke of Guise and others, caused to be friendly used and comforted: Vidasme de Chartres, set upon the rearward of the Duke of d'alues' camp, where he overthrew a company of light horse, burnt great quantity of powder, and brought more persons than he desired, without any loss of his own men. The rearward was left unto the Marquis of Brandebourge, The retreat of Albert Marquis of Brandebourge. upon whose camp many issues were made, but he kept himself so close, and wrought in such manner, that he escaped safely away with all his troops. Solemn prayers and thanksgivings were yielded unto God, through all the Realm of France, for the happy success of that great siege: specially the Duke of Guise caused a general procession to be made within the Town of Metz, where he was accompanied by all the Princes and Lords, that had assisted at that siege: Delivery of Metz. as the Princes of Anguien, the Count Montpensier, and the Count de la Rochesuryon, the Duke de Nevers, Horace Farnese, who not long after espoused Diane, Bastard-daughter to the king, Pierre Strossie, le Vidame de Chartres, Monsieurs de Montmorency, d'Anuille, de Gonnor, la Brosse, Lieutenant of the company of the Duke of Lorraine: la Rochefoucant, the Vicomtes de Turaine, and the Martigues, Delangues, Entragues, de Byron, S. Remi, and others in great number: which done, he went unto the Court, leaving the government of the Town unto la Gonnor, that commanded in it before the siege. Siege, batteries, assault, taking, and utter destruction of the town of Terovenne. About the end of the spring, the Emperor sent Monsieur de Binecourt, with a puissant army to besiege the Town of Terovenne, a very strong place, whereunto in great diligence, was sent Monsieur d'Esse: and with him Francis de Montmorency, eldest son unto the Constable, with their companies, followed by divers Lords, Gentlemen, and Soldiers. The Town was most furiously battered, and the assieged sustained three assaults, such as never had been seen the like: where on both sides many men were slain. On the French part were slain, Messieurs de Esse, de Vienne, de Beaudisne, de la Roche, Pose, de Blandi, and captain Ferrteres, with many Gentlemen and soldiers: after that, the Assailants used great means to mine the walls, so that in the end, by a mine very properly and promptly made, they filled the ditch: which Monsieur de Montmorency perceiving, by advise of all the Captains, demanded a composition, but while they were in parley, the Almains and Burgonians entered in divers places, and began to kill all that they met: the Spaniards covetous of money, warranted many Gentlemen, and French soldiers: Monsieur de Ouerti, to save the life of Monsieur de Montmorency his General, was sore wounded, whereof not long after he died: which news much pleased the Emperor, who thereupon caused the Town to be razed to the ground. And because the report went that Hesdin should be besieged, the Duke de Bovillon Marshal of France, undertook to defend the Castle, the Duke Horatio Farnese, the Count de Villards, with divers other Lords and Gentlemen, being assistants, with about 2000 soldiers, where they were presently enclosed by the emperors army, whereof Emanuel Philebert Duke of Savoy, and Prince of Piedemont his Nephew was General, which place he battered more freely then at any other time it had been, and mined in so many places, that it seemed ready to fall, by which means the Frenchmen were constrained to parley, and while they were upon the point to make a composition, nothing rested but the sign: on the one side a Priest by misfortune having put fire unto the artificial works made within the Castle, therewith to defend the assault, on the other side, the Burgonions that desired nothing but the spoil, having caused their mines to work, part of the soldiers were burnt with those artificial fires, and part blown up with the mines, the rest remained at the mercy of the emperors soldiers, that entered into the Castle. The Duke de Bovillon, Hesdin taken from the Frenchmen, and razed. charged the Prince of Piedemont with his promise, but he answered him and said, that there needed no Hostages to be given, seeing he found himself to be master of the place: and by that means, the Duke with divers others were taken prisoners, by whom the Prince gained a most great ransom. The Castle was taken upon the 18. day of july, Duke Horatio, the Viscount de Martigues, the Seneschal de Castres', and divers Captains and Gentlemen were slain therein, which is the fortune of war: but the Emperor caused it to be razed to the ground. The overthrow of some of the emperors forces, and the taking of the Duke of Arscot. After that, the French Army being assembled by Amiens and Piquigny, about the 15. of August, there happened an encounter, wherein the Prince of Conde had the leading of the light Horse, and with the same he broke into the emperors troops, beating and driving them before him above a mile, slaying of them to the number of seven or eight hundredth men: and took prisoners about five hundred, and among the rest the Duke of Arscot, bearing away their Ensigns: which done, the emperors Army retiring towards Arras, the king's Army about the end of August lay about Corbie: Wherein there was almost 7000. horse, 25. thousand foot, and above an hundredth pieces of Artillery both great and small. The Emperor determined to cause this great Army either to consume of itself, or else at the siege of some Town or Castle. But to the contrary, the king desired nothing but battle, and to effect his will, he approached near to Cambray, and making towards Valenciennes, caused a certain charge to be given, where the French horse men had the better, and perceiving that the Emperor's Forces would not hazard themselves, the king withdrew his Camp, sending the Marshal de S. Andre to overrun the plain country, belonging to the Count of S. Paul, and about the end of October, he discharged a part of his army, the rest were placed in Garrisons to pass the winter time. In the Spring, there the king made three armies: the first under the conduct of the Prince de la Roche Suryon, in Vermandois, composed of ten thousand foot, three hundredth lances, Three armies in France. and five or six hundredth Argoletiers in the second, marching towards Crecy, conducted by the Constable: there was 25. Ensigns of Frenchmen, as many Suissers, two Regiments of Lansquenets, and two thousand horse, part light-horses, and part Argoletiers, with the rearward of France, and some English and Scottish horsemen. The third, conducted by the Duke de Nevers, Exploits of th●se three armies. was composed of twenty companies of Englishmen and Scots: two Regiments of Lansquenets, three hundredth lances, eight hundredth light-horse and Argoletiers, and two hundredth Almain Pistoletiers: the first entered into Artois, where it made great spoil, and burned many places, that of the Duke de Nevers overran Ardennes, took the Castle of Orcimont by composition, destroyed and burnt great numbers of villages, and constrained the Garrison of the Castle of Beaurin, to yield by composition: and then entered into the country of Liege, having assured and opened the navigation of the , by the taking of certain little Castles, and strong Forts, that lie along by the river side: the Constable's army took Mariembourg, and fortified Rocroy. Issuing out of Ardennes, those of Dinam were sounded, to know if they would remain as neuter: but they made a most bold and voluntary answer, accompanied with some Harquebus shot. Whereupon the Herald, and Trumpet of the Duke de Nevers, summoned them, and the Duke by force took the Castle of Agimont, in the beginning of julie, finding the Castles of Castelthierri, and Valuin, wholly abandoned and forsaken: which done, he wan Bovines by assault, wherein most of the Inhabitants were slain, or executed to death, because they seemed to resist the king's army. Dinam after some small resistance, yielded itself, the Inhabitants having their lives saved, and the Town not burnt, as that of Bovines, but wholly sacked. Therein happened a cruel skirmish between the Frenchmen and the Almains, that would have violated and forced certain women & maids, taken within the church, which quarrel was ended by the king: the Castle not long after was taken by composition. An overthrow of the emperors forces. While these things were in this sort executed in the country of Liege, the Prince de la Roche Suryon being in Artois, overthrew two Cornets of the emperors horsemen, whereof 200. of them were slain, and the Cornets sent unto the king: who understanding that the Prince of Piedemont assembled an army, determining to fight, if the Spaniards would advance themselves, purpased to pass the Sambre, which he effected: and being followed by the Duke de Nevers, he entered into the country of Hainaut, about the 20. of july, where he made a horrible spoil: some of his troops running to the subburbes of Nevelle, the frontier Town of Brabant, wherein, with all the villages round about it, they set on fire, winning great spoil: then the army drew towards Baius, one of the principal Towns in Hainaut, leaving nothing about it, but fire, The king's revenge for the spoils done in Picardy. smokes, ashes, and misery, throughout all the plain country: a most lamentable tragedy between two so great Princes. The Frenchmen being encamped about Baius, made greater fires than ever they had done, burning all the castles & gentlemen's places throughout the country. The goodly house of Mariemont, belonging to the Q. of Hungary was not forgotten, neither yet the castle of Tragny. Baius being assailed upon the 22. day of the same month, yielded itself to the king's mercy, that caused it to be burnt in revenge of the spoil of Foulembray, as also of the Towns and villages of Picardy, that had been burnt during his being in Almain. They set fire likewise in an other goodly Castle belonging unto the Queen of Hungary, then in Reux, after that in Bavets. The army being passed beyond Monts, Hainaut, Landreei, Auanes, le Quesnoy, Vallenciennes, and Cambray, the Prince of Piedemont used all the means he could, to be revenged for those extreme losses, but could not effect it: the Frenchmen being strong, and well conducted, in the end, about the tenth of August, both the armies met near unto Renty, where there chanced an indifferent hard encounter on both their parts. Encounters of both the armies by Renty. The Emperor lost about 800. or 900. men, and the King two hundredth, after the which skirmish, winter opproaching, the king dismissed his army, and that of the Emperor making towards Hesdin, burnt and spoiled all the plain county, and therein had done much hurt, if the Duke de Vandosme, that lay not far from thence, had not resisted him. Continuance of war. In spring time, the war began again between the two Princes, and the report of the courses made by the emperors army, gave occasion to the Frenchmen, to enterprise upon the Castle of Cambresis, which was presently taken by assault, and good war holden with the Spaniards. Maruembourg, was victualled by Bourdillon, Lieutenant to the Duke de Nevers. The king and the Queen of England, entreated the Emperor, and the King of France, to make a peace, wherein Cardinal Pole, an Englishman, Vain treaty of peace. traveled much as then all flaming with fire, against those of the religion, who at that time were most sharply handled within the Realm of England. This treaty of peace began with great bruit, but in fine, it vanished like smoke, and war began again stronger than ever it was. The Duke de Nevers, and the Admiral de Chastillon, being made Governors of Picardy, (because the Duke de Vandosme, as then king of Navarre, and Sovereign of Bearc, by means of his wife, was gone to take possession of his new estates,) took good order both for the victualling and keeping of the places and frontiers of the country: notwithstanding, not long after, as some of the Garrisons of Picardy, marching with 1500. horses of the French rearward, called the companies of Nobility, and four hundredth footmen, had in such sort overrun the country, that in fine, they returned all laden with spoils, The rearward of France over thrown. being led by la jaille, their General. Haulsmont Governor of Bapaulme, finding them enclosed between a Wood, a Village, and a River, whereof he caused the passages to be broken down and surely kept, without espials, order, fear of the enemy, or hurt: charged them so courageously with a small company of men, that in short space, he made them lose both courage, booty and lives, at his discretion: where lafoy jaille was hurt, above five hundredth taken prisoners, some escaped, and the rest slain. Those of Hannuyers and Arcesiers men, much given to derision, made it a commoniest, saying: that they had taken Nobles of France without weight: but to say the truth, there was as then but few Nobles in those troops, only certain Wagoners and Pages that were employed in the muster, and to make a show, sent by Widows, and Orphans of Gentlemen deceased: or by the Lords of certain fief, rated at certain values. To assure Picardy, the king went into Villiers Costerez, sending the Duke of Guise further upon the frontiers, and the Admiral into the middle of the Province. The estate of Predemont touching the wars between the Emperor & the king of France. Now I must show you what was done in the wars of Piedemont, and other places beyond the Mountains. The Marshal de Brissac, who the winter before had taken juree, and Bielle, in the spring time fortified S. jaco, took Crepacuore, & by means of Monsieur Saluaison, by a surprise most bravely executed, got Casal de Montferrat, a town & Castle, & a place of great importance, spoiled Poman, S. Saluadour, and other small places, not to be holden, and hardly to be strengthened and fortied in any convenient time. The Duke of Alue having succeeded Gonzague, in the Government of Lombardie, about the end of julie entered into the field, with 20000. foot, 4000 horse, and 40. cannons, and besieged S. jaco, wherein were Captains, Birague, and Vimercat, who constrained the Duke to retire from Pont de Stir, where he fortified himself, hoping by famine to constrain such places to yield, as he durst not besiege. The king sent four thousand foot, and four thousand horse, to strengthen Marshal de Brissacs' forces, Taking and spoiling of Vulpian. who perceiving himself so strong, besieged Vulpian, and by Kochepose overthrew the Duke's forces, sent to aid them: by force took the base Town, and soon after, the Castle by composition was yielded: Vulpian had the walls razed and beaten down, and not long after, Mont-Coluo, a Town and Castle yielded unto the Frenchmen. These things were done in the months of September and October: not long afer, the Duke's troops, by means of an Ambascado placed hard by jucise, slew and took certain French soldiers, whereby they wrought some small revenge, for their great losses at Vulpian and Mont-Caluo. A particular discourse of the war of Siene, from the beginning to the end. Before I leave the affairs beyond the Mountains, it is necessary I should say something touching the wars of Siene, that fell out and kindled in this year, beginning at the original thereof. During the siege of Metz, the Emperor being ceased of Siene, an ancient and famous Town in the territories of Tuscan, placed Don Diego de Mendosse Governor therein, with a Garrison of Spaniards: Don Diego using rigour more therein then was convenient, the Sienois not content therewith, began to conspire against him: he under colour of favouring the people, caused the Gentlemen to leave their arms: which done, he began to molest both the one and the other, who consulting together, sent unto the king, to desire him to receive them into his protection, which he consented unto. The Fugitives of of Sienie, in the king's name began to raise men throughout Italy, under the conduct of the count Petillane, Hieronyme de Pise, & More de Sainctefior. The Duke of Florence sent eight hundredth men to aid Mendosse. But the Sienois moved at the new extortions raised upon them, let four thousand men conducted by the Count de Petillone enter into the town, that drove out the Spaniards, but not without great loss on both parts, part of the Spaniards having saved themselves (without cannon) within the jacopius, and in the Citadel, were entered upon by force, and put to the sword. Their General, and others of the Florentine Captains, issued by composition, and ceased upon Orbitelle, a place not far from thence, which they fortified. The Emperor being returned into Almain, after the siege raised before Metz, commanded Don Garsie de Tolede, Viceroy of Naples, to overrun the plain country of Sienois, which he did with 12000. foot, and one thousand five hundredth horse: on the other side, the king sent Monsieur de Termes, that set good and strong Garrisons within all the places of the Segnerie of Siene, having as then under the kings pay, above twelve thousand foot, not accounting the natural countrymen, sworn enemies unto the Spaniards, but very few horsemen. And because the emperors camp, conducted by the Viceroy and Ascagne de la Corn, seemed to threaten Siene, they fortified the Town with all diligence. The Viceroy assailed Monselice, Montelle, & Montalein, where Monsieur de Termes took order, and maintained himself in good sort, until the king sent Pierre Strossi, with a great company of men, and made him his Lieutenant General in Toscane. Strossi came to Siene, raised more Soldiers in Italy, whereof Duke Cosme being advertised, solicited Pope julius and the Emperor, in such sort, that they joined with him to drive out the Frenchmen. To this end jaques de Medicis, surnamed le Mediquin, Marquis de Marignan, having charge of the confederates army: about the beginning of the year 1554. besieged Siene, and approaching it by night, had almost surprised it, by reason that as then the fortifications were not all finished, but the Sienois withstood him, and repulsed the Marquis, who at that time lost many of his men, notwithstanding, he left not off to encamp himself before the town, and foraging the plain country, directed a furious battery, whereby in the end, he reduced the Inhabitants to great extremity, without the coming of Strossi, who entering therein, presently took order for the ramparts, and the reparation of the breaches, not having forgotten to furnish all the places about Siene, and because Rodolphus Baillon, General of the emperors horses, and Ascagne de la Corn, had made an enterprise upon Chiusi, Strossi by night went to meet them, with six hundredth men, and having taken them at an advantage, put their troops in disorder, slew Baillon, and sent la Corn prisoner into France. The king with all speed sent new forces into Toscane, and the isle of Corpse, wherein Monsieur de Termes had taken the Towns of S. Florent, and S. Boniface, a Port of the sea, leaving good Garrison therein, under the charge of jourdan Vrsin, with certain Captains, Frenchmen, and Gascous, for the defence of the Island, part whereof as yet obeyed the Genevois, upon whom being participants with the Emperor, Monsieur de Termes had taken those Towns. But to return to Siene, the last secorers that the king sent thither, being of five thousand Swissers & Gascons, with some light-horse: Strossi suddenly made a sally with six thousand chosen footmen, and five hundredth good horse, and therewith took Montcatin, and Montcarlo, from the Duke of Florence, which he fortified. The Marquis of Marignan, constrained to leave the siege of Siene, to aid the Duke, was in danger to be wholly overthrown, if Storssi had taken occasion when it was offered. But the Marquis fortified with new aid, Strosci was constrained to bring his wearied forces to breath themselves within Siene: mean time, Leon, Prior of Capove, and brother to Strossi, having not the means to stay for the French Navy, ceased upon certain Genevois ships laden with corn, and having filled them with Soldiers, warred upon the coast of Toscane, and to spoil the Ports of the sea, belonging to the Duke of Florence. After that, he went to lie before Scarlin, where approaching to view the place, he was stricken with a Harquebus-shot, whereof he died. Strossi much grieved thereat, went to continue the siege, staying for the French aid, which not long after being arrived, conducted by Monsieur de Monluc: Strossi made his army, wherein he had six thousand Italians, two thousand Gascons, as many Swissers, two thousand five hundredth Lansquenets, and about a thousand horse: wherewith he determined to set upon his enemies, if they would come forth: and perceiving that they withdrew themselves from Siene, he committed the custody thereof, unto Monsieur de Monluc, and went to batter Civitelle, lying in the territories of Florence: to the aid whereof, the Marquis of Marignan made so great haste, that he had almost surprised the assailants, where there was much blood spilled on both sides. Stressi constrained to discampe, besieged Foyan, a strong and very rich place, which the first day of his arrival was taken by force: and Charlot Vrsin, with all the soldiers that kept it, put to the sword, and the Town spoiled and burnt. The Marquis having recovered certain cannons, approached the army of Strossi, that marched towards Montpulcian, where the Italians began to forsake him, and by that means his forces were less than those of the Marquis, which constrained him to retire: The battle and overthrow of Strossi, and the French army in Toscan. but in stead of doing it covertly, and by night, for the safety of his troops, he determined to march openly in the day time, and to save his Artillery, he sent it before him. Whereof the Marquis being advertised, with all speed pursued after him, and having overtaken him in the field, between Martian, Lucignan, and Foyan, gave him battle: where the fight was dangerous and bloody, but Strossi having the less and weaker company, the Frenchmen fled after Bighet, an Italian Ensign, Colonel of the army, that first saved himself, after that the horsemen were dispersed. The Gascons & Swissers, that fought valiantly, were overthrown by advancing themselves too far among their enemies, and almost all their Leaders slain in the field: the number of the slain is diversly reported, some said two thousand five hundredth, others four thousand, besides many hurt, that lived not long after, and five or six hundredth prisoners. The Marquis wrote unto the Emperor, that all Strossies footmen were slain at that bartaile, but as then he forgot to pursue his victory: which if he had done, Strossi and all the King's army at that time had been wholly overthrown. Strossi that had showed marvelous prooses of his valour and nobleness, saved himself in Montalcin, leaving Foyan, that was presently taken by the Marquis, as also Martian, Lucignan, and other places, wherewith the Sienois marvelously abashed, were in mind to have yielded, had it not been for Monluc, that assured them, and after did great service unto the king, as also to the Town. Bighet partly cause of the overthrow of the army, and the Count d'Alte, that had cowardly yielded up Lucignan, a most impregnable place, were beheaded. Presently after, the Duke solicited those of Siene to yield unto the Emperor, and they about the end of january, in the year of our Lord 1554. answered him most bravely: but yet to use so great & lofty words, they had need of better means of resistance: while these things were effected, Monsieur de Lanssac being gone on embassage to Rome, divers articles were there drawn and set down, to end the troubles of Siene. The Pope gave charge to his Legates, that lay residents by the Emperor and the king, to bring them to an agreement, but nothing took effect, each of them seeming to have right on his side, mean time, the differences touching religion began to increase: such as would not receive and acknowledge the traditions of the Pope, were cruelly burnt. They suffered the Turk to win divers places in Europe, and his Galleys as then came before Corpse, to aid the Frenchmen, were at the siege of Calui and Boniface among the Christians, and holp to conquer the Island, and then returning homeward, spoiled the coast of Toscane, besieged Plombin, and the isle of Elbe, belonging to the Duke of Florence, & passing further, executed an infinite of mischieses upon the realms of Naples, Sicily, and Calabre, and so laden with great spoils, and numbers of Christians their prisoners, they arrived in Constantinople & other places, without any impeachment: so much, & so great, was the hatred between the Emperor and the King, that they had rather see the Turk enriched with Christians teasure, than once to consent & agree in one, to invade so common an enemy. But returning to Siene, Siene besicged and taken. the Marques of Marignan came to besiege it with all his forces, only upon the hope he had, that Strossi being wounded, and Monluc lying at the point of death, being dead, (for it was thought they could not live long) Lanssac and Fourquevau taken, the Sienois being wholly destitute of counsel, and French secorers, would yield unto him. Strossi being somewhat recovered, and having been certified of the death of Monluc, hazarded himself with six companies of foot, and two of lanciers, to come to Siene. Where, by the prudence and resolution of Serillac Nephew to Monluc, (he entered) who by a stratagem of trumpets, caused an alarm in the marquess camp, that thought verily some new army had been come to set upon them: but having found Monluc living, and in some better estate than he had been, he returned again, yet not without great danger: Monluc having made many skirmishes upon the enemy, perceived that in fine, they would take the Town, whereupon having showed the Soldiers and the Townsmen, what he thought the Marquis would do, he gave order that every man should be stinted in his victuals: and that they should live by prescript rules of war. The Sienois very willing to follow his counsel and advise, did as he commanded. The Marquis having assayed, by scaling the walls in the nighttime, to enter into the Citadel, and the Fort of Camollia, was valiantly repulsed, with the loss of six hundredth of his men, and by many skirmishes, batteries, intelligences, and combats, seeking to become master of the town: being not able to effect his will, determined to proceed with the first and surest resolution, which was to constrain them by famine: by which means his camp endured much misery, and every month diminished more and more: nevertheless, in fine, his perseverance overcame them, so that upon the 20. day of April 1555. an honourable composition having been made and agreed upon, with Monsieur de Monluc, his troops, and those of Siene, the town was yielded unto the Marquis, and after, into the hands of the Duke of Florence. Touching that which after happened to the territories of Siene, I mean not at this present to entreat further thereof, leaving that to the description of the wars of Italy, from whence I must return unto Picardy. Wars in Picardy. Mariembourg being revictualled, the Leaders that commanded in those quarters for the Emperor, having erected an army of twenty thousand foot, five or six thousand Rutters, and some Enfignes of old bands of Spaniards, caused a place called Givets, to be fortified, from whence they foraged the Country lying nearest unto it, and famished Mariembourg. The king assembled his forces at Maubert Fontaine, whereof Francis de Cleves, Duke de Vevers was Lieutenant General: having eight hundredth lanciers, as many light-horse, & about eight thousand footmen, who once again revictualled Mariembourg. The 26. of julie, the Rutters and the French light-horsemen met together, but the Rutters were presently constrained to re-enter into their fort, and the Count de Barlaimont, General of the Emperor's Army, refusing battle, the French men retired: presently after, the prince of Orange entered in to the king's country, and spoiled the Castle of Faignolles. After that, in winter time, Messieurs de Sanssac and Bourdillon, the third time revictualled Mariembourg. The reign and troublesome season, together with the want of victuals on both sides, impeached the armies from meeting together: During this last voyage, the king having gotten the writings and evidences, whereby john de Brosse Duke d'Estampes, claimed a right and title unto the Duchy of Bretaigne, into his hands, gave the Count of Ponthieure, in exchange thereof unto the said Duke. The Emperor resigneth all his estates unto his son and his brother. At the same time, the Emperor a prince of great valour and courage, as all Histories do witness, having so long time borne a world of affairs & troubles within his brains, determined to discharge himself thereof, and having sent for the Prince Don Philip his son, unto Brissels (than king of England) resigned unto him his kingdoms of Spain, Naples, Cicile, and others, whereof he gave him letters patents, commanding all his subjects to obey him: Those letters being delivered upon the 25. of october, 1555. were read in open counsel by the Chancellor. And among many notable instructions & advises, by the father given unto the Prince his son, he exhorted him to make peace with the King of France, and to have pity upon Christendom miserably tormented, by so long and cruel wars. He likewise left off the Empire, and by letters unto the Electors, desired them to give that dignity unto Ferdinand his brother, to whom by right it ought to appertain, having by them been chosen and elected for king of the Romans. Wars in the Isle of Corse. About the same time, the Genevois assayed to win the Isle of Corpse, not long before taken from them by Monsieur de Termes, and sent thither the Prince d'Aurie, that assailed the port of S. Florent, which yielded by composition, the soldiers issuing armed, and their goods saved, returning to Boniface to jourdan Vrsin: d'Aurie following after them, thinking to win it, but he was soon repulsed to his great loss. About the month of the same year died the marquess of Marignan, The death of the Marquis of Marignan. being out of favour with the Emperor. For having too long prolonged the taking of Siene, & consuming a whole army about it, he was solemnly buried at Milan, the Duke d'Alue being assistant at his funeral. King Philip following his father's counsel, and solicited thereunto by Mary Queen of England, his wife, inclined to peace, which to effect, after many meetings and conferences, a truce for 5. years was agreed upon between them. The Count de Lalain, Truce for 5. years between the 2. Kings. came to Blois to swear the truce unto the king, and the Admiral de Chastillon went to Bruxelles to the Emperor and king Philip to do the like. For certain months that this peace endured, one called Villegagnon a knight of Malthe, rigged and prepared certain vessels, and made a voyage unto Amerique, Villegagnon saileth for Amerique. promising to do wonders for the king in that new world, but his mind not well settled, and his unjust behaviours wrought him discredit, whereby he did nothing to any effect. But if this enterprise had been taken in hand by a wise leader, it had surely been an overturn to the execution of great matters. But the ruler and disposer of all men's actions, had otherwise ordained. Beginning of the breach of peace. Pope Paul the fourth, of the family of Caraffes in Naples, enemy to the Spaniard, being advertised, that within Rome, certain assemblies were made and holden in the houses of Mark Anthony Colonne, & the Cardinal of Saint Fior, enemies to the King of France, took that for an occasion to revenge himself, and without much examination, caused the Cardinal Camille, Colonne, julian Cesarin, and the Abbot of Bresegue to be committed prisoners in the castle of S. Ange, summoned Mark Anthony, watched carefully to take & intercept all letters and packets, disarmed all strangers, and placed strait and hard watches and sentinelles throughout all the City of Rome. Some writ, that the Colonels suspecting the Pope to be a French man, and fearing some surprise, thought in time to provide for their affairs. And the Pope taking the matter to be other than it was, used the means aforesaid. The oppressed being servants unto the king of Spain, gave him to understand, how they were used, he commanded the Duke of Alue to aid the Colomnes and others their participants. Whereupon the Duke presently went to Naples, and did what he could to re-establish the Colomnes and Vrsins in their Segneries. They on the other side, fortifying themselves about Rome, and holding the Pope enclosed, he determined to demand aid of the king of France. For the which cause he sent his Nephew Cardinal carafe, that bore a triumphant hat and a sword unto the king, being at Fontainebelleau, about the end of the month of june. The king granted his request, adding that he would advertise the king of Spain thereof, which he likewise did, but the answer he received, little pleased carafe. Whereof ensued the beginning of a fire, that after produced great flames. The Annalistes and Histories of France, Italy and Spain, make different discourses of the breach and rapture of this peace, which would desire a bigger volume. It sufficeth me to pass it over in brief. The Pope was the first that put the Irons into the fire, and the Kings did not greatly withdraw their ears, to lend their helping hands, as not wishing great good unto each other: Their principal officers provoked by many and divers passions, and those that governed them, having desire to mount aloft, and to rise higher, and perceiving that truce embased them, were very well pleased, that within Rome they had begun to erect the Scaffold whereon to act some new tragedy in Christendom, and specially in France. Wars between the kings, begun about Rome. So the French men would oppose himself against the Spaniard for the Pope's cause: Strossi Marshal of France, in place of Monsieur de Sedan, deceased at his return from prison out of the low countries, was sent to Rome, there to resist the Spaniards, until the aid of France came thither: on the otherside, Don john de Lume governor of Milan, came into France, and Duke Octavian Farnese restored to the possession of Plaisance by the Spaniards, forsook the King of France. In the mean time, the Duke d'Alue, foraged the country about Rome, took Anagne, Pilastrine, Segne, Tivoli, and besieged Ostie: cutting off their victuals, holding Strossi, with Monluc and their troops, enclosed within Rome: about the end of December, the king sent the Duke of Guise, to be his Lieutenant General, in the army that marched to help the Pope. The Duke of Guise being in Piedemont, giveth alarun to Italy. In the month of january 1557. the Duke of Guise well accompanied, being arrived at Turin, the Capital town of Piedemont, the Spaniards fortified Milan, and refreshed the Garrisons of the places of importance in Italy. The Duke of Ferrare armed and lodged soldiers, upon the frontiers of Ferrare, garrishing Florence and other towns under his obedience, specially those that bordered upon Bologne. The Duke of Alue provided for the towns within the Realm of Naples, and upon the sea coast of Calabria: as then all Italy was in arms, every one standing upon his guard, diversly discoursing upon the Duke of Guise's arrival & intents, having a strong army of 14. or 15000. foot, 8000. lances, and 1200. light-horses: some say more, the report being given forth, of an other supply ready to march forward, assoon as war should be opened in those parts: but it was as necessary to employ them elsewhere. Ostie taken from the Pope by the Spaniards. In the mean time, the siege of Ostie continued, those that kept the Fort, having sustained many assaults, their powder failing, and the Soldiers and Citizens, for the most part, being hurt, a composition was granted, and the place yielded unto the Spaniards, that agreed with Cardinal carafe, for forty days truce, to the end, the Pope might have some time and leisure, to think upon some good agreement. The Cardinal to the contrary, stayed for the Frenchmen, and solicited the Venetians to take part with them, which they refused, Agreement between the Pope, the King of France, and the Duke of Ferrare. desiring not to obtain the King of Spain's ill will: but the Duke of Ferrare took the French Kings part, and received the title of defender of the Church, and between the Pope, the King, and the Duke, it was agreed, that he should provide 20000. foot, and 1000 horse, and pay all the charges of the army. The King should furnish as many foot, and twice as many horse: and the Duke six thousand foot, two hundredth lanciers, four hundredth light-horses, and twenty Pieces for battery: which had been sufficient forces, to have made and wrought great conquests, if the Pope's Coffers had not been stirred: but that Article made all the rest of no effect. And how would he have furnished money for so great and puissant an army, when in effect he suffered the like army of the Duke of Guise to maintain itself, or rather to be dispersed: in such sort, that the return thereof, seemed rather a company of men overthrown and spoiled, than a brave retreat of Soldiers coming victorious. The nature of the Popes. The Popes in these latter times, have always used to hold on the stronger side, to advance their affairs, at the cost and charges of those that harken unto them: and when they have obtained their desires, to leave & forsake such as assist them in their greatest need, as it happened in this war, traversed by wonderful devices on all sides: but to conclude, the enterprises and pretences, of great & mighty men of this world, are wholly like smoke, if the favour and help of the most great and puissant God of heaven doth not assist them. The taking of Valence beyond the mountains The Duke of Guise having joined his forces in Piedemont, with those of the Marshal de Brissac, marched towards Valence, & giving out that Pavia had been taken by the Frenchmen, summoned Captain Spoluerin, that had two thousand soldiers with him to keep it, to put all to fire and sword, if he entered therein by force. Spoluerin that feared his skin, and the loss of his booties, wrought so well with the Soldiers, that they consented to the yielding up of the town, so they might issue with lives and goods saved: which was agreed unto, and the 18 of januarie, Spoluerin, and others of the principal Commanders being entered into Pavia, were beheaded, because of their cowardice. The Cardinal of Trent, Governor of Milan, sent to summon the Duke of Guise, to restore Valence unto him again, as taken contrary unto the articles of truce: his answer was, that the Duke of Alue having first broken the truce, the Frenchmen could not choose but follow, & that he intended nought but war, until such time, as that the Pope should be satisfied, and touching Valence, that they had justly set upon them, because their Garrison had shot their ordinance against the French soldiers, that marched by the Town to aid the Pope. Ostie taken again with the fort and other places. On the other side, Strossi, Monluc, and others that were in Rome, perceiving the Duke of Alue to be gone from thence, marched with 5000 foot, and 600. horse to besiege Ostie, which they presently took, the fort yielded by composition, the spaniards issuing with their lives, arms, and goods saved, taking with them certain pieces of artillery, they likewise took Velitres, Tuscule, Marin, Grotteferrate, Palesan, S. Ange. S. Paul, Vico Valerio, and divers small places in the territories of Rome, from whence they drove the Spaniards. The French army in Italy. Departing out of Piedimont: the Duke of Guise having consulted what was best for him to do, resolved within himself, to march strait forward to Rome, and being at Bologne, he complained unto the Pope's officers, because he saw no preparation made for the wars, saying, that the king had been otherwise promised. They made him answer, that there were 10000 soldiers ready prepared in the Marquisat of Ancore, wherewith for that time he seemed to be content, and being arrived at Rome, he mustered his troops, where he found five thousand Swissers, their General being the marquess d'ye Elboeuf: 4000 Grisons, 7000. French men, and Gascons, some Italian, 750. lancers, and 1500. light horses. The Duke de Nemours commanding the footmen. Wars and taking of towns in Piedemont. According to the counsel holden in Piedimont, the Marshal de Brissac being in the field, by composition took Valfeniere, lying between Ast & Carmagnolle, which he utterly spoiled, assailed and took Chiavasse, a Castle standing upon a mount, wherein he placed a garrison. The report being spread abroad, that the French men would enter into the realm of Naples, the Spaniards took good order for the keeping of the places near unto the Marquis de Ancove, but the Duke de Guise not desiring to go so far into the country, took Campilio, & besieged Civitelle, from whence, he was constrained to raise his siege, having lost a great number of his best soldiers. In Piedemont, Marshal de Brissac was constrained to retire from Coni, the Duke of Guise being aided by the marquess of Pescaire, Estate of Italy. Strossi, and the Duke de Palliane, took Montfort, by assault, a little town hard by Cintelle, which was spoiled & burnt. But the Duke of Guise perceiving his forces to diminish, & the Spaniards daily to increase, & that the Pope's promises took no effect, advertised the king of his estate, and on the otherside, offered battle unto the Duke d'Alue, lying between Farm & Ascoli, but the spaniards perceiving, that with a little patience, The spaniards refuse battle. the Pope would soon be brought to reason, & the French men disperse themselves, or else easily be spoiled, knowing likewise, that some thing was to be effected in the country of Picardy, they thought it but a point of foolish hardiness, without convenient means so to hazard the estate of the king of Spain. And because that neither the Pope, nor the Duke of Ferrare, furnished that which had been promised, and to the contrary, that the French army received not one penny pay of the Pope, and that the Ferrarois borrowed forces of his son in law the Duke of Guise, therewith to defend himself, they began to consult upon their return into France, The subtlety of the Pope. but the Pope who as yet had not that he sought, fearing if he should be left alone, the Spaniard would not fail to pair his nails, swore unto the Duke of Guise, that he would never make agreement, nor once accord with the Spaniard without the kings of Frances consent: for assurance whereof, he would send the Duke de Palliane his son for hostage into France. By which devices, he stayed the French men, to see what success the affairs begun in Picardy would have, where the French men having been overthrown in battle upon S. Laurence day, S. Quintius taken, He maketh peace with the King of Spain. & France in great distrust: the Pope perceiving his hopes to vanish like smoke, and that the Duke of Alue approached near to Rome, he sent Cardinal Caraffe unto him, with full power and authority to agree upon a peace with the King of Spain: which was concluded about the month of September, the Pope having renounced the league made with the French King, who sitting between two stools, fell on the ground, and all the intents of the house of Guise and others, took no effect, whereby the army all wearied and dispersed, returned into France, cursing both the Pope, and all his train. Truce broken in the frontier of Picardy, whereof ensued the battle on S. Laurence day, where the Frenchmen with great loss were overthrown. The taking of S. Quintin's and other places. The King having resolved to send the Duke of Guise to aid the Pope, contrary to the advise and counsel of the Constable, and divers Princes and Lords, that dissuaded & besought him to the contrary, and that he should rather seek to maintain the truce, gave express charge unto the Admiral, to take order for the safety of his Towns and Forts in Picardy, and to make some enterprises upon certain places in the low Countries. Whereunto the Admiral that had been of the Constable's opinion, although he well perceived from whence such resolutions proceeded, not daring to refuse the commission given, with great diligence took order accordingly, and thereupon made an enterprise upon Dovay, which having not taken effect, he took Lens, a small Town in Artois, which he peeled, whereby the Gates of war were fully opened, Picardy and Champagne exposed to continual courses, and the frontier places on both sides fortified. The Queen of England sent a Herald of Arms into France, to defy the King, and to proclaim war against him: and about the middle of the month of julie, the prince of Piedemont accompanied with the duke d'Arscot, the Earls of Mansfeld, d'Aiguemāt, Meigue, & Barlaimont, begun to erect a puissant army at Guiets, staying for further aid of Rutters and Bourgognons. The Duke de Nevers provided for Rocroy, Mesieres, and Mariembourg, which he doubted would be assailed, from whence the Prince retired, perceiving it to be too dangerous an enterprise for him, marching towards the Town of Guise, with 40000. foot, and 15000. horse, not accounting 10000 Englishmen, which he daily expected, the French army being 18000. foot, and 6000. horse. The Admiral, with the Sieurs de Villebon, de Senarpont, and others, were of advise, that the towns of Picardy should be fortified, specially such as lay in greatest danger: but they were not believed, in such manner, that the Prince of Piedemont having stayed a time before Guise, presently sent his horsemen to enclose S. Quintin's, and marched thither with all his army: so that upon the sudden, the Town was besieged on all sides. Monsieur de Teligny being within it, S. Quintin's besieged. with a broken company of lanciers, and one Bruiel a Gentleman of Breton, was Governor of the Town, with very few footmen: and the Inhabitants themselves wholly ignorant in Marshal affairs, made great difficulty to receive a greater Garrison being moved thereunto. The Admiral determined to enter therein, and to the same end, upon the 2. of August he departed from Pierrepont, with four companies of lanciers, and three of light-horses: and being at Han, he was constrained by reason of the danger of the voyage, to take no more but 2. companies of foot: whereof only the third part entered with him into S. Quintin's, The Admiral entereth into Saint Quintin's. the rest stayed behind, and were constrained to retire, because the town was almost besieged round about: touching the order therein taken by the Admiral, concerning the fortifications, & other things, it is most certain, that nothing was by him forgotten. The town being well aided by those few men that entered with him, there was found disorder touching their victuals, their powder being burnt and blown up by the citizens default, that knew not how to behave themselves in Marshal affairs, which much troubled the Soldiers. Advise being given unto the Constable General of the French army, what state S. Quintin's was in, he sent the Prince of Conde, General of the light-horse, the Marshal Saint Andre with four hundredth lanciers, and Monsieur d'Andelot with ten Ensigns of footmen, from la Fere, to enter into Han, as well to bridle the camp, as to seek by all means to refresh and strengthen those of Saint Quintin's, d'Andelot offered to enter therein, with two thousand men, while the army on all sides, should give an alarm unto the enemy, who by means of certain prisoners, having discovered the enterprise, took such order therein, that their pretence took not effect. The Constable bringeth his army unto S. Quintin's, to cause certain men to enter. Mean time, the Spanish army increased, by aid of the Englishmen, being to the number of ten thousand foot, and about one thousand five hundredth horse. The Constable desirous to help those of S. Quintin's, having determined upon all the means that might be used, to help the Town, and being fully bend to execute the same, the 9 of August, he caused the French and Almain footmen to pass over the bridge, that lieth above la Fere, with certain Pieces of artillery: and the tenth of August, being S. Laurence day, the horsemen joined with the foot, and so marched towards S. Quintin's: where, about nine of the clock in the morning they arrived, and there ranked themselves in order of battle, right before the subburbes of Isle, as then taken by the Spaniards, that were driven out again even to the Chaussee: mean time, the artillery played upon the Prince of Piedemonts' camp, wherein it moved great disorder: and while that was done, the Constable caused as many troops to enter into the Town, as possible he might: which done, the King of Spain's army resolved with themselves by a prompt and general resolution, to set upon the Constable's forces, and so constrain him to fight: to the which end, the Prince of Piedemont, and the Count d'Aiguemont joined together, at such time as the Duke de Nevers was gone to relieve Monsieur d'Eschenets, that held play with the enemy, while the rest that went to aid the Town, should enter: the Constable being upon retreat, not minding to give battle, the Duke joined with the Prince of Conde, & so made assault near unto a windmill, withal his light-horse, and they two together without any loss, joined themselves with the main battle, but their enemies followed them, and approaching with 8. great Squadrons of horsemen, the Count d'Aiguemont, was the first that with two thousand horse, charged the Frenchmen on the one side: the Duke's Ernest, & Henry de Brunswic, seconded by the Count de Horme, with two thousand Rutters, and ten thousand lancers, fell on the other side, the Count de Mansfeld, and other leaders, entered upon the middle part with three thousand horse, with so great force, that the Frenchmen were overtrowne. The Duke of Nevers being one of the first, notwithstanding after many dangers, he got out of the press: and although the parties were unequal, yet the Frenchmen failed not to fight, where the Constable was both hurt & taken, & with him the Dukes of Montpensier & de Longueville, the Prince of Mantove, the Marshal S. Andre, and many others, as well knights of the Order, as Lords and Gentlemen: the chief of name that were slain, were john de Bourbon, Duke de Anguien, the Viscount of Turaine, & others, & most part of the Captains of the footmen, who perceiving the horsemen coming, placed themselves in a square battle, but they were presently broken, and part slain, the rest taken prisoners. This bloody fight endured for the space of 4. or 5. hours, the Spaniards pursued the Frenchmen within a mile of the town of la Fere. And surely all men were much abashed how so many escaped, considering the great fear & disorder they then were in. The Prince of Conde, the Duke de Nevers, the Count de Sancerre, Messieurs de Bourdillon, Grammont, Cruecueur, Piennes, Descars, and others escaped, Montmorency the Constable's eldest son, took another way. This overthrow caused great fear in Paris, for in it the Frenchmen lost great numbers of men, wherein the Histories seem not to agree: some say 5000. others 8000. slain in the field. The King came presently from Compiegne to Paris, to assure his capital town, and at the same time raised a subsidy of 300000. Frankes, to satisfy his most urgent affairs: while king Philip receiving the Ensigns taken from the Frenchmen, and beholding the prisoners, who in a manner were led before him, as in a triumph, contented himself with that victory, without enterprising at that time to enter further into France, whereof nevertheless many Towns were in great fear. King Henry by his Lieutenants, provided for his Frontier-townes, and gathered his camp at Laon, causing 14000. Swissers to be sent for. Touching those that were besieged within Saint Quintin's, at the coming of d'Andelot, The Town of S. Quintin's taken by assault. they were relieved with four hundredth soldiers, and about 50. men of commandment, with some Gentlemen of name, and certain canoneers: but king Philip being arrived in his camp, the battery began most furious▪ & the assieged by no means could be aided, but only with three hundredth men, whereof a third part were slain in entering. The Towers and fortifications from S. john's Gate, to the Tower standing upon the water, having been battered with the Cannon shot, the Spaniards became masters of the Duchess, and upon the 20. of August, the Erenchmen divided and placed in eleven several breaches, sustained a general assault, and could not be forced: yet the Town was taken, by entering at a tower which no man guarded, the French soldiers therein were most slain: the Admiral his brother (that not long after saved himself) jarnac, S. Remi, de Humes, and other Captains and Gentlemen of name taken prisoners, and the son of Monsseur de la Fayette, the Captains Salevert, Ogier, Vicques, lafoy Bar, l'Estang, and Gourds slain. During these storms, The King threatened to be slain. the king being in Paris, as he went to mass, a young man named Caboche, borne in Meaux, who ordinarily, and of long time, had followed the Court, and because of his fair writing, served the king's Secretaries, whether being out of his wits, or stirred by some other motion, presentented himself before him, with a naked sword in hand, and crying out, said: Stay King, God hath commanded me to kill thee, but presently the Swissers of the guard fell upon him, wherewith he was committed, and by the Court of Parliament condemned to be hanged for that attempt. After the taking of S. Quintin's, the Count de Aremberg, with 1200. horse, and 3. Regiments of Lansquenets, besieged castelet, The taking of Castellet. where he made a furious battery. The Baron de Solignac, that commanded therein, peceiving himself destitute of the aid that had been promised him: and that the place was not strong enough to defend an assault, not having above three hundredth men therein, and they not greatly bend to make resistance, yielded the place: for which cause he was sent prisoner unto Paris, and if by chance he had not saved himself, by an escape out of prison, he had surely lost his life: because (as it was said) he had made promise never to yield the place, before he had sustained an assault. While the King of France assembled a great army, as well without, as within his Realm, and by his Lieutenants provided for his towns in Picardy, and that the Parrisians made general Musters of their companies, where were found between thirty five, and forty thousand men. The assembly in Same jaques street discovered. Those of the religion multiplied and began to increase in divers parts of the Realm, specially within the City of Paris, where having been discovered in an assembly made by night in S. jaques street, many were cast in prison, some burnt, and the rest escaped by divers means: in other places also many were taken and executed, the people verily imputing the causes of the troubles in France wholly to them. But the king of Spain employing his army, Han taken by the Spaniards. upon the 12. of September took Han, the Castle being yielded, and the Town burnt by the Frenchmen themselves. Besides that, he took all such places, as might in any sort impeach or trouble, (that Castle and S. Quentin) which he overthrew and spoiled: further, his troops surprised certain companies of Scots within Noyon, and took Chauni, wherein he placed a great Garrison, there to make provision of wines, wherewith to furnish the places which he had taken. Aid coming out of Almain, and Switzer-land, into France, the king for a time caused the troops that came out of Italy, Polleville driven out of Bresse. under the conduct of the Duke de Guise, and Aumalle, to stay in Bresse, and Lyonnois, thereby to impeach the pretences of the Baron de Polleville, who with twelve thousand foot, and one thousand two hundredth horse: for the Prince of Piedemont, came to besiege Bourg in Bresse: from whence he was constrained in all haste to retire, otherwise both he and all his troops, had wholly been spoiled, who in dislodging, dispersed and separated themselves, in such sort, that in few days after, it could hardly be perceived what had become of that great number of men. The king's enterprise against Callais The Duke of Guise being arrived at the Court, lying in S. German in Say, because of the Constable's imprisonment, was appointed Lieutenant General for the king in all his countries. Whereupon the secret practices long pretended, were then pursued and fully executed in this sort. Edward the third of that name, King of England, had taken Callais, in the year of our Lord 1347. a Port of the sea, and a place of great consequence for the Frenchmen: since which time, the said Town had still continued in the Englishmen hands, and by them much fortified. The Constable long time before the battle of S. Laurence. by means of Monsieur de Senarpont, Governor of Bullen, had used such means and practices touching that Town, which is a part of the ancient Domain of the Crown of France, that without his overthrow and imprisonment, it was most apparent he would have executed his pretence. In his absence it was concluded, while king Phillip's forces by reason of the winter season were dispersed, to execute that enterprise so much for the advantage of the Realm of France. And thereupon the king of France raised two armies, one conducted by the Duke de Nevers, making show to enter into the Duchy of Luxembourg: the other led by the Duke of Guise, under pretence therewith to hinder the victualling of S. Quentins. The Duke de Nevers marching towards Luxenbourg, the Spaniards and Walloons, ran thither to defend it: but suddenly he sent his forces to join with the Duke of Guise, that made show of victualling Amiens, Ardres, and Bullen, and in great haste upon the sudden, turned all his forces against the Town of Callais, wherein as then there was no Garrison. The Princes of Conde, and la Roche Suryon, the Duke d'Aumalle, and the Marquis d'Elboeuf brethren; Strossi Marshal of France, Montmorency, the Constable's eldest son, Monsieurs de Termes, d'Andelot, de Sansac, d'Estree great Master of the Artillery, the Tavanes, Senarpont, Grandmont, Randan, Allegre, Crevecueur, Piennes, Gourdan, and other Lords, Knights and Captains, being in the army. The first of january, the army appeared before it, and the same day took Nieulay bridge, The taking of Callais. and after that, Risban: which done, they entered the Castle, and then the Town, all yielded by composition, within the space of eight days, the Englishmen and Spaniards, not having means in time to aid the Town. The Englishmen grieved at the loss of such a place, thereupon conceived a mortal hatred against king Philip. Presently after the yielding of Callais, they besieged the Town of Guines, in the count d'Oye, which was taken, but the Englishmen that were in the Castle, drove the Frenchmen out, and burned the Town: who were presently besieged upon the 13. day of january, and having endured the battery, and sustained an assault, the second being prepared, they asked and received a composition. Guines was wholly spoiled and defaced, as being noisome to Calais, as also not being needful to be kept so near unto it: so that in fine, the whole Count of Oye, was reduced under the king's obedience: for the which, great joy was made through all the country of France, in exchange of many a tear not long before shed for their loss, upon S. Laurence day. Parliament in Paris. The same month the king held a Parliament in Paris, wherein they granted him a subsidy of three Millions of gold, for the maintenance of his wars: that done, he went to visit Callais, the Government whereof, was given unto Monsieur de Termes. The Duke de Nevers accompanied by the Governors of juoy, Mesieres, Bovillon, & Maubert Fontaine, took the castle of Herbemont, hard by juoy, Exploits done by the Duke de Nevers. also the Forts of jamoigne, Chigny, Rossignon, and Villeneufue: but by reason of the cold, which as that year had not begun till about the month of February, he was forced to leave the field, and to enter into Garrison: while the king in divers places of the Realm, made many secret levies of soldiers, commanding his Captains not to march with any of their troops, before they should receive express commandment from him. In the month of April, A marriage between the Dauphin & Marie, Queen of Scots. the marriage between Francis, eldest son to the King Prince Dauphin de Viennois, and Marie Stuard, daughter to james the fift, king of Scots, & of Marie de Lorraine, before widow to the Duke de Longueville, & sister to the Duke de Guise, was concluded, and after upon the 28. of the same month, accomplished with great solemnity. During this marriage, there was a certain motion of peace to be made between the two kings, at Peronne, by the Duchess Dowager of Lorraine, and the Cardinal, brother to the Duke of Guise, but all in vain: for on the one side, king Philip took Nesle, & the Englishmen spoiled the coast of Normandy: on the other side, Taking of Theonuille. the king of France determined to besiege Theonuille, to the which end, he sent Monsieur de Bourdillon, to see what might be done, he being accompanied by Vieille Ville, Governor of Metz, with the old troops of the Garrisons of Metz, Thoul, Verdun, & Danuilliers, in the beginning of May, encamped himself before Theonuille: fifteen days after, the Duke de Nevers came thither, and then Monsieur de Guise, General of the army, followed by the most valiant Captains and Gentlemen of France. The battery began the fift of june, with 30. great Pieces: the Count de Horme assayed to enter into it, followed by certain troops, but the passages were in such sort closed up, that with loss he was forced to retire. The Duke of Guise going to view a breach, seconded by certain valiant Leaders, caused a false assault to be given, whereby at that time, the Town hardly escaped from taking: but the assailants being in very small number, were forced to retire, with loss of divers good and valiant soldiers: presently after, by the only means and advise of Monsieur de Monluc, they took around Tower, that much aided the besieged, and as they were about to mine a platform adjoining thereunto, the Marshal Strossi was stricken with a Harquebushot, whereof he died, his place being given to Monsieur de Termes. The 21. of june, the mines being prepared to work, Taking and spoiling of other places. the assieged demanded a composition, which was honourably granted unto them, and two or three days after, they issued forth, to the number of one thousand five hundredth soldiers, but most part sick, which were well and courteously used, not one either troubled, or spoiled at their issuing. The Town of Luxenbourg wherein were the Countess of Mansfeld and Horn, was viewed: but not long before, Arlon was assailed, forced, spoiled, and burnt, and Chigni, Villemont, and Rossignill, taken again from the Walloons: wherein they set fire only in Chigni, which they fortified. Vieille-ville was left within Theonuille, with ten Ensigns of footmen, and some companies of Lanciers. Enterprises in Flanders, by the Marshal de Termes, who in fine, was overthrown by the Count de Aiguemont Because the Englishmen made divers wars, as well by Sea, as by land, into the country of France, the king caused two small armies to be made and conducted by the Duke d'Aumalle, at la Fere, the other, under the Marshal de Termes at Callais. Terms knowing that the towns lying on the Sea-coast, & subject to the Spaniards, were but meanly manned, because they feared not the Frenchmen on that side, he made an enterprise upon Dunkirk, a Town lying upon the Sea, between Newport, and graveling, in the which enterprise, he besieged Berges, that was presently taken and sacked: which done, he went before Dunkirk, which held out but four days, and in the end was taken and peeled: where they found so rich a booty, that the very boys of the army were thereby made rich: but as Messieurs de Villebon, and de Senarpont, staying for Marshal de Termes, that as then was sick, lay encamped hard by graveling, the Earl of Aiguemont, Lieutenant General for the king of Spain in the low Countries, with all speed assembled the Garrisons and other forces, to the number of sixteen thousand footmen, a thousand or twelve hundredth Rutters, and two thousand lancers, determining to impeach the passage of the French army, from entering any further into Flaunders, and to make them leave the siege of graveling: and the Marshal was scarce healed and entered into the army, but the Count de Aiguemont was upon him, not once making show to fight. The Marshal perceiving him too strong, would not likewise hazard himself, but rather began to retire towards Callais: which the Earl doubting, determined to stop his passage, and so constrain him to fight, or to make him yield by famine, before the town of graveling: which the Marshal perceiving, assayed to pass the river (that runneth from S. Omers) called l'A. And he had no sooner begun, but the Flemings only staying thereupon, got before him, which constrained the French Vanguard to range themselves in order, thereby to sustain the rest of the army, where it made a brave resistance, driving certain squadrons of horses out of rank, but the Count having made a furious charge, procured the overthrow and spoil of the Marshal, who being sore hurt, was taken, with Messieurs de Villebon, Senarpont, Moruilliers, and Chaune, and many Captains and soldiers slain in the field. The Marshal's army being composed of certain companies of lanciers, three cornets of light-horses, Scottishmen, 14. Ensigns of French footmen, and 18. Companies of Lansquenets: all being either slain or taken. The number that escaped, were not many: that great wound, renewed the former of S. Laurence day, and broke the enterprise upon the Duche of Luxenbourg, where the Duke of Guise pretended to be doing, who in the month of july, took his course to Thierashe, and so lodged at Pierrepont: which he strengthened with 7. Cornets of Rutters, & a new Regiment of Lansquenets. An army by sea of English men & Flemings, overthrown in Brittaigne. At the same time, the army at sea composed of Englishmen and Flemings, to the number of 6000. men, or thereabouts, having sailed along the coast of Britain, in the end took land at Conquer, which they spoiled: and entering further into the country, were overthrown by Monsieur de Kersimon, whereof some he slew, other he took prisoners, and caused the rest to save themselves by fight within their ships, where they presently hoist sails and put to sea. Both the king's armies hard by Amiens. Both the kings having prepared their armies, no less puissant than at other times, encamped themselves, and stayed not far from Amiens, along by the River of Somme: where they had great numbers of strangers, so that their own subjects, in comparison of them, were very few. There they made certain courses and skirmishes, but no battle of any consequence. and as it seemed, those two great Princes, were as then come thither to make an agreement: the treaty whereof was moved, and to proceed therein, they chose the Abbey of Cercamp, upon the frontiers of Artois and Picardy: wherefore the King of France appeased the Constable, the Marshal S. Andre, the Cardinal of Lorraine, Moruilliers, Bishop of Orleans, one of the kings privy Council, and Secretary Aubespine. The king of Spain sent thither the Duke d'Alue, the Prince of Aurange, Deputies for peace. Rigome de Silues, Granuelle Bishop of Arras, and Vigle de Zuichem, Precedent of the Council of Estate in the low Countries. They assembled in the month of October, having umpire, of the differences that might fall out between them, the Duchess Dowager, and the Duke of Lorraine her son. Mean time, the Constable having agreed for his ransom, came to do his duty unto the King, who gave him all the entertainment that possible he might, and made him lie with him, as some certainly report. During this meeting, both the armies were dismissed, & the strangers sent into their countries. While this treaty of peace continued, Charles the Emperor, and his sister Ellenor, Death of the Emperor Charles the fift, and Ellenor his sister, of Mary Queen of England, and of Cardinal Poole. wife unto King Francis, died in Spain: the peace was grounded upon the marriage of Charles Prince of Spain, with Elizabeth, eldest daughter of K. Henry, & of Philebert Emanuel, Prince of Piedemont, with Margaret, daughter to king Francis deceased. That which prolonged the treaty, was, that the Q. of England demanded the restitution of Callais: but about the end of November she died. After whom likewise died Cardinal Poole, her great Councillor, her death, that changed the state of England: wherein after that, neither the Spaniards, nor the Pope, had more to do, caused the assembly to be referred unto the peace ensuing. King Philip having with great pomp celebrated the funerals of his father, within the Town of Brussels, The Duke of Lorraine married with the younger daughter of the French King. stayed in Flaunders, to hear what should be done by his Deputies, before he passed into Spain. The K. of France, to join the Duke of Lorraine in alliance with him, gave him claud his second daughter in marriage, reserving the elder for the conclusion of peace. The espousals, were holden in Paris, upon the 5. of February, and about the 15. of the same month, the Deputies changing place, & being furnished with large and ample instructions, met at the castle of Cambresse: king Philip lying at Monts in Hanaut where the Cardinal of Lorraine went to visit him, and after that, the Duchess Dowager. Peace agreed upon, between two kings. At this second meeting, both of them seemed very unwilling, specially the Spaniards, moved thereunto by news out of Piedemont, where the Frenchmen had lately received an overthrow. But in the end, after many arguments and conclusions, they drew unto an agreement. In the Treaty at Cercamp, a marriage had been spoken of, between Charles Prince of Spain, and Elizabeth of France. Now, the Deputies perceiving king Philip to be a Widower, and esteeming the alliance to be stronger if he espoused the Princess, which before should have been given unto his son, they propounded that Article, which to the good contentment of both the Kings, was concluded and agreed upon, together with the marriage of the Prince of Piedemont, to the Lady Margaret. The King of France yielded to the King of Spain, all that he had taken from him, both on this side, and beyond the Mountains: also to the Prince of Piedemont la Bresse, Savoy and Piedemont, except four Towns: to the Genevois, the Isle of Corpse: and Siene to the Duke of Florence: retaining nothing but Callais, without gaining a foot of any other land, in all that long and dangerous war, which had desolated so many Provinces, sacked, , & overthrown so many Towns, Bourges, Villages, and Castles, been the death of so great a number of Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, Captains, Soldiers, Citizens, and Paisants: caused so many ravish and violating of women and maids: and in a word, which had in a manner, tormented all Europe: so that in effect, the king yielded above two hundredth, (others write almost as many more) places, for the conquest whereof, a sea of blood of his natural subjects had been spent and shed: the treasures of the Realm consumed: his lands engaged, and he indebted on all sides: and which is worse, the fire being quenched upon the borders, not long after, began within the middle of all his Realm, and in every place thereof, as well is seen during the reigns of his three successors. But these things are the unsearchable and deep judgements of God: which are not lawful for us to enter into, but only to worship and adore him that worketh all things with great wisdom, with mercy towards his children, and with most just and fearful vengeance against his enemies. Counsel given the king against the peace and quietness of his Realm. The king having agreed with his foreign enemies, with whom all men hoped a most sure and perpetual alliance to be made, was again put in mind and counseled to redouble the hard and cruel punishments, by him devised against those of the religion, who in the middle of those troubles, had much increased thoughout all the Realm. And so in steed of spiritual means to be used in things concerning the soul, divers evil Councillors to this Prince, caused him to conceive an extreme hatred to those of the religion, filling his ears with many unworthy & terrible reports against them. Monsieur d'Andelot first felt it, being for religion committed prisoner in Melun: whereupon many discontentments and suspicions grew among the most noble houses, whereof ensued divers and many mischiefs: which after the death of king Henry began to increase, who having understood, that in the Parliament of Paris, many and divers judgements were made, touching the condemnation of such as were accused for religion, was counseled to sit in person at a Mercurialist judgement, Mercuriales and imprisonment of certain Councillors in Paris. within the Augustine's (because as then the Palace was preparing and making ready for the marriages) that there he might hear and understand, the advise of all his Precedents and councillors. Others of the same Council, esteemed that the presence of the king, would but abash such as seemed to oppose therein, and that so those of the religion remaining without support, and condemned, they would in fine, procure the execution of their desires. But it fell out clean contrary: for that some councillors said, and flatly affirmed, that it would be more convenient, to deal with less rigour against those of the religion, until such time, as by a free and general counsel, they had been showed their error. He that spoke boldest, and plainest, was Anne de Bourg, a man of great learning and piety. The king that never had heard any speech of such importance, commanded the Constable to lead du Bourg, and other councillors prisoners, to answer their objections: swearing in great chollour, that he would see the end. Whereupon, Monsieur Montgommery, Captain of the guard, led du Bourg into the Bastille, the rest into other places. Mean time, those of the religion were hardly pursued in every place, who during those troubles, in the month of May, caused a Synod to be holden, by all their Pastors, A Synod of the religion in Paris. Deacons, and ancients within the Town of Paris, wherein the Articles of the Doctrine and Discipline of the reformed Churches throughout all the Realm, were written and set down. Mean time, the Courtiers sought and devised, all the means of joys and pleasures they could invent, thereby to solemnise the royal marriages, both of the King's daughter, and of his sister. I speak not of the murder committed upon the person of a renowned Player of Comodies, who at that time had made most magnifical preparations, therewith to rejoice the Court, that was slain in the house of Reims by his own servants, so that all his preparations were laid aside: Preparation for the marriages. neither yet of the Queen's Dream, nor of the apprehensions and discourses of divers Politicians, who were of opinion, that this great Wheel of earthly prosperities, would shortly turn about: only I will show you, that the sighs of prisoners for religion, the horrible torments used to some of them, and the earnest prayers of infinite numbers of families, threatened, and that well perceived, that the peace had been agreed upon, between the Frenchmen and the Spaniards, thereby to make a war with them, that never should have an end: were the winds that hoist up the wonderful and strange alterations, which the wise and provident counsel of God, in short time after made to appear. Marriage of the King of France his daughter with king Philip. Elizabeth of France, having been solemnly led and conducted by the King her father, unto the Cathedral church of Paris, and there most magnifically, and in great triumph, espoused by the Duke d'Alue, Deputy for the king of Spain his Master. The espousals done by the Cardinal de Bourbon, and after fires of joy made for the peace, the rejoicings of the people, glad of that rest & quietness, the Banquets, Proclaimations, and Ceremonies accustomed, with all majesty performed, assisted by so many Noble Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, Cardinals, Officers, and Domestical servants, both of the King and Queen's household: there likewise being present, the Dukes of Savoy, and Alue, the Prince of Aurange, the Count d'Aiguemont, and other Lords of the low Countries, in great numbers: and after the sumptuous banquets, plays, masks, and dances, followed the last act which changed all those joyful and pleasant Comodies, into bloody and mornfull Tragedies, wherein the king played the lamentable Prologue: for that having published a running at Tilt, to be performed within S. Anthony's street, Atourney in S. A●thoniesstreete. where (against the advise of those that besought him to leave that exercise, to such as should show him pleasure therein) he would in person be a principal actor, seconded by the Dukes of Guise and Ferrare. But the second day of his running, having run very often, the Queen desired him to leave off, saying, that the Duke of Savoy might supply his place. He sent her word by the Marshal de Montmorency, that he would run but once more, and that for the love of her. Whereupon having sent a Lance to the Count de Montgommory, commanding him to run against him, and the Count earnestly excusing himself, either for the respect he bore unto his Prince, or fearing to fail, as the first day he had many times done, not once touching any against whom he ran. The King sent him express commandment not to refuse him. With that the Earl ran, and breaking his Lance upon the kings Cuirasse, The king sore hurt with a splinter of a lance a splinter thereof entered into the kings vizard, not being well closed, and by chance ran into his eye, so far in, that his head festered. Wherewith the King presently began to fall by reason of the blow, but the Princes and Lords ran to him and led him into his Palace of Tovernelles, where in great dolour and pain he died, upon the tenth day of july, He died in the flower of his age. in the thirteenth year of his reign, and the forty and two year of his age: the day before his death, he desired that the marriage of the Duke of Savoy and Lady Margaret his sister, should be celebrated in his Chamber: and that whatsoever had been accorded unto (by the treaty of peace) touching the Duke, should wholly be performed. His heart was buried in the Temple of Celestins, in the Chapel of the Dukes of Orleans, his royal Obsequies were celebrated upon the thirteen day of August, and his body buried at Saint Dennis, in the Common Tomb for the Kings of France. Of person he was a goodly Prince, courteous, mild, The description of king Henry the second. loving his servants and men of valour. Much addicted to his pleasures, and to believe such as knew how to please his humour, who many times caused him to use much rigour, which he could not so soon discover: the ambition and avarice of certain men that provoked him forward, were the principal causes of the continuance of wars, which heretofore we have noted: specially after the breach of truce, set laws, justice, Offices and benefices to sale, dived into, and emptied the purses of French men, by infinite exactions, whereof ensued most great mischiefs. The estate of France, under this Prince. Two great sins reigned in France during the time of this Prince: that is, Atheism, and Magic. Whereunto may be added, the corruption of learning: For that the knowledge thereof, induced by King Francis the first, changed into divers wicked and curious minds, cause of all mischief, specially in the form and phrase of French Poets, who in the reign of Henry, by their impure rhymes, filled with all manner of blasphemies, converted an infinite number of souls. These sins and others, in great abundance still increased, drawing upon both little and great within the Realm of France, the strange punishments which in the reigns of the successors to this Henry, full well appeared. Five sons, and five daughters. By Catherine de Medicis his wife, married in Anno. 1533, he had five sons and five daughters. The eldest, Francis the second, borne the 20. of january, 1543. The second Lois, the Duke of Orleans, that died at the end of certain months. The third, Charles Maxemilian, borne the 20. of june, 1550. King after the death of his brother. The 4. Edward Alexandre, after King, and called Henry the third, born the 19 of September, 1551. The fift, Hercules: after called Francis, Duke of Alencon, Anjou, and Berri, and Count du main, borne the 18. of March, 1554. The eldest daughter was Elizabeth, promised to Edward the sixth, King of England, but married to Philip king of Spain, borne the 11. of April, 1545. The second, claud, married to Charles Duke of Lorraine, bonre the 12. of November, 1547. The third, Margaret, married to Henry de Bourbon, King of Navarre, borne the 14. of May, 1552. The fourth and fift, named jane, and Victoire, borne at one burden, upon the 24. of june, 1556, and died presently after. In this History you may behold, the success and estate of the successors to this Henry, being his sons, with the first whereof I mean to begin. Hear endeth the troubles, that happened in the reign of Henry the second. Francis the second. M.D.LIX The intent of King Henry. KING Henry (by the counsel given him touching the rapture of the truce, and by that which after ensued) having somewhat discovered, who and which they were, that gave him evil advise concerning his estate, was minded and fully resolved, after the solemnisation of the marriages, to look more particularly into such men, thereby to retain some, and send the rest unto the places from whence they came. But the wrath of God lay upon the Realm, having stricken the head, pursued the members, as hereafter it appeareth. Francis the second, young in advise, The state of France under Francis the second. The Nobility. The Courtiers. much more in years, was wholly left to the government of his mother, and the uncles of his wife, that ruled the land as you shall hear. Part of the Nobility wearied with the troubles of so long wars, desired nought but peace, leaving all care of public charges, and casting their eyes upon the surest side, thereon to lay hold. The Courtiers went which way the wind would blow: as touching the officers of justice, most of them were friends or subjects unto divers Lords: some good and upright men yet resting in the Court of Parliament, durst not almost proceed in any thing, as being abashed at the sudden blow, given unto the chief and principal Court of Parliament, the last Mercurialist. The Ecclesiastical persons, The Ecclesiastical persons. held and accounted them for principal Pillars of the Church, that were the greatest burners. As touching the third estate, the great charges and troubles of wars forepast, had wholly bereaved them of all lively feeling, and moving. Two parties. In the Court were two parts, the one, those that held with the Constable: the other the Guisians. The Princes of the blood, had almost no care of the Commonwealth, nor yet of their own affairs. The Queen-mother an Italian, Florentine, of the family of Medicis, and one that in 22. years, wherein she had continued in France, had some good time to know the humours both of the one, and the other, and behaved herself in such sort, that she only ruled. Those of Guise. Which to attain, and desiring wholly to drive away the Constable, whom she did most suspect, she held on the other side, and placed servants about the King of Navarre, by them to know and understand his mind. Assoon as king Henry was deceased, the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine, led the King and his brethren, with the Queens unto the Lowre, leaving the Prince of the Blood, the Constable, the Marshal, the Admiral, with divers other knights of the Order, and Lords, that held with the Constable, to attend upon the dead body. The beginning of the reign of this young Prince, promised much, when suddenly they beheld Francis Olivier, a man of great reputation, Francis Olivier, restored to be Chancellor. restored again unto his place of Chancellor, & that had been put out of the place, by means of the Duchess of Valentinois, that wholly ruled the deceased king: they were in further hope, when they perceived this Duchess to be wholly out of credit: for that assoon as he was dead, they caused her to yield up the keys of the king's closet, with all his precious jewels, that then were given unto the Queen Regent. But this was only a particular quarrel between women, for in truth, the Duchess during king Henry's life, had been in all men's sight as Queen of France. The Queen-mother that hated her extremely, was very glad to see her wholly despoiled and driven out of the Court, contenting herself therewith, not to lose the favour of those of Guise, who although they only had their advancement by the Duchess means, perceiving her to be as a rotten plank, left her, to pleasure themselves another way. They sent Bertrand (from whom the seals were taken) unto Rome, and took from d'Auancon the ruling of the Treasures: Bertrand keeper of the Seals, discharged of his office. nevertheless, he continued still in the Court, as being too well acquainted with their affairs, and as yet it was not necessary to compel him to accept of any new party. The Marshal of S. Andre, advanced by the favours of King Henry, to whom he was a secret servant, and wholly fattened by the confiscations of the goods of those of the religion, and by borrow, never to be repaid, having made offer of all that he had, to the house of Guise, was received into their band. The Constable sent home The Constable perceiving, that the king in open Parliament, had declared, that his meaning was, that from thence forth all men should have recourse touching matters of estate, the crown, and of his house, unto his two Uncles, the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal of Lorraine: and that by consequent, his mortal enemy entered into his place, and doing that, which wholly appertained to his offices, of Constable, and Greatmaister of France: yea, and in the presence of the Spaniards, and other strangers, who before had made so much account of him: about eight days after the king's death, went to present himself unto the king, delivering up the seals, to him committed by King Henry: and having been certified from the king, that the charge of the treasures, and other affairs concerning the estate, were as then committed to the Cardinal: and to the Duke of Guise, the commandment of all things that belonged unto the wars, and that for his part, the king permitted him leave to departed, and go unto his house: saying, he still retained him of his Council, and that whensoever he would come unto the Court, he should be welcome: he thanked the king for suffering him so to retire, beseeching him, that as touching his coming unto the Council, his Majesty would excuse him, for two causes: the one, because he could not serve under such men, over whom he had always commanded: the other, for that being holden and accounted for an old and simple man, his counsel would not be necessary: otherwise, he offered both life and goods to serve the King. Which done, he went to see the Queen mother, that handled him very rudely: reproaching him, that he in presence of the king, with smiling countenance should say, that he had never a child that in any thing resembled him, but only his bastard-daughter, that married with the Marshal de Montmorency. Yet for the love of her deceased king and husband, she said she was content to remit her own particular quarrel: for which, if it pleased her, she could have caused him to lose his head: yet she exhorted him, not altogether to leave the Court, but to come thither sometimes. He denied the accusation which she alleged touching her children, affirming it to be false: desiring her to have in remembrance the many services by him done to her, and to the Realm, and not to regard the evil report of such as were his enemies, that should not do him all the mischief which they pretended. And so having taken his leave, and brought his master unto his Tomb, he withdrew himself unto his house. The Princes of the blood scattered. Touching the Princes of the blood, the Prince of Conde was sent into Flanders, there to confirm the peace: to whom was delivered a thousand Crowns to bear his charges. The Prince of la Roche Suryon, was sent thither likewise to bear the order of France unto the king of Spain, and at his return, appointed with the Cardinal of Bourbon, to conduct the Princess Elizabeth into Spain. The Parliments, were appointed at the good pleasure of those of Guise. The Cardinal de Turnon, an old enemy to the Constable, & to all those of the religion, was repealed from Rome, re-established of the privy council: The King's Officers of his house changed. part of the old officers of the king's house were discharged: part sent home unto their houses, with half their pensions, to give place to others. And to conclude, there stayed not one in the Court that favoured the Constable. The Provinces of the Realm, and the frontier towns were filled with Guisians: and all Governors and men of war commanded to obey the Duke of Guise, as the king himself. All the Parliaments were advertised, Those of Guise have charge of all. that the Cardinal had the whole ordering and disposing of the treasures, and of the estate. The Queen Mother, advanced above all, obtained the moneys proceeding of the confirmation of Offices, and the privileges of Towns and corporations: whereof she gave a part to whom it pleased her: although such sums ought not of right to be exacted, unless the Crown fall into an other branch. First Edicts. The first Edicts, were made against such as bare Arms: namely, Pistols, and Bastinadoes: then against long Cloaks, and great Hose. It was a common saying in every man's mouth, that the Cardinal was a fearful man, if there were ever any in all the world: having understood by a certain Magician in Rome, that by envy, and then when he should be most in credit, his enemies would cause him to be slain with a Bastianado: for that cause he had procured that Edict, being always in great distrust, even at the time when all men were in most subjection to him. Among so many affairs, the 14. of july, Letters Patents from the king, confirmed the Commission unto the judges, appointed to proceed in judgement against Anne du Bourg, Process against Anne de Bourg, and other prisoners. and four other councillors that were committed to prison. Du Bourg, steadfast in religion, was hotly pursued. Bertrand, Cardinal and Archbishop of Scions, being one of the principal wheels of this criminal Chariot: and the Cardinal of Lorraine the leader thereof. Those of the religion, perceiving themselves to be at the point of a more violent persecution, by express Letters unto the Queen, besought her, by her authority, to command the leaving off to persecute them, in such great rigour. She promised the Prince of Conde, Madame de Roy his mother in law, and to the Admiral, to cause the persecutions for to cease, so they would leave their assembling together, The Queen-mother promiseth to do for those of the religion. and that every man would live according to his own conscience, secretly, and not to the hurt of others. She had been most earnestly moved by the letters of one named Villemadon, that knew great part of his secrets, putting her in mind of her great affection unto pity, at such time as she was barren, exhorting her, not to withdraw the Princes of the blood from the managing of the affairs of the estate, thereby to advance and make Kings the house of Guise. Those letters were written the 26. day of August, and wrought with so great effect, that from thenceforward for a certain time, the Queen seemed to hearken unto the comfort and ease of those of the religion: mean time, those of Guise, to make their government seem agreeable to all the people, and to lose nothing, in the king's name published letters of the revocation of all alienations made, Alienations made by king Henry, revoked. as well for life, as years, being for recompenses of any services past, except those sales, whereof the moneys had been employed for the kings great & urgent affairs, the Dowries of the king's daughters, and that of the late Queen Ellenor, which as then the Princess of Portugal enjoyed: the rest to be reunited unto the Kings domaines, & ordinary receipts. This revocation was a Bow to certain Princes, great Lords, and notable personages: who by such policy were defeated of their services, and all rewards made unto them, by the late deceased King. On the other side, such as were in favour with the house of Guise, obtained other letters of exemption, and by that means, some were put out, and others kept possession, or else obtained some other new place. The king of Navarre solicited to come to the Court, rideth thither. The Constable perceiving the King would die, had sent unto the King of Navarre, to counsel him with all speed to repair unto the Court, and to seize upon the government of the young King, before any other. This Prince not greatly desirous to deal with such affairs, and as then somewhat distrusting the Constable, stirred not, giving those of Guise the means & leisure to thrust themselves into his place, but certain Princes & Lords, moving him again, he began to hearken unto it, communicating the same to four of his principal councillors, being jarnac, the Bishop of mand, Precedent of his Council, Descars his Chamberlain, and Bouchart his Chancellor, who were of advise, that without longer delay, he should ride unto the Court: whereof those of Guise being advertised, promised hills and mountains to mand, and Descars, if they could find the means to stay him: they moved therewith, staying till their master was on horseback, and onward of his journey, began to dissuade him, showing him of certain imminent dangers that were not to be shunned, by seeking to stand too much upon his degree, and that he ought to proceed therein by indifferent means, without seeking to hazard himself, and to win the good report and favour of all men: upon this counsel being come to Poitiers, where divers Princes & Noblemen went to meet him, he showed many resolutions, and gave good hope and comfort unto the Ministers of the Churches, specially those in Paris, Orleans, and Tours, desiring him, that they might as yet be aided and assisted, touching that which concerned the open profession of religion. What entertainment he had. The first disliking showed unto him, when he approached near the Court, being at S. in Say, was, that his furriers found no place for him within the Castle: and that the Duke of Guise said unto his Marshal, that it should cost him his life, and ten thousand more with him, before any man should take the place and lodging which the king had given him, to be near unto his person. The second, that not any of the Court, went to meet and receive him, as the manner is, specially to the Princes of the blood. The third, that being gone to do his duty to the Queen-mother, and after, to the king: those of Guise, in stead of going to embrace and bid him welcome, stayed till he went unto them: and was constrained to accept the lodging of the Marshal of S. Andre, who after the courtly manner, had offered it unto him, not thinking to be so soon taken at his word. The fourth, that the next day, in stead of being warned to sit in counsel, no man was sent unto him, either to salute him, or once to see what he did. The fift, that at the end of three or four days, the king called him aside, showing him, that his uncles the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal of Lorraine, had the whole charge of all affairs committed unto them: and that whosoever would seek to please him, must obey them in all things whatsoever. But touching his pensions and estates, he confirmed them unto him, assuring him, that whensoever he would come unto the Court, he should be hearty welcome. divers of the king of Navarres train, perceiving that he had quietly swallowed all those pills, withdrew themselves, or else clave to the surest side: as jarnac, that joined with those of Guise. Within few days after, this Prince went unto Saint Dennis, there to accomplish certain ceremonies accustomed after the death of king Henry: which done, he went to Paris, accompanied with his brother the Prince of Conde, and some others, but not many: and being there, he sounded the advise and minds of some, whom he esteemed to be well affected unto the Realm, but he could not perceive any thing by them. Sacrying of the King as Reims. Those of Guise following on their course, upon the 18. of September, caused the king to be sacred at Reims: and presently after, the Queen-mother sent the Admiral, and the Cardinal of Chastillon, to the Constable, to entreat him to resign his place of Greatmaister, unto the Duke of Guise: to whom the year before, king Henry had flatly denied it, in exchange whereof, she promised him one of the offices of Marshals of France, for his eldest son. The Constable resigneth his estate of great master, and the Admiral his government, which was given to Brissae The Constable resigned that office wholly into the king's hands, & got the other with all speed to be given unto his son: & the Duke of Guise was presently invested therewith. The Admiral being Governor of Picardy, perceiving that they sought to put him out, and that for the same cause, they had assayed to set division between him and the Prince of Conde, and that they began to cut off some part of the money that should be employed about the charges of the necessary fortifications of the Frontier-townes, thereby to bring him in disgrace, and so to thrust him out with shame: prevented them, and showed the king, that the same government for many reasons, belonged to the Prince of Gonderino, whose ancestors had long time held it. He had no sooner spoken the word, but they presently took him thereat, as touching the resignation, but not concerning the provision: for that in stead of giving it to the Prince, those of Guise got them a new participant, bestowing it upon the Marshal de Brissac. While in this sort, Writings against the rule of strangers. they used both the Princes, and great Lords, the meaner sort could not be content, for that by divers printed pamphlets, whereof some were directed to the Queen-mother, some in taunting verse, and some in prose, both by the behaviours past and present, they fully discovered the intent of those of Guise, A Target against those devices. whom they printed forth in all their colours: they by those dealings, perceiving some secret matter working, & that their authority was but weakly built, begun to think better upon it: which was the cause that at one time, they made 18. knights of the order: whereof sprang the common saying, that the order of France is a colour for every beast. And because in those writings it was noted, that to prevent such disorders, it would be necessary to assemble and call a Parliament of all the estates of the land: they persuaded the king, to hold him whatsoever he were, for a mortal enemy to his authority, and guilty of treason, that should once speak, or move the question to bridle it, or to appoint a Protector over him: that they were but practices and devices, of such as lived discontent, solicited thereunto by Hereticques, that only sought to overthrow and spoil the religion of his fathers. Means to interrupt the Parliament. The Queen-mother likewise, no less than they, doubted the assembly of this Parliament, and at that time, things were so governed, that the King of Spain wrote letters to the King his brother in law, which were openly read in the Councel-chamber, the king of Navarre being present: wherein (he said) he understood, that certain mutunous, and rebellious persons, enforced themselves to move and stir up troubles, thereby to change the government of the Realm, as if the king as then reigning, were not sufficient and capable thereof, and to give the charge to whom it pleaseth him, without the consent and will of others, or of any his subjects, that for his part, he would employ his whole forces, to maintain the authority of the King, and of his officers whatsoever: yea, & that it should cost both his, and forty thousand men's lives, already prepared, if any man were so bold to attempt the contrary: for that he bore him such affection, The King of Spain's declaration. (as he said) that from thenceforth, he declared himself both Tutor, and Protector of him and of his Realm, as also of his affairs, which he no less regarded than his own. Not long after, the king of Navarre returned unto Bearg. Petitions to the Queen, and what ensued. The pursuits against the Councillor du Bourg, proceeding, moved those of the religion in Paris, to present a petition to the Queen-mother, exhorting her unto her duty, withal, setting down and threatening the vengeance of God, and the danger that might ensue, by means of those so hard and rigorous dealings: which in the end, might turn unto great troubles. At the first, she answered them with an angry countenance, but in the end, she became somewhat milder, making show to desire to see one of the Ministers of Paris, to confer with him. Madame de Roy provided one, and this Minister went as far as Reims, where he stayed a certain time, but never could speak with her, but she still found some excuse, when any man told her of him. Besides du Bourg, about the end of this year, divers were imprisoned within Paris for the religion, and their houses peeled and rob, as if it had been in a Town taken by assault: witnesses being seduced, Slanders and false witness against those of the religion. to protest and verify, that in a certain assembly made upon the Thursday before Easter, in the place of Manbert, at a councillors house, great numbers of Lutherians, men, women, and maids, after the sermon and solemnisation of their Sabbaoth, had eaten a Pig in stead of the Pascal-lambe, and that the candles being put out, every man took his woman, and had his pleasure with her. The Cardinal by these informations, moved all the Court: but the Queen-mother for that cause, having spoken against certain of her Gentlewomen, that were of the religion, they found the means that in her presence, the two principal witnesses were examined, being two young boys, who said and affirmed, both then and many times before, they had had their pleasures of that councillors daughters: but in fine, they began to stagger, and covertly to deny in nevertheless, the accusation and process went forward, and because that at the taking of the prisoners, there had been some resistance in the subburbes of S. German, they sent from house to house, to search for all their weapons, and took them away, not leaving them so much as a knise, which were carried into the house of Guise. The councillor so shamefully slandered, went with his wife and daughters, and yielded himself prisoner, Innocency found, but in no sort maintained, as it appeareth. where the daughters were sound to be Virgins: but without doing justice upon the false witnesses, and such as had procured them, by virtue of a certain edict that set prisoners at liberty, which were accused for religion, and notwithstanding their complaints and declarations, they were in a manner forcibly thrust out of the place: and while they were holden prisoners, divers were burnt wiihin Paris, and other Towns, only for the religion, which among all those troubles did much increase. A declaration against the authority usurped by strangers. On the other side, hatred increased both from great and small, against the house of Guise. About the end of October, a Proclamation was made touching the assembly of a Parliament: wherein was proved, that it appertained unto the Parliament, to provide for the government of their kings that were in minority: that the king spoke nothing, but by the mouths of the Uncles of his wife: that the Cardinal of Lorraine, and the Duke of Guise, were uncapable of the Government, the one being a Priest, and a creature of the Pope, the other and all his family, even in the life of the late deceased king, having been so bold, to say that the Realm belonged to the house of Lorraine, as issued from the race of Charlemaigne, upon the which Hugh Capet had usurped: that they had manisestly striven for certain members thereof: as the Count of Pronince, and the Duchy of Anjou: they set down the lamentable effects of their ambition, in the breach of peace: and in the last voyage into Italy, cause of the overthrow of the battle of S. Laurence, and danger of all the Realm: which to avoid, they were constrained to yield up all the conquests of Francis the first, and Henry the second: they forgot not likewise their exactions, their dealing with the treasures, and the great debts of the king. Means to uphold that authority. They perceiving that the king which began to grow up, gave no great hope, either of long life, or issue, began likewise with more care to provide for their affairs. They sought to obtain and procure unto themselves, divers servants and friends in the Parliamant, enticed the Courtiers, and all the captains and men of war to favour them, showing a great zeal to the Romish religion, thereby to win the hearts both of the spirituality, and the Cannons. And in the month of November, to please them, a rigorous edict was published against the assemblies of those of the religion, who being found with the manner, were presently condemned to die, their houses razed, and great recompense promised unto such as should disclose their assemblies. These edicts published, the persecution followed, but the spies being abashed of themselves, there were other edicts published against all those that favoured any of the religion, and that once seemed to abash either the judges, or the witnesses in any such process. The Precedent Minard and julian Form stain. The eighteenth of December, Anthony de Minard, Precedent in the Parliament of Paris, was slain with a Pistol, as in the evening he returned from the place, to go to his house, but it could never be known from whence it came, no more then of the death of julian Farm, Agent for the house of Guise, slain hard by Chambourg where the king lay, and sound with certain notes and memorial, cocerning the lives of certain notable personages, some were imprisoned, and in great danger for the death of Minard: and among the rest, one Stuard a Scot, who (although he was of the lineage of the Queen as then reigning) was cruelly tortured: yet could they not draw any thing from him, that once might prejudice himself, or any other. About this time, the Elector Palatin, having sent his Ambassador unto the king, to crave that the councillor du Bourg might be given to him, to serve him in the town of Heidelberg: the Cardinal being greatly moved at the death of Minard, wrote unto the Court of Parliament, that they should presently proceed with their process against du Bourg: but before it proceeded so far, express Proclamations were once again made and published against bearing of arms. Anne de Bourg executed for religion. The 20. of December, Anne de Bourg having constantly persevered in the confession of the faith, concerning those points, which at this day are in controversy and debate touching religion, was degraded: and the next day, the judges caused to the number of six or seven hundredth men, as well horse as footmen, and all armed, to set up Gibbets, and to carry wood into all the places of Paris there unto appointed. And in this sort, upon the 23. of the same month, du Bourg was led to S. john in grieve, and there hanged: which done, his body was burnt and consumed to ashes. Presently after, other were burnt in Paris, and many other places, for the religion, and many means invented to massacre such as passed along the streets, not doing reverence unto the Images, as then newly set up at all the corners of the streets, and every passenger was constrained to contribute their money to the boxes presented unto them, therewith to bear the charge of the waxe-candies, Extraordinary rigours. that were set up to burn before them, otherwise it cost them their lives. They went likewise from house to house, to gather money for the maintenance of the officers, and suing of process, against such as were found faulty therein: and whosoever refused or delayed to put his hand into his purse, sped but hardly for it. The usurpation of the insupportable dealings of the house of Guise, awaked the French men. These proceed altogether unsupportable, the threatenings against the greatest personages in the Realm, the putting back of the Princes and principal Lords of the Realm, the despising of the Estates of the land, the corruptions of the Courts of Parliament, addicted to the part of the new and strange Governors, that ruled both the king and Queen, the common treasures, the offices, and the benefices divided and given at their commandment, and to whom it pleased them, their violent, and of itself unlawsull government against the laws of the land, and the order of the Realm, moved most great and marvelous hatreds against the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal of Lorraine, and caused that divers not being able longer to endure so great oppression, began to unite themselves to gither, thereby to determine upon some just defence, that so they might erect the ancient and law full government of the land. Whereupon counsel was asked (both touching law and conscience) of divers Lawyers and Divines: whereof the greatest part concluded, that men might lawfully oppose and resist against the government usurped by those of Guise, and if need were, take arms, thereby to repulse and withstand their violences, so that the Princes who in that case are borne as lawful Magistrates, or one of them would take the matter upon him, being thereunto required by all the Estates of the land, or else by the greatest part thereof. The first, that with earnest zeal determined upon this matter of so great consequence, were not all of one opinion: for some of them moved with a true zeal of serving God, the king, and the Realm, believed verily, that they could not do a more just and upright work, then to procure the abolition of Ferrany, and the re-establishment of the Estate, and withal, to open the way to some means of comfort and reliese to those of the religion. There were some that were desirous of change, and the rest provoked by evil will and hatred conceived against those of the house of Guise, for having done some wrong and outrage, either against themselves, their friends, or allies. But in effect, their only and final intent, was, to enforce themselves wholly to work the means to cease that unlawful government, and that the Estate of the realm might be established as it ought to be. But for that in this intent, both general, lawful, and commendable, there chanced divers particular and defective discourses, it is not to be wondered at, if that there happened a confusion in the pursuit, and that if the event fell out but badly, for those that took it in hand, specially such as mixed their particular passions, with the consideration of the common profit of the land. For as touching those that only determined to release and free the Realm of France from the yoke of strangers, although the greatest part of them are dead in the pursuit thereof, as well then, as since that time, in the reigns of the two kings ensuing, and that as yet, that debate not being determined, yet are they gone out of this world, with that most singular contentment in their minds, to have most courageously sacrificed and yielded up their lives, to reduce their country into a true, spiritual, and corporal liberty. Difficulty, in a great enterprise. In these first enterprises, there appeared an other great and doubtful difficulty, which was, how they should begin to address themselves unto the king, for that besides his minority, he had no great understanding, and it was impossible to speak unto himself about such affairs, considering his whole affection & desire was, to bend himself unto the counsel of those two whom they sought to withdraw and separate from him. To present the matter unto his privy Council, would be as much, as to allow their adversaries to be their judges, and so evidently to work their own confusion: to have recourse unto the Parliaments, it would less avail, and yet more dangerous: so that in fine, the surest way was found to be, by seizing upon the persons of the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal of Lorraine, by some devise, and under the name of some one, or some number of the principal members of the Estate, to demand an assembly of a Parliament, to the end, that they two might there yield an account of the administration of the affairs of the land. Whereupon Lois de Bourbon, Prince of Conde, was most instantly desired to hearken thereunto, and by that means to hinder and impeach the to tall ruin, both of the king and Queen. The Prince of Conde much affected to the good of the king, and of his Realm. And as some have lightly thought and written, that all this whole proceeding, after named the tumult of Amboise, had been an enterprise of men, wholly rash, seditious, enemies to God and the Estate, provoked by despair, and induced by fury: so is it found & esteemed by others, evil affected unto the house & memory of this Prince, that durst presume to charge him to have been moved and pushed forward, with some particular affection that entered into his mind, and that it was but a mere quarrel against the house of Guise, which by that means he sought to end, and after that, to moved some greater change: but not to turn this small Chronicle, into a large Apology: it shall suffice, simply to rehearse those things, which for the most part, are fresh and in the memory, of many a Frenchman as then living, and such as were borne since, and having been faithfully informed thereof: for, as for men that are partial, who to gratify such as held the sword over their heads, while they caused the books (wherein most impertinently they handle this matter) to be imprinted, without saying worse by them, both the world present, and to come, will wholly reject their witness, as full of evident and mere passion, and clean repugnant to the truth: and will avouch, that the Prince therein showed himself to be a true Frenchman, and most affectionate friend unto the good and service both of the king and Realm. The Prince then, with his most secret Council, having long and deliberately thought and consulted upon this point, wherein he was desired to be assistant: as in truth the sequel thereof required: first gave express charge and commission, to certain wise, expert, and well approved friends, secretly, carefully, and exactly, to inquire, what were the principal things that might be imposed against those of Guise, which being known, with a good and safe conscience he might look into that which should redound, unto the good both of the king, and of his Realm. The informations made, it was found and well known, by men, both of person and quality, and such as were indifferent, that they might well and lawfully be charged with divers points of treason, as also with an infinite number of pillings and interceptions, as well of the treasures of the Commonwealth, as of particular persons. And among other notable crimes, he was assured and offered to have it justified, by such as in a manner had been their household servants, that they meant to cease upon the Realm, Abreefe collection of the informations made against those of Guise. and put all the Princes of the blood to death, assoon as they once had fully exterped those of the religion: determining in short space to rid themselves of all their enemies, having already understood by the Physicians, that the king could not live long, neither yet have issue: which in man's judgement might easily be effected, considering that those of Guise, had both justice, money, strong Towns, men of war, and the people at their commandment. Monsieur Renaudie undertaketh the charge to cease upon the bodies of the Guisians. The question was, these informations being made, how the persons of those parties so charged, might be taken and ceased upon. This was the difficulty which Godfrey de la Remaudie, surnamed lafoy Forest, Barron de Perigot, and a Gentleman of an ancient house, undertook to resolve, accepting the managing thereof under the authority of the Prince, who in person promised to be at the day, and in in the place, where, and when, those of Guise should so be taken: upon condition, that nothing should be said, enterprised, nor done, in any sort whatsoever, either against God, the king, his brethren, the Princes, nor the Estate: that in doing otherwise, he would himself be he, that first should seek for to oppose against all those that undertook the contrary: which conclusion was made about the end of the year 1559. 1560. The Lady Elizabeth of France, married unto the King of Spain, departed from the Court of Blois, about the beginning of December, being conducted by the king her brother, and the Queen her mother, as far as Chastellerault and Poitiers, and keeping on her way with the Cardinal of Bourbon, the Prince de la Roche Suryon, and other great Lords, into Gascon: at Bourdeax the King of Navarre met her, and so led her with great honour through his countries, keeping her company until he entered upon the borders of Spain, The Lady Elizabeth le●de into Spain. where she was received by the Noblemen and Lords, appointed by king Philip, who with great pomp and magnificence, they led unto their Master, about the beginning of this year. An order for provision of Offices. The first of januarie, a Proclamation was made in the king's name, for the provision of judicial offices, the nomination of the offices being committed unto the judges, and the King's officers: who nominating three persons for each office, they should give their names unto the king, that out of them he might choose him, whom he judged to be fit and capable for the place. But this was but an ordinance in paper, and wholly without effect, as many others had been: the same month, and the next, the process against the Councillors, Coucellors holden prisoners, released. la port, de Foix, du Faut, and Fumee, that had been committed prisoners, with Anna du Bourg, were ended, and all they for a small fine, were set at liberty. They used all the means they could, to condemn the councillor Fumee, but he behaved himself so well and wifely, against all the judges, and other his adversaries, that in the end, he wound himself out of their hands. Assembly at Nautes. But to return to that which is more important: The first of February, lafoy Renaudie with a great number of the Nobility, and others of all the Provinces of the Realm, met at Nautes, where under colour of soliciting certain process in the Parliament of Britain, which as then was holden therein, they assembled, where after certain invocations upon the name of God, all before recited, was there by Renaudie exposed and declared. And after divers of them had given their judgements, and esteemed the enterprise to be both just & necessary: one among therest required, that before they gave their promise, each of them should swear, and solemnly vow to God, not to enterprise or do any thing against the authority of the king, or the Estate of France, protesting for his part, that if he might perceive it, that even when the execution should be brought to effect, he would advertise the king, and sooner suffer himself to be slain before his face, then to endure that any thing should be done, to prejudice his person, that being judged by them all, to be most reasonable & just, every man swore, not to attempt any thing, but only for the good, profit, and moditie of their king and natural Lord: as also the beginning of the Articles of their accord, was framed in these words: Protestation made by the head, The solemn protestation of the confederates. and all his Council, not to attempt any thing against the Majesty of the King, Princes of the blood, nor the lawful State of France. After all their consents given, they determined upon that which was most requisite for the execution: where Renaudie having showed them his mind, swore and made all the company to swear. And among them it was agreed, that upon the tenth of March, the apprehension of those of Guise should be performed, within the Town of Blois, where they presumed the King would still remain. Five of these Gentlemen of each Province, with other forces, were to accompany Renaudie, under the conduct of the Baron of Chastelnau and others, for the troops of all the Provinces. They likewise provided for many other things, that might impeach this great and haughty enterprise. The company being withdrawn, every man with his commission, Orders given for the execution. and the place of meeting agreed upon, upon the last of February, Renaudie having advertised the Prince what had been done at Nantes, he took exact order, and that in great diligence, and almost incredible, for all that was to be required therein, on his behalf: and not long after, being come to Paris, there with more commodity to effect his promise, he lay in the subburbes of S. German, with a certain Councillor of the Court of Parliament, named Des Auenelles, that had a house furnished after the manner of Paris. This Auenelles that made profession of religion, perceiving much resort of many several persons into his house, Des Auenelles discovered the enterprise against those of Guise. & understanding somewhat by their words, in the end, he fully perceived their intent: so that he likewise promised them to employed himself therein: but having with himself apprehended the danger, he being poor, covetous, and desirous of advancement, thought to have found the means to help himself, and with another of the same humour, went to one of the Masters of Requests, called l'Alemant, Agent for the Cardinal, and Milet, Secretary to the Duke of Guise, to whom he showed the whole pretence. How the Guisians provided for themselves. The matter proceeding in this sort, those of Guise, the Chancellor, and the Queen, were made acquainted therewith: and Des Auenelles having had some reward, was sent from Blois to Paris, there to give out false reports against those of the religion. Besides that, those of Guise sent letters in the name of the king, and of his mother, unto the Admiral and his brethren, to will them to come unto the Court. They likewise gathered people on all sides, and wrote unto all Bailiffs and Seneschales, to stay all men, both horse and foot, that should be found bearing of arms, and traveling to Amboise. Touching the Admiral, he being arrived, made great protestation unto the Queen-mother, in presence of the Chancellor, touching the great and extreme rigours, used against those of the religion, desiring her to cause those persecutions to be ended, till they might have a holy and free council. Where upon the Chancellor did so lively set down the Admiral's advise before the Council, the Guisians being present, Edist of abolition, touching religion. that presently there ensued an edict of abolition of all forepast ordinanced concerning the religion, excluding out of that pardon, the Ministers, and such as should be found to have conspired against the king, his mother, his wife, the Princes, his principal officers, and the Estate, also such as by force had rescued prisoners out of the Officers hands, and taken the king's packets, and slain his messengers. This edict was made in the beginning of March, which notwithstanding la Renaudie left not off to pursue his enterprise, although he knew it well to be disclosed. The Prince riding unto the Court, to show the King and his Council, the information given against those of Guise, assoon as they should be taken, and to require a Parliament of all the estates, being between Orleans and Blois, he understood that all had been discovered, which notwithstanding he passed forward, thereby to encourage his men. And being arrived at Amboises those of Guise braved him, as much as possible they might: but he making a show, as if he knew not what they meant, put them in no little fear. The changing of place, caused la Renaudie to stay in a place called lafoy Carreliere, The marvelous resolution of la Renaudie & others. Lignieres discovereth the enterprise about 6. miles from Amboise, with the principal of his Council, & the day of execution was appointed to be upon the 6. of that month, in such sort, that those of Guise, although they knew thereof, had found themselves in no small danger, with all their adherents, had it not been for Captain Lignieres: who approaching near Amboise, to be assistant at the enterprise, instead of aiding them, went unto the Court, and there particularly described the names of the Leaders, their meetingplace, with all the circumstances. The Queen-mother alleging for his excuse, that he did it to save the honour of the Prince, whom he perceived to be wrongfully accused of treason, and thereby in danger of his life: by which means, the company was no sooner arrived at the place appointed, but that they were taken and led prisoners, one after the other, not once being able to join themselves together: those of Guise in the mean time, assembled men on all sides, (which fell out well for them) discovered divers pistols and other weapons brought in Trunks, which were presently ceased upon: and by that means, they brought the prisoners by dozen and scores, into Amboise: whereupon the twentieth of March, all the king's guard were changed, and the Gate where the companies of Renaudie and his troops should have entered, was closed up. The Baron de Chastelnau, and Captain Mazieres, being arrived in the subburbes of la rich in Tours, and there discovered, What happened to the Baron de Chastelnau and his company. were set upon by the Count de Sancerre, but having resisted him, as he thought to cease upon them, he was constrained in all haste to retire, and yet without any hurt, either to him or his: from thence, the Baron and his company went to the Castle of Noisay, where he found the principal dealers in that enterprise. Those of Guise having made the king believe, that certain rebels were assembled to murder him, he sent the Duke de Nemours with a troop of men, who having surprised Raunay and Mazieres, walking without the Castle, took them prisoners: many of their men saved themselves, some one way, some an another. Nemours having environed the Castle with a strong guard, & brought them two unto Amboise, after dinner returned again, with a troop of five or six hundredth horses. The Baron had sent Renaudie, to make haste to come to relieve him, not minding to abandon the place, wherein he found both arms, powder, and munition. But perceiving himself enclosed, and the Duke returned again, he began to parley, being required thereunto, and having at large declared the causes of that their enterprise, the Duke oftentimes desired him to leave his arms, and to come and speak with the king, binding himself unto him by the faith of a Prince, that neither he, nor any of his, should once be hurt, but all freely set at liberty. The Baron assuring himself upon the word of a Prince, was content to do as he desired, the like did all the rest. But being in Amboise, they spoke not unto any man, but only to such as the Duke of Guise would send unto them. La Renaudie, the same day being advertised what had passed at Noisay, commanded the troops that were beyond the river, to march strait unto Amboise, which they did within the wood, but being stayed and entrapped, The troops sent by Renaudie taken and surprised. by the horsemen sent thither by those of Guise, most of them were taken: who being led prisoners, were presently hanged, and then cast into the water: those that were best appareled, and likeliest men, were slain within the woods, to spoil them of that they had. Therest of the troops stayed for in the place appointed were taken, and the Soldiers were tied by 15. in a company at horses tails, and so cast into prison. The Duke of Guise king in effect. Thereupon, the 17. of March letter were sent out, by the which, after a long discourse made against the prisoners of Amboise, the Duke of Guise was by the king, declared his Lieutenant general, with all power to raise in, both foot & horse, therewith to punish the rebels, without any other form or manner of justice. Other letters were sent out the same day, with commandment unto all those that were in arms, ready to come unto Amboise, being advertised by their leaders, Means to disperse the troops. and upon their faiths given, should within 24. hours after the sight of those letters, depart and get them home into their countries, upon pain to be hanged, if they once presumed to do the contrary. The death of Renaudie. The next day, as Renaudie sought to assemble his troops, he was met in the Forest of the Castle Regnaut, by one named Pardillan, that shot a Pistol at him, but having failed, Renaudie slew him: but one of Pardillans' servants with a shot of a Caliver, flew Renaudie: his body was carried unto Amboise, & hanged upon the Bridge, with a writing made fast to his neck, containing these words: Lafoy Renaudie, called lafoy Forest, chief of the rebels. The death of la Renaudie, was the cause that divers of those which meant to assemble, separated themselves, and so retired. But no man made any great pursuit after them: Renaudie had with him five hundredth horse, followed by 1000 more, not accounting the footmen. Among the rest of the prisoners, there was one la Bigne, that had been Secretary unto la Renaudie, about whom was found a paper written in cyphers: and to save his lise, he deciphered the paper, which contained nothing but only that which had been concluded by all the Associates, with their express protestation, not to attempt any thing against the king's Majesty, the Princes of his blood, nor against the State of the Realm, the articles tending only to this point: to take the Government from those of Guise, and to cause the ancient custom of France to be observed, by a lawful Parliament. He was likewise found ceased with an humble petition unto the king, in the behalf of those of the religion: wherein the unjust proceed of the Cardinal, against the Parliament of Paris, & Anna du Bourg, with others, were fully discovered. Those of Guise at the first, The souldt-diers that were prisoners released. would not have saved any of the prisoners: but thinking that the over great number that should be executed, would make them to be hated of all men, caused the soldiers to be set at liberty, and to each man they gave a teston, to bring them on their way. The Captains lafoy Motte, Cocqueville, and others, had not lost courage, but gave a hot alarm unto the Courtiers of Amboise, and had it not been by means of some wrong intelligence, that constrained them to retire, without loss of their horsemen, the enterprise had surely been executed, but it was nothing but a means to kindle the choler of those of Guise, who that last time caused all the footmen that might be taken, presently to be hanged, and as than it was a most dangerous time for all sorts of men, either soldiers, Marshants, or others, to be found abroad without Amboise: for that the least hurt they could receive, was presently to be spoiled, and stripped of all they had, and then the thieves, who under colour to aid the king (to whom a new guard was given, composed only of such kind of men, both horse and foot) committed most strange and cruel extortions. The first execution of the prisoners. Those of Guise, perceiving the troops that meant to cease upon them to be gone, and the rest in prison, and being aided by those that from all places came to help them, began to make pursuit after such as were retiring, whereof some they took: they commanded the Prince of Conde in the King's name, not to departed from the Court without express licence, and began to hang, drown, and behead their prisoners, which continued for the space of one whole month. All the river of Loire being covered with dead bodies, tied by six, eight, ten, twelve, and fifteen, at long Poles: the streets of Amboise lay full of dead men's blood, and every place was hanged with dead bodies: many were hanged at the windows of the Castle, and to make men believe that all this proceeded only from those of the religion, that sought to establish themselves by arms: they questioned with the greatest part of them, touching the Articles of their faith, The king's complaints against the Guisians. and disputed with them of the points of the religion now in controversy, thereby to blind matters: and not once touching that which wholly concerned the Estate, and for which cause the enterprise was taken inhand. Some that returned according to the king's permission, being entrapped, and brought prisoners to Blois: found friends, that sent unto the king, & the Queen his mother, to procure their deliverance, but by no means they could be spoken withal, the solicitors being threatened to be cut and hewed in pieces, if they happened to present themselves before the king: he would oftentimes in weeping say unto them: What have I done unto my people? what mean they to deal thus with me? I will hear their complaints, and do them justice. Sometimes he said to those of Guise: I know not what the matter is, but I understand they have nothing to say but unto you: I would that for a time you should absent yourselves from hence, to the end, that men might see, if it be against me, or you, that they complain. They very cunningly, and presently, bandied such blows, and to divert the people from giving credit unto the demonstrations made touching the cause and justification of their enterprise, they sent letters in the king's name, unto all the Parliaments and judges of several provinces, wherein those of the religion were accused to have conspired against the King, A combat of pens against swords the Princes of the blood, and the Estate of the Realm, whereunto was made a most large and ample answer, wherein all the dealings of those of Guise, were fully discovered, with plain and most evident proofs against them, to be guilty of high treason, and not those that had assembled, to reduce the King and all his realm, into true and perfect liberty. There was likewise published an other pamphlet, showing by the example of Philip de Commines, in the last chap. of his first book, that such are open enemies unto the Estate, that say it is treason to speak o● the assembly of a general Parliament. And that it is the means to lessen and diminish the king's authority. There was likewise advertisements unto the people, and complaints unto the Parliament: and so some aided themselves with pen, against the swords of their enemies. Revocation of the abolition given by the king. The 22. of march, other letters were sent forth, whereby the king declared, that his meaning was not, that the abolition of the 17. of March, should extend further but unto those, that simply & of ignorance had assembled and traveled for the keeping of their promise, and that therein were not comprehended such as had guided the conspiracy made against his person, the Queens, Princes, and Noble personages that were about him: in the which number are contained those that came in arms, into the subburbes of the Town, and such as had been taken about, and within the Castle of Noisay: which served for a dispensation of the faith, given by the Duke de Nevers, unto the Baron of Chastelnau, and others. Presently after these letters, they returned to executions, wherein neither day nor night passed, but that a great number of prisoners were put to death, and all men of quality, some hanged, some drowned, the rest beheaded, without any public sentence given, without declaring the causes of their deaths, or without telling their names. They constrained the king and his young brethren, to be assistant at those spectacles. Besides that, the Duke of Guise many times for a pastime, after his dinner, caused some of those whom he most hated of the prisoners, to be brought forth, and hanged out at his chamber windows. The Baron de Chastelnau, made a marvelous process against those of Guise, and the Duke de Nemours, they being present, thereby made the Chancellor stand still, and all amazed, that dealt in those affairs against his conscience, and appealed from the sentence given against him before God: the like did most of all the rest, to the great astonishing of all the assistants, perceiving a most invincible constancy in all those men: but neither the stout courages of the prisoners, nor yet the cries of both great and small, that as then were present at those executions, could not in any sort, once mollify the hearts of those of Guise, nor yet divert the rigour of their cruelties. A Gentleman named Villemongis, being upon the scaffold ready to be beheaded, having wet his hands in the blood of his companions, & lifting them up to heaven, cried out saying: Lord behold the blood of thy children: thou shalt revenge our cause. The death of the Chancellor Olivier. Among the prisoners, that after the Baron spoke most boldly unto the Chancellor, there were two, the one named Picard, the other Campagnac, that showed him his pedigree, from one point to the other: but the last of them touched him so near unto the heart, that with grief thereof, the poor Chancellor fell sick, wherein he continually sighed and murmured to himself, tormenting his body in most strange manner: for that all crooked & aged as he was, yet he stirred his body with such force, that he made the bed to shake, with greater force than a young man of lusty years could do. The Cardinal going to visit him, his pains began to increase, and perceiving him a far of, he cried out and said: Ha, ha, Cardinal, thou haste made us all to be damned. But when the Cardinal went near him, saying unto him, that the wicked Spirit sought to seduce him, and that he should remain constant in the faith. That is well done now (said he) and so turning his back, presently lost his speech: in his great torments many times, lamenting the death of the councillor du Bourg. Behold how the chief and principal condemners of the prisoners in Amboise was taken, and first executed upon the scaffold, of the terrible and manifest judgements of God. The rest in time likewise were brought thither, each of them in his turn, Monsieur Michael, de l'hospital, an excellent man, as then Chancellor of the Duchy of Savoy, was repealed from Nice, where he remained, to succeed in Oliviers place: and till he came, Moruilliers, Bishop of Orleans kept the Seals, and used all the means he could, to please the house of Guise. The Prince behaveth himself boldly in his innocency, against all men. The Prince of Conde was in Amboise during those horrible tempests, where he behaved himself like a man wholly without fear, as knowing himself to be unculpable. Those of Guise animated the king against him, setting and appointing men to watch and look into his behaviour, whereof the Cardinal kept a Register, specially of one word spoken by the Prince in choler, perceiving certain of the prisoners to be executed at the Castle windows, saying: that the king was counseled otherwise then he ought to be, to cause such Lords and honest Gentlemen to be put to death, not considering the great services by them done, unto the late deceased king, and all the Realm: of whom being so deprived, it was to be feared, that during those great troubles, strangers would enterprise against the Realm, and that if they should be aided by any of the Princes, they would easily overcome it. Presently after, they caused du Vaux his Sewer, to be committed prisoner, and caused the king to send for him into his chamber, to show him, that by the information given, he had understood him to be the chief of the conspiracy: whereupon the king added many & sharp threatenings. The Prince for answer, besought his Majesty, to assemble all the Princes and knights of the Order, that as then were within Amboise, together with his privy Council, to the end, that in so great a presence, they all might hear what answer he would make. Presently thereupon, the company was assembled in the great Hall of the Castle, and in the kings own presence, where the Prince having recited the speeches, by the king used unto him, and what thereupon had followed, said, that the person of the king excepted, with those of the Princes his brethren, and the Queens, and with reverence unto them all, those that had said, and reported unto the king, that he should be the head and conductor of certain seditous persons, that were reported to have conspired against the person of the king, and his estate, had fallely and wickedly lied. And that to prove his innocency therein, he would leave his place & dignity of a Prince of the blood, to fight with them, and cause them with his sword or lance, to confess themselves to be right villains: and that they themselves only sought the ruin of the Estate, name, and blood royal: for the conservation whereof, he said, he would employ both life and goods, as he had always made good proof, as also for his interest to the Crown and house of France, the title whereof he ought to procure with much more right, than those that were his accusers: summoning all the company, that if among them there were any that had made the report, or that once would seem to maintain it, presently to show themselves: whereupon no man presenting himself, he besought the king to esteem him for an honest man, and from thenceforth not to bend his his ears unto the secret tales of such slanderous and bad persons: but rather to reject and banish them from his presence, as enemies both to him, and public peace: which done, he went out of the Council, to give them leave to consult. But at a certain sign made by the Cardinal, the king broke up the assembly, without ask their advise, where as then he might have made some alteration, or disadvantage to those of Guise. The Admiral showeth himself a faithful servant to the king and the Realm, The Queen-mother much troubled in these tempests, yet according to the manner and custom of all the world, seeking to hold on the strongest side, sent the Admiral into Normandy, to know the cause of their commissions, desiring him most earnestly, without dissembling, to certify her the truth thereof, with promise not only to acknowledge his travels in that behalf, but to keep it secret. He executed his commission with all diligence, and without fear of any man, nor long after sent a Gentleman to the Queen, with large and ample letters, therein containing, that those of Guise were the only cause, and true original of all the troubles that happened in France, because of their violent and unlawful government; showing the proofs thereof: adding, that the faithful subjects of the Crown, held for certain, that the calamities would never be ended, as long as strangers governed the King and his Estate: he exhorted her thereupon, to take the cause in hand, and to give ease and quietness to those of the religion, causing the edicts that tended thereunto, to be well and truly observed. Comfort to the prisoners for religion. These advertisements, bred letters, that were directed to all the Parliaments and other judges, freely to release all such prisoners as were detained in their Prisons for the cause of religion: the execution of which letters, nevertheless, were long performing, an other thing likewise drove forward this wheel: which was, that cerraine prisoners at Blois and Tours, for the enterprise of Amboise, having found the means for to escape out of prison, wrote a letter unto the Cardinal, partly in jest, and partly full of threatenings, that it should not be long before they would come to see him, with all the rest that were not in his keeping, and that had wholly determined to spoil his person. He being a man very fearful, for that time, put water in his wine, which caused the general enlargement of divers prisoners throughout all the Realm: and it was spoken by divers men, that the Cardinal verified the ancient Proverb: which is, If you touch pitch, you shall be defiled therewith. Letters in favour of those of Guise Further, those of Guise perceiving themselves to be assailed on all sides, by divers writings, being as it were the forerunners of some new onset: the last of March, they caused certain letters to be dispatched to all the Parliaments, Bailiffs, and Stewards, as also to strange Princes, wherein such as had been present at the enterprise of Amboise, namely, the heads, were accused of high treason, both against God and man: specially those of the religion, and their Ministers, were therein abused in divers sorts, to the which was added, a number of great and large promises of reformation, both in the Politic and Ecclesiastical Estate. Answer to their letters. To these letters, a most ample and large answer was framed, directed unto the Parliament, which painted out the house of Guise in all their colours, requiring that they in open Parliament of all the Estates, might yield account of their behaviour, in the government of the Estate. The Parliament of Paris sent this answer by one of their Ushers unto the Cardinal: But that of Roven seeking to do more, their deputies being sent unto the king, were constrained presently ro retire, and could do nothing Letters unto the king of Navarre. The ninth of April, letters were written and sent in the king's name, unto the K. of Navarre, to the same effect as those that were sent unto the parliaments, being desired to cease upon certain persons, that attended about his person, accused to be of the enterprise of Amboise: therein likewise was set down, the acculation imposed against the prince of Conde, who for the same cause had justified himself: mean time, a consultation was holden, to cease upon the person of the Prince of Conde, which the Duke of Guise, wholly seemed to dislike. He on the other side, sent his Secretary unto his brother, to advertise him what had passed, to ask his counsel, and to write him answer thereof. This being discovered to those of Guise, they wrote a letter unto the Prince, full of excuses, to the end he should content himself: which he likewise sent unto his brother, that made him a plain answer, fearing to be discovered. Wars in Scotland moved by those of Guise At that time those of Guise thought to trouble and overthrow the Estate of Scotland, which their sister the Queen Dowager, and monsieur d'Oisel governed peaceably, they having made the marriage between their Cousin, and King Francis, caused their Cousin to take upon her the title of Queen of England, and of Scotland, only upon some vain imaginations: and not content therewith, they sent certain intelligencers into England, there to move the people to favour their Cousin, and to bring the Q. of England in hatred with her subjects, specially because of thereligion. Their intent was presently found out, notwithstanding they lost not courage, but to maintain their credit with the Catholics, they caused certain rigorous edicts to be made in Scotland against the religion, whereof ensued a tumult, appeased by the Q. Dowager, and the Noblemen of the country. Thereupon king Henry being dead, and the government of France in their hands, they sent the Bishop of Amiens and la Brosse, their faithful servants into Scotland, who at their arrival, would constrame every man to go to Mass, telling the Q. Dowager, and Monsieur d'Oisel, that their sufferance had spoiled all: saying, that from thenceforth, they would use force, not sparing any man. And thereupon sound divers means to alter the Esate of Scotland, and although the Queen Dowager propounded divers peaceable and sure means, they two would deal as they thought good: but in the end, the Lords & Gentlemen of the country, threatened & troubled by such newcome fellows, rose up in arms, & desired aid of the Englishmen their neighbours, in such sort, that in short time they drove out the Priests, reduced la Brosse into a small corner, & compelled the Bishop to save himself in France. The Queen of England before she entered into arms, had desired those of Guise not to proceed in so hard and violent manner, whereunto they not being desirous to hearken, upon the 24. of March, she made a long discourse, wherein she showed, that she little esteemed of all whatsoever those of Guise & their adherents should enterprise or undertake, against her person or Estate, and withal made it evidently known, that her only desire was, & ever should be, to live in peace & amity with all Christendom. They sought both by Ambassadors and messengers, to ease the mischief by them devised, but by no means could effect i● so that in fine, things of themselves grew to such an end, that in the mean time it may be said, that the violence used by those of Guise, gave such a blow unto the Papacy with in the realm of Scotland, that ever after it did nothing but languish and consume, and in the end was wholly extirped, and so remaineth. Touching France, during those executions of Amboise, as also before that, those of the religion still increased, both in zeal and number, Advancement of the religion in France. in all the places of the Realm: and yet not without great hindrance by divers persecutions, and by the means of some men, that could no more content themselves to use it secretly, whereof ensued their open assemblies, and that within some Churches. Those of Valence, Montelimart, and Romans in Dauphin, being the first. The Duke de Guise being Governor, extremely offended, that those of whom he thought to be most feared, began to take that course which most displeased him, to stop their intents and purposes, first, he sent john de Monluc Bishop of Valence, who before by means of his Sermons, had done more hurt then good unto the Pope, and because Monluc did not proceed with any effect, and that Monsieur de Clerimont, Lieutenant for the Duke of Guise, was esteemed to be too favourable. Mangiron a cruel man, & an extreme enemy to those of the religion, had the charge given to him, wholly to root them out: at the beginning he proceeded therein with great subtlety, with divers of his Agents, playing many several parts: and in the end, having found the means to drive certain Gentlemen out of Valence, that maintained those of the religion, he began to play his part, sacking their houses, as if the town had been taken by assault. Proceed of Maugiron against those of the religion in the Parliament of Grenoble in Dauphine. to strengthen him, they sent him sixteen Ensigns of the old troops of Piedemont, and some Companies of lanciers. On the other side, Truchon chief Precedent of Grenoble, aided by divers councillors, went to Valence, and passing through Romans, caused 60. of the principallest to be cast in prison, while Maugiron peeled those of Montelimart, to whom he had both sworn and promised not to do any wrong, neither in public, nor in private, that had good means to impeach and hinder him from his pretence, if by fair words he had not won them. To return unto the Precedents and Councillors of Grenoble, they caused two Ministers in Valence, to be beheaded, and hanged three of the principal Citizens of the Town. The rest of the prisoners went out by the Golden gate, with abiurations, whip, bannishments, and great fines, wherewith the judges and kings Attorneys, made themselves rich. At Romans they hanged two men, and whipped one, whom they after sent unto the Galleys. The estate of the religion in Provence. In Provence, two Gentlemen being brethren, Sieurs de Mowans, named Anthony, and Paulon de Richiend, having made open profession of religion, in the time of King Henry, Anthony was traitorously massacred by those of Draguignan, in Anno. 1559, whereof Paulon could never have justice. Not long after, Captain Chasteauneuf, being sent from Nantes to Provence, by Renaudie and his companions, to assemble those whom they thought meet to assisist them in the enterprise of Amboise: the Deputies of 60. Churches in that Province, being assembled at Merindol, Paulon was chosen Leader of the troops of Provence: which having accepted, he made a diligent inquiry through all the country, and found two thousand men, that had good means to horse, arm, and entertain themselves, besides a great number of Gentlemen, and other voluntary Soldiers. And as when the time of marching approached, his Council were of advise that the troops should seek to enter into Aix, there to erect the religion, and so to give occasion to those of Guise and others, to mollify their persecutions, when once they should perceive men rising in all places of the Realm, to withstand their rigours. This enterprise discovered, Mowans determined to make a way through the plain country, where he made war against the Images, which were beaten down in every Church, causing all the relicques of gold and silver to be melted, and to sell the vessels and other to yes belonging unto the Mass, the money whereof, even to a halfpenny, was left in the hands of the Consuls and others, of every place. A most admirable military Discipline, but yet truly and severely executed at that time: whereupon Mowans pursued by the Count de Tanned, with a great power, retired in good order into the high country, where he expected news from Renaudie: mean time, the Count (being a wise Gentleman, as any of his time) dealt so wisely therein, that by agreement made between them, it was ordained, that Mowans might surely and freely retire, without any hurt or displeasure (neither great nor small having been hurt either in word or deed in all Provence: the Mages likewise not once complaining of any thing done unto them) for whatsoever had passed: with promise to cause justice to be done touching the mother of his deceased brother. Captain Paulon, surnamed the Baron de la guard, venturing against the faith and promise made to set upon Paulon, being within a strait thing, Perjury of Captain Paulon. to put both him and his troops unto the sword, not being above 50. Soldiers, was himself enclosed by Paulon, that offered him battle: but the Baron forgetting his fence, although he had ten times more men than his enemy, and a good intent do do great service to those of Guise, that had despoiled him of estate of General of the Galleys, to give it unto the great Prior of France their brother, bled at the nose, and by means of a new Capitulation, renounced the Council of Constance, and retired with great shame: after that, for a long time holding himself secretly, his name serving for a mockery and jest to all the world. Mowans' flattered by his enemies to be entrapped, answereth them in plain French Paulon perceiving himself to be but hardly bestead in his own country, because of the success of the enterprise of Amboise, and of the particular threatenings against him, made by the Duke of Guise, because of the troubles he had raised in Provence, for a time withdrewee himself unto Geneva, whither the Duke sent men, expressly to practise with him, by infinite promises, both by word of mouth, and writing in commendations of his virtues, and admiring of his valour above all the Captains in Provence, to move him to return into his country. But Paulons answer to the Duke of Guise, was, that as long as he knew him to be an enemy both to the religion and the State, and that he usurped the places of the Princes of the blood, he might well assure himself to have Mowans his mortal enemy, and although a poor Gentleman, yet one that hath so good credit with the true servants & subjects to the king, that they at least fistie thousand (where of he was the least) would employ both lives and goods, to cause him to make amends for all the wrongs by him committed, against the good subjects and servants to the king: and that he might be fully assured, that as long as one of them both lived, he should never be quiet, nor live in any assurance of his life, nor any of his race, seeing he had so much incensed and provoked the Nobility and people of France. Not long before his departure out of France, he said Mowans received letters from the king himself, and from the Queen-mother, wherein they gratified him very much, as one of the most faithful and affectioned servants to his Majesty, promising him great favour, and withal, ratifying the accord made by the Count, Governor of Provence. But at the same instant, Mowans was advertised, that the Queen-mother had expressly sent unto the Parliament in Aix, that they should find the means, to cause him, to cause Mowans, Chasteauneuf, and other Captains that were of the enterprise of Amboise, to be slain. Advancement of the religion in divers Provinces. At the same time, those of the religion multiplied in Normandy, and Preaching was publicly used in divers places. Those of Rovan were troubled by an Anabaptist, that was taken and burnt. The Church of Tours was much troubled by the seditious dealings of the runagate Monk, named Richelieu, Captain of the King's new guard, but by silence and patience, is kept together, the Town having failed twice or thrice to be lacked and spoiled in all the other Provinces of the Realm, those of the religion perceiving themselves to be wholly destitute of human aid, took a notable resolution, not to address themselves any more to seek the help of man, but what danger so ever might happen, determined to assemble to pray to God, to hear his word, and to continue in true obedience thereof, living in great love and concord one with the other, and with much edification to the Catholicques, who in great troops lest the Mass, to make profession both of contrary life and doctrine. The Queen-mother, perceiving that those of the religion, addressed themselves no more, to her, willed one of her Masters of Requests, called Chastelleus, to use the mean that la Roche, one of the Ministers of Paris, should come unto her, or some other in his place, to confer with him about sums means whereby to procure the quietness of those the religion. La Roche not being found, and they of Tours being desired in his place, to send Duplessi their Minister, they excused themselves, beseeching the Queen to content herself with letters that should be written unto her, which she seemed not to dislike. Whereupon a large discourse was written, under a devised name of Theophile, for those of the religion, wherein after certain protestations of their sincerity, the depths and grounds of their great griefs against the house of Guise, was fully shown: then divers remedies wisely propounded, whereby to prevent a civil war, which were, that provision should be made for the good government of the Realm, and a Council to be given unto the king, according to the ancient customs of the Realm, that to stay and remedy the differences of religion, a holy and free council should be holden, and that in the mean time, those of the religion should be permitted to live in peace of conscience, and according to the profession of their faith. Declarations of the religion against the house of Guise. This declaration, being by Camus delivered to the Queen-mother, fell into the hands of those of Guise, which construed it in many sorts, to know who that Theophil● might be. The messenger was oftentimes in danger of his life, and in the end, he being troubled and tormented in divers kinds, and knowing that such as had given it unto him, would not be known, but kept themselves secret, he showed their names in presence of the Queen-mother, and those of the house of Guise, who likewise charged him to be of the conspiracy of Ambotse, but in stead of being secret, he told them much more truth than they desired to hear, and yet he got out of their hands, by virtue of the general abolution made in the beginning of the reign of Charles the ninth. The Guise's proceed too. The Guises perceiving themselves to be so much noted and daily hated in every place of the Realm, specially by those of the religion, determined wholly to root them out, and to the same end wrote unto the King of Spain, and other Catholicque Princes, laying the fault upon those of the religion, touching all the troubles that happened in France, as also the conspiracy of Amboise. To the Princes protestants they wrote, that the many and great executions made in France, was only upon certain Sacrementaries, open enemies unto the confession of Ausbourg. Besides that, their intent was to establish the Inquisition in France, wherein they thought the Chancellor de l'hospital would be assistant, which he did not, but like a wise Politician as he was, he withstood their blows in such manner, that when in the month of May the edict of Spain should have been published, he knowing that the privy Council and the Parliament have given consent, he moderated it by another edict, wherein he exposed his reasons with such vehemency & great eloquence, that those of Guise themselves, that only were the purchasers thereof, The Duke of Romorantin breaketh the pretence of establishing the Inquisition of Spain. agreed to his advise, and certified it unto King Philip, that liked well thereof, although his whole desire was, to see the Realm of France disguised in a Spanish suit. Whereupon the edict of Romorantin was published and set forth, whereby the King committed the knowledge and inquiry of Heresies, unto the Prelates of his Reaime, forbade all public assemblies & unlawful forces, declared all the Ministers of the religion, makers, composers, and printers of infamous libels, tending unto the moving and stirring up of the people, guilty of high treason: this edict appeased not the murmurations and troubles, but to the contrary, rather doubled and increased them on all sides. A Combat of Princes. Against all the books published and set forth, against the unlawful government of those of Guise, john du Tillet, Clarke to the Court of Parliament in Paris, composed a book entitled, The King's Maiorit, wherein he defended, that in France, the Kings being of the age of fifteen years, might then command: after that, he inveighed against those of the religion, saying: that with a false & wrong title, they termed their new opinions to be the Gospel of Christ: naming their Ministers seditious & mutinous, and concluded, that God would favour and prosper the arms that should be taken in hand and used against them. Many strong and earnest answers were made unto it, whereunto, neither he, nor yet his brother the Bishop of S. Brieu durst once reply, although by the Cardinal they were most instantly required thereunto: for whose contentment, at the request and solitation of a certain councillor named du Lion, a Printer of Paris, named Martin l'Hommet, was hanged, for printing a book, The Tiger put two men to death. entitled, The Tiger, made against those of Guise: the like entertainment was made unto a rich Merchant of Roan, who being present at the execution, and perceiving the people most strangely moved against l'Hommet, desired some of them to use themselves with greater modesty. His process was made without any further delay, only to please the Cardinal, as du Lion not long after, in a great audiance openly confessed. The Queen-mothers' dealing, and resolution of those of Guise in those difficulties. The Queen-mother much troubled among so many waves, hearing a speech of calling a Parliament, and of establishing the Princes and the Constable, whom she deadly hated, unto their places and authorities, which if it happened, she should no longer have the managing of the affairs, resolved to hold and maintain all things in the same estate, wherein as then they were: and under her authority to cover the imperfections of those of Guise, who still continued in their gross and high speeches, protesting that they would employ the means, both of themselves, and of their friends, that possible they could make, to beat down and repress the insolency of those that sought to purchase the alteration of religion: which from that time forward was their pretence, thereby to abolish the other quarrel, that only concerned the State, which was affirmed to have been wholly usurped, and now to be most lawfully ruled and governed by them. They thought likewise, that having exterped those of the religion, as their meaning was to begin with it, it would be a means to cut the sinews of the Princes of the blood, of whom thereby they should easily bring to reason, as also the Constable. Counsel of some of the Nobility. Touching those of the religion, the first and principal in the roll, were certain Gentlemen, that made free and open profession thereof, and although they had not in any sort, been privy, or once consenting unto the enterprise of Amboise: yet were they accused and summoned, to come and justify themselves before the king But they perceiving that nothing but their destruction was pretended, concluded, some to go unto the Prince of Conde, to encourage him, the rest unto all the Churches of the religion, to give them notice and intelligence of their destructions, then ready to fall upon them, if each of them sought not to descend themselves. The Prince of Conde escaped while his enemies consulted his death. The proposition moved in the privy Council, touching the ceasing upon the person of the Prince of Conde, and to make his process, to the end, that having begun with him, they might proceed against the rest, made them to look unto themselves. It chanced, that upon this proposition, touching the taking of the Prince, the Cardinal was resolutely of that advise: but the contrary, the Duke of Guise had made a long discourse, to show that they should not proceed therein, and that it should be wholly against his consent and desire. Some at the first were much abashed, that those two heads in one hood, were of so different minds, but when they well perceived that nothing was by them neglected, where to find the means to lay hold upon the Prince, every man than did know, that this contrariety was only done of purpose, thereby to draw the Council to give their whole consents, to the end, that by those means they might fortify and cover themselves, against all chances whatsoever. In the mean time, the Prince looking on his own security, with good advise delivered himself out of their snares, and got unto Bearn, where as then the king of Navarre his brother was Resident: they (as the common saying is) used to make bread of stones, and to turn all things for their advantage, began to assure the king and his mother, that without all doubt, the Prince was culpable, and that his flying made him to appear as guilty: whereupon commissions were presently made, and sent for to levy men, to war against Gascon, whither the Mashall de S. Andre, under pretence of going to see his brethren, was sent to discover: which served to no other end, but only to cause the two Princes to stand more warity upon their guard. La Planche discovereth those of Guise. There rested yet another thread to untwine, which was to know, if that the Constable were not of the Prince's Council, whom (as they thought) they held already within their fingers, to this end, they appointed the Queen-mother to work the matter, who secretly sent for Lois Regnier, Sieur de la Planche, one of the Council ours of the Marshal de Montmorency, who being entered into her chamber, (the Cardinal standing behind the tapistry) and desired very earnestly to say his mind, touching causes and remedies of those troubles, made a large and ample discourse, the effect whereof was, that those of Guise being strangers, ought not to have the government of the Estate, unless some natural Frenchmen were joined in commission with them. He likewise made a long answer touching the accusation made against the Prince of Conde, showing it to be a mere falschood, once to think or suppose, that the enterprise of Amboise, was thought or meant against the person of the king, or for to trouble the Estate. After that, he deciphered the original of those of Guise, behaving himself in such sort in all his answers, like a good Politian, and that with so good reasons, that thereby he escaped from the Court, and nothing was done either touching him, or against the Constable, nor any of his. Those of the religion, next to God, commit themselves unto the protection of the Princes of the blood. Those of the religion having understood by advises given them, by many Gentlemen in divers Provinces, that their overthrow began to approach, if with all speed and readiness, they provided not for themselves. Having recommended themselves by hearty prayers unto God, determined to cast themselves into the arms of the Princes of the blood, as Fathers, Tutors, and conservers of the innocencies of the poor afflicted people, and that by the natural laws of the country, were called unto that charge, during the minority of the kings. And for the same cause, certain notable personages, were appointed among them, to go unto the king of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, at Nerac, to whom with all their means, he offered a large declaration, containing a rehearsal of all the wrongs by those of Guise committed against the king and the Realm: with a most humble supplication, that it would please the said Princes to devise the means, to deliver the king and his Estate out of their hands. The explort of Monsieur de Mombrun. About this time, Monsieur de Mombrun, a Gentleman well affected to thereligion, being narrowly sifted by the Parliament of Grenoble, and bravely escaped out of his enemy's hands, was desired by divers of the Venetian Merchants, to aid and assist them, against the violences and extortions used in their behalfs, by the Pope's Vicelegat, contrary unto their privileges, and ancient franchises. La Motte Goudrin, Lieutenant for the Duke of Guise in Dauphine, was likewise entertained by the Vicelegat, to help him with all his forces. And although Mombrun had very few men, yet he constrained his enemies to seek for an accord: which having but violated and broken in all the articles, by the Vicelegat, and la Motte Goudrin, Mombrun raised arms again, and handled the Priests hardly, that had slain some of his men after the accord was made and sworn: which done, he put a great number of la Motte Goudrins soldiers unto the sword, and used him in such sort, that he made him leave his fence: but having been constrained to disperse his little troop, and soon after betrayed by one of his domestical servants, he saved himself by flying out of the Realm, having traversed through many dangers, and saved himself in the territories of Geneva, and about the country of Berne. The Prince's counsels discovered by la Sagne, whereof ensued the imprisonment of Vidame de Chartres To return unto the Princes, they being much confirmed in the resolution by them taken to discharge their duties, touching the relieving of the realm of France, by the declarations and offers of those of the religion: they began to deal therein, and among other agents employed in those affairs, the Prince of Conde sent one named lafoy Sagne, unto divers great Lords, to desire them not to sail him of their aids. La Sagne having received an answer from the Constable, and Vidame de Chartres, came unto the Court, where he delivered certain letters, and as he stayed fro an answer, he was so undiscreet, that he suffered himself to be undermined by one Captain Bonual, who having discovered it unto those of Guise, ran after him, and brought him prisoner to Fountainebleau, where the letters of Vidame de Chartres being read, wherein he promised the Prince to maintain his just quarrel against all men, except the king, his brethren, and the Queens: those of Guise sent to apprehend him within Paris, and to keep him prisoner in the Bastille, where they used him with most great rigour, until he died. They found not so good a bait in the Constable's letters, or at the least, would make no show thereof, because they would not trouble themselves with so many things at once. La Sagne was well paid for his prating, for that his nostrils were stretched in such sort, that he told all whatsoever he knew, and more than truth, to prolong his miserable life. Mean time, his confessions made upon the rack, caused those of Guise in all haste to dispatch their affairs: for first to their great dishonour, and disadvantage of their kinswoman, they agreed with the Queen of England, provided for the frontiers of Lorraine, caused the old troops that came out of Dauphine and Piedemont, to lie along by the river of Loire, writing on both sides to their partakers. A proposition in the Council, for calling a Parliament at Fontainebleau. On the other side, the Queen-mother, that feared lest she should be disgraced, whatsoever might happen by the advise of the Chancellor and the Admiral, to whom as then she made show willingly to hearken, she resolved to cause a motion to be made in open council, that it were requisite, that the king should assemble, all the Princes, Lords, knights of the Order, and men of authority in his Realm, to take order for the pacifying of the troubles, which they esteemed specially to proceed because of the persecutions against those of the religion. Those of Guise found this resolution to be good, thinking thereby to find a means to entrap both the king of Navarre and his brother, trusting likewise, for that most part of those that should assemble, were of their retinue, that nothing should pass therein, but for their advantage: and that this meeting would wholly break off the calling of the general States, and by that means make a sure ground for their affairs. Whereupon they began to write into all places, in the King's name, who desired every man to be at Fontainebleau, upon the 15. day of August, for the causes aforesaid. Those of Guise sent letters likewise from themselves, full of all good promises and rewards. The King likewise wrote unto the King of Navarre, desiring him to be there, with his brother, and all such Lords, who as then were with him. But covertly by the means of secret practices, those of Guise dealt in such sort, that the King of Navarre resolved not to come, and that against the advise of the Constable and divers great Lords, who said and affirmed, that as then the means presented itself, whereby to put down those of Guise, and to re-establish the lawful government of the Realm. And to conclude, the Constable verily supposing that the Princes would be thee, sailed not to come thither with above 800. horse, which constrained those of Guise, as then weak, to fly softly, and to show a good countenance unto the Constable and his Nephews. The Admiral presented a petition to the King, in the behalf of the religion. The 21. of August they were assembled, wherein there was not one of the Princes of the blood, and before they began to debate of any matter, the Admiral presented a request unto the King, for those of the religion in France, whose desire was, that it would please his Majesty to grant them liberty of Churches, and free exercises of their religion in all places. The King having hanked the Admiral for his vigilancy, fidelity and sincere affection, caused the petition to be openly read, and then having declared from point to point, the cause of that assembly, desired the assistance, every man in particular, freely and without fear or passion, to give him counsel, as occasion and necessity therein should require: that done, the Queen-mother and the Chancellor spoke, and the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal, offered (but in general) to render up an account of their administration: which finished that days meeting, the assembly being remitted until the 23. of August, whereunto Monluc, Moruilliers, du Mortier, and d'Auanson, all four of the privy Council, opposed themselves. But he that spoke most to effect, and that deserved most praise to be a faithful councillor, was Charles de Marillac, Archbishop of Vienne: Oration and advise of Marillac. who by notable reasons, lively deciphered, showed that it was requisite to assemble a nactionall Council, thereby to remedy the differences in religion, and the third Estate, to direct the government of the Realm. But he lived not long after this Oration made, and many spoke diversly of his death. The Admiral's Oration censured by those of Guise. The next day being the 23. of the month of August, the Admiralles turn fell out to speak, whose Oration tended to the ordering of religion and the Estate, before mentioned by Marillac, but with far more eloquent phrase, whereunto he added a most grave and wise censure, against those that by environing the king with double guards, learned him to fear his subjects, and his subjects to hate their Prince, desiring the king most certainly to be persuaded, that all his subjects reverenced him, and bore most earnest and hearty affection unto him. The Duke of Guise much grieved and offended at that which the Admiral had spoken, specially touching the new guards, made a large discourse unto the contrary, in such sort, that he showed himself in great perplexity, with all the wit he had, to defend his broken cause. His brother the Cardinal, walked with some more deliberation upon those pricking thorns, assaying to refute the humble protestations contained in the request presented by the Admiral, in the name of all those of the religion, who from that time forth, was most extremely hated by those of Cuise, who nevertheless at that time made show not to dislike in any sort, that a general assembly of the Estates should be assigned, and that as touching religion, they propounded an other advise, which likewise was allowed, as in the articles following you may read. A Parlia-assigned the 10. of December. And according to the resolution upon the last of August, letters were dispatched unto all Bailiffs and Stewards, signifying unto them, that the Estates general, were assigned to meet upon the tenth of December next ensuing, within the Town of Meaux, to the end they should take order, to cause Deputies to be chosen against that time. But in this Commission there ran a clause: which was, that during such elections, the Governors and Lieutenants of Provinces, should severally visit the Towns: to inquire and understand the people's griefs, and to bring them unto the King, that provision and good order might be taken for the good of every Province. A Synod of the Clergy the 20. of january. By the same letters, he assigned the Bishops, Prelates, and other Ecclesiastical persons, to be at Paris upon the 20. of january next after ensuing, to advise and take counsel, what shall be fit and convenient to be showed unto the general Council, exhorting them in the mean time, to reform that which belongeth to be reform and amended by the Church: further, commanding them to be watchful over their adversaries, termed wicked spirits, composed of the remnants of the rebellion and tumult of Amboise. Gathering of troops of Soldiers. Those of Guise having by this means assured themselves against the Princes, the next day sent letters in the king's name, unto all Bailiffs and Stewards, for the assembly of men at arms, or lancers, to be ready by the 20. day of the month of September, the distribution whereof, was done in such manner, that the companies were all mingled, & the suspected environed, with others that might set upon them both before & behind, the commanders having charge to take & put to the sword, all such as they once esteemed or suspected to march to aid the Princes. On the other side, because the declaration which those of the religion had directed unto the Princes, in many points concerned those or Guise. At the denial of john du Tillet, a certain young councillor named Des Autels of Charrolois, presented himself, that (under the title of an Oration unto the people of France) made an answer unto it, and with privilege from the King, caused it to be imprinted. But this Orarout was so well schooled by a reply made thereunto, that never after he durst hold up his nose, and was disavouched by the Cardinal, that only had set him on work, saying, that both time, and his actions, would soon procure him reason at the hands of his enemies. And those of Guise having joined the forces, Letters from the king, to the king of Navarre, & the prince of Conde, with their answers. returned out of Scotland, with the old troops of Piedemont, Metz, and Picardy, they caused them to approach near unto them, with 1200. lanciers, reserved, besides the divisions made within the Provinces, & sent a message in the King's name unto the King of Navarre, whereby the Prince of Conde was charged to have enterprised against the Estate of France, and to have sought to cease upon the least Towns, to have them in his possession, for which cause he desired the King of Navarre, to send his brother unto him, under strong and safe conduction, which if he refused, he said he should in person be constrained to go thither, with such a train, that it would not be for his commodity. The King of Navarre and his brother, made a grave and bold answer, which was, that if their accusers would make themselves known, and seem to defend the accusation against them, and being bereaved of that authority which they usurped, they with a small company would present themselves before the King: where in his presence, they would evidently show him, that such accusers, were the parties guilty, to whose most false reports they besought his Majesty in any sort not to give credit. The king's word given to the princes to entrap them. This answer made those of Guise to seek another course, and thereupon dispatched an other message, whereby the King sent word unto the Princes, that they might without all fear come unto him, and return again when they thought good, assuring them by the word of a King, that nothing should be done or attempted against their persons in any sort whatsoever, that he would peaceably hear both their causes, and instifications, without committing them to prison, or once making process against them, that his desire was only to have an answereby word of mouth, touching the points wherewith the Prince was charged, which the King could not in any sort believe: and to conclude, that they should be received and used according to their estates and dignities: yea, and that they should have their places restored, that of order and custom belonged unto them, touching the managing of the affairs of the land, to the end, to have their counsels and advise, thereby to reduce all things into a good and politic order, They were betrayed by Amaury Bouchart, Chancellor of Navarre. without any troubling or molesting the Prince, concerning the religion which he professed. The like letters were written unto them by the Queen-mother. At the first, the King of Navarre had a good courage, but having heard that the affairs in Lyonnois & Dauphin, had succeeded otherwise then he esteemed, begun to draw back, although the Deputies of the Provinces, offered to assemble their troops for his security, before the French lanciers had stopped the passages: or if he found that not to be expedient, they promised to assemble themselves in all places, to strengthen him when he should go unto the Parliament. He had a Chancellor named Amaury Bouchart, Master of Requests unto the king, who from the beginning, had been very earnest to move him to hearken unto the declarations and requests, daily made unto him from all the parts of the Realm: but this Bouchart having heard that the enterprise made against Lions by Maligny, had taken an other effect than he expected, wrote secretly unto the king, desiring him to separate the Prince of Conde, from the king of Navarre his brother, because that without ceasing he never left off to solicit him, to do divers things against his majesties officers, as also to trouble the Realm, at the only instance of certain Lutherians and Preachers, that came from Geneva, whereunto he said, his master would by no means hearken, but that it was to be feared, that in the end, by long and importunate suit, he would divert him: whereof he said, he could not choose but advertise his Majesty, whose most humble, natural, and faithful subject he was, and always would be, as also one of the Ministers of his justice. He wrote other letters of the same effect unto the Cardinal, promising him by word of mouth, to certify him of certain things of great importance, which as then he durst not write: and to conclude, he promised him the means, to give him intelligence, how and in what sort he should devise and frame process against the greatest Lords of the Realm. Speaking of Geneva, he meant Theodore de Beza, whom the King had expressly sent for, by the counsel of the said Bouchart himself, to meet with divers other notable personages, from all the parts of France, whose advise, specially of Beza, was, in any sort to procure that the conclusion of Fontainbleau, touching the assembly of the Estates should be observed, and fully executed. But that advise was not followed, and that touching Beza, he returned with great danger of his person, having begun to preach publicly in Nerac, where the king of Navarre in person was assistant. Some were of opinion, that jarnac, who had wholly withdrawn himself from the Princes, with S. Foy his brother, before that Lieutenant of the company of lanciers, belonging to the Prince of Conde, had practised with Bouchart to write those letters. They determine to go to the king. The Princes giving credit unto the king's word, and upon the protestations and promises made unto them by his Agents, and among others, the Cardinal of Bourbon his brother, sent expressly unto them, accepted the King's offer, and having written unto the king, that they would ride to Orleans with a small train, before the assembly of the Estates should be prepared. And being at Lymoges, they were presently visited by divers Lords and Gentlemen, to the number of seven or eight hundredth, well mounted and armed at all points: they made them offer of six thousand, footmen out of Gascon, & Poicton, mustered and reaeie to march, 4000 both on horse and foot, out of Languedoc, and as many or more out of Normandy: with full assurance of the good wills of most part of the men at arms or lanciers, and presents of money, so it would please the king of Navarre, to declare himself Protector of the King and of the Realm, against the house of Guise. But the evil servants, which as then attended on him, as Descars and his companions, (for Bouchart had withdrawn himself) gave him so many alarms, & devised such inconveniences, under pretence, that they did not deliver unto them a sum of money of three or four hundredth thousand crowns, to look better into those affairs, that being at Vertueil, where another good Agent (being the Cardinal of Armaignac) came unto him, he dismissed all his company, and countermanded those that were coming, with many thanks and promises, most earnestly to employ himself in the Parliament, for the good and benefit of all the Estates of France. They having showed him many reasons for the same, and desired that at the least, the Prince of Conde might stay behind, thereby to hold their enemy's insuspence: he answered, that their innocency should suffice, that it was no easy matter to put the Princes of the blood to death, that if their lives were taken away, they would receive their deaths with patience: that God had means sufficient to deliver the Realm of France, which that they should be the cause of the loss and ruin of so many honest men, that desired to join with them. The Princess of Conde, a Lady for her time, as wise & virtuous as any could be found, used all the means she could, to dissuade her husband from that voyage: but all in vain, the Lords and Gentlemen that had accompanied the Princes, being upon the point of their retract, after many humble congratulations, protested that by those means, being so unfortunately destituted of their heads, yet they doubted not but that God would raise them others, thereby to save and deliver them from the oppression of Lyrants. Those words used in the presence of their secret servants, being rehearsed to those of Guise, were causes to hang new bells at their ears, and in the mean time, understanding that the Princes were already entered into their journey, they caused Monsieur de Mompesat, one of their confederates, in the king's name, expressly to forbid the Princes coming unto the court, upon pain of death not to enter into any of the king's walled Towns: as than they were already enclosed among the forces of their enemies, under the conduct of Martial de Termes. The Cardinal d'Armaignac, Descars, and others, untrusty servants, made the king of Navarre believe, that this verbal commandment of Montpesat, was only but a mere bravado of those of Guise, which both the king and his mother would disavouch. The Princes refusing all advertisements, went unto Orleans The Princes having past Chastelleraut, were more certainly advertised of their mischief to come, and counseled to keep the high ways, because of divers Ambassadors that were appointed and set to kill them, if they once went out of the way, under pretence that they sought to save themselves, and at the same time, means was offered unto them, to bring them unto Angers, and so into Normandy, where they should want nothing: but they continued in their first resolution, traveling by easy journeys, and it seemed that one of the brethren was as a Provost Martial, that led the other to prison. Thereupon those of Guise led the king to Orleans, thither calling all the Nobility & men of arms: which made both young and old to think, that some pretence was meant against the States: but by a rumour spread abroad, it was said, that all those forces being assembled and brought together, was to assiege and chastise Orleans: whereof the principal Citizens were registered in the Criminal books, to pass the danger, and by their confiscations, to grease the hands of divers hungry Courtiers, under pretence, that they had been of the enterprise of Amboise. Rigorous dealing towards those of Orleans. For this cause Mansieur de Sipierre, a slave to those of Guise, appointed for Lieutenant to the Prince de la Roche Suryon, Governor of Orleans, being arrived in the Town, about the beginning of October, disarmed the Inhabitants, filled such houses (as were suspected) with Soldiers, and committed the custody of the Gates unto the Sheriffs. The Prince their Governor, being entered therein about the twelfth of the same month, and received with honour by the principal Citizens, advertised them, that the king would make his entry therein, upon the seventeenth day ensuing, which term being prolonged for the space of one day, upon the eighteenth he made his entry. The troops of the Town being in number about four thousand men, to whom they had restored their arms, only their Bastianadoes: the principal Citizens following in good order, and all the streets hanged with tapistry and other hangings. The king beheld all those troops passing along through the Subburbes, which being reentered into the Town, he mounted on horseback, riding under a Canopy of cloth of Gold, and so went strait unto the Church: and being on the way, his horse stumbled in such manner, that he had surely fallen, if he had not presently been relieved. After dinner, all the troops went to meet the Queen, who likewise made an honourable and brave entry: but those of Guise were at neither of both, fearing (as some say) to meet with some desperate fellow that might hurt them: because a Magician in Rome had showed the Cardinal, that both he and his brother should die a violent death. The arrival of the Princes in Orleans, and bow they were received. The Even before all Saint's day, being the last of October, the Princes trusting to their innocencies, and reposing themselves upon the grace of God, to whom they recommended themselves, as also caused all those of the religion by prayers to do the like, arrived at Orleans, and past from the beginning of the gate, until they came to the king's lodging, in the Estappe, through divers soldiers, all footmen, ranged along in ranks so close together, all armed, that all that long way, not any man could pass between them. Not one Courtier nor Townsman stepped forth to meet them, only the Cardinal de Bourbon, and the Prince de la Roche Suryon, who by express licence, had obtained that favour, received them. The king of Navarre according to the custom, desiring to enter on horseback within the Court Gate, was put back with a rude answer, that the great Gates might not be opened: they being then constrained to light, went into the king, that stayed for them in the great Hall, accompanied with his uncles of Guise, and other Courtiers, whereof not one of them once stepped forward to meet them. Their entertainment was but mean, and after due and solemn reverence, night grew on, which caused the king to go into his mother's Chamber, followed only by the Princes, those of Guise not once seeking to enter. The Queen mother having received them with the water standing in her eyes, the king speaking unto the Prince of Conde, said, he had been advertised from divers places, The King's speech to the Prince of Conde. The Prince's answer. that he sought to make divers enterprises against him and the State of his Realm, for the which cause he had sent for him, to hear what he could say by word of mouth. The Prince, that neither wanted courage, nor audacity, answered boldly in his own defence, and in such sort discovered those of Guise his enemies, His imprisonment. that the king could not otherwise judge, but that great wrong and injury was offered unto his blood: nevertheless, according to the conclusion made before his arrival, the king commanded Chavigny Captain of the guard, expressly sent thither by those of Guise, to take the Prince: which he did, and led him prisoner unto a house not far from thence, before the which there was erected a Fort of Brick, fluncard, and filled with field-pieces, and divers canoneers to keep them, which pieces beat along three streets, whereby it was able to defend all men from coming near unto the prison. The windows of his chamber were closed up, and he was kept so straightly that no man spoke unto him, but only his Chamberlain. The king of Navarre desired that his brother might be committed unto his charge, The entertainment of the King of Navarre, and others. and he would gauge his life for his forth coming, but it was refused him: and touching himself, his guard was taken from him, and still having watch about him both by night and day. At the same time, certain were sent to cease upon Madame du Roye, mother in law to the Prince, being in her house of Anicy in Picardy, from whence with great rigour she was brought unto Saint Germains, by Monsieur de Renovart, and the Caronges: executors of that commission. They likewise sorgot not the councillor la hay at Paris, as one that dealt for the Prince: such as were his faithful friends within Orleans, withdrew themselves out of the danger. Bonchart, Chancellor to the king of Navarre, at the same time was taken in his own house, by jarnac, who in show made great appearance of disliking: Bouchart threatening him in presence of those that took him, to cause him as a Traitor to lose his head: but all this was but words, and nothing else. The papers were not forgotten, Bouchart taken and led to priso●. Imprisonment of the Bailiff of Orleans. and Bouchart was led to Orleans, and then to Melun, with other prisoners that came from Lions, by that means to make ready the proofs against the Prince, whose process was followed with all diligence. Hierome Groslot, Bailiff of Orleans, a man both learned, virtuous, and full of piety: a lover of the good and quietness of the Commonwealth, and an enemy to all Tyrants and factious persons, abhorring avarice & ambition: within two days after the Prince's arrival, was likewise committed prisoner: having three dangerous witnesses against him, which were his office, a goodly house within the the City, and another in the country. The cause pretended, was, that his father had been Chancellor to the deceased king of Navarre: and he in Orleans, the Protector of those of the religion, and an affected friend unto the Princes. Further, when time came that he should make an Oration unto the king, at his entry into the Town, the Bailiff moved at some wrong offered unto him, as it appeared, as he went towards the king, together with the king's countenance, that looked frowningly upon him, he could not utter his mind as he had first determined: and thereupon those of Guise took some occasion to accuse him unto the King: saying, that he felt his own conscience to be guilty of his treason. Being in prison, false witnesses, whereof the Curate of Saint Pattern, and the Vicar of Saint Catherine, were the principal, with jaques Aleaume, jaques L'huillier, le Borgne, le Alemant, and jaques Masnet, accused him to have determined to deliver Orleans unto the King of Navarre: to be of the intelligence of Amboise, and to have been in a certain assembly holden by night within the great Churchyard, as also to have manifestly supported those of the religion. Davanson maker of the process. The maker of the process was Dananson, a slave to those of Guise, that sent such witnesses, as he perceived not to be sufficiently instructed, unto the Curate of Saint Pattern: that by him they might understand their lesson. Martial de Brissac had already laid hold upon the house in the country, named l'Isle, and in fantasy made division of the goods in Sipierre: and Boyvin, his Secretary, was so bold to say unto the wife of Groslot, that if she would speak boldly, showing her, that she must come off with money unto his Master, the Bailiffs affairs might speed the better. The Guise's practices open the mouths of the estates of the Provinces. Out of the Kealme, those of Guise had made the Pope, the king of Spain, and others, to think that at that time, they would root out all those that bore the name of Lutherians within France, whom they held bound both hand and foot, hoping that winter, to clear them all out of the country: in the spring-time to send them into Almain and Switzerland, to visit their friends: but their devices could not impeach divers and several assemblies in many Provinces, (to determine and devise what were best for them to present at the Parliament) to give them some new work: whereof the Orations made at Blois, Angers, Paris, Bazin, Plessis, Grimaudet, Capel, and others, are proofs sufficient: as also in most part of the other Provinces, when the oppressors were discovered, and the people disposed to provide by lawful means against so many disorders, introduced and maintained by strangers: many of them having openly said, that they would not endure, that those of Guise should so oppress the Princes of the blood: whereof most part that used that speech, Conspiracy to extirp those of the religion. were men of the religion: and those of Guise being advertised, could well show and propound this article of religion unto the Duke de Montpensier, and other great Lords, in divers places of the Realm, to make them the readier and more prompt to lean unto them. The hope of confiscations being mixed therewith, which made many ravening fellows to look about them: there was nothing offered, but Estates, Offices, Benefices, Mountains of Gold, to such as would aid and assist the King, to extirp and root out the enemies of the Church of Rome. Passages kept that no aid should come. Besides that, the king's forces were divided by those of Guise, into the Towns next about Orleans, as far as Bourges, Moulins, Blois, Tours, Saumur, Angers, Chinon, Loudun, and Poicton, and in all the passages from whence they esteemed that any aid might be procured to help the Princes that were prisoners. Those of the religion were narrowly looked unto in divers Towns, specially in Paris: mean time they proceeded unto the framing of the process against the Prince. But because of the observation of the forms of justice, The manner of proceeding against the Prince. neither the informations made at Lions, against the Marshal of Saint Andre, nor the prisoners of Melun, were sufficient: they produced the Prince's words used at Amboise, lamenting the death of so many Gentlemen that were executed, with that which he had uttered riding to Bearn, unto Monsieur de Genlis, that had renounced the Ceremonies of the Romish Church, to the end, that not being able to accuse him of high treason, they would condemn him of Heresy. To strengthen this second proof, those of Guise sent a Priest unto him, appareled after the Romish manner, which certified him, that he had express commandment from the King, to sing Mass before him in his chamber. But the Priest with a rude answer was sent back again by the Prince, with commission, to show the King from him, that he was not come thither in any sort to be perticipant or communicate with the impieties and pollutions of the Roman Antichrist, His magnanimity in Religion. whereunto, long before he had renounced: but only to yield him an answer unto the false and forged accusations imposed against him. Which answer was not forgotten, but thereof a large article was framed, both by the deposition of the Priest, and of the guard. As also his accusations against those of Guise. This magnanimity much moved those of Guise, but much more in that the Prince spoke openly against them, to their discredits: oftentimes showing a bag which he held in his hand, affirming it to be the process of those Brigands and Guisian thieves: by the which, many points of high treaon, whereof they were culpable, were well proved and verified: which he kept and reserved to present unto the estates, thereby to give them knowledge of their subtle and unlawful governments, that imputed their own treasons unto the Princes of the blood, that sought to oppose themselves against their tyrannies: and that if ever any man ever sought or meant to enterprise any thing against the King and his Realm, it would be those Harpiers and upsprung house of Lorraine. A Gentleman one of their Participants, and in time past, very familiar with the Prince, was appointed by them to confer with him, He pronounceth war against the Guisians. as also to sound his full meaning and intent, and therewith to seek to abate his courage: which he pretending, the Prince desired him to show those of Guise, that for his part he had received so many and great wrongs and injuries at their hands, that their quarrel could never be fully ended, either at the sword point, or else by Lanuce: which if he could not effect, yet he hoped before his death, to make them manifestly to be known and found culpable of those faults, by them imposed upon him. This most haughty resolution, caused them to send for the Precedent de Thou, Barthollomewe Say, and jaques Violle, Counecllours of Paris, certain Masters of the requests, Bourdin, Attorney General, They seek to make his process. and du Tillet the Clerk, to examine the Prince upon high Treason: and that if they could not find him guilty thereof, they should then examine him upon the Articles of his faith. The Prince answered them, that it belonged not unto them to put any such questions unto him, not specifying divers causes of refusing them therein, which he might well have showed: specially against the Thou, whom he most sharply reproved, and when they enterprised to proceed further in law, the Prince appealed unto the King. But the next day being the 15. of November, the peal was declared by the privy Counsel to be of no force: from which the Prince having once again appealed, he was commanded upon pain of high treason to answer before those Commissioners, He purgeth himself of treason, and openly professeth religion. which he did: having two counsellors to help him. And before them, he clearly acquitted himself of treason: and boldly confessed and avouched the religion. Not long after, the Secretary Robertet, brought him a certain paper containing divers speeches, pretended to have been spoken by him at Amboise, beholding the execution of certain prisoners. He therewith at large expounded his meaning upon those speeches, yet was there no witnesses produced against him for the same, no nor Bouchart himself, that had faithfully promised unto the Cardinal by word of mouth, to show him many wonderful things touching the Prince, but they proceeded so far, that upon his answers, he had judgement of death pronounced upon him, and his head to be stricken off, upon a Scaffold before the King's Palace, upon the tenth of December than next ensuing, at the entering of the Estates into the Parliament. He is condemned by the privy Council and participants of Guise. It is affirmed and published by writing, that this judgement was underwritten and sealed by all the privy Council, (only the Chancellor and Monsieur de Mortier, that delayed it off) as also by divers great Lords and Barons, by the eighteen knights of the Order newly chosen, and by divers others, participants of the house of Guise, and by more Masters of Requests, and councillors of the Parliament, which the king sent for, and caused to come thither, that not once dealt in the cause. The Count de Sancerre refused to sign it, desiring the King with weeping eyes, rather to cut off his head, than once to move him thereunto, whereat the King much abashed, dismissed the Count, not pressing him any further therein. They likewise used many rude and hard dealings towards the Princess of Conde, who very stoutly and with a marvelous courage, sued for her husband. Means and subtleties used, that no speech should be had in the Parliament touching religion. At the sametime, the Pope published a Bull, bearing date the twentieth of November, wherein he promised a general Council for the ordering and determining of matters of religion, assigning it to be holden within the town of Trent, upon Easter day, than next ensuing. On the other side, the Cardinal of Lorraine, had given order, to write and Register, the names of all the principail of the religion, in every Province throughout France: which rolls were made and delivered unto him. All those that held on the Prince's parts, and with religion, were as then judged to die, thereby to cease all quarrels, and that no more speech might once be moved touching the reformation of religion, seeing as then the affairs concerning the same, were in that estate which those of Guise desired: and for the execution of so high and haughty enterprises, as the assembly of the Estates, whereby the liberty of France should wholly have been overthrown: the forces of the Realm divided into four parts, under the conducts of the Duke d'Aumale, the Marshals of Saint Andre, de Brissac, and the Terms, marched to clear the Provinces of all suspected persons touching religion: to furnish the charges thereof, they took the third part of all Ecclesiastical revenues, the Gold and Silver of Relicques, and the Treasures of the Temple: with promise that the confiscations should restore it all again. For supply of Soldiers, the Pope dispensed with all the Clergy, and promised to furnish them with a great number of men of that calling. As touching the extermination of the Princes and Lords, they proceeded therein with time and leisure. The King of Navarre was to be confined unto the Castle of Leches, the Admiral into the great Tower of Bourges, with all his children, his Nephews in another Tower within Orleans, which after that, was called the Admiral, hard by that of Saint Aignan, prepared for the chief Citizens of the Town. Determination to kill the king of Nanarre, marnellously preserved. The Marshals of Saint Andre and Brissac, being arrived at the Court▪ were of advise, that the King of Navarre should be slain, without troubling themselves to set a guard to keep him: whereupon they determined to poison him at a banquet, and then upon an evening, to kill him as he went from the king's chamber: which taking no effect, the king was desired to do it, and to stab him with his Poniard, and so to shed his own blood, which Gods merciful providence would not permit, although it seemed to be almost upon the point of execution, the King having the Poniard ready under his Gown, being already entered into certain rough speeches against the King of Navarre, who in presence of those of Guise, made him so sufficient and good an answer, that he escaped. another pretence was sought to get him to ride abroad to hunt, and in hunting to kill him. The Constable had not as yet entered into the Lacks, but they were minded to constrain him thereunto, having already sent out commission to lay hands upon Monsieur d'Anuille, his second son. As touching the Admiral and his two brethren, the declaration by them made, (specially the Admiral & d'Andelot) to be of the religion, was cause sufficient to condemn them. Means used to entrap and extirp all those of the religion. Which to effect, the king sent commission to all the knights of the Order, to certify them, that he would hold a general feast of the Order, upon Christina's day than next after ensuing: minding (all excuses set apart) that every man should as then come thither: which being expected, the Doctors of the Sorbonists, framed such a confession of the faith, that not any man, how little feeling soever he had of the religion, would for a thousand lives have once signed or consented thereunto. The day being come, this confession was to have been presented by the King himself, unto the knights, he being the first that should set hand unto it, requiring the like of every one of them, with oath and promise to hold and observe the same unviolably in every point, and to set upon and overrun all such as should deny it, without exception either of friends or Parents whatsoever: and whosoever should make the least denial, or any delay, presently without further inquisition, form, or manner of proceeding, the king should degrade him of the Order, and as also of estates, dignities, and honours, and the next day after, he should be burnt. The like should also be done upon the same day, by an assembly of Cardinals, thereby to entrap the Cardinal of Chastillon: that done, all the Princes and Lords of the Realm, should come to sign to that confession: then all the Gentlemen and Domestical Officers to the king. The Chancellor had commandment to do the like among the Masters of Requests, judges, Secretaries, and other Officers of the Courts of Parliaments. The Queen-mother took the charge upon her, to cause all the Ladies and Gentlewomen of the Court to do the like: it being enjoined unto all those that had any retinue or household to cause them to follow the same rule, upon pain to answer to the contrary at their perils. After that, it was to be sent unto all the Parliaments, Baliages, Stewardships, and other jurisdictions of the Realm, to exact the like confession of faith upon every man, and whosoever delayed or failed therein, to be presently burnt, without any other form or manner of process. If any belonging unto the Princes or Lords of the Guise's part, were exempted from death, for having refused to sign, and after repent their fault, for his penance, all his life after, he should wear a Sanuenito or coloured rob, after the manner of Spain, for a perpetual shame and ignominy. The Curates and Vicars, were charged to go unto all the houses of their Parishes, accompanied with the Clerks, Notaries, and other such persons thereunto appointed, to take the Signatures, and to keep a just record of the number of every particular jurisdiction. New Commissions likewise being sent out unto the Captains and Gentlemen, perticipants with those of Guise, to raise men of the same confession, that they might justly execute that which should be given them in charge. The Deputies for the Estates, put in fear and hardly handled. As the Deputies for the Estates arrived, and the tenth of December approaching for the beginning of the Parliament, express commandment was given them from the king, upon pain of death, that not any of them should once be so bold, as to utter one word in open Parliament touching religion, because his Majesty had otherwise disposed thereof. But some of them not refraining to say, that the letters of commission to assemble, specified the same. Those they sought by fair means to appease, or else to blind their eyes with the Pope's new made Bull, with the assembly of a Council: others they put in fear: and to some they made fairs promises, but to such as were not of the religion, they partly made them privy to their intents aforesaid. At that instant, there arrived a packet from the Count de Villards, Lieutenant for the Constable in Longuedoc: who wrote, that the Deputies for that Province, that were appointed to sit in Parliament, were such, as were most affected unto religion, and such as would not fail to ask the liberty thereof, as having special charge to do it: whereupon men were presently sent forth for to arrest them, but they taking an other way to Orleans, without giving leave to enter into their lodgings, they were ceased upon, with all their notes, containing most ample instructions, both for the good and benefit of the Estate, and religion. Constancy of the king of Navarre. On the other side, certain Captains and soldiers solicited the king of Navarre, to save himself, presenting him with the means: divers of his friends advertising him of many dangers that might happen unto him by staying there. But he committing his life into the hands of God, and doubting lest his retreat would rather be cause to bereave him of his life, refrained that counsel, so that whatsoever either friends or enemies could say unto him, yea, although he might easily perceive himself to be openly disdained and mocked by the Courtiers, he would not forsake the Town, neither yet leave his brother, before he had seen what would be the effect thereof. The Admiral goeth to Orleans. The Admiral sent for by the king to come to Orleans, without making any account of his friends, and other his familiars disswations, showing him into what danger he would thereby bring himself, presently took his voyage, and being arrived at the Court, he understood by the Queen-mother, that the Cardinal had fully determined to ask him a reason of his faith in the presence of the King, praying him not wilfully to put himself in danger. His constant answer was reported unto the Cardinal, who thereupon made his full account, that either the Admiral should as then renounce the religion, or else lose his life. The day before the Prince should be executed, the King fell sick. Upon Sunday, being the ninth of December, as a part of the King's household were already departed from Orleans, to go to Chambourg and Chenoncean, the king of Navarre in the morning going to salute the King, he was warned to come forth, and to ride on hunting, until the States were come: but he excused himself, considering his brother's captivity, yet had he express commandment, the next morning to prepare himself to ride: upon the which day, his brother should have lost his head: but that day the common Proverb was truly verified: which is, that God can alter all men's actions: for that the same day, about four of the clock in the Evening, the King being at Evening prayer, at the jacobins, he fell in a sound, wherewith he was presently carried into his Chamber, where being revived, he began to complain of his head, on that side of his left ear, wherein he had a continual Phisola, in such sort, that with the pain, a Fever ceased upon him. Which notwithstanding, Those of Guise seek to withstand the blow. those of Guise caused divers commissions to be sent abroad unto the Captains of their part, to raise men in divers Provinces: and not long before, commission had been given unto the Marshal de Termes, to march to meet the Spaniards, as then coming unto Rayonne, and with them to enter into Bearn. The Viscounte d'Orthe, Governor of Bayonne, had commandment from the King, to put the Town (if need were) into the king of Spain's hands, thereby to serve him for a passage for his army to enter into the county of Navarre, where he was, to waste and destroy all the land, and then to proceed with the overthrow and utter extirpation of all the Gentlemen and Lords, who in those countries had favoured the King of Navarre, or the enterprise of Amboise. But a great part of those Lords and Gentlemen, not minding to sell their skins so good cheap, raised arms, to the number of seven or eight hundredth horse well mounted, with five or six thousand footmen, who were all appointed, so soon as Marshal the Terms should have past Lymoges, to enclose him between two rivers: whereof he being advertised, and remembering graveling, he retired in all haste unto Poitiers, giving advise unto the Court what had happened unto him: whereat those of Guise being abashed, and perceiving the king to wax weaker, and every day sicker than other, determined with desperate minds to kill the king of Navarre, who not long before being advertised thereof, made his complaint unto the Queen-mother: which notwithstanding his enemies would not leave off, but by all means sought to effect it, if it had not been for the Cardinal of Tournon, that gave them counsel to stay their enterprise, until the Constable, with his sons and Nephews, were come unto the Court, lest that by killing the one, they should chance to move a greater danger, and to stir those up, that might procure far greater trouble than the Princes could effect. Mean time, the king of Navarre took great care to look unto himself, yet all that he could do, would not have prevailed, if his enemies had set upon him. The king's disease increasing more and more, th'duke of Guise began to utter his choler against the Physicians, the Cardinal sent on Pilgrimages, But no man can strive against God. and used Friars & Priests at Paris & other places, to make processions: & the king made a solemn promise unto all the Saints in Picardy, specially to our Lady of Glery, (as they term her) that if it pleased them to help him, he would wholly purge his Realm of all those Hereticques. But as then began his more ruin, and his Fever still to increase: whereat those of Guise being abashed, what countenance soever they showed, assayed to persuade the Queen-mother, that the king's body should be kept from burial after his death, until such time as they had taken order for their affairs, and caused their unjust actions to be allowed by open Parliament: to the end, that no man might call them to account hereafter. But that was unpossible, for that too many people daily attending when the time would be, at the same time the Vidame de Chartres, prisoner in the Bastille, having been carried from thence, to remain within his house in Saint Anthony's street: presently upon his arrival thither, he fell sick and died. The Bailiff of Orleans was committed unto the custody of his mother in law. And those of the religion as then were drowned in most ardent prayers, tears, and fasts, thereby to obtain some aid and secure at the hands of God, against so many imminent dangers, that as then hung over their heads. The Queen-mother establisheth her authority to sustain those of Guise The Queen-mother perceving her eldest son at such extremity, taking counsel with herself, as also of those of Guise, sent for the king of Navarre, willing him to come unto her Chamber, where being come, and thinking to enter, a Gentleman spoke unto him in his ear, that at any hand he should be careful not to refuse the Queen, whatsoever she should demand, otherwise it would cost him his life. Being entered, he found the Queen to be accompanied with the Duke of Guise, the Cardinal of Lorraine, and a Secretary, who with a countenance framed unto her passion, made great complaints and declarations unto the King of of Navarre, as touching things past, discovering her mind likewise, concerning things present, and to come: concluding that her meaning was, and so she would have it, that the said king of Navarre should release unto her all the right and title that he might in any sort pretend or claim unto the Regency, and government of the king and of the Realm: and never seek to enjoy, require, or once desire it: and that if the States would give it him, he should remit it wholly unto her: and because it should be firmly holden by them, she said he should confirm it unto her by writing under his hand: then her meaning was, he should reconcile himself unto her Cousins of Guise, and so deface the opinion by him conceived against them: saying, that they ought to leave all quarrels, and from thenceforth live in peace: seeing the greatest and worthiest Lords, and Princes of the Land, began to show them the way. After some excuses, and effectual answers made by the King of Navarre, in the end he yielded the Regency unto the Queen, The Regency of the Realm yielded to the Queen-mother. that he should be Lieutenant for the K. in France, to take order for all the Marshal affairs, and to receive the packets: which having opened and read, he should send them unto her again, and that nothing should be done without the advise of him, and the other Princes of the blood: who from thenceforth should otherwise be respected: that done, she caused him to embrace her Cousins of Guise, and mutually on both parts, to forget all quarrels past. From which time forwards they all began to salute and embrace each other, as if they never had been at mortal strife. Reconciliation of those of Guise, with the king of Navarre. All this was done before the arrival of the Constable and his Nephews. Further, they caused the sick king to say unto the King of Navarre, that of his own mind, and wholly against the wills or consents of those of Guise, he had caused the Prince of Conde to be committed prisoner, ask his counsel, and desiring him to believe him: and for the love of him, and of the Queen his mother, to deface and wholly remit all the evil will and opinions, that in any sort he might conceive of them: which after served them to some good end. Those of Guise not well assured, The fear of those of Guise. notwithstanding all that had been past, obtained of the Queen-mother, that the guards of the Gates of Orleans might be made stronger, impeaching the entry of many persons, and commandments made in pain of death, that not any man (whatsoever) should speak unto the Prince of Conde, without express licence and commandment from the Queen-mother, or else that he brought her signer. The death of King Francis the second The 14. of December about noon, they esteemed the king to be dead, although he departed not his life, till about five of the clock at night: not long before his death, those of Guise went to shut themselves within their lodgings, from whence in 36. hours after, they never came forth, before such time as that they had a full assurance, both from the Queen-mother, and also from the king of Navarre: and before that, they carried unto their houses the sum of three or four score thousand Frankes, that rested in the treasure: whereunto no man resisted, which made all men suppose, that the Queen-mother suffered them to do it, the better to maintain herself in time to come. A change in the court. Assoon as the king was dead, the Queen-mother sent for the Constable unto Estampes, in all speed to repair unto the Court: at his arrival he discharged the guard, that were placed by those of Guise to keep the Gates of Orleans: the Prince of Conde continued prisoner in Orleans, ten ortwelue days after the king's death, he never having had the credit once to see him during his imprisonment: after that, he was sent with a guard unto Han, from whence he went to Roye, there to attend the issue of his process, in other sort, then either his friends or enemies once conceived. Delivery of those of the Religion. Those of the religion, that had still remained in long & continual prayers in their most secret assemblies for certain days, began to lift up their heads, being all prepared and ready to die, if the king had lived but certain weeks longer. The king of Spain's troops marching towards Bearn, were countermanded, and so retired without any exploit. Monluc that was promised by those of Guise, to be made Count de Armignac, and stayed for them in that country, retired unto his house, as others adherents unto them, which did the like: the most secret servants that those of Guise could have within the Court, presented themselves with all humility unto the K. of Navarre, The inconstancy of the Court. discovering unto him the certainty of those affairs, that should have been executed against his person. But the Queen-mother would not permit, that neither then, nor at any time after, such things should once be spoken of, thereby fearing (as she said) some great trouble that might arise. But it fell out clean contrary, for that for want of taking order therein, when time served, it grew to such an issue, that both she and her sons, having never seen any other than mischiefs, were deep sunk into them, that before they died, they never could find any certain issue how to avoid them. The Admiral among the rest, wheresoever he came, glorified the wonderful works of God, Constancy of the Admarall. who at that time had delivered him out of the hands of his most mortal enemies, even at such time as they thought most to triumph over him. Those of Guise besought the Queen to make him to be silent, yet he ceased not to offer, and also to justify them to be culpable of divers points of treason, if it pleased her to permit that justice might be given accordingly. She not seeming to hearken thereunto, desired him to think well of them, and from that time to live in peace, assuring him to set good order among them. His answer was, that to show a good countenance unto those that had purchased his death, charged his honour, procured the confiscation of his goods, with the total ruin and overthrow of his house, his kindred, and friends, he could not do it, without showing a double hart, which was a thing clean contrary to his religion, and not fit for any honest man to do: yet he remitted the vengeance unto God, that could well do it when he should see his time, seeing men would not permit him to have justice. Those of Guise, desiring not to be far from the assembly of the Estates, wherein they feared some earnest matter would be propounded against them, King Francis that had been so much moved against those of the religion, is buried after their manner. caused the body of the dead king, to be conveyed by Sansac and la Brosse, unto Saint Denis, where without any solemnity, or royal pomp, it was buried. The Duke of Guise as then great master, and having ceased upon the last receipts of money, not long before the king died, with whom he kept company in his life: was much dispraised and evil thought of, by reason of that great fault: whereunto his servants answered, that as then he had no more need of the king's help, by whom he had served his turn so well, but that thenceforth he was to look unto himself, and to seek to elevate his house. Such was the reign of Francis the second, that died at the age of 17. years lacking one month: in the 17. month of his reign: the 17. day of his sickness: and the 17. hour after midnight: and because that during the short time of his reign, the seeds of civil dissension were sown and scattered in France, which hitherto have endured for the space of twice seventeen years. I thought at large herein to declare all that had passed in this king's time, the better to please the Readers minds. Hear endeth the troubles, that happened in the reign of Francis the second. Charles the ninth. M.D.LX The Regency confirmed to the Queen mother. FRANCIS the second being dead without issue, Charles his third brother succeeded in his place, Son to Henry the second, (the second called Louis, dying an infant) borne the 27. of januarie, 1550. upon the 20. of December, in open Council, where the young king was brought, accompanied with the king of Navarre, and other Princes of the blood, with divers Lords and principal councillors, an order was established for the managing of affairs, and the Regency confirmed unto the Queen. The Parliament. Two days after, the Estates assembled in a great Hall within Orleans, where the Chancellor made an Oration, wherein he showed, to what end an assembly in that sort was to be held: why they had assembled: what good would happen thereby, & wholly confuting those that were in doubt to have them meet, painting them out in all their colours. After that, he propounded the means to appease all troubles, The Chancellor's Oration. showing wherein they might relieve both the Estate and religion, inclining to a Council, exhorting them on all parts, to a perfect union and quietness of mind: lastly, he spoke of the king's debts, which done, he ended his Oration, and so for that time, the assembly came forth. The next day after, certain disputations were holden, to know if the Deputies might as then enter into a Council after the king's death, De Rochefort, for the Nobility. whereby it seemed, all their Commissions not to be of any force: which being decided, they began with Orations. Monsieur de Rochefort speaking for the Nobility, approved the Regency of the Queen-mother, complained of the jurisdictions usurped by the Clergy: of the disorders happened among the Nobility, and of the wrongs done unto them: set down the means to govern the spirituality, and to maintain them within their bounds: spoke for the comfort of the people, specially concerning justice, showing that the Offices for justice, ought to be freely given, justice reduced to a certain necessary number of Officers, and that the Nobility ought not to be secluded from the administration thereof. After that, he spoke touching the disorders used in confiscations, & against seditions, besought the King to receive and maintain the Nobility in their privileges, and withal, presented a request, wherein was required the use of certain Churches for the Nobility, de l'Ange for the third Estate. that as then made profession of the religion. One named l'Ange, speaking for the third Estate, entreated principally against the ignorance, avarice, and carelessness of the Clergy: thereof inferring, that such faults ceasing in them, all troubles would soon be ended. john Quintin Autunois, professor of the civil law in Paris, appointed to make an Oration for the Clergy, (whom the Cardinal of Lorraine had preferred, De Quintin for the Clergy. as also for the Nobility and third Estate: but all in vain) spoke much, but with much derision: pronouncing nothing but by writing, and that with small grace, having for his controwlers divers of the principal Prelates & Cardinals of the Realm. The sum of his Oration, after many and great commendations, uttered in the behalf of the Queen-mother, was to show the principal causes of the assembly of the Estates, not to deal in any thing touching the reformation of religion, which cannot err: but rather to solicit and command the Ministers of the same, duly and truly to execute their charges, and not to permitany other religion then that of Rome: whereupon he made a long invection against those of the religion, & such as had desired Churches: saying, that he which had been the messenger and presenter of their request, (in a manner openly charging the Admiral, set right against, and face to face with that Orator) ought to be held & declaredan Hereticque, & against him, as be-being one, they ought to proceed, according to the rigour both of cannon & civil laws: thereby to root the mischief out of the heart of France. He compared those of the religion unto the Arians: & the Lords that favoured them, to the Traitor Gainas in the time of Arcadius, used all his eloquence to prove the antiquity of the Romish religion, and that those of the religion in France, were dispersed people, and such as sought to induce an Anarchy, wholly unworthy of any support or good entertainment, requiring the prohibition of all books not allowed by the Doctors of the Sorbonistes: concluding therewith, to desire that all those of the religion might be wholly rooted out and extinguished: which done, he directed his speech unto the king and his mother, making request for the maintaining of the persons and goods of the Clergy, for their elections, for the observations of the ancient Cannons, for the exemption of Tithes, contributions, and cotisations, whereupon he made almost a whole hours work. Lastly, he pleaded without request, for the Nobility, for the third Estate, for the government of justice: and to conclude, made a long discourse of the institution of a king. The next day, the Admiral complained unto the king & to the Queen mother, of the presumptuous ignorance of de Quintin, A payment for de Quintin, Orator for the Clergy. that had so openly charged him, touching the presenting of a request in the behalf of the religion, at Fontainbleau. Quiutin excused himself upon the lesson that had been given in writing, and in his second Orarion, denied his first, to please the Admiral: and not long after, died of sorrow and grief, perceiving himself so well discovered, by divers answers made unto his Oration, wherein his Apostasy, his slanders, and his falsehoodes were fully set down. In the beginning of this year, the spirituality had commandment from the king, to be at the Council of Trent, and commission likewise was given unto all judges and other Officers, Orders touching religion. that they should presently release both bodies and goods of all such prisoners, that then were kept or holden in prison for religion: defence being made to all men whatsoever, not to injury them nor their religion, upon pain of death. The States continued their conference at Orleans, where the Citizens of Orleans were much greened, that in the last king's time those of Guise had filled their houses with soldiers, that had fed upon them at their own pleasures, complaining that the Duke de Nemours held a great number secretly in divers places, to do some sudden exploit. The king of Navarre and the Constable, being appeased, the Queen-mother caused all that complaint to cease, contenting themselves, that the Duke disavouched them all. There rested yet another stop, which caused the Parliament to be reiourned until the month of May next after ensuing, to be holden at Pontoise. The King of Navarre and the Channcellor, desiring the estates to take order that the King's debts might be paid: The breaking up of the Parliament. offering to show them a particular roll thereof. The King of Navarre saying further, that if by accounts, they found that he had received any extraordinary gifts, he would freely restore them again. But those of Guise and others, that could not say the like, did so much, that those matters proceeded not any further in question, hoping that time would cause them to speak of other things than restitutions. Not long after, the Prince of Conde recalled unto the Court, came from la Fere, The King justifieth the Prince of Conde. to Fontainbleau, and the next day after his arrival, entered into counsel, upon the thirteenth of March, where in presence of them all, the king declared that he had been sufficiently certified of his innocency, permitting him to make a second declaration thereof at the Court of Parliament in Paris: whither, not long after, the Prince went. On the other side, the King of Navarre, complained to the Queen-mother, touching the Duke of Guise, that was preferred both before himself and the Constable, and proceeded so far therein, that both he, and the rest of the Princes of the blood, with the Constable and divers Noblemen, The Queen-mother assureth her regency. began to prepare themselves to departed out of the Court: but she perceived that to be a blow wherewith to abate her government, by the Cardinal of Tournons' means, she sent for the Constable, commanding him expressly from the King, that he should not departed from the Court. Which done, she stayed the rest, and so broke off that matter, to her no small contentment. The report of this discontentment, being spread into divers places, the Deputies for the assembly of the particular states of Paris, began to speak thereof, and earnestly to agree of some order to be taken, The particular states of Paris, see clearer than others. touching the government of the Realm, displacing of some, and placing of others in principal offices: to constrain those of Guise to yield an account, touching the treasures by them received in the last King's time, as also of other their misbehaviours: to recall the gifts made unto the Duchess of Valentinois, themselves and others: & that before their justification they should not sit in counsel. The Queen-mother much troubled thereat, found no better nor no surer means, then to make a new contract with the king of Mavarre, and therein to employ the Constable, that by the accord between them, the King of Navarre was expressly declared Liestenant General for the King, To break their intent, the Queen-mother agreeth with the King of Navarre. and order set down that the Queen-mother should do nothing but by his advise and consent. This was written and signed by them both, as also by the Council, and namely by the Duke of Guise, who by the Queen's Counsel showed himself much more tractable than ever he did. divers of the King of Navarres Council, were of the contrary opinion, although he alleged divers great promises made unto him from the Queen by word of mouth, alleging that she would wholly deny whatsoever she had said: that his Lieutenants place should be but in paper, and that if the matter were ruled and ordered by the Estates, both the Queen and those of Guise, with all their adherents, would be so dealt withal, that the realm would be restored unto her pristinate government: and that to the contrary, leaving things in that order, France as then being at peace and quietness with foreign enemies, would presently be troubled in most strange and extraordinary manner within itself: for partialities being great on both sides, the one would seek to overrun the other: and that it was to be hoped, that if the affairs of the estate were ruled & ordered according to the laws of the Realm, men might easily impeach and hinder wicked men, from effecting that which by them is secretly pretended: that then at the beginning it behoved them to look unto it, and to be well advised, thereby to establish peace and good government in the affairs of the Realm. But whatsoever they said, it was to no effect, whereby both the King of Navarre himself, the Princes of the blood, and all the Realm in general, did after endure much woe, the wound whereof as yet remaineth fresh. The increase of the religion not supported. Forth us it fell out, those of the religion openly increasing within France, and in the Court the King of Navarre did seem to support them: Sermons were made both in the prince of Condes & the Admiral's chambers, as also both within and without the Court, and the Queen-mother caused the Bishop of Valence, to preach within the great Hall, which Bishop followed not the Sorbonists doctrine, such as desired nothing but new troubles, thereby not to be constrained to give account for things past, and that knew full well, that the sweet air of a firm and steadfast peace, would soon melt and consume them, or else reduce them into so miserable an estate, that they should be forced to hide their heads, taking that occasion as it fell out. They first inflamed the Constable by the daily speeches and exclamations of his wife, ordinarily accompanied and plied by Priests and Friars, and then by his kinsmen. And lastly, The perturbers solicit the Constable to begin their Tragedy. by certain persons purposely appointed to that end by those of Guise, as also by the Queen-mother against those of the religion, saying that they went about wholly to abolish the Mass, and all his Relics, and that under pretence of yielding up of accounts and extraordinary gifts, they sought to unhorsed him, that for the space of forty years, had dealt in the greatest and most urgent affairs of the Realm. The Marshal of Saint Andre, and Montpesat drove forward this wheel, and therewith persuaded the Constable, already moved, in that he saw and openly perceived, the ancient traditions of the Romish Church to be wholly despised, both by great and small within the Court. His eldest son, who being a Lord of great judgement, and perceiving his Father upon the point to be separated and disjoined from the Prince of Conde, and his Nephews the Chastillon, & other great Lords, thereby to become the executioner of the Guisians passions, used all the means he could to drive back the blow: but he did no more therein, than the Admiral and his brother the Cardinal de Chastillon. The Constable remaining firm in that opinion, that changing of religion would breed an alteration of the estate, which he would not endure: and to conclude, not long after, he and the Duke of Guise having made divers banquets, together with the Duke de Montpensieur at Fontainbleau, the Constable made a Supper to the Duke of Guise: the Prince de jainuille, and the Marshal of Saint Andre, the next day riding to Chantilly, to the marriage of Thore his fift son: the Duke of Guise not long after following him to Nantueil, about five miles from thence, where by letters they had many and several conferences. The common people in division, following the example of the Nobility. The people of France being used to cast their eyes upon the Court, perceiving that there the great personages began to look with strange countenances upon each other, they began to do the like. There wanted no provokers nor persuaders in the temples, who without suppression spoke of nothing else but fire and sword, whereby in many places ensued great mutinies, as in Beawais, Amiens, Pontoise, and other Towns, wherein most great excess and rigour was shown to those of the religion, who being as it were but a handful, in comparison to those of the Romish Church, demanded nought but peace, sometimes certain of them (less patiented than the rest) not being able to endure the injuries of those that termed them Huguenots, and no Christians, began to reply in like manner, calling such as abused them, Papists, and from such stinging words, they fell to quarrels: which differences produced an edict made at Fontainbleau, forbidding those reproaches and names of Huguenots and Papists: also not to search any man's house, nor to keep any man prisoner for the religion, under colour and pretence of certain forms not well observed. An edict made at Fontainbleau as aremedy against the order taken by the Parliament, which, as then was almost broken. The Parliament of Paris, that likewise began to take a part, in stead of opposing itself against commotions that might alter and change the quietness of the estate, made great declarations unto the King, affirming most plainly, that the diversity of religion, is not to be endured in one estate, condemning that, by them termed to be a liberty of conscience, and requiring the king to make and ordain an open profession of the Romish religion, and thereunto to enjoin all his subjects whatsoever, to observe and keep it, upon such pains and penalties, as he and his learned Council should think most convenient. There were other declarations made touching the words of Papists and to live Catholickely, contained within the edict, whereupon those of the Parliament propounded many difficulties, to the great hurt and detriment of those of the religion, that were wholly and openly condemned: and the Pope expressly named the head, and God's Vicar upon earth. This wind served but only with more speed to assemble and bring together the tempests of civil wars, which at this day as yet continueth. Sacrying of the king. The Cardinal's complaints. In the month of june, the king was sacred in Reims, where were present thirteen Peers of France, the king's eldest brother being the first, and all the other Princes of the blood sitting in their degrees, there the Cardinal of Lorraine made great complaints against those of the religion, whereupon it was determined, that a new assembly of the Princes, Lords, and others of the privy Council, should be made in the Court of Parliament in Parrris, to take order therein. Not long after, letters patents were sent unto the Precedents de Thou, and Seguier, to assemble the particular Estates of Paris: but upon the opposition framed by the councillor Ruze, in the name of the Nobility, those assemblies of Estates were broken up, without any resolution: only in one point, which was, that the payment of the King's debts should be imposed upon the Clergy. About the same time, the act for the clearing the Prince of Conde of treason, was newly published, & proclaimed openly in the Court, by Precedent Baillet: the doors being open, and all the judges and Councillors being present in their Scarlet gowns, within the great chamber, where were present divers Princes and Noblemen, A decree in the Court of Parliament, to justify the Prince of Conde and others. the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine being of the train. There the Prince was declared innocent in that which had been imposed against him, and free liberty reserved unto him, to have law against all such, as he therein suspected to be his enemies and false accusers: and such recompense in that case to be allowed him, as to a man of his estate might appertain. The like Acts were read and pronounced at the same time for Madame de Roye, Vidame de Chartres deceased, Monsieur de Cany, and the councillor de la hay. Not long after, the king, the Queen his mother, and the privy Council, came into the Parliament, and there, after many and divers opinions given forth concerning religion, in the month of july, The edict of julie. an edict was published upon pain of death, forbidding all injurious speeches & words whatsoever, on both sides to be used: all leagues and things tending unto sedition: all slanderous words against Preachers and assemblies, forbidden to those of the religion: who nevertheless could not have been condemned to endure a greater pain, unless it had been banishment out of the Realm: all which provision, until a full and ample declaration should be made by a general Council, or by the next assembly of the Prelates, all faults past, in respect of those of the religion, to be remitted, with commandment to punish all such as should seem to delay them: Bastionadoes forbidden, but only to men of quality. In like sort the Prelates were sent for, to be at the conference and safe conduct given unto all Ministers, freely to come and dispute of their religion. Practices against the King of Navarre. The place being assigned at Poissy, while those of the religion were in good hope, because the Cardinal of Lorraine and others, protested to reason quietly touching the articles debated by the parcels of the holy scripture: means was practised wholly to divert the king of Navarre, from the affection by him showed to those of the religion, and by the means of the assembly at Poissy, to break off the Parliament, as then reiourned until the month of August next after ensuing: because the Queen-mother knew full well, that the Gentlemen and the Commons, would ask to have Churches allowed unto them: which being agreed unto, would make the Prince's part too strong, which she doubted. Such order therefore was taken in that point, that Descars before that, Chamberlain to the king of Navarre, and put from his Master, Descars entertained. having discovered him to be a Pensioner to those of Guise, was restored to his place, and became in more favour than ever he had been. Also the Duke of Guise, being returned from Callais, where he had been with Monsieur d'Anuille, second son to the Constable, and a great number of other Courtiers, to conduct the Queen of Scots widow, to Francis the second: solicited the Prince of Conde, An agreement between the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Guise. to be reconciled unto him: at the which agreement made at Saint Germans in Say, upon the 24. of August, with the king and the Queen-mother, there were present all the Princes, Noblemen, Cardinals, councillors, and Knights of the Order. The king having spoken of the cause of the assembly, commanded the Duke of Guise to speak, who turning unto the Prince, spoke and said: Sir, I neither have, nor ever meant to do, or execute any thing, that should be against your Honour: neither was I either author, means, or mover of your imprisonment. The Prince of Conde answered him and said, I esteem them both for wicked and mischievous persons, that were the cause thereof. The Duke replied and said, I believe it well, but that toucheth not me: which done, at the king's request, they embraced each other, with promise from thenceforth to continue good friends: and the Queen-mother to witness the joy she then conceived, that day held a solemn Feast. The Queen-mother practise a both with great and small, to maintain her Regency. As touching the Estates reiourned unto Pontoire, in the month of August as then it was no longer time to defer them: but the Queen playing secretly on both parts, to ratify the agreement made between her and the king of Navarre touching the Regency, and to the end it should no more be spoken of, first sent thither the councillor du Mortier, that was sent back again, finding so many that spoke against him. Wherewith the Queen calling her wits together, she remembered that he had always borne a good countenance unto the Admiral, pretending in some earnest matter to employ his aid: and occasion as then falling out, this Lord was sought unto by all means, and thousands promises were made unto him, for the ease and relief of those of the religion: he perceiving that the King of Navarre had no desire to deal therein, and (after the manner of simple men) trusting to many and great protestations, made and uttered unto him concerning his future good, used Clarklike means, employing himself unto the Estates, for the confirmation of the accord aforesaid: The States forced to agree to a thing that overthrew a law of the Realm. and to finish up the matter, the King of Navarre himself went thither in person to certify them, that he had resigned his right & title unto the Queen: which notwithstanding the matter was much debated, many great personages partly perceiving the great mischiefs, which by that disorder would in fine, grow up in such sort, that the Estates agreed not thereunto, but with protestation to the contrary, in their bills which they presented unto the king at Saint Germans in Say, where the general assembly was holden, the Chancellor commanded by the king, by a long Oration persuaded the company to determine with themselves, whether it would be necessary and convenient, that the assembly of the religion should be holden or forbidden. And after him, Lieutenant Autun, surnamed Britain, speaking for the commonalty, in a large discourse, showed the abuse both in the goods and jurisdictions of Ecclesiastical persons: their duties, the great charges that spoiled and overthrew the people, required that the persecutions should be ceased against those of the religion: that promise should be made unto them of an assembly, and that to the same end, Churches might be permitted unto them: also that their principal Ministers should be called to confer with them of the differences of religion. Touching the acquitting of the king's debts, and ordering of other affairs, the third Estate made a large coverture, proposing divers means to cease division, and to reduce the Realm into as rich estate as ever it was. But because divers matters propounded, touched and concerned many of the greatest personages, specially the spirituality, it was all but words, which likewise were the cause to hasten the principals of such Sects, to invent their conspiracies. The Clergy desiring to get out of the mire, made offer, that to acquit the king of his debts, for the space of six months, they would every year pay four tithes: at the same time likewise, the Imposts of five sols, upon every Alme of Wine entering into every walled Town, was raised for the term of six years and no more: besides the eighth and tenth part being ordinary custom. While the Estates were busied to dispute and determine of matters concerning the Estate, The Pope's devise to hinder the assembly of Poissy. Pope Pius having been advertised what had been determined touching the assembly at Poissy, sent the Cardinal of Ferrare his Legate in France, with charge to remit all things touching religion, unto his Council, because that among other articles agreed upon by the States, it had been decreed, that the benefices of the Realm should be conferred by the Ordinaries, every man in his jurisdiction, and not by the Pope. Also that dispenses should more be allowed. There was likewise a question among them, touching the reception of the Legate: who in fine made such means, that the Chancellor was commanded to seal his letters of authority, which the Chancellor did not, but after many commissions, adding thereunto, that it was done without his consent: the Court of Parliament would not approve them: and touching the Courtiers, at the first the Legate was but hardly used by them, but he used such means by his friends, that in the end he got the upper hand, having with his assistants in France, frustrated the assembly of Poissy. Assembly of the Clergy for the conference at Poissy. At the same time the Prelates assembled, for the conference at Poissy, and because some of them were wholly without learning, and the rest little studied in the holy Scriptures, they brought with them a great number of Sorbon Doctors and others, whom they appointed to dispute in their presence, thereby to learn what were best for them to say. Touching those among them, that had any learning, they were suspected, so that in their particular conferences, many times there happened great strife among them, and many times blows: whereat the Courtiers made great sport. While they were in this debate among themselves, divers Ministers of the Churches in France, to the number of twelve, with 22. Deputies, The Ministers came to Poissy, and present a request unto the king, with the confession of the faith. by the king's safe conduct and commandment, arrived at Poissy: not long after, followed by Pierre Martyr, & Theodore Beza, whom the king of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, had caused to come from Zurche and Geneva. Those that first arrived, presented a petition unto the king, upon the tenth of August, wherein they desired that commandment might be made unto the Prelates, to peruse the declaration of the faith of the reformed Churches, presented unto the king since the ninth of june than last passed: to the end, that at the first assembly, they might show what cause they had to deny it: and upon their objections, to hear the defences of the said Churches, by the mouths of their Ministers and Deputies. They further desired, that the Prelates and other Ecclesiastical persons, might not be judges over them, seeing they were parties against them, that the king and his Council would be present at that assembly, that all the differences might be decreed by the only word of God: that two Secretaries might be chosen on each part, that every day might confer the notes of their disputations together: and that those notes should not be holden nor accounted for lawful, before the parties had subscribed unto them. The king received the confession and petition, The King's answer. by the hands of Augustin Marlorat, and Francis de S. Paul, in the presence of his Mother, the king of Navarre, and other Princes of the blood, with divers Lords of the Council: and with a good countenance, said unto them: I will refer your petition unto my Council, and you shall receive an answer from my Chancellor. The 24. of August, 1565 Th. de Beza preached at the Court. And the 24. of August 1574. the Massacre was committed against those of the religion. Conference between Th. de Beza, and the Cardinal. Theodore de Beza being arrived at Saint Germans in Say, upon the 24. of August he preached publicly, & the next day at the Castle, within the Prince of Condes Hall, where he had a great and notable assembly without any noise or trouble. The same day about evening, being sent for into the king of Navarres Chamber, there he found the Queen, the king of Navarre, the Prince, the Cardinals of Bourbon and Lorraine, the Duke de Estampes, & Madame de Crussol, where having made a low reverence unto the Queen, in few words he showed her the cause of his coming thither, together with the desire he had, as also all his company, to serve God and his Majesty, in so holy, commendable, and necessary an enterprise. Thereupon the Cardinal of Lorraine began to speak, charging Beza to have been author of the troubles, to have dispersed infamous libels about the Realm of France: and to have spoken with unreverent speeches touching the presence of our Lord in his holy supper. But he having in few words showed the vanity of the two first articles, he entered into a reasonable large discourse of the third: wherein he so well satisfied all the common questions of the Cardinal, that he said expressly unto the Queen, that he was very well pleased to hear him speak, and greatly in hope that the conference of Poissy would proceed to a hat pie end, with so courteous and reasonable disputation: and with that, speaking to Beza, he said: I am glad, that I have both seen and heard you speak: I protest in the name of God, that you shall confer with me, to the end, that I may understand your reasons, and your minds: and you shall find that I am not so black as I am deciphered. Beza thanked him, and besought God to continue him in that good mind, promising for his part, to employ himself for the advancement of the good of God's flock, as much as in him lay. Madam de Crussul there upon said, (as she was always bold to speak) that it would be necessary to have Ink and paper, A pleasant and notable speech of Madame de Crussull. to cause the Cardinal to sign & avow his saying. For (said she) in the morning he will speak clean contrary: and she divined right: for in the morning, a report was spread about the Court, that at the first meeting, the Cardinal had confounded and reduced Theodore de Beza. In such manner, that the Queen was costrained to tell the Constable, (who much rejoiced thereat, as thinking it to be certain) that he was wrong informed. Not long after, the queen of Navarre arrived at the court, which made the assemblies to increase. The second request of the Ministers. The eight of September, the ministers presented a second request, wherein they showed a reason of the articles propounded, in their first requiring answer. The Queen mother received this petition in the presence of the King of Navarre, the Prince, the Admiral, the Chancellor, and one of his Secretaries: which done, she dismissed Beza, and three others, that accompanied him, with good speeches and assurances, that the Clergy should not be their judges. The beginning of the conference at Poissy The next day about noon, the king (accompanied as his estate required) entered into the great refectory of the noon in Poissy, where the Princes and Princesses being set on each side, and behind him, somewhat lower, fat six Cardinals, 36. Bishops, and archbishops: and behind them, divers Doctors, and men of the Clergy. Right before him, at the end of the hall, stood his guard, and behind them a great number of men of all estates, there he made a short and small declaration touching the cause of that assembly, commanding the Chancellor in larger manner to make it known unto them. The Cardinal de Tournon, in the name of all the Prelates, humbly thanked the king: which done, he desired that the Chancellor might deliver his proposition in writing, and that leisure might be given them to consider thereof: which was refused them. Thereupon the Ministers, to the number of twelve, with 22. Deputies of the Churches in the Provinces that assisted them, The Ministers and deputies for the religion, appeared before one of the greatest assemblies that ever was in our time, and there confessed their faith being called and brought in by the Duke of Guise that had the charge, with Monsieur de la Ferte, Captain of the guard, were led unto the bars, where all bareheaded they stayed: and Theodore de Beza being chosen by them all, began to speak, and first having made a brief Preface unto the king, he began his Oration with an humble and ardent prayer unto God, devised and employed to the time and occasion of that assembly: which done, standing up, he showed the most singular contentment, which all those of the relgion received at that time, by having such recourse unto their Sovereign and lawful Prince, the Queen, the Princes of the blood, with all the Lords and notable persons at that time, and in that place assembled: that done, he showed the sincerity and good desire of all those of the religion: which being ended, he entered into the principal point, making a most ample & large collection of the articles of Christian doctrine: not forgetting any point that is in controversy, but he expounded it sufficiently: withal, saying somewhat touching the Discipline of the Church: concluding, that both he, and his companions, with all those that were of the religion, desired nothing but the reformation of the Church, which only desires to live and die under the obedience and protection of the king: detesting all those that sought the contrary: praying to God for the prosperity of the king, his mother, his Council, and the Estate, and thereupon having made a great reverence, he pursued with his matter, presenting to the king, The confession delivered to the king, and received by him. the confession of the faith of the Churches of France, requiring that the conference might be made upon the same. His long Oration was pronounced with a most acceptable voice to all the assistants, and heard with a most singular contentment even to the end, where he spoke very openly to the Prelates like, against the opinion of the presences of the Lords body in the bread. For this article put them in a great murmuration, (although before he had spoken many other things, that expressly condemned the Doctrine of the Church of Rome) nevertheless, he proceeded and ended: the king nor any of the Prelates not once offering to rise. His Oration ended, the king received the confession of the Churches, by the hands of the aforesaid Monsieur de Ferte Captain of the guard, which he delivered unto the Prelates. The Prelate's behaviour after the Oration, in the name of the Churches. Among other Prelates that were in a hot case, the Cardinal de Tourno● boiling in hot chollour, having desired the King to persever in the religion of his ancestor, asked time to answer to that Oration, saying, that it should be well answered, and that he hoped that the King having heard the answer, would be reduced, and remembering that word (he said) not reduced, but holden and kept in the good and perfect way: the Queen sought to qualify his choler. The next day, Theodore de Beza wrote and sent the Queen an ample exposition, of that which he had spoken touching the Lord's Supper, to the great misliking of the Prelates: who being assembled to consult touching their affairs, the Cardinal of Lorraine began with these words: In my opinion, I would that he (meaning Theodore de Beza) had either been dumb, or we deaf. And after many opinions given, it was determined, that the Cardinal assisted by divers Doctors, The mean to be judges in their own cause. specially of claud Despense, that framed the answer and served for a prompter unto his Disciple, should answer only to two points: that is, touching the Church and the Lords Supper: not to dispute thereof, but that it should not be thought they were without reply. For the rest, that they should frame a confession of the faith, opposite to that of the Ministers, which if they refused to approve, sentence of condemnation should be solemnly pronounced against them: and by that means, the conference would be ended without any more disputation. The Ministers advertised of this resolution, contrary unto all Ecclesiastical conference, by request made their complaint unto the King, which being presented to the Chancellor, A new invention of the Cardinal to disgrace the Ministers. he according to his wisdom provided for it in such sort, that the Prelates proceeded in another manner. Touching the Cardinal, he bethought himself of a new expedition, in his advise very fit, thereby to confound the Ministers, and with mockery to send them from the Court: for the which cause he wrote unto Monsieur de Vieilleville, Governor of Metz, that with all speed he should procure certain Theologians, to be sent out of German, who touching the Lords Supper did not agree in opinion with those of the Churches of France: pretending to cause those Theologians, to strive and dispute against the Ministers, and having had some pastime to hear them at variance, to send them both away without any further conference. Vieilleville used such diligence, that three or four Doctors of Virtemberg, and two Theologians of Heidelberg, went presently into France: but one of those of Virtemberg dying of the plague within the City of Paris, and the two Theologians of Heidelberg being of the opinion of the Churches of France, the Cardinal's expectation therein was frustrate, & yet they offered him fair, for that they determined to ask him and the rest of the Prelates, if they meant to hold with the confession of Ausbourg, having called some of those Doctors, and asked them, when the Cardinal would give an answer, who in fine, was constrained to seek some other places of refuge. The Cardinal's Oration. The 6. of September, the Cardinal in presence of the King, the Princes, and the Council, made his Oration, containing a long deduction of two points agreed upon by the Prelates, which were touching the Church and the Lords Supper: that done, they most instantly besought the King, to continue in the religion of his ancestors, & to summon the Ministers to underwrite that which the Cardinal had propounded: which done, they would confer upon the rest of their articles: & that if they denied it, they should wholly be refused to be heard: and presently sent out of the Realm, wherein there ought to be but one faith, one law, and one king. The Ministers requests The Ministers as then required to be heard what they could answer unto the Cardinal, but it was referred until an other time: and although that from that time forth they used many means to be heard in open audience, they could never obtain it, only upon the 24. day of the same month, Theodore de Beza, in presence of the king and his Council, answered unto the Oration made by the Cardinal: where were present five Cardinals, and fifteen or sixteen Doctors. Despense and Desanctes made certain disputations, where unto Beza made answer. The Cardinal of Lorraine had summoned the Ministers, to know if they would allow of the confession of Ausbourg: and they desired him first to sign it, which done, they would follow: but there he was at a nonplus: which was done upon the 26. of March, where once again Despense discoursed of the Lords Supper: divers conferences between the Ministers and Doctors that spoke for the Prelates. The resolution of Sorbonne. and after him, Doctor Martyr in a large and ample manner: but because he spoke Italian, the Cardinal said he would not deal with any, but such as spoke the French tongue. A Spaniard general of the jesuits, would likewise have spoken, whom the Beza have refuted, he entered into disputation with Despense. The rest of the Ministers also answered unto certain objections propounded by other Doctors of Sorbonne, touching the interpretation of the words in the institution of the Lords supper. After that, all was changed into a particular conference, wherein it was impossible for the Ministers to induce the Deputies for the Prelates unto any orderly disputation, neither yet to the conclusion of any articles. That of the holy Supper was oftentimes entreated of, and sometimes it seemed that the parties were almost at an agreement: but the Sorbonne Interpreted that very hardly, which by the Doctors of the Deputies for the Prelates had been allowed of, and made an invection in writing against the Ministers, desiring that they might be driven out of the Realm, if they would not approve and allow of the doctrine of Sorbonne, touching the eucharist. The Ministers to the contrary, humbly required, that the confessions and articles of the doctrine on both parts might be examined, by the order usually observed at all times in any Ecclesiastical conferences: but their adversaries who in most bold and evident manner showed themselves to be their judges, would never consent thereto. The 13. of October, the Prelates having thanked and discharged their Doctors, sent them away, and in the end withdrew themselves, having first taken order touching their cannons, which concerned not any Christian doctrine, only discovering certain disorders in their Clergy: the reformation whereof, they referred unto the Pope, and the Council of Trent, that did nothing therein, because their Church cannot err. At the same time certain letters were discovered, written in the King's name unto his Ambassador in Rome, named Monsieurde l'Isle, & others from the Queen-mother, which showed that all their conference was but a devise, and mere invention, thereby to entrap the Clergy, which agreed unto some Tithes, to save the rest of their stakes: The intent of the assembly at Poissy. Advancement of those of the religion and that was it whereof they sought to be resolved, and not of the religion, nor yet of any thing that concerneth the conscience, wherein divers of them had in a manner played Banckerrupt. After the departure of the assembly, those of the religion by little and little began to preach openly, and in some places without resistance, ceased upon certain Churches, whereof ensued an edict, made by the King, bearing date the 3. of November, which commanded them to leave them, which they presently performed in the same month. Those of Paris being assembled to preach in a Garden without the Church-gate, called la Cerisaye, at their return there was some blows given, but the hurt was less than it was thought to be, because the conference of Poissy had reduced no remedy, that the parties were still at difference: and that the religion openly advanced itself throughout all the Realm. Counsel given to assemble the chief persons of the realm to take order touching those affairs. The Queen was counseled to assemble the most notable persons of all the Parliaments in France, with the Princes of the blood, Lords, councillors, and masters of Requests, thereby to advise and make some new edict, touching the government and order of those of the religion, as also to answer unto the demand of the States, that had most instantly desired to have allowances of Temples. The chief of the Romish Church, and among the rest, those of Guise, found this counsel not to be expedient, alleging that they ought to be content with the edict of july: and withal, they complained of the Queen's levity, openly accusing the king of Navarre, the Prince, the Admiral and his brethren. The Queen that sought to assure her Regency, would not hearken thereunto, whereby those of Guise took occasion to withdraw themselves from the Court, leaving certain servitors and solicitors to supply their places. The Queen willingly gave them leave to departed, assuring them of her good will, both to them and their religion, and desired them to return assoon as possibly they might. They went from thence about the end of November, and at the time of their departure, there rose a most horrible & extraordinary wind: aforeshewing (as some affirmed) of the tempest that not long after ensued. At the same time likewise were brought and sold in the Court, three great Pictures, most excellently wrought, (whereof one was bought by the Prince of Conde) wherein was represented the bloody and horrible massacres of the ancient Triumuiras of Rome, true Pictures & shows of the cruelties exercised the year ensuing, by the support, and in the presence of French Triumuirat, upon those of the religion. Not long before their departure, the Queen of Navarre discovered an enterprise, An enterprise of the Duke de Nemours. made to take away the Duke of Orleans, the King's brother, and to carry him into Lorraine: for which cause the Duke de Nemours, in all haste saved himself, and returned not again, until the civil wars began to arise. The report also was spread abroad, that the King of Spain, and other Prince's adherents to the Pope, made preparations to aid their participants in France, and to disperse the assembles of those of the religion. The Queen inquireth what forces the religion could make. All these things, moved the Queen to make inquiry of the forces and means of those of the religion, whereof were found 2150. Churches and more, for the which the Deputies had required Churches, offering all service and obedience unto the King, both with bodies and goods at their own charges: but she desired to know it more at large, which by many of the Churches was thought to be superstitious, and thereby they made no such certificates, because of the diversity of opinions, although some of them thought it both good and necessary, to show the Queen the number of the forces, as well horse as foot, which by those of the religion might easily be raised, judging that such a power, as it after appeared to be, had been the means to draw the Queen, and by consequent, the Kings and all the Princes of his part, unto them, which would easily have stayed those of Guise and their partakers, & in appearance have wholly hindered the discipation of the Churches, stopping the passage unto all strangers, other suspecting the Queen's intent, and fearing least so open a discovery should be the cause, the easilier to expose for a pray unto their enemies, would not proceed so far. The commotion of Medard. These things being thus embroil, about the end of the year, there happened a great mutiny in Paris, raised by certain Priests of Saint Medards Church, in the Subburbes of S. Marceau, which rang a bell, while those of the religion were assembled at a Sermon: from whence proceeded wounds, murders, and imprisonments, where those of the religion not being the beginners, paid a fine, and four of them, one being Gabaston knight of the watch, were executed, to appease the people of Paris, and yet not presently done. 1562. The Edict of january. In the beginning of the month of january, and the absence of those of Cuise, that thought upon other matters: as also of the Constable that would not be present, a great assembly (such as the like had not been seen in France) was made, there by to take order touching the Estate, and to ordain an edict: wherein, after each man had said and propounded his mind, touching the which was esteemed by them to be most convenient and necessary for the good and quietness of the Commonwealth, in the end it was agreed to make that solemn edict, which until this time, beareth the name of the edict of january: which being a true means to prevent and stop the mischiefs which as then threatened the Realm of France, was nevertheless in the end, turned unto an occasion of the greatest calamities that ever happened therein. By it, the edict of july was abolished, permission granted to those of the religion, to assemble without the Towns, and sufficient order taken, that either part might live in peace and quietness with each other, which was agreed upon, and signed at Saint Germans in Say, the seventeenth day of january. Difficulties in the same. The execution of this edict moved great difficulties, specially on the part of those of the Romish Church. Touching those of the religion, their Ministers and Deputies, having resolved upon certain doubts that might be made, they ranged themseluelues wholly unto the King's pleasure. The Parliaments, only two or three, made much difficulty to publish it: that of Diyon would never do it, and that of Paris, made great question upon it. The chief Precedent, Bourdin the King's Attorney, held firm for the Church of Rome, assisted by Merle, Provost of Merchants, Marcell Sheriff, and divers others. The King of Navarre seduced by his enemies. The winds that made them turn, blew from the Constable and those of Guise: yet they had done little or nothing at all, if at that time the King of Navarre had not suffered himself to be seduced by his most deadly enemies, that had for instruments of his overthrow, the Ambassador of Spain, the Pope's Legate, and the Cardinal de Tournon, aided by two of his principal servants, Descars and the Bishop of mand. He not being ambitious, suffered himself to be persuaded, that if be would but show him as neuter, and cause the Prince his son but once to hear Mass, the king of Spain would peaceably yield up the Realm Sardagne unto him: which they affirmed to be an Island, no less in value then that of Sicily, and four times as much as his Realm of Navarre: which was as much (as a man may say) to present him with nothing between two dishes, and thereby to bereave him of the certain and honourable means to recover his Realm of Navarre, if he would have harkened thereunto, and continued to have favoured and supported those of the religion, as he had done until the edict of jenuary: nevertheless, the pernicious counsel of those men, was of such force, that he fully determined to believe it. By little and little he withdrew himself from those whom he had savoured. Whereupon he sent Monsieur d'Anduze into Spain, and Descars to Rome, from whence having received news, he began by little and little to withdraw himself from those of the religion, to use the Queen his wife somewhat hardly: and among others, to court a Gentlewoman attending upon the Queen-mother, in such sort, that from day to day, the mischief increased, to the great grief and sorrow of all such as before that time honoured him, specially of his wife, a Princess most wise and virtuous, that sought all means to reduce him, but by no means could effect it: yet was she solicited by the Queen-mother, to seem to agree and hearken unto the King her husbands mind. Whereunto she answered, that before she would go to Mass, if she were able to hold her Realm of Navarre, and her son within her, hands, she would cast them both into the Sea, thereby not to impeach her, which was the means in that behalf, not to move her any more. The Queen mother showeth herself a neuter. The Queen-mother perceiving the king of Navarre to yield to the other side, determined for a time to seem to be indifferent, that of the religion being very strong, & full of resolution, and for that cause she entertained the Prince of Conde and the Admiral with fair speeches, giving order in Paris and other places, that those of the religion should be maintained and upholden peaceably, in the exercise of their religion. On the other side, covertly making certain small breaches in the edict, by certain modifications, termed declarations, made by the King. Those of Guise slept not, but devised a new matter in Germany, The Guisians feign to be desirous to be of the confession of Ausbourg. therewith to blind the eyes of the Protestant Princes: the Cardinal having desired a meeting to be made by the Duke de Virtemberg at Sauerne, there to confer with the Ministers touching the confession of Ausbourg. john Brence, and jaques Andre the Duke's Preachers, and two principal Doctors of Germany came thither, and there conferred with the Cardinal, who presented them with certain vessels of silver, and used the matter in such sort, that the Duke departed with opinion to have done some great matter: & by that means, those Almain Doctors verily thought within short space to plant their error in France. In the mean time, those of Guise, that laughted at the simplicity of the Almain Prince, having received news that the king of Navarre held with them, determined in all haste to repair unto the Court. On the other side, the Queen advertised by many and divers receipts, and solicited by those of the religion, Publication of the Edict of january in Paris, A vain disputation, upon vanity. came to S. Germains to Paris, and did so much, that upon the 6. of March, the edict of january was both allowed and published in the Court of Parliament: with protestation, that nevertheless, it was done to obey the urgent necessity of time, and the king's pleasure. At the same time, she caused conference to be holden between the Ministers and the Sorbonistes, touching the adoration of Images, whereof ensued no other thing, then only that each of them remained still in their own opinions. She likewise sent Monsieur de Cursol into Dauphin and Languedoc, to give order touching the troubles in those places: and Monluc into Guyenne, for assistant to Monsieur de Burie● she thought to have sent the Prince of Conde, Miseries of France. but that intent broke off: whereby those of Guyenne found themselves but in hard case, for that therein Monluc used great and cruel oppressions, which he himself hath set down within his Commentaries: wherein after his death he hath spit forth the rest of that his fury, which during his life, he could not fully execute upon them. It was thought good likewise, (thereby to prevent that which not long after fell out) that each Governor should withdraw himself into his Province: whereunto the Marshal de S. Andre, well backed, answered, that his office bound him at that time to remain at the Court, near unto the King. On the other side, the King of Navarre showed so strange a countenance unto the Admiral and his brethren, that they withdrew themselves into their houses. The presumption of the Marshal de S. Andre. The Prince of Conde stayed, and to take Physic, went to Paris: while the King was led by the Queen his mother, unto Mouceaux in Brie. Those of Guise being advertised of all that passed, determined with a good troop to ride to Paris, where the Constable was to meet them: as he did. It is said that the Queen desired them to come thither without arms, which the Duke of Guise did not, as by effect appeareth. The first of March, he having upon the day before departed from his house of januille in Champagne, A brief discourse of the massacre of Vassy. accompanied with his wife and the Cardinal of Guise his brother, he road unto Vassy, a Village not far from thence: having with him, about two hundredth men armed with calivers, pistols, and courtelasses. And 8. days before, his company of lancers stayed there for him, and as they came near the Village, having understood the bell to ring unto a Sermon, to be preached by those of the religion, within a barn of the said Village of Vassy, wherein might be assembled to the number of one thousand or twelve hundredth persons, both men, women, and children, all peaceable and without arms: as he lighted from his horse, and having secretly spoken with the Provost, and the Prior of the Monastery, he went with all his troop, both horse and foot, unto the barn: young lafoy Brosse Cornet of his Lanciers, marched first, and entered into the barn: seconded by four or five hundredth others, where he began to blaspheme and swear, that he would kill them all. His men began without, having slain three, and the Gate being forced, themassacre began: the Duke being there in presence with his naked sword in hand, followed by the elder la Brosse, Lieutenant of his company. On their part of the religion, there was no manner of resistance, but only prayers to God, & running away, every man to save himself, as it pleased god: where, besides a great number of wounded people, there was 42. men slain, and many that died in short space after: they killed likewise certain women. The poors box was taken and emptied: the Pulpit broken down: the Minister hurt in many places, was led prisoner: the dead bodies being despoiled and stripped of coats, hose, shoes, and all that was about them, and many men being stripped, saved themselves, all bloody and sore wounded. New matter against those of Vassy. After this valiant combat, which being executed with the sound of the Duke's Trumpet, as if he had fought against the enemies of the Crown, he departed with his bloody troops, and laden with spoils, took the way that led to Reims, where the Cardinal of Lorraine stayed for him. but not content to have dealt so cruelly with those of Vassy, he becaused certain informations to be made against them: wherein the principal murderers were witnesses. And eight days after, the Duchess Dowager of Guise, sent Monsieur de Thou thither, that made search for their weapons, and would constrain them all to go to Mass: which notwithstanding those of the religion took courage, comforting themselves, and assembling every Sunday and Festival day, to praise the Lord, until such time as civil wars dispersed and separated them. The prince of Conde being at Paris, and receiving news of that massacre, having consulted with divers Lords and Gentlemen that kept him company, with all speed certified the Queen and others in the Court, justice demanded, but in vain: for the massacre of Vassy: all was passed over in words or notable preductions of troubles. what had happened and fallen out, who thereby took it for an alarm, and counseled him to seek the means of preservation for the Realm: and those of the religion, whom he presently advertised, looked unto themselves. The greatest part (as Frenchmen are always full of hopes) imagined nothing but quietness, and troubled themselves to build Churches, not much thinking upon warlike provision, therewith to defend themselves. But by the Prince's advise, they were indifferently awaked. Much more the Lords and Gentlemen of the religion, dispearced throughout the Provinces, which began to make provision of arms and horses, staying for news both from the Court and Paris, from whence in the name of the Nobility & Churches of France, Monsieur de Francourt, and Theodore de Beza being sent to Monceaux, to ask justice of the king against the Duke of Guise, because of the massacre at Vassy. The Queen made gentle answer: but to the contrary, the King of Navarre began to be offended: saying, that whosoever presumed to touch but the finger's end of his brother the Duke of Guise, should have to do with all his body. Theodore de Beza, thereupon having most humbly showed him, that the justice which kings ought to show unto their subjects, is the work and rule of God: and that to demand justice, was no hurt or injury unto any man. He replied, that they had thrown stones at the Duke of Guise, and that he could not stay the fury of his troop, and that Princes are not to endure the dishonour to be cast at with stones. Whereupon Beza very gravely, and with all due reverence, answered, that if it were so, the Duke of Cuise might have had justice against all those, that in such vile manner had despised his estate and dignity: and therewith, speaking unto the King of Navarre, he said: My Lord, it is most true, that it belongeth to the Church of God, (in whose name I speak) rather to take, then give blows: but may it please your Grace, to remember, that it is an anvil which hath endured many and several hammers. The Triumuirat coaseth upon the King and Paris. From that time, the estate of France might well be resembled unto a Sea that beginneth to rise and rage in every place, for that in every Province, great and wonderful troubles began to rise: whereof in the end of the History, of the first troubles, we mean to speak: for now we must return unto the principal instruments of the most bloodiest Tragedy that ever was seen in France. Presently after the return of Francourt and Beza, those of Guise, the Constable, the Marshal de Saint Andre, and after the King of Navarre, openly holding with them, arrived in Paris: from whence they constrained the Prince of Conde being very weak, with a Town being his enemy, and such as in short space might swallow up both him and his, The Prince went to Meaux, them to Orleans, if they had been ten times as many more) to withdraw himself unto the Town of Meaux, with a good troop of Gentlemen. It was strange that as than his enemies fell not upon him, but the haste they had to assure themselves of Paris and the king: and the fear that at that entrance she should be constrained to fight, and to hazard them overmuch, caused them to work by great. The Prince being at Meaux, wrote unto the Admiral and other Lords, sending them word, that want of courage had not constrained him to leave Paris, but rather want of aid, and that with all speed they should meet him: which they did, all armed, which those of the contrary part had already openly discovered, and being in mind to withdraw themselves and to retire, men came unto them from all places: and the Prince determining to ride unto the Court, to the end, that being strong about the king, who as then lay at Fontainbleau, he might constrain his enemies to seek to agree: he understood that they had gotten both the king and the Court into their power: in such sort, that the Prince road towards Orleans, whereon he ceased, and there began to take order in his affairs, while those of Guise led the King and Queen to the Castle of Melun: and that in the most part of the Provinces of the Realm, they used those of the religion, withal the insolences and cruelties, that possibly may be devised. From Melun the King and Queen were brought to Paris, where the Constable had overthrown and defaced ihe places, Beginning of the first and horrible troubles in France where those of the religion used to assemble. The people beginning to mutin, & to assemble in great troops, in such manner, that both there and in other places, where those of the Romish Church were strongest, those of the religion received such entertainment, as the most cruel Barbarians would have been ashamed to use it: which likewise in some places moved those of the religion, whereby the Churches, Images, some Priests, and others, bore away the blows. But this was little or nothing, in respect of all the mischief, that those of the Romish Churches endured throughout France, in those first troubles, in comparison of the miseries which those of the religion endured, in one of the seventeen Provinces, as the Histories published by john le Frere de Laval, Belleforest, Monluc, and others of the Guise's part do witness, and thereat rejoice and make great triumph. If the massacre of Vassy had not chanced, the Prince and the Admiral had been constrained either to lose all, or to have forsaken the Realm, because that before that time, they never thought upon defence, The evil committed at Vassy, cause of some good. nor of any thing that after happened and fell out: much less to be offensive. The edict of january, and the Queen's promises staying their hands: but when the Lords and great Gentlemen of the religion, dispersed throughout the Realm, had once heard of that bloody exploit, committed by the Duke of Guise, by little and little they assembled themselves about the Prince: who being at Orleans, first began to write into all places, which caused divers Towns to be ceased upon for those of the religion, the only cause to break divers intents of their most cruel adversaries. Likewise on both sides they began to raise Soldiers out of the Realm: mean time, Declarations and protestations of the Prince. mean time, the Prince published divers declarations and protestations, for the justification of his defensive arms, referring his enemies (from that time named the Triumuirat) to the edict of january, and to leave off arms, thereby to set the King at liberty, and his Realm in peace. The Triumuirat (that is, The Triumuirats' answer. the Duke of Guise, the Constable, and the Marshal de S. Andre) made divers answers, only tending unto the suppression of that edict. The Emperor and the protestant Princes, were by the Prince fully certified of the whole Estate of France, who in an open assembly of the Estates, showed the letters of the Queen Regent, expressly written unto him, after the ceasing upon the King and Paris, recommending unto him, the mother and her children. beside that, he made an agreement at Orleans, with the Lords and Gentlemen there assembled, to use their forces and means for the delivery of the king and Queen, and for the maintenance of the edicts and state of the Realm: this agreement sent unto the Court, the same day being the ninth of April, A greement made at Orleans. a letter was published and registered in the Parliament, whereby they certified the King, his brethren, and the Queen, that as then they were at liberty: also by an other, the King declared his intent to be, that the edict of january should be executed in all places, but only in Paris. The Prince for his part, solicited those of the religion, to send him men and money. The 25. of April, the Count de Rochefoucaut, with great troops went out of Poicton and Xaintonge, and arrived in Orleans. The next day the Prince received a large answer, Many proceed on both parts before they proceed to arms. unto a certain declaration by him made and sent thither: but having understood that the day before, in all the places of the City of Paris, both he and his partakers had publicly been declared and termed seditious and evil Christians: he made a second declaration, wherein he openly declared and described, the horrible cruelties already committed against those of the religion, imploring the edicts, yieldeth a reason of his actions: and by letters written the 27. to the Parliament of Paris, desired that his enemies having first raised arms, should lay them down: and that for his part, he would do the like, thereby to cease the calamities of the Realm. And to the end to show all foreign Princes his intent, two Gentlemen were by him deputed to stay in Almain, to the end, that if the Triumuirat should there enterprise to levy men, they should procure that the Prince might there be aided, and not others: which done, order was taken for the security of Orleans, and there they coined money in the king's name. The Queen thereupon began to solicit a peace, writing letters unto the Prince, who upon the first of May made her answer: withal, sending her a memorial signed with his hand, Means used by the Queen. containing the means of pacification, as he had declared unto the Parliament. The fourth day after, the Triumuirat made a declaration to the contrary, requiring the abolution of the edict of january, and of all exercise of religion, only that of Rome: and that such as bare arms, without the express commission and commandment of the King of Navarre, the king's Lieutenant general, should leave them off, upon pain to be declared rebels, and enemies to the king and his Realm: desiring likewise the Queen-mother, to obtain, that all the forces on both parts, might be united and joined together, under the commandment of the king of Navarre: and that so doing, they were ready to retire unto their houses: The declaration of the Triumuirat. but the king made a new declaration, wherein the edict of january was still continued. After many speeches, in the end they grew to blows: whereof I will speak as time serveth: and first begin with the Prince and his troops: In the beginning of the war the Queen seeketh to accord. and then with a summary deduction, of that which happened in the Provinces. The companies of lancers being for the most part arrived at Paris, with some of the old companies of foot: the king of Navarre, and the Triumuirat, marched towards Chasteau Dun. The Prince at that time being as strong as they, determined to enter into the field: which moved the Queen to seek the procuration of a peace, while the Triumuirat might have means to gather a greater force. One of the principal dealers therein, was the Bishop of Valence, The practices of the Bishop of Valence, and what followed. who in some sort persuaded the Prince (extremely grieved to see himself constrained to enter into a civil war) to offer the Queen to go out of the Realm, with all his friends, to procure a peace. Within two days after, he went to speak with the Queen, and showed her his mind, which he had no sooner uttered, but he was presently taken at his word, the Queen making him great promises: saying, that the next day she would send unto him, to know the conditions by him to be propounded. Whereupon at his return, the Prince having communicated his intent unto his company, not only the ordinary Council, but all the Coronelles and Captains, were summoned to give their advise, which was wholly and directly against that declaration, and the opinion of Monluc, and the Queen-mother. Among the rest, Missieurs d'Andeloc, and Boucard, marvelously encouraged all the company, by their bold and brave resolutions: and if they had believed Monsieur d'Andelit, presently they had set upon the Triumuirats' troops. After the Truce, an enterprise of no small importance was begun: but your guides having not well conducted the Prince's troops, and withal, much reign falling, a great advantage was lost. Good discipline for a time in the Prince's Army. At that time military discipline among the Prince's soldiers, was much to be commended: for the Gentlemen never molested their Hosts: and such as had means, paid honestly for that they took. The Peasants stirred not out of their houses: such as offended, were punished. One named the Baron de Dampmartin, that had violated a maid, by great favour escaped death: but after, continuing his follies, he had his head stricken off within Paris: this exemption in the beginning of the wars, was taken for an evil sign. No blasphemy was heard in all the Prince's camp. Among them you saw neither cards nor Dice: & for women, they were from them: no man strayed out of his troop, to forage, much less to boote-halling: morning and evening, at rising and sitting of the watches, they had public prayers, and the air sounded with their voices, singing Psalms. Diverse Ministers were distributed among the troops, that had charge to continue and procure that good order, and at one time were better heard then at an other. This Discipline was continued almost two months, at the end whereof, Baugency being taken by assault, caused a beginning of disorder: from whence proceeded la Picoree, or boot-halling: which since that time became so common, that at this day it seemeth to be chief Prince. The Admiral, a great enemy to boot-hallers, with stood it, and punished some of them with great rigour: but in sine, a great number got the upper hand. The army of the Triumuirat, committed most terrible outrages without any reproof, and all under pretence to extirp the Huguenots. How the Prince hindered the dispersing of his army. After the taking of Baugency, the occasion of fight being let slip, the heat of those of the religion began to quench, the means to maintain Soldiers, lessened, and some of the Nobility began to doubt of their just quarrel: wherefore to prevent a total dissipation, the Prince took counsel to employ part of the Nobility that were with him, in the Provinces where the affairs hung as it were in a balance, so that the Count de la Rochefoucaut, with ceraine troops, marched towards Poicton, Xantonge, and Angoulmois. Monsieur de Soubize, was sent to Lions: juoy with his Regiment to Bourges: d'Andelot, for the succours out of Almain: and Briquemaut, into England. On the other side, the king of Navarre & the Triumuirat, led the king with them in their army, & being assembled at Chartoes, determined to besiege Bourges, (held by those of the religion) before it should be fortified, and by so great a Town, not above two days journey from Orleans, in their judgement was a great help and furtherance to the Prince's affairs: they marched towards it, and having besieged it, Bourges yielded to the Triumuirat. it made no such resistance as they expected, but was yielded unto them by composition: for the which cause, juoy, Governor therein, was never after esteemed, or once accounted of, by reason of an evil opinion conceived against him. They being puffed up with this sudden and unexpected victory, which (as they said) was as it were an arm cut off, from those of the religion, they (with their army of twelve thousand foot, and three thousand horse) were ready to march to besiege Orleans, wherein the Prince & the Admiral continued: but the danger thereby feared to receive more great loss, besides the shame, put them in the heads to besiege Roave, governed by Monsieur the Count de Montgommery, Roan taken by the Guise. with seven or eight hundredth old Soldiers: and two companies of Englishmen, under the conduct of Monsieur Kilgre. And upon that resolution, about the end of September, they besieged Roan, where after divers assaults, they took it by force. The Town being sacked for the space of three days, there they executed many of the best of the Citizens. And on the other side, Death of the King of Navarre. the King of Navarre was wounded at the siege, and died upon the seventeenth day of November, the town having been taken 3. weeks before. The hard usage of the prisoners of Roan, was the cause that in Orleans they proceeded in justice with baptist Sapin, councillor of Paris: and the Abbot de Bastines, taken going into Spain, that were hanged in Orleans about the beginning of November. The overthrow of the Army of Duras. Not long after, the Prince had news of the overthrow of the troops of Gascon, led by Mousieur de Duras, so that in man's judgement, there rested no more hope unto the Prince, but only the Almain forces of Rutters, conducted by Monsieur d'Andelot, so that he took counsel with the Admiral, that if they were intercepted, he would himself in person travel into Almain, with all speed to obtain new aid, while the Admiral should keep Orleans. But about four days after, they had news that their Rutters were within four days journey of Orleans, where the Count de Rochefoucaut arrived, with three hundredth Gentlemen, The Prince marcheth towards Paris. and some of the rest of the troops of Duras. The Prince having his foreign aid, was counseled with all speed to march to Paris, for to impeach them, and thereby to force them to seek for peace, and to send into Normandy for 150000. crowns to give the Rutters: whereupon he set forward, with 8. Pieces both great and small, wherewith he met the Rutters, hard by Plwiers, which was taken by force: from thence he went to Estampes, some being of advise that he should march to Paris with all speed, while the alarm was in the Town. But they determined to besiege Corbeil, which was so well defended by Causseins, Master of the camp, and certain forces put into it by the Marshal de S. Andre, that the Prince left to go towards Paris, and at his arrival there, he had a hot skirmish given him: whereof the end was, A furious sirmish. that the forces that had issued out of the trenches of Paris, after some fight, were constrained in all haste to save themselves in their said trenches, with some loss, to the great astonishing of the Parrisians. For the space of seven or eight days, that the Prince remained encamped at Gentilly, Arcueil, and Montronge, Villages not far from Paris, What was done about Paris. many conferences, or rather delays, were holden and used: and the Prince perceiving that his enemies still increased, thought to give them a canuisado, which took not effect, having been discovered by one of the principal of his army, that left him to go to the Duke de Guise: whereof within three days after he repent, being his brother that had yeeled Bourges: & the Prince saved himself by a most strange means: for that fearing that he would make them acquainted with the defaults of his army, the next day he dislodged. The fault of Monsieur de Genlis. The Duke de Guise being strengthened by certain companies out of Gascon, and some Spaniards, had determined upon the next day in the morning to give him battle, before he had leisure to assemble his dispersed companies. So the Prince departed upon the tenth of December, and the thirteenth being in the way to Chartres, after divers opinions of his Council, he resolved to march strait towards Normandy, to recover money, and to meet his forces coming out of England: there to divert the siege of Orleans. The sixteenth, Galardon a small Town, was forcibly taken by the Prince: and the next day he marched towards Dreux: and as he passed over a small river, hard by the Castle of Maintenon, an old woman stepping a good way into the water, took him by the boot, staying him, and looking upon him, said: Go Prince, thou must suffer, What happened to the Prince not long before the battle of Dreux. but God is with thee. He made her answer, and said: Good wife, pray to God for me. The night before the battle, being in his bed, and talking with certain Gentlemen that were in his Chamber, he said to Theodore de Beza, that had said prayer before him: I know we are not to account of dreams, yet I must tell you what I dreamed the last night. Me thought I had given three battles, one after the other, and in the end. I obtained victory: and saw my three enemies dead before me, myself being wounded to death: and that causing them three being dead, to be laid upon each other, I laid myself upon them, and so yielded up my soul to God. And being answered, that the things which troubled his mind, caused him to have that dream, and that whether he lived or died, he could not choose but be victorious. He said, I pray God it may be so. But sure it is, that time verified his vision, for that his three enemies were all slain one after the other: as the Marshal de S. Andre the next day, the Duke of Guise before Orleans, and the Constable at the battle of S. Denis, and he himself after all them, slain at the battle of Bassac. A brief description of the battle of Dreux. The nineteenth of December, the two armies approaching near each other, in that of the Triumuirat were nineteen thousand foot, and two thousand horse. And that of the Prince, about four thousand horse, and less than five thousand foot: the battle being very furious on both sides, continued for the space of six hours. Among other particularities thereof, divers things are to be considered on: that there was no skirmish given, while the two armies stayed within a cannon shot one from the other, for the space of two long hours, as well to range themselves, as to determine upon their fight. Another, the valiant courages of the Swissers, that sustained four charges, before they could be broken, having lost seventeen Captains, and the third part of their troops, being above three thousand men. As also the patience of the Duke of Guise, who notwithstanding that the Constable had been taken, the Marshal de S. Andre slain, and part of his army overthrown: yet he stayed to seeth end of his fortune: and dealt in such sort, that before he left, the Prince was taken prisoner: and in that fight were lost on both sides, at the left seven thousand men besides divers prisoners and hurt, whereof most part died. The Prince's army lost above 2200. foot, Notable circumstances of the battle. and fifteen hundredth horse, as well Rutters as Frenchmen. The Gentlemen of account that were slain, were Arpaion, Chandiu, Liencourt, Ligneri, la Fredonniere, la Charliere, Rongnac, Mazelles, Saint Germier, and in a manner all the Cornet of Movy, who was taken prisoner at the last charge. The Triumuirat, besides his Swissers, lost the most part of his horsemen: the Swissers, and a great number of other foot men. The Gentlemen and men of name, were the Duke de Nevers, slain a little before the first charge, by one of his Domestical servants, that had dissuaded him from the religion: Misieurs d'Ann●baut, & de Giury, with his Cornet and Harbinger: Lafoy Brosse, principal of the massacre of Vassy, and one of his sons. And Aussun, a Noble man of Gascon, having through fear fled unto Paris, died of grief. There was likewise another notable thing to be marked, which was the taking of both the generals of the armies, the one at the beginning, the other before the battle ended: whereby the field was left by both parts, but in the end, reentered by the Duke of Guise after his retreat: and the next day, reentered by the Admiral, that again offered battle. Besides that, the retreat of the Prince's army, was done safely & in good order, being two Regiments of Rutters, and one of Frenchmen, all about twelve hundredth horse. The army Triumuirat weak of horse, not desiring to leave their foot, having marched about six hundredth paces after them, contentented themselves therewith. The Duke of Cuise was esteemed to have gotten the victory, because he stayed and lodged in the field where the battle was fought, and the Admiral about a mile from thence. The Duke likewise sent the Ensigns (taken up in field) unto Paris, and got the Prince's Artillery, who the same night supped and lay with the Duke of Guise. A marvelous thing to consider the estate of two such persons, so near unto each other, and eating and resting together. The Duke de Guise being declared Lieutenant of the army, because of the Constable's imprisonment, What was done by the heads of the armies. caused seventeen new companies of lancers to be raised, besides the increasing of ten others, each wanting twenty horse, and created twelve knights of the Order: which done he threatened the Rutters and Marshal de Hesse, to slay them all, if they would not join with him: but the Marshal made him the like answer, laughing at his boldness. The Admiral keeping on his way, marched towards Beausse, taking certain small places, and so that year passed over. But to the end not to break the thread of our discourse, I mean to proceed with that which was done by both the armies, until the pacification of the first troubles: and then with a summary description of the estate of the Provinces during those troubles. The second of january, The Admiral's exploits after the battle of Dreux the Admiral besieged sells, in Berri, & within five days after, took it by composition. The Count dela Rochefoucaut, entered into the Town of Saint Aignan, lying in the same country: & the prince of Portion with his troops, into Montrichard. The Duke de Cuise marching towards Beausse, Duras was constrained to leave Estampes: as also the Plwiers: so that there rested nothing else in that country for the Prince, but the Town of Orleans: the custody whereof, was committed to Monsieur d'A'ndelot, with fourteen Ensigns of Lansquenets and Frenchmen, and four of the Inhabitants of the Town, with a great number of Gentlemen. The Duke of Guise's camp being at Baugency, his light horses ran before Orleans: And also of the Duke de Guise. but Auaret issuing out upon them, slew some, took others prisoners, and put the rest to flight. Mean time, the King and his mother, were conducted to Chartres, with all the privy Council, and some of the Parliament of Paris, to frame (as they said) the Prince's process, kept by a company of lancers, and three companies of foot. D'Anuille the Constable's son, perceiving the Duke of Guise's meaning was, to strike two blows upon one stone, by causing the Prince to be executed, and so those of Orleans in exchange to cut off his father's head, being their prisoner, took so good order therein, that that assembly was dispersed. The King going to Blois, where the Prince was brought, and from thence conveyed to the Castle of Auzin hard by Amboise. The Admiral resolveth to go into Normandy. The Admiral on the other side, received new promises and assurances of the Rutters, and withful determination to fight, marched unto jarqueau, which as then was in his power, and the tenth day after, took Sully and the Castle, by composition. Touching the Duke de Guise, being hard by Orleans, it was resolved, that the Admiral with the Rutters and some French Gentlemen, should march towards Normandy, thereby to constrain the enemy to separate his forces, and to give the Rutters money, that should be brought out of England, leaving all the footmen, with the rest of French horses, led by Duras, Bouchavanes, Bussy, Saint Cry, Auaret and others, for the defence of the Town, under the government of d'Andelot. The good will of the Rutters towards those of the religion. The Rutters at that time showed themselves so voluntary, that they left their wagons at Orleans, and caused their boys to carry their necessaries upon the waggon-horses, whereof they made a Cornet of four hundredth indifferent men. The Duke de Guise on the other side, took order for the defence of the Towns of Normandy, and at the same time, a thousand extortions were committed against those of thereligion, specially in Paris, where divers strange murders were committed. There was likewise a declaration sent unto the Rutters, in the name of the King, and all the Princes of the blood, to cause them to leave the Admiral. But that served to as much effect, as the Queen's letters to the Admiral, that answered her in other sort than they expected. On the other side, the Prince having sailed to escape out of prison, and one that sought to help him being executed, yet he lost not courage, but to the contrary, spoke with bolder courage than ever he did: his nature being such, that in adversity he seemed most invincible. The Admiral's voyage into Normandy. The first of February, the Admiral departed from Orleans with four thousand horses, better furnished then when he fought the battle: but not any carriage, only thirty wagons, lightly laden. The fourth of February he came before Eureux: where the Inhabitants were content to suffer him to march peaceably before the Town, the which passing through a strait hard by Bernay a small Town, certain Peasants conducted by a Gentleman of the country, under colour of their great number, sought to resist him. But to theirs, and others their likes costs and overthrows, who after the taking of Roanc, had committed many outrages: and at the Admiralles arrival, assembled themselves together, who having stayed certain days at Dines, was desired by the Inhabitants of the Town of Caen, to aid them against the marquess d'Elboeuf, and a new knight of the Order named Renovart, who with their troops molested the Townsmen continually, taking some of them prisoners. The Admiral busied with other matters, sent them Monsieur de Movy, not long before delivered out of prison, with his company, and some Argolitiers, and having received money out of England, Artillery, powder, five companies of English, and two of Frenchmen, he battered the Castle of Caen, upon the first of March, and the next day took that strong place by composition. The Duke of Guise approached to Orleans. But in the mean time, let us return to the Duke de Guise, that approached Orleans about the fift of February, & the next day with most resolution, and by the faintness of the Lansquenets, that forsook the place, he wan the Pertereau, wherein they of the Town left four hundredth good French soldiers, some taken, the rest slain: and without the valiant resolution of the Governor and the Gentlemen that were in it, they had received more hurt. The ninth, he took the Tourelles by surprise, and caused great quantity of Artillery to be brought from Paris and Nantes, to batter the Isle and the Town: they within showing marvelous resolutions, to rampire and fortify themselves. The Duke of Guise slain by Poltrot bofore Orleans. Thursday, the eighteenth of February, having appointed what order should be taken touching the assailing the Isles, about nine of the clock at night, he wrote unto the Queen, that within four and twenty hours after, he would send her word of the taking of Orleans, wherein he would not spare any, man, woman, or child whatsoever: and that after he had kept his Shrovetide therein, being as then upon the three and twentieth of February, he would in such sort spoil and destroy the Town, that the memory thereof, should be extinct for ever. But man purposeth & god disposeth, for that the same day, as the Duke of Guise about evening returned from the camp to the Castle of Coruey, where he lodged, minding to execute that which he had written unto the Queen, a young Gentleman of Angoulmois, named Iche Poltrot, Sieur de Merey, having long time before determined to give the blow, and made his friends of Lions and other places, privy thereof, stayed for him in the way as he returned to his lodging (accompanied with two Gentlemen, one going before him, the other speaking with him) mounted upon a mule, Poltrot, that road upon a Jennet of Spain, went so near the Duke, that being about five or six paces from him, he discharged his pistol, laden with three bullets, seeking to strike him on the shoulder, where his armour could not defend him, (as he did) doubting he wore a privy coat: which done, he fled away: and the next day having ridden all night, he was taken and committed prisoner, Poltrot executed. and not long after, tormented with hot tongues, to make him confess, and then torn in pieces by four horses. divers confessions were published to be made by him touching this deed, thereby to accuse the Admiral and others, as if they had moved him to do it: but besides the constant and resolute answers of the Admiral, it was evidently known, specially at the execution, that Poltrot did it of his own motion and particular intent, thereby to deliver France, and specially Orleans, from the violence of the Duke of Guise, that died the four and twentieth of February, not having holden his Shrovetide as he thought within Orleans, but rather in his turn, received another reward, then either he or his expected. The motion of peace moved before his death, was presently renewed, and after many meetings and assemblies, Motions of peace renewed after the death of the Duke of Guise. the Queen-mother exceeding glad of the death of the Duke of Guise, whom she doubted more than all the rest, having given a thousand courteous entertainments unto the Princess of Conde, the seventh of March an assembly was holden in the Isle of Boeufs, hard by the Town, whither the Prince and the Constable (as yet prisoners) were brought to make some agreement. The Constable at their first entrance, said, that if they spoke touching the edict of january, he could not endure it: and in truth it was as much to condemn him and all his party of treason, to have violently broken so solemn an edict. The Prince having demanded permission of conference with his Council in Orleans, desired to have the advise of the Ministers, who by three of their Deputiès, gave him at large & expressly to understand, that neither the Queen nor he, by the law of God, nor reason, could in any thing whatsoever, once derogate so solemn an edict, made at the request and desire of the States, and so notable an assembly of all the Parliaments of France, and by them all sworn and pronounced. The next day at his request, all the ministers being to the number of seventy two, being assembled, they made an humble request & exhortation in writing unto him, touching the cause aforesaid: & withal, The Ministers advise. added divers good and necessary articles, to make an assured peace, as that those of the religion, acknowledged by the King to be his faithful and obedient subjects, might be peaceably maintainted in the exercise of the religion the king declaring himself protector of their doctrine & discipline, against all Atheists, Libertines, anabaptists, Seruitistes, and other Heretics, or Schismatics, that the Baptism administered in their Churches, might not be reitterated: and that the marriages therein celebrated, might be holden for good and lawful: that without other leave, it might be permitted by those of the religion, to have free exercise thereof in all places: that the religion might no more be called new, seeing their Churches are founded upon the ancient doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles: that every man might peaceably enjoy his estates, offices, and goods, with perusing & recalling of processes, touching such as are interessed by suspect judges: that all murderers, the eves, spoilers, exacters, and others, that without war (their massacries and other enormities, being acts of hostility) should be taken and punished according to their deserts. Notwithstanding so many declarations, both by word of mouth and writing, the Prince was in such sort persuaded by promises, that after that, Peace agreed upon. they would make another and better agreement for him, making him believe that the conditions as then set down, were done only to please those of the church of Rome, and by little and little to attain unto a full and perfect liberty: withal, that many of them desired nothing else, but whatsoever it cost them, to return unto their houses. That he consented to the altering of the Edict of january, suffering certain exceptions to be added thereunto, which he caused to be read unto the Gentlemen, desiring that none but they bearing Arms should give their advise: which he spoke openly before all the assembly, in such manner, that after that time the Ministers were neither sent for, received, nor heard speak, or give their advise in any sort: nor likewise the Admiral and his company knew nothing more thereof, then only the conclusion. The Queen mother that was in great doubt to be reduced unto the Edict of january, and the Constable as much or more than she, employed all speedy means to conclude and set down the Articles in manner of an Edict, agreed upon the 12. of March, and fully resolved by the King's Council at Anboise, upon the 27. of the same month, and the same day published in the Town by sound of Trumpet. The exercise of religion was thereby restrained to the houses of certain Gentlemen, and in some Towns, besides those wherein it had been used at the beginning of that month: with a certain confused remission and pardon for all forepast matters. Exploits of the Admiral. To return to the Admiral after the taking of the Castle of Caen, he sent Monsieur de Colombieres, to set upon Bayeux, who at the second assault wan it, using the inhabitants somewhat hardly, because they had abused themselves. The Captain called julio, a wicked villain (if ever there were any) was hanged in Caen, by reason of divers crimes imputed and laid against him. The next day after, being the fift of March, the Garrison of Saint Lo, being in fear, yielded the place unto the Admiral, that sent thither the Count Montgomimery: who from thence marched strait to Auranches, wherein he was received without resistance. The thirteenth of the same month, he took Vire by assault, and punished the principal offenders. And minding to proceed further, the packet of the peace was delivered unto him. About the same time that Bayeux was taken, The Admiral's forces march to Orleans. Monsieur Movy received Hondefleur by composition. And as he minded to reduce Ponteau de Mer, the Admiral sent for to return to Orleans, repealed to Caen, from whence the Horsemen departed upon the 14. of March, divided into two battles. The Prince of Portien conducted the avantgard, composed of four Cornets of Rutters, that marched towards Lisieux, and the 18. ●ntred forcibly into Bernay, where certain Priests were slain & hanged, that fought, & yet knew not how to make war. The town of Aigle in the borders of Normandy, was forced by the Vicont de Drux, upon the 20. of the same month, & all such as w●● found in arms slain in the streets. The same day the Admiral departed with the greater part of his forces, marching by Falaise & Argentan, that yielded, having agreed for a ransom of a 10000 franks: from thence he went to Mortague, a great borough Town in perch, where certain Priests moved the people to do him injury: whereby divers of Movies company were both hurt and slain, that marched in wings: whereupon the Borough was entered by force, and the chief offenders, specially the Priests, rewarded for their pains. Monsieur de Coignee, likewise punished the Monks of S. Calais, who with their Garrison had cruelly handled his household servants. On the other side, Mousieur de Coruoy, took the Castle of Mezieres, hard by Drux, and slew the soldiers that were in it. The 23. of March, the Admiral arrived at Orleans, and used all the means he could to remedy the Prince's accord, having agreed to the breach and abolution of the edict of january, The Queen mother's practices. under the shadow and pretence of the Queen's promises, who on the other side, about four days before, had caused Poltrot to be executed, with all extremity that might be invented: caused a funeral pomp to be celebrated for the Duke of Guise in Paris, and gave his estate of high Chamberlain, and Greatmaister, to his son Henry, as then an infant both of years and understanding: but aster showed openly unto the third king, in what school he had been taught, as hereafter you shall read. The estate of the prounues and Towns. Now I must show you a summary recital, of the estate of the Provinces and principal Towns in France during the first troubles, from the month of April 1562, until the peace. Paris the principal Town of the Realm, during that time committed many great and terrible spoils upon those of the religion, Paris. divers therein were executed, not only of the Town, but such as had been brought prisoners from other places. The people on the one side, desired nothing but blood and spoil, and the Parliament not to spare either great or small that sell into their hands, taken at the return of the Prince's army, or in any of the Towns of his resort, brought thither either by appeal or summons. divers Councillors were sent into certain Towns, to proceed against those of the religion, among the which this Town aforesaid used great means and marvelous inventions, to extirp the memory thereof. At Senlis, those of the religion had therein but hard entertainment, by means of claud Stocq, and Guillaume Berthaut Governors thereof, Senlis. who not long after, ended their lives in great misery, sustained by Terovenne and Favier, councillors of Paris: among others that were put to death by sedition and injustice, one was the wife of jaques Reverant, the rest Adrian le Clerce, john Govion burnt, Louis Chaunin, john des jardins, john Greffin Lieutenant particular, Messieurs de Moncy, S. Eloy, de Houdencourt, d'Ardres, de la Maison Blanch, young Gentlemen. Anthony Trappier Master of a School, was be headed at Paris, & their heads brought to Senlis, and set upon the Gates and other places: some were condemned to pay fines, to be bodily punished, to be kept in prison, and put into the Galls: not sparing the simple women. In Picardy, the first exremitie used against those of the religion in Amiens, was, that the thirteenth of May 1562. their Bible's, Amiens. new Testaments and Psalms were sought for and openly burnt: then the Ministers Pulpit. And from wood and paper, the Guisians, proceeded to deal with their bodies, killing and casting into the water, jaques Berne and Francois Grevin, Harquebused David Prevost, and N. Marquant, slew two Artificers, the one named Robert, the other Rondelet: and a poor impotent person, named Mauguyet: and to knit up the matter, hanged Christ opher rich a Draper, because he had borne arms. Those of Abeville, slew Robert de S. Delis their Governor, his brother and Lieutenant with nine Soldiers, two Gentlemen, and a Page, Abeville. as well in the townhouse, as in the Castle, in despite of the religion: whereof that Governor Lord of Haucourt, made open profession upon the 38. of March, one thousand five hundredth sixty three, named Louis Beliart, being condemned to pay a fine, (in the presence of the justice and Parliament) was drawn along the streets by the feet, with his face down ward, and then cast and drowned in the river. Meaux in Brie. At Meaux in Brie, those of the religion that therein were strongest, continued their exercise until the end of the month of june, when the Images were thrown, their Priests peaceably withdrawing themselves, for the which cause they and others, by order and judgement given in Paris the last of june, were exposed and given to the spoil of such as could, or would undertake it without further process. Another order given by the said Parliament, dated the 3. of july, against all the Ministers, Deacons, and other officers, could not stay those of Meaux: but to the contrary, they appeased the edict of january, not permitting that such an order condemning them to death, should once be published: whereupon at the instance of those of Paris, Lihoux brother to Monlue, was sent to Meaux: wherein he entered with a small company, and by the consent of those of the religion, upon the 25. of july, the next day Mass began to be used. The sixth of August, commandment was given unto the Inhabitants, to bring all their weapons into the townhouse: whereunto many obeyed, others, to the number of four hundredth that were gone under the conduct of Captain Bethune, to join with the Prince of Portun, (but could not,) and so being constrained to separate themselves, for the most part were slain, the rest being hard by Meaux, were handled in the same sort: and of all that number, there escaped but 4. men that went to Orleans: Monsieur de la Chapelle Aux Vrsins, successor to Lihoux, used those of the religion with more favour: but that continued not long, for that Monsieur de Boisy, Greatmaister of the horse, arriving there upon the 21. of September, caused the walls of the great Market to be thrown down, and the Gates thereof to be broken, being as than one of the fairest places for the bigness thereof, that was in France. And not long after, there entered two companies of soldiers, led by Captains of Paris, named Gantier and Forgeron, that committed a thousand injuries. Many women in Christmas time, were beaten and drawn to hear Mass: many children new christened, and diverse marriages reconfirmed: and because such as had fled, sought to have gotten the Town, upon the thirteenth of February, 1563: those of the Romish religion being moved thereat, that with great cruelty they murdered gills Cabeche the king's Attorney, Fracre Lambert, that had been Deacon, Pierre Champenois, called Lorraine. Those of the market fled, their houses being so sacked and spoiled, that they took away the locks, grates, bolts, windows, and gutters, and the place made unhabitable: those that fled, some of them died with hunger and cold. The King's officers, and the precedents of the place, as Frolo the chief Precedent, an infamous man, and Cosset the king's Attorney, were the principal moovers thereof, and had their part of the pray. Many men, women, and children, were massacred and drowned: and among the rest, a child of one john Oliviers, of four days old, had the head stricken against the walls. Denis Piero, john Augrant, claud Baillet, Mathieu Cantier, Pierre Thibaut, Guillin Rose, Nicolas Bergeron, N. Floquet: la Biselle, a woman of the age of 88 the wives of john Augrant and Pierre l'Archer: and divers women and maids violated, both in the market and about the Town. After that, they hanged two men of the religion, among the which, one was john de la hay, a rich Farmer: another Fremin Caviller, one of the Governors of the Town. The executioners running into divers places, where they committed an innumerable number of mischiefs. In their troops were divers Priests, & among the rest, the Curate of Marevil, who with his own hands slew certain men of the religion. In Champagne, at chaalon's, two men of the religion were hanged. At Troy's they lived friendly and peaceably with each other, until the beginning of August, Chaallons & Troy's in champaign that the Duke de Nevers, Nephew to the Prince, having by Desbordes and Vigenare his servants, been dissuaded from the religion, and the Prince's part. In the month of August the exercise of religion ceased, and presently thereupon, Desbordes that commanded in the name of his Master (whom he killed at Dreux, and after he himself was slain in the battle) caused divers Artificers to be committed to prison: bills & other books of divinity, to be rend & torn in pieces, and the houses of those of the religion, to be spoiled and rob with great fury, the owners being murdered: many children were taken from their mothers, and new christened: & marriages resolemnised: the goods, moneable and immovable, of 62. of the principal of the Town ceased upon, and whatsoever thereof might be sold, the money was confiscated: and sixteen or eighteen men, were massacred and hanged by the sentences of the judges and at the people's pleasures, among the which, were two or three that had denied the religion: women likewise were not spared, whereof three or four were drawn through the streets, and cast into the water. Besides that, the soldiers went out and slew all that they met without company: the Mayor and Sheriffs being the principal aiders in those cruelties, and in a manner no massacre was done, but by the commandment of the Mayor. Those of the religion at Bar Sur Seine, about seven miles from Troy's, having ●ound the means to be stronger than their adversaries, Bar Sur Seinie. for a time maintained themselves in that sort: but because it is a place easy to be surprised, those that were in the Town perceiving the cannon placed against the Castle, saved themselves as they could. The enemies entering into the Town, therein committed such rare cruelties as never were seen, specially against women and little children, cleaving some of their breasts, and plucking forth their hearts, bitten them between their teeth, rejoicing to have tasted of a Huguenots heart. A young Councillor, son to Ralet the Kings Attorney, was hanged at his own father's request. Those that were within the Castle were taken & cruelly handled, specially their Captain, partly cause of all the disorder, whom they condemned to die, & being upon the ladder, renounced the religion: but his Apostasy saved him not from hanging. The Town remaining in their hands that had taken it, and with most horrible blasphemies defiled divers women and children. In the month of january, forty or fifty horses of the Garrison of Antrain, a place being but a mile from thence, about the break of day surprised the Town: and at their arrival, having laid hands upon Ralet, they tied him upon the top of a house, where he was slain with pistol shot: the rest of the massacres were likewise murdered, & their goods given to others. claud Cousni d'Ay, was sore wounded within Espernay, Espernay. & cast into the river of Marne, where the murtheres finished his misery: hurting divers of the people that wept to behold the cruelty committed against him. Monsieur de Saint Estiene, being returned from Orleans, to recreate himself in his house hard by Reims, with two of his brethrerens and others, S. Estiene. was enclosed & besieged by a company of five or six hundredth men: and although the houses were not strong, neither of walls, towers, nor ditches, yet those Gentlemen, with their wives and servants, being but 25. persons, having gotten into a Tower, made long resistance, and therein sustained two assaults: but in the end, a part of the tower having been beaten down with a cannon shot, and the besieged constrained to hide themselves within a hollow place of the wall, the women were gotten out, upon promise to be set at liberty, as (in regard of their honour) they were but spoiled of all they had, and led prisoners to Retel: which done, they sent certain Pages to call to Monsieur de S. Estiene, and to certify him that the Duke de Nevers sent for him, and that he should not doubt to come forth: which he had no sooner performed, but his own Cousin German, named the Baron of Serny, killed him, his two brethren, and sixteen others were stabbed. The assailants lost before this place, about one hundredth and fifty men, all well known. This happened in the month of September, 1562. Commosion of Peasants. The Peasants of Colours, Gerisiers, and the Villages bordering upon them, for the most part, Tenants to the great Prior, brother to the Duke of Guise, committed infinite murders and mischiefs about Troy's, murdering Monsieur de Vigny, his wife, and their servants: robbing and spoiling his Castle. But Monsieur de Cormononcle, a Gentleman of the religion, accompanied with eight men only, finding those companions in disorder, overthrew them: and slaying a great number of them, put the rest to flight: taking all from them, which they had taken and brought away from the house of Landry the Controller, about five miles from Troy's. But the Peasants assembling again, & assisted by others called, bare feet, raised at Sens, and thereabouts besieged Villeneufue, a Castle belonging to the Monsieur de Esternay: but they were speedily repulsed from thence with great loss: but to revenge themselves, they burned the base Court, wherein stood the barn & the fairest stalls in all France, with the Mill, and a piece of a house: which was done about the end of December. Within two months after, seven score calivers returned again to besiege the Castle, but Monsieur de Bethincourt, a Gentleman of the religion, accompanied with nine horse, and four footmen, set so resolutely upon them, that some of them being slain, and 25. taken prisoners, the rest saved themselves by flight. The nineteenth of November, one of the Dukes of Lunebourg, who in Anno. 1559. had had a quarrel against the Duke of Guise in the camp of Amiens, The Duke of Lunebourg slain in France. being at Rameru, between Troy's & Vitry le Francois, accompanied only with 18. men, minding (as it was said) to go to Orleans, by the commandment of Bussy d'Amboise, Governor of Chaallons, was assailed in his lodging, being in his chamber, where six of his men were slain, and himself wounded with thirteen pistol shottes: which done, they laid him in a Horselitter, and bore him unto Chaallons, where he died. Bussyes' executioner, named Malfontaine, an Apostate of the religion, in triumph of that worthy exploit, carried before him as in triumph, eighteen horses, eighteen cloaks, eighteen pair of boots, and 36. Pistols. Ceant in Oath. In the Town of Ceant in Oath, seven miles from Troy's, the commons having found the means to enter therein, upon the 24. day of August, murdered divers of the Town, and continued therein, till the end of january ensuing. The number of those that were specially noted, besides those that were murdered in other places, were twenty persons: and a young child of five years, burnt with his father. Many houses were burnt by them, for the space of a mile from the Town, and about six score horsemen, and three hundredth foot of the religion, led by monsieur de Semide and other Captains, being not able to follow the Prince of Portien, that with other troops had gotten to Strasbourg, about the sixteenth of September: for their retreat ceased upon the Borough Town Cermoise, where they maintained themselves valiantly, and overthrew an army of three thousand men that came to assail them: and slaying one hundredth and fifty of their bravest Soldiers: the rest fled with the loss of three of their men only: and not long after, they joined with the Prince of Portien their General, at his return with the Rutters. One of the greatest massacres committed upon those of the religion, was done in Sens, a Town lying upon the river of d'Yonne, whereof the Cardinal de Guise was Archbishop, where one hundredth prisoners of all sorts were cruelly murdered, and their naked bodies thrown into the river. Sens. As many houses were rob and spoiled, and the Church for the religion defaced: the Vines growing about it being all cut up. This was done upon Sunday the 12. of August, and other days ensuing: in the which time, those of Guise having given the charge of that murder unto Hemard Lieutenant of Sens, published in the King's name at Paris, and sent word to the Prince in Orleans, that they would have the edict of january fully observed in all places, only in Paris. Those of the Romish Church in Auxerre, cruelly massacred one named Cosson, stabbed and cast the keeper's wife of the Castle (called Aualon) into the water, being a fair and comely young Gentlewoman: Auxerre. beat the King's Attorney so cruelly, that they left him for dead: killed the judge de Corbelin, and committed divers strange robberies & pillings both within & without the Town, by the conduct of Geolier, and a brabbling Rascal called Borgant. In the month of October, they were procured to issue out of the Town, by Monsieur d'Auignau, a Gentleman of the religion, accompanied with twenty horse, who having slain fourteen of them, and hurt many others, stayed their fury. The fifteenth of the same month, this Gentleman accompanying one of his companions that traveled unto Orleans, with a packet of some importance, slew sixteen more of those murderers, and scattered the rest that sought to stop his passage. The Inhabitants of the Town of Saint Cyre, S. Cry. about the end of the month, having denied passage unto the Rutters and Lansquenets, conducted by Monsieur d'Andelot, were set upon by night, whereof forty being slain, the richest of the Town were taken prisoners. The Inhabitants of the Town and Bourg of Issy (provoked by a jacopin) not being content to have used divers outrageous words against Monsieur d'Andelot, discharged certain muskets at the Rutters: but they for their pains, had their town spoiled and burnt by the Rutters and Lansquenets. On the other side, the company of the Marshal of Saint Andre, overthrew and spoiled the houses of those of the religion, within and about Auxerre. Upon Monday, being the eleventh of May, Nevers. 1562. those of the Romish Church in Nevers, having taken arms, brought in certain Gentlemen of the country, and among others, Chevenon and Chastillon, that ceased upon the Gates: and within three days after, began to fall upon those of the religion: and one named lafoy Fayette, coming thither upon the 23. of the same month, began to forage, his Soldiers openly selling their Hosts goods. He cast the Ministers in prison, rebaptised the children, reitzerated marriages, drove out such as pleased him, and cleansed their houses of all that could be found therein. Besides that, he and Chevenon committed infinite pillages upon the boats passing by it, and under pretence of a certain commission or judgement given in Paris, la Fayette ceased upon divers immovable goods, and being well laden with a pray, to the value of forty or 50. Crowns, he retired unto his house in Awergne. At the same time, three or four of the religion were executed within Nevers, and one of the Ministers died miserably, (but yet constantly) in prison, Corbigni or S. Leonard. the other miraculously escaped away. The like entertainment was given to those of the religion in Corbigni, called S. Leonard, a town in Nivernois, most strangely foraged by Noysat, Martial of de la Fayettes company: Anthony Doyvet, Lieutenant of Saint Pierre le Monstier, Liefenant du Boys, and the Knight of Chastillon in Bazois. They slew Monsieur de Mex, a Gentleman not far from thence, much affected to the religion, as he well showed it, dying most constantly, being wounded with many pistol shottes. Not long after, those murderers were surprised, and the Town taken of a scalade, made by Captain Blanay, whose soldiers used the people very courteously: but broke down the Images, and the Popish Altars: re-establishing public exercise of the religion, which continued therein after the edict of pacification. Those of the Romish Church in Antrain, Antrain. by the solicitation of a Priest, named Estiene Blondelet, had determined to do worse than their companions of Auxerre, but upon the twelve of December they were prevented by Captain Blosset, who valiantly surprised the Town, and gave such an alarm to those conspirators, that the chief of them leapt over the walls, some hid themselves, and the rest having discovered the enterprise, which was to massacre all those of the religion: Blondelet and another mutinous fellow, named le Dangereux, were hanged. A Bourguignon, named Monsieur de Trovan, that came into France to fish in troubled waters as others did, thought to play the warrior, and to assail Antraine, but having lost part of his men, he retired with shame: and not content therewith, seeking to revenge himself, was slain by Blanay in a certain encounter. Monsieur d'Issertieux, called by those of la charity, professing the religion, in the month of April 1562. by common consent of all the Town was established Governor thereof, La charity. Chevenon, Achon, and others, did what they could to enter therein, but they were always driven away: but in the end, lafoy Fayette besieged it, having the great Prior of Awergne for his Lieutenant, & by means of a division that happened among the Inhabitants, the Town was yielded by composition, with sufficient advantage for those of the religion: but the first thing that the great Prior did, was to take Issertieux by the bosom, from whom was pulled the counterpane of the agreement: his armour, and one of his horses. Which was done upon the 10. of june. Certain days & months ensuing, those of the religion were peeled and ransacked, in so many and divers kinds, by la Fayette, that they were notable to pay any more: to whom nothing was either too hot, or too heavy, as also by his company, the Lieutenant and certain councillors of Saint Pierre le Monstier, took their parts likewise. In the month of February, 1563. the Duke of Guise sent three companies of lancers thither to refresh them: but those of the Town, and the thieves themselves, doubting to be peeled, shut the Gates, which put the lancers in great fury: who to revenge themselves, used great cruelties about the Town, on that side that bordereth upon Berry, against those of the religion, drawing some of them at their horses tails. The third of March, Captain Boys, Blosset, and Blanay, scaled and took la charity, which the three companions aforesaid sought to relieve, but they were constrained to retire. Within three days after, Captain Boys staying therein, only with sixty seven sovidiers, kept the Town against an army of three or four thousand men, both horse and foot, and fix field pieces, where he sustained the siege eight days together, without loss of any man, having slain above fourscore of the assailants, constrained the rest to leave the siege, to their no small confusion: in such sort, that by the edict of pacification, the exercise of the religion remained within la charity. Many small Towns in those quarters were much molested, specially in respect: of the religion: as Bony, Cosne, Neufui, and others: Chastillon Sur Loire. but most of all Chastillon Sur Loire, which having withstood many difficulties, and spoiled of all her commodities by thieves and rovers, (being but poor keepers of vines) to defend themselves against the violences of such as desired the loss and extermination of their lives. And having fortified their little Town (not having any ditches) as well as they might, upon the fift of january they sustained an assault slew seven or eight hundredth men of the Regiment of Monsieur de pry, Governor of Guienne, that sought to put him to the sword, hurting divers others, the men defending themselves by throwing stones, and the women with hot water, which they cast upon the assailants, In the month of February, Monterud Governor of Berry, besieged them, and with cannon shot beat down their feeble walls, yet could he not enter, but by warlike means, that under pretence of parley, he withdrew his battery, which lay in such sort, that he could do little good therewith, and having placed them in better order, he commanded a new bridge to be made, and thereat entered by force: where no kind of cruelties was spared, neither upon women, nor children, old nor young, no not so much as against women great with child and ready to be delivered. The Town being peeled and spoiled of all whatsoever it had, even to the bolts, locks, bars and glass-windows of the houses, which notwithstanding, assoon as Manteruds army was departed, those of the religion that had escaped, returned thither again, and re-established the exercise of religion. Guienne sur Loire. The Town of Guienne Sur Loire, maintained itself long time in peace during the troubles, only by the means of those of the religion, being the strongest part within the Town, but the disorder committed by divers Captains and soldiers, sent thither from Orleans by the Prince to refresh themselves, and the taking of Bourges, reduced things to such a stay, that most of those of the religion, forsook both their houses & their goods to go to Orleans, where as then the plague was very rife. The camp of Triumuirat, not long after arrived before Guienne, and all the places bordering on the same, using all the cruelties that possible might be invented: among the which, certain Italians (in hatred of the religion) having cut the body of a young Infant in two pieces, eat his liever: which was verified to be most true, yet justice for the same could not be had. last: those of the religion being returned from Orleans, with Lanbert Daneau, one of their Ministers, they met another troop of their friends, that two days before came from Chastillon sur Loin, with the other Ministers called La Vallee, and being entered into the Town, by virtue of the edict began the exercise of the religion, Guienne being named for the balliage town in those quarters. The Monks of Fontaine john, an Abbey near adjoining unto Chastillon sur Loin, having abandoned their gowns, to bear arms, & to rob and spoil the country, with other soldiers, upon the seventh of October, were all set upon, by Monsieur de Dampierre: and seeking to resist, were all slain: only some few that were burnt within the Cloister, from whence it was impossible otherwise to get them forth. Montargiss, belonging to the Lady Renee, daughter to Lois the twelve, Duchess Dowager of Ferrare, Montargis. was the retreat of divers families of the religion: notwithstanding the threatenings of the Duke of Guise, son in law to the said Lady, who sent thither one Malicorne a new Knight of the Order, to cease upon the Town and Castle, with four companies of horse, who being entered into the Town, moved the people against those of the religion, in such manner, that at that time a poor man was slain and cast into the water, as before that time likewise they had killed a woman, and committed certain outrages: and Malicorne continuing in his boldness, proceeded so far, as to threaten the Lady with cannon shot to batter her Castle, wherein were divers of the religion, whom he pretended to ransom: but the Princess made him an answer, saying: I charge you look what enterprise you take in hand, for that there is not any man whatsoever, within this Realm, that can command me, but only the King: and if you proceed so far, I will be the first that shall stand within the breach, to try if you once dare be so bold to kill the daughter of a King: and on the other side, not so meanly allied, nor yet beloved, but that I have both the means and power to revenge your boldness, even to the very infants of your presumptuous race. Which words caused Malicorne like a snail to pull in his horns, and presently after departed: the Duke of Guise being slain, as you red before. Those of the Romish Church, within the Town of S. john's de Nemours, in the mouth of june, S. john de Nemours. did so much, that they drove those of the religion out of their Town, not permitting any of them to enter, until the peace concluded, raising of extreme impositions upon their goods, that were openly sold for small prices. Not long before they had used all the means they could (by counsel of some Traitors) to bring certain troops of soldiers into the town to massacre the people, Monlius in Bourbonois. but their enterprise took no effect. Monsieur de Montare being come to Moulius in Bourbonnois, with commission, therein to use all hard and extreme dealing towards those of the religion: first, without any form of law or process, he caused two Artificers to be hanged, and perceiving himself to be strong of men, drove all such as he any thing doubted out of the Town: which done, he gave his troops leave to issue forth, and to slay all those that by any means were found in the fields, using all kind of strange dealings and extremities, unto the houses and farms lying about it. Captain Saint Auban, that led certain troops out of Languedos to Orleans, failed not much to take both Montare, and the Town of Moulius, and as he determined to besiege it, he received letters, that caused him to make haste way. At his departure from thence, the Townsmen issued upon his rearward, and took Monsieur de Foulet, a Gentleman dwelling not far from thence, and his Lackey, with a councillor named claud Brisson, that were all three slain. Not long after, four others were hanged in Moulius. And in the month of july after, five others returning from Orleans were drowned: with three Merchants of Dauphine. Besides that, divers were put to death, the hangman or executioner (by Montare, called Gossip) serving the people's humour, and executing either without law or process, such as they delivered unto him to be put to death. The leaven and twentieth of May, 1562. the Count de Montgommery, accompanied with fix score horses, entered into Bourges, wherein many secret conspiracies were used and executed against those of the religion, and kept it for the Prince, bringing from thence great sums of money, for the payment of the Soldiers under the Prince's conduct: taking the great Tower likewise into his custody. In the month of june after, Monsieur de juoy was sent thither by the Prince, with two thousand foot, to provide for all things necessary against the Town should be besieged, as the enemy determined to do it. Three Corners of Argolitiers came thither likewise, who being arrived therein, they used to make certain sallies: by which means, the Town of Meun sur Loire was taken, to the great periudice of the Priests, the Monks and Images. As likewise they forced the Castles of Saint Florent and Coudrai, the Gentleman of the place dying with fear. juoy having made an enterprise upon Issoudun, prevailed not, whereupon his troops began to mutin against him: which being appeased, the fifteenth of August, the army of Triumuirat approaching to Bourges, juoy and the Sheriffs were summoned to yield the Town unto the King. The Sheriffs referring the matter unto juoy, he made refusal, whereupon ensued divers issues and skirmishes, commonly to the great disadvantage of the enemies: and there was an open combat fought between Captain S. Martin the Huguenot, and the Monk Lichelieu, Master of the Triumuirats' camp: Bourges in Berry. the Monk was thrust into the body with a sword, and lost his coat armour, which Saint Martin bore away. The twentieth day of the Month, a strong battery was made, and in one day they shot at the least a thousand cannon shot, but because it prevailed not much, the Duke de Nemours was employed, to persuade the besieged, and being at the wall to speak with them, making many goodly promises, which he assured upon his faith: one of the Soldiers within the Town said openly unto him, that the faith he then offered, was the same which he had holden to the Baron of Chastelnau, & had it not been for certain Gentlemen, he had as then been slain. That which constrained the Triumuirat to parley with the Town, was, because the Admiral issuing out of Orleans about Chasteaudun had surprised & burnt, & the powder & munition that was sent them from Paris, and for that cause used such means with juoy, by the Count Rhingrave, and the Queen-mother, that upon the last of August, and the next day, he granted to their request, and yielded up the Town, to the great disliking of his soldiers: whereof part with the Captains la port, S. Martin (that hurt Richelieu) S. Remi, and Brion, Master of the camp, went to the Duke of Guise, and from thence to the siege of Roan, where they were slain: the rest had part of the booty. The rest of the Soldiers and Captains got to Orleans, with many difficulties, and loss of 30. or 40. men. juoy had great displeasure at the Prince's bands, both for his faintness and the losing of the place, being of so great importance. Whereupon, he withdrew himself unto his house, much grieved for his misfortune, specially because he had left great store of household-stuff and other necessaries within Bourges: and among the rest, a Chalice set with divers rich and precious stones, which he was constrained to give unto the Queen-mother, who with great devotion received it of him, and kept it as a most rich jewel: as likewise many other precious lewelles of the holy Chapel, which were kept from the hands of little thieves, to be the better and safelier kept by her. Monterud Lieutenant to the Prince de la Rochesuryon in Berry, having armed himself with letters from the Triumuirat, contrary to the capitulation made with juoy, drove those of the religion out of the Town, their houses being ransacked: and at their issuing, some of them were rob, some beaten, and some slain within the Gates. An edict being made, that forbidding those of the religion that stayed in the Town, not to speak or assemble together above two in a company: and so Bourges remained in that sort until the edict of pacification. The third of April, 5562. those of the religion in Man's, ceased peaceably upon the Town: Le Mans. Charles d'Agennes Bishop of the place, retiring unto a Castle, where having fortified himself, he committed many murders & spoils upon the people. Their affairs within the Town holding in a mean, until the month of May, that for want of a man of authority and well affected to the religion, and to the estate of the common and particular commodity of the people, the soldiers began to fall to extremities, and in fleed of assailing their enemies in the field, they busied themselves in the Town, to break down Images, and Priests Altars, to the great disliking of the Ministers, and other peaceable persons, showing them that it was against the edict of january, the treaty of association holden in Orleans, & the declaration which those of Man's not long before had made, & sent unto the king by Monsieur de Mortier. From the church's in the Town, they ran unto the Villages bordering about it: and adding evil to evil, committed certain spoils, which caused the Peasants to fall upon them, and to slay some of them as they retired laden with their pray. Those that remained within the Town were divided, some commanding in the Castle, others within the Town. Those of the religion being abashed at the insolences of the Captains and soldiers, news was brought, that the Triumuirats' army was as then at Blois, and that the Duke de Montpensieur made preparation to assail them! They likewise had intelligence, that of three Captains that commanded within the City, two of them had secret conference with the enemy, which considered, as also that the Town was weak and slenderly furnished of men, the twelve of july, it was confusedly and in great haste forsaken, about eight of the clock at night: at which their issuing, were found to the number of eight hundredth men, all armed, that by Captain la moth Tibergeau, with great difficulties were conducted unto Alancon. The other two Captains presently yielded unto the enemy: those that saved themselves at Alancon, took divers parties: some not accustomed to bear arms stayed there: others went to find the Count de Montgommery, or the Duke de Bovillon. For the Ladies and Gentlewomen, some withdrew themselves to Deep, or to New-haven, or else into England. The next day after, the Town so forsaken, such of the Romish religion as had absented themselves from thence, entered again, and then began a terrible trouble: very few of the houses of those of the religion either within the Town, or in the fields, for 8. miles compass round about, but were all peeled, and that by the near kinsmen of such as had absented themselves. Five hundredth arquebusiers being appointed for the guard of the Town, and other places bordering on the same, exercised all kinds of cruelties upon such as stayed behind, as some poor people, maids and manservants, and certain Gentlewomen of account in the Town, and other persons withdrawing themselves into their farms, countrie-houses, and with their friends. Presently the prisons were filled, and by decree, a judicial place was appointed, & that neither kinsmen nor friends, should solicit for the prisoners, whom they termed rebels and seditious. The Steward saying it was sufficient, having seen a man to enter into the Temple while the Images were throwing down, or bearing a sword at that time when they held the Town, to condemn him for seditious, and a rebel. Three witnesses being hired and appointed for the purpose, to perform the tragedy, one called Chovan a bookeseller, the second a Priest, called les Anges, and Bandoun an Apothecary, so impudent in their occupation, that when their wages failed to be paid, they said openly, that they would meddle no more therein. Further, the accused were not allowed or permitted to refuse any witness, in such manner, that thereby they put two hundredth persons to death, both men, women, and servants: as also four young children, whereof the eldest was not above seventeen years of age: and two men that were mad. Such as were absent, had process made against them, and their pictures executed: confiscated the goods of those whom they knew to be dead in the wars, disabled their children of all offices and estates: depriviuing them of all possessions or inhereritances, that might by any means fall unto them. Not long before the peace, they beheaded one called Rolandiere: hung a joiner, and massacred four others by moonlight, and being half dead, threw them into the river. In the Villages both far and near unto it, many murders both of men, women, and children, were committed, to the number of six score and upwards, with particular cruelties, and such horrible traitorous means, that I am abashed to remember, and ashamed to recite them. One named Captain Champagne, having a fishpond behind his house, cast above fifty persons into it, and with their bodies nourished Pikes. His Lieutenant, called Boi-Iourdan, seconded him therein, for that in two ditches near unto his house, were found to the number of fifty or sixty dead bodies. Those of the religion in Anger's, Anger's. being become strong within the Town, with the hurt or injury of any of their adversaries, about the fift of April, and within six days after, made an agreement to live peaceably one with the other, under the obedience of the King, observing the edict of januarie. But about the 22. of the same month, a Gentleman coming thither to demand aid of men, and money for the Prince, certain soldiers that bore him company, in the night time broke down the Images in Saint Sansons Church: which moved the Priests, although the Gentleman, much condemned their action, and had not any part of the spoil. Whereupon divers Gentleman and soldiers of the religion being gone to Orleans, those of the Romish religion, perceiving themselves to be strong, first blinded their enemies, causing the edict of januarie to be newly published, and then being well assured of Monsieur de la Fancille, that commanded in the Castle Puygallard, a Gascon Captain sent by the Duke de Montpensier, upon the fift of May at night entered into the Castle, followed by divers soldiers, and the next day his watchword being Satan, did so much that he ceased upon part of the Town: and the more to blind those of the religion, and wholly to get them into his possession, he granted them free exercise of the religion, and the next day caused the Gates to be opened, that they might go to hear the Sermon, made within a house that stood upon the ditch: and to take up the body of one of their Ministers, named Charles d'Albiac, called du Plesus, who the day before had been slain, as he went to save himself by leaping over the wall. The next day their began a horrible tumult, for that under pretence of disarming those of the religion, they entered into their houses, and because two of them among the rest, whereof one was the receiver of the tallages, had shun their Gates, their enemies took occasion to ring a bell, whereupon presently those two houses were rob and spoiled, some of the servants slain, the rest prisoners: the king's money taken and made prize, partly by Puygallard and his companions. Which done, they cast both men and women of the religion, and of all sons into prison. In a merchants house they found divers books of the holy Scriptures, which were burnt openly in the middle of the Town: and the soldiers of the Monk Richelieu having found a guilded Bible, sticked it upon a holbord, and issuing from thence, went in procession through all the greatest streets, and singing like Priests, said: Behold truth hanged, the truth of the Huguenots, the truth of all the devils: behold the mighty God, behold the everlasting God will speak. And being come to the bridge, they cast it into the river of Loire, and with higher voice began to cry, and say: Behold the truth of all the devils drowned. Within divers days after, and till the end of that year, to the number of eighty persons were executed and put to death. A Gentlewoman of the age of seventy years, was beaten dead with the stocks of their Pistols, then drawn in a sack through the dirt, and her body cast into the water, with great joy and laughter of all the people, terming her the mother of the green devil that preached to the Huguenots. The wife of a councillor named Sigongue, although she lay bedthred, was murdered, children rebaptised, and women to hear Mass by sound of drumbe, some were abused in their bodies, many maids violated: and among the rest, two young maids ravished in their father's presence, whom those cruel villains had ●yed at the foot of a bed, that he might behold the fact committed. About Angers, divers Gentlemen and others, were massacred. The Duke de Monpensier, having licence to ring a bell, and to kill all such as were suspected to be of the religion, which done, they fell to pillage: upon whom the Duke de Montpensier most discharged his choler, was upon monsieur de Marests, a valiant Captain, who with twenty or five and twenty soldiers having taken and kept the Castle of Richefort, against the Duke's forces, and slain above two hundredth men in the defence thereof: in the end being betrayed by two of his own men, defending himself till he remained without company, and not having any more powder, yielded himself to Puygaillard, who upon his faith, promised him to save his life: but presently delivered him to the provost Martial, who having brought him to Angers, caused him by the Duke's commandment to be broken upon a Cross, and there left alive upon it, living in that misery until the next morning at four of the Clock, without relief or ease of any man, by ending his pain: still tempted by two Friars, to convert from the truth of the religion, but he remained constant. The two Traitors that betrayed him to his enemies, were likewise hanged, and an other that had opened the Gate, whereby they entered into Rochefort, was slain: of whom they thought to be rewarded. Tours and the country about it. Eight days before Easter, in Anno 1562. the Duke de Montpensier, being come to Tours with a small troop, in divers sorts discovered his evil will against those of the religion, who having had advice from the Prince, how their affairs proceeded, seized upon the Town, without any disorder, only inregard of the Images, that by no means could be relieved, what counsel or advice soever the staider sort could give or procure. At the same time the cruel sentence given in the Parliament of Paris, was published in the government of Touraine, main, and Anjou, committed to the charge of the Duke de Montpensier and of Chavigni his Lieutenant. Which sentence, was expressly to command, all men of what estate soever, presently to rise in Arms, with permission to sound bells in every place, to spoil and destroy all those of the religion, that could or might be found, without respect of quality, sex or age, and to assail their houses, to kill, spoil, and utterly subvert them. This sentence was published every sunday in all the Parishes: and in the terms used by the Triumuirat. Which is, to let the greatest Grey hound lose, and presently thereupon all kind of bad persons assembled, both peasants and Artificers, and leaving their ordinary labours, began in great fury to march with the rest against those of the religion. Part of them entering into Ligueul, where they hanged certain men, put out the ministers eyes, and then burned him with a small fire. Others entered into Cormery, l'Islebouchart, Loches, and other places bordering upon it, where they committed an infinite number of villainies. Among divers other murders, flaying a young man named Mathurin Chaiseau of the age of 17. or 18. years. another troop of 6. or 700. men fell upon the village of Aze, four miles from Chinon, and burned it: massacring to the number of 25. or 30. persons, in presence of the steward Agenois, who in stead of opening his gates to aid the poor distressed people, understanding of their coming, stood at his windows, to judge what blows they had. In the beginning of july, they of Tours being summoned to yield the Town, and having no means to be relieved by the Prince, departed from thence with their arms, making three companies of foot, & two cornets of horse, & went to march to Poitiers: joining with those of Chinon and Chastelleraut. Whereby they were about the number of 1000 men or there about. And being followed by 7. or 8. commpanies of lancers, & some Cornets of light horse, belonging to the Count de Villards, their leaders fainted: Whereupon they were charched by the horsemen, and overthrown: some being slain, the rest rob and spoiled of all they had, were led prisoners to Chastelleraut, from whence they escaped by divers means, and some got to Poitiers. Their Minister called John de la Tour that had been at the conference in Poissy, aged 75. years, was drowned in the river of Clain: the first that yielded themselves in that overthrow, were sent to Tours, and about three hundredth of the nimblest of them, thought by running to get Tours, but at their arrival the Townsmen began to ring a bell, at the sound whereof, divers of them saved themselves, the rest, to the number of two hundredth, were taken and committed to prison: and the next day six or seven score of them, were murdered & cast into the river of Loire. Others being found about the Town, were likewise thrown into the water, not sparing man, woman, nor child. After that, came Chavigny, with his band of Priests, Monks, Friars, Cannons, and their companions, and then the murders and pillages began to be renewed. The Precedent of Tours, named Bourgeau, an ancient man of great credit and authority, who although he never had made profession of the religion, yet he was esteemed to be one, having presented Clerueaux Lieutenant to Chavigny, with 300. Crowns, and a Basin of silver, was led forth of the Gates, but being perceived and discovered, by such as watched for such things, he was murdered with swords and staves, and then stripped into his shirt, and hanged by the foot, his head in the water up to the breast: and being still living, they cut open his belly, and casting his guts into the river, sticking his heart upon the point of a Lance, bore it about the Town, saying it was the heart of the Precedent of the Huguenots. Not long after, the Duke de Montpensier arrived in the Town, causing divers Gibbets, wheels, and flakes, to be set up, and then under pretence of justice, the murders began again, so that the number of those that were executed, before, then, and since, amounted to above three hundredth persons, most part being rich men, and many of good account. Assoon as the Commons, or the justice, had put any man or woman to death, they enrered into their houses, and killing their children, took all they found therein, in such manner, that Richelieu the Monk, boasted to have as much Velvet, Satin, and Taffeta, (which he had gotten in Tours) as would reach a league in length: his companions likewise had their parts, in such manner, that such as six weeks before, were not worth a groat, presently after, offered to buy lands, and to pay thirty or forty thousand Frankes ready money. Let us now see what past, during these first troubles in high and base Normandy, and first begin with Roan, Rome. the principal Town in that Province. The fifteenth of April 1562. those of the religion foreseeing some danger, ceased upon the Town, and five days after, yielded reason of their action unto the Duke de Bovillon Governor thereof. Their declaration being sent to the Court, letter's patents were presently given unto the Duke d'Aumale, brother to the Duke de Guise, to be the king's Lieutenant in Normandy. The third of May, the Artificers with their wives and children, entered into the Churches, and in less than four and twenty hours, had broken down and defaced all the Images, Altars, and other superstitious Relics, in more than 50. Churches, as well of Parishes, as of abbeys and Covents: not once taking any thing for themselves, in such sort, that from that time, until the taking of the Town, the occupation of Priests and Friars wholly discontinued. Seven days after, the Citizens mustered themselves, and the Court of Parliament withdrew itself, yet without any cause. Mean time, Villebon Bailiff of Rouen, ceased upon Pont de l'Arche, & the Baron de Clere took Caudebec, the one above, the other below the river of Siene. Whereby it proved great discommodity for the Town of Rouen, that by those means could get no victuals by water, besides the ceasing of the Courts of justice, the stay of trade of merchandise and all sorts of handy works: these discommodities made the Citizens to look unto themselves. In the beginning of june, Villebon came with great troops to besiege Saint Catherins' fort: where in a fierce skirmish he lost his cornet and fourteen men, and they of the fort 8. men. Presently after him, came the Duke de Aumale, Saint Catherins' Fort besieged. & gave an alarm unto the Town, where presently he lost 25. of his horsemen: But for renenge, he assayed all means he could to impeach the Town of Rouen from necessary provisions. But not long after, it was relieved by Monsieur de Moruilliers, sent thither by the Prince from Orleans, assisted by Monsieur de Languetot, a gentleman of great wisdom. The Duke d'Aumale, dispersed the Churches of those of the religion in Hafleur, Montuilier and l'Islebonne, where he hanged three ancients, and three Gentlemen of the Religion. And not long after besieged Faint Catherins' fort, with thirteen Cannons, and two coluerins: where Monsieur de Languetot had his leg shot off with a great piece, whereof he died. Many skirmishes being daily performed between them, till in the end, the Duke left the Fort and fled from thence: and within five days after, being before Ponteau de Mer, feigning to parley with them within the Town, he surprised them upon a sudden, and so entered by force, where he used all kind of hostility, specially upon the Minister named Brionne: and the third day after, he besieged and took Honfleur. The six and twentieth of August, the Parliament of Roan being at Louniers, made a declaration, whereby those of the religion in Normandy were declared Traitors, permitting all men, Declaration of the Parliament of Roan against those of the religion. that either would or had the means to spoil and overrun them, wholly disallowing the edict of january, established the Inquisition of Spain, and appointed the Duke d'Aumale, Lieutenant for the King. And by that declaration and sentence, this Court of Parliament executed many of the religion, commanding all such as would not make profession of the Romish religion, to departed out of the Town of Lowiers, within four and twenty hours after, upon pain of confiscation, both of body and goods. On the other side, they drove all the Friars out of Roan, and having discovered treason pretended by some of their companions, they took order therein from thence forward, The siege of Roan. giving good eye to those of the Romish religion: whereof they thrust out great numbers. In August, Monsieur de Moruilliers withdrew himself from Roan, and kept himself peaceably within his house, and so continued during the wars, never forsaking the open profession of the religion. In the mean time, Monsieur de Montgommery was by those of Roan desired to assist them: which he presently did, and arrived at Roan upon the 18. of September: within rennedaies after, the Town was summoned to yield itself unto the army of the Triumuirat, whose camp (wherein were the king, the Queen, and the king of Navarre) being composed of sixteen thousand foot, and two thousand horse, besides Rutters and Lansquenets, came before the Town, where at their arrival, they had a hot and fierce skirmish, which continued all that day, and three days after successively. The fixed of October, the king, army having intelligence from Captain Lovis out of Saint Catherins', Saint Catherins' fort taken. for they surprised it by force, wherein they slew all they found. And Lovis himself aiding the enemy to mount up, was slain by one of his Soldiers: another fort called Montgommery, was taken by the like means, where the Queen-mother led the king, being but twelve years of age, to see the dead bodies of the women, and made him behold them bathing in their blood. The thirteenth of October, an assault was given unto the Town, but they within repulsed the enemy: where some courageous women (bringing meat unto the soldiers) were slain. The next day they gave another assault at the Rampart of Saint Hilary, but were repulsed, and for the space of 6. hours that the skirmish endured, they lost to the number of eight hundredth of their best soldiers, and they within, four or five hundredth, accounting women and children that were slain with the Artillery. The same day, the king of Navarre being visited by a certain Lord, told him, Hurt and death of the King of Navarre. that if he escaped safely from that siege, he would never bear arms again for that quarrel: but the next day he would go see the trenches, where by fortune as he made water, he was stricken with a Harquebushotte into the shoulder: which done, he was borne by certain Gentlemen to his lodging at Dartenal, where the Surgians used all the means they could, to get out the bullet, but having deferred it overlong, they could not: one of the Physicians named Vincentius, a voluptuous man, entertained him with sports and companies of Gentlewomen: & among therest, a Gentlewoman named Rovet, came to see him, which was some means to inflame his wound, and having intelligence that Roan was taken, he was borne thither, where governing not himself, as his wound and time required, it began to grow to further pain, and in the end a fever took him, wherewith he began to be faint, and then perceived they had deceived him. Notwithstanding his servants had so great credit with him, that they caused him to be confessed & to receive the Sacrament after the Romish manner. The other of his Physicians called Raphuel, being of the religion, uttered many reasons unto him, so far that he seemed to charge him with sin against the holy Ghost: whereunto he answered nothing, but lay still. Not long after, the Queen (advertised by his Physicians, that he could not live) being come to see him, willed some of his men to read unto him. She being departed, he commanded Raphael to take the Bible, and to read the History of job: which being done, adding thereunto certain words of the justice and mercy of God, the king being moved in spirit, lifting up his hands unto heaven, and with tears in his eyes, he asked mercy of God, making a large and ample declaration of his faith, protesting, that if it pleased God to grant him life, he would cause the Gospel to be preached throughout the Realm of France. His disease waxing more vehement, and Raphael continually attending upon him, having made his will, he caused himself to be borne into a boat, to go to Saint Maur des Fosses, hard by Paris. But not long after his entry into the boat, a great cold ceased upon him, and thereupon ensued a sweat, wherewith he began to talk idly: and among other words, he said, he would send Raphael to Geneve to be a Minister. And upon a sudden commanded him to pray: which Raphael did: all that were in the boat, namely, the Prince de la Roche suryon kneeling down, the Cardinal de Bourbon, the Prince of Mantove, and Monsieur de Losses, withdrew themselves apart, standing upon their feet and their heads covered. The prayer being done, wherewith the Cardinal could not find fault, Raphael added a certain exhortation, and with him was joined another, that went like a secular person, but some say he was a jacopin: who notwithstanding, used no other words but such as any minister would have done. The last words the King spoke, were unto a servant of his chamber, to whom he said, serve my son well, and bid him serve the King faithfully: and so upon the 17. of November, 1562. he yielded up his soul. The 15. of October, many parleys were made, touching a composition, wherein the Queen-mother used many hot and vehement speeches unto the citizens that issued forth, saying: that she knew how to live, Parley of yielding. that they were come too late to teach her, that they ought to content themselves to live as the King did, and that if they would not yeelld by fair means, they should be compelled by force. She desired two articles: one, that they should be wholly bereaved of the exercise of religion: the other, that they should receive the King, the Triumuirat and their troops, into their town. But they offered to receive the King, the Queen, the Princes of the blood, and their train: but for the rest, they craved to be remitted. Desiring that the edict of januarie might be continued in force. Which was flatly denied unto them. The 26. of October, an assault was given unto the Town, and in the end, by means of a mine that wrought at the breach of S. Hilaries gate, the town was taken by force, Rouen taken by assault where the King's soldiers began to kill and massacre all they met, using all kind of monstruous cruelties. Montgommerie perceiving no remedy, entered into a Galley, and with such as could save themselves therein, went to New-haven: others that sought to do the like without boats, were drowned: such as fled out at the gates were spoiled and rob of all they had, and some taken prisoners. divers Ministers being within a strong Tower, yielded themselves upon promise of safety: but contrary to promise, they were kept prisoners, yet escaped only Marolart, and precedent Maudreville an excellent man, that were betrayed by one S. Estene, that had promised to save them, and for his pains, he should have had 2000 Crowns. The Constable threatened Marolart, but he endured it patiently: many English and Scottish soldiers were hanged, the rest being sick, taken and cast into the river of Siene. Maudreville, Monsieur de Soquence, and Berthonuille, Councillors of the Town, with Marolart, were condemned to die: Maudreville, to lose his head, divers notable persons executed. the rest to be hanged, which was presently executed with many opprobrious speeches, against Marolart, both by the Constable and his son. They all died constantly in the profession of the Gospel. The next day, 5. Captains and two others were likewise executed. The spoil and sacking of the Town, continued above 4. months together, and it is almost incredible to speak, what great riches was taken and borne out of the Town: such as came from Paris, Amiens, Beawais, and other, places to buy the spoils, in their returns homeward, were either rob of all they had, or else never prospered in their affairs. Touching Deep, Deep. those of the religion therein maintained themselves very well, exercising many notable exploits against those that sought to molest them. So that from the beginning of May, until October, their enemies lost to the number of one thousand or twelve hundredth men. This Town served for a retreat to great numbers of the religion, from divers places, nourished an infinite number of poor people, aided those of Roan with all the means they could, but the succours they sent to help the town, being cut off & overthrown, the Town of Deep perceiving itself not able to resist, in fine, by many threatenings, promises and other means, they yielded the Town upon certain conditions: the worst whereof was, that the exercise of religion was taken from them: the Marshal de Montmorancy establishing Ricaruille and de Baqueville, with four hundredth men to command therein: yet those of the religion lost not courage, but made such suit unto the Queen-mother, (that feared the Admiral and the siege of Orleans) that they obtained licence to assemble in small companies, which they did, having certain Ministers that escaped from Roan: yet there was not one Priest in all the country, that durst once venture to say Mass within Deep, & although the two Captains aforesaid, kept good watch, yet they were surprised: for the twentieth of December, Monsieur Ricaruille being gone out of the Castle with one of his servants, to see his horses, in a stable not far from it, was slain by Monsieur de Chastiville, and Captain Gascon, who presently ceased upon the Castle, Deep taken from those of the Romish Church. and having intelligence with those that were in it, armed themselves and entered into the Town, where without hurting any man, they took Baqueville, whom all men had forsaken: that done, the exercise of the religion was again publicly permitted, and the Government of the Town, given to Monsieur de la Curee, a Gentleman well affected to the religion. There happened divers exploits of war in many places of Normandy, because of the Towns, but because the most part of them were but surprises, and ordinary stratagems, we will not speak of them, but only of that which seemeth worthiest memory. The seventh of june 1562. Messieurs de Hovesuille, and de Cequeville, giles Michant Physician, Valongnes. john Guifart, and Robert de Verdun Counnellours, were massacred in Valongues for religion, and the houses of such as made profession, were filled with soldiers, that did what they list therein, for the space of eight days. In the month of May, Vire. before Viere having been taken by Montgommery, the Images beaten down, and the Relics borne away, the religion re-established, upon the last of july, those of the Romish Church assailed those of the religion, as they came out from the sermon, whereof they slew three men, whereof one was stoned by the women, being in the river, and hurt divers. But about the end of August, they were revenged thereof by means of Monsieur de Montgommery, that sent them aid, which did much mischief to all the country round about: but not long after, again the Duke d'Estampes took the Town by force, and many of them put unto the sword. The Duke d'Estampes having gotten Vire, Saint Lo. went to Saint Lo, where having continued siege for the space of five or six days, in the end he took it, the Town being sacked and put to the spoil. Nowhaven. New-haven, a Town of great importance, having been bravely delivered unto the Prince, by Vidame de Chartres, Monsieur de Beawoir, and la Nocle his brother in law: Vidame going into England, meaning not to leave the place unprovided, let the keeping thereof to one named Roquebrune, to whom he gave commission to raise three hundredth men for the guard thereof. He presently went unto the Cardinal of Lorraine, and after to the King of Navarre, promising to deliver New-haven unto them, and proceeded therewith, until such time as he should have executed his charge. But the enterprise being discovered to Monsieur de Beaunoir, he took speedy order for the relief thereof, causing Roquebrune to lose his head. Mean time, Vidame dealt with the Queen of England, to aid those of the religion, upon condition, that for the security and safeguard of her men, she should have the Town of New-haven delivered unto her, without any prejudice unto the King or to the Realm: whereupon 6000. English men were sent into Normandy: whereof part were in Roan, where they fought valiantly till the last man: and if they had been seconded, the issue thereof would have fallen out otherwise. Some were put into Deep, the greatest part staying in New-haven, under the conduct of the Earl of Warwick. Rouen being taken, the Ringrave came before New-haven: where the English men and Scots gave him many a skirmish. Many means were sought to corrupt monsieur de Beawoir, with promises of fifty thousand crowns, a collar of the order, and a company of lancers: But by no means he would consent to yield the Town, nor yet in any sort blemish his honour. Touching Britain, the Duke de Estampes, Britain. a Gentleman of good and moderate nature, behaved himself very indifferently with those of the religion, as long as the Queen-mother seemed to hang in suspense. But wars once kindled, and his Nephew Sebastian de Luxembourg, a cruel man, if ever there were any in France, being joined with him for assistant, mutinous companions began to stir, in such sort, that those of the Army of Triumuirat, seemed to set one upon the other. But yet those of the religion made good means to help themselves. Now let us see what happened unto the country of Guyene, Guyenne during these first troubles. The first of April, 1562. Monluc caused the town of Fumel to be unwalled: Threw down certain houses, and set them at a fine of three hundredth thousand franks: to be paid unto the widow and Orphans, of Monsieur de Fumel, not long before murdered by those of the Town. Those of the religion foreseeing the mischiefs that Monluc would work, if he were not prevented, desired Monsieur de Duras to stay in the Province, where he fonud great forces, but he excused himself by the commandment given him from the Prince, to lead certain forces to Orleans, which was the means of most great miseries, and cruel massacres that happened in that country. Those of the religion in Bourdeaux, having let slip the means to get the Town peaceably into their hands, while Bury & Monluc were absent, that went about to erect their snares, and to assure themselves, they could no more attain unto it, for that minding to assay it once again, they found so many faint hearted people among them, that they were constrained to save themselves in Duras: whereof the Parliament being informed, caused their houses to be spoiled & thrown down: threatening all such as they could lay hands upon: and among the rest, two Ministers named Neufchastle and Grene. Monluc had his greatest quarrel against those of Again, Agen. who among divers other enterprises of that Town, had surely been taken and spoiled by them, had it not been for the improvidence of Monsieur de Memy, General for the wars for those of the religion, in Guyenne and all the country adjoining, wherein he behaved himself with no great honour, as being a man rather addicted to his study, then unto arms, which in the end made him lose his head upon a Scaffold. Bury and Monluc, knowing with whom they had to deal, sought divers means to entrap those of Argen: and to the same end, caused Captain Charry to lie about the Town: but an Ambascado, being set for him, he was put to flight, leaving 45. of his men dead upon the ground, and fifteen prisoners. Memy brought great forces into Again, but knowing not how to employ them, he was forsaken by Arpaion and Marchastel: who as then (if he would have credited them) could have overthrown Monluc: who knowing his adversaries weak conduction, never ceased to give him divers alarms. About the end of three weeks, Memies' troops having done no good in Again, departed and left their companies. To the contrary, Monluc ceased not to make divers courses into the country, constraining them to supply his want of victuals and munition, his soldiers running to the gates of Again: and meeting with any of the religion, they put a halter about his neck, and if he continued constant, they put him to cruel death, or else ransomed, and then killed him. And such as were but weak of faith, after they had made them troth with them, they constrained them to make the sign of the cross, to say an ave Maria, and to confess and acknowledge the Mass to be good: yet they were not content there with, but forced them to swear and blaspheme God, at the least five or six times together: which done, they were accounted and holden for good and sufficient Catholics in Monluc and Peyrot his sons opinions. The seventh of August, those of Again repulsed Captain Bourg, that kept a passage from them full of good provision: but having gotten the place, their soldiers busied themselves about hearkening after the sweet wines: so that the next day again, du Rourg surprised and slew sixty of them, dispersing the rest: whereof divers passing the river, drank more water, than the day before they had swallowed wine. But the next day ensuing, they had their revenge at Lerac, where by certain intelligence, they slew eighty of Monlucs soldiers: which notwithstanding within 4. days after, those of Again perceiving their town to be weak, issued out of the Town all armed, to the number of six hundredth men: delivering the keys unto the consuls, desiring them not to forget the great courtesy showed unto them by those of the religion, when they were Masters of the Town. Women of good account bore their children in their arms, in a cradle upon their heads, or else carried them on their shoulders. And in that sort having traveled all night, they found themselves to be about seven great leagues from Again: where they stayed for Duras, that provided for their security. The next day, those of Again sought to kill and massacre such as they could entrap. Bury and Monluc presently came thither, and after all the movables had been ceased upon, and borne away, they ceased upon the immcoveables, executing divers prisoners: punishing those that were absent by their piclieres, confiscating their goods, as it pleased them to appoint. Without the town nothing was heard, but only of horrible and cruel murders, and that in the Bourg of the passage, there were two young children roasted. Duras hearing of those great mischiefs, marched towards Lauserte, a Town in Quercy: which upon the fifteenth of August, he took by force: being constrained there unto by the braveries of those that were within it: in the Town he slew 567. men, among which, were 9 score and 14. Priests. Part of those of Again were within the castle of Roime, that Duras had committed unto the charge of Captain Lyouran, where Monluc besieged them, battering the place 3. days together. They within, sustaining a furious assault: but in the end, the number of soldiers that were therein being but small, and Lyouran being slain, the Castle was forced. Monluc having lost about seven hundredth men, the cruelty he used was extreme, not sparing old nor young, killing young children in their mother's arms, and then the mothers. They reserved certain women, whereof Bury would have 2. for his part. Monluc behaving himself in such fort, that I abhor to write it. This happened to those of Again, but that was not all: For after the overthrow of the Army of Duras, divers of those that escaped, having been taken, were brought to Again, a place appointed for the butchery, where they had erected a gybbit, called the consistory: in such sort, that from the time that those of the religion left the Town, until the Edict of peace, there were abone five hundredth men executed to death: and the Participants of Monluc, to fill up their iniquities, banished the women and children out of the Town: after whom, they sent the soldiers: hanged a Counsellor in his long gown and square Cap. Not long before this overthrow of Duras, Memy forsaken of all men, thinking to withdraw himself into Bearn, was taken prisoner, and led to Bourdeaux. Where by sentence in Court of Parliament, he had his head stricken off. Exploits of Monsieur de Duras, tell his overthrow We must now speak a word of the exploits done by Monsieur de Duras in Guyenne, until his ourthrowe. He having received charge to raise all the forces he could to aid the Prince, and to march towards Orleans, his intents were often times crossed by divers means: and having begun to raise certain forces, he was put in mind, that he might be a good means with them to assure Bourdeaux: Which taking no effect, he determined to seize upon the Country between the two Seas, situate between Gerome, and Dordongne, there to gather his forces. But approaching near Saint Machaire, in stead of victuals, they shot divers Muskettes at him, whereby some of his men were slain: which caused him to assail and force the Town: yet much supported by the great humanity of Duras, whom Bury and Monluc then determined to invade: assuring themselves, that having dispersed his forces, they should easily accomplish their own desires through out all Guyenne. Which being concluded, they overtook him hard by Rozan: where Monluc having the advantage, gave Duras a charge, who recovering a little wood full of Ditches, behaved himself so well with three hundredth pikes, the rest of his troops having forsaken him, that he constrained Monluc to retire with the loss of three hundredth men, and Duras about thirty or more. After that, he determined to leave off his enterprise, having the conduction of many mean soldiers, and men wholly enemies to discipline: yet having pity of the Country, and hoping that his Soldiers would do better, he reassembled them. Procuring others, marched towards Agenois and Quercy, aiding them of Again as much as possibly he might. But having heard what happened therein, after the departure of those of the religion, he punished those of Lauserte, and from thence coming to Saint Authony, he was strengthened by two companies of footmen, led by Marchastel. And as he determined to go to Monsieur de Cursol in Languedoc, the Count de la Rorchefoucaut desired him to join with him, and with all speed to march towards Orleans. To the same end du Bordet, a valiant Gentleman, with 60. light-horse, 200. Argolitiers, & 2. companies of footmen, was sent from Xaintonge, to conduct Monsieur Duras in the way. Du Bordet entered Pons, forced S. Satier, wherein were slain twelve Priests, then entered into lafoy Lined, a Town in Perigort, wherein he punished certain seditious persons, that had massacred and cut a poor man of the religion in divers places of his body, filling all his wounds with salt: and having joined with Duras and Marchastel, he determined to punish those of Sarlat, that had slain two Gentlemen, and passing by Caussade, to go to Montauban to fetch Artillery, and to raise more soldiers, certain Priests that did much mischief, were set upon and forced within a steeple, and cast headlong out of it upon the ground: and some others of the principal of the Town, authors of the massacre committed in that place upon those of the religion, being committed unto the Marshal of Guyenne, were executed to death: they placed good Garrison in Realuille, and marching to Montauban, leaving the conduction of their troops to Chaumont, Saint Hermine, and Pere Longue. This was but an unadvised enterprise of those three Leaders, to leave their forces in that sort, seeing Bury and Monluc were not far of, with six thousand foot, and divers horse. But the wise and happy conduction of Chaumont, mended that negligence, delivering a fierce skirmish unto Monluc, who for that day would not fight, although Bury was of the contrary opinion, considering their great advantage. The troops of Duras being safely arrived at Montauban, upon the ninth of September, four days after, Bury and Monluc encamped themselves, but being dislodged within three times four and twenty hours after, Duras marched towards Xaintongue, Overthrow of Duras. and in the way forced the Castle of Marcues, wherein heetooke the Bishop of Cahors, that had certain books of Magick-art about him, and many receipts to win the love of women, but no books of Divinity. He escaped well from being hanged, as author of the massacre in Cahors: in his stead they executed five or six soldiers. From thence all the troops came before Sarlat, upon the first of October. The resistance of the Town, and the enemy's army, composed of eight thousand foot, & divers horse approaching, made Duras to dislodge. And upon the eight of October, being a rainy day, he entered into a Village named Hedreux, his Artillery and footemenlying at Ver, half a league further. Bury and Monluc having by one of their prisoners understood the whole estate of Duras camp, being about four or five thousand horse and foot, went forward. But Duras in flayed of joining his forces together, and to view his enemies, supposed them to be but certain Curriers, and neglecting them, still separated his forces. But having soon perceived his fault, he determined to retire with a soft pace, and to set his men in safety. Puch a valiant Knight, was of the contrary opinion, saying, that when two armies are near unto each other, the first that retireth, giveth advantage to the other, proving it by that which happened unto the French army upon S. Laurence day. Bury and Monluc perceiving that Duras began to retire, made haste to overtake him, and gave him a charge, where in a manner no resistance was made, whereby they entered so far into Duras Camp, that they seized upon the artillery and their carriages, and there the soldiers staying, greedier of pray then of honour, gave such as had first fled to reassemble, and so to pass the water, throwing down their arms to fly the easitier: the overthrow was of about five or six hundredth soldiers, and 2500. boys and pages, with all the artillery, some of those that were taken prisoners being hanged, specially the Ministers: who by the advise of the Church, had followed those companies. I will recite one particularly. Among the prisoners, there was a Captain called lafoy Mothe, that fell to Captain Bazourdans' lot. Who not long after meeting with Monluc, he gave him divers stabs with a dagger, and thrust him through with his rapier, saying these words. Villain thou shalt die in despite of God. Nevertheless to prove Monluc a liar, this poor man, being in that sort borne away and healed, although he had many deadly wounds, wonderfully recovered his health and lived. Laumosniere overthrown by Duras. Duras having assembled those that past the river, and made two retraits, being advertised that Captain Laumosniere, sent by Monsierde Sansac, stayed for him at Embornet with five hundredth men, to make an end of an overthrow, not being once abashed, marched right unto the place, where hearrived about the break of day: and behaved himself so well, that Laumosniere and all his men, only three that bore the news to Sansac, were slain in the field. After this conflict, Duras men began to leave him: so that he arrived at Orleans with a very small company, where the peace being once concluded, he died. The 10. of March 1562. Mont de Marsan was taken by certain of Monlucs forces: those of the religion after many outrages, Mont de Marsan. being constrained to fly into some other place, and to leave both wines and children. Not long after, six of the principal of them, being kept prisoners, had their heads stricken off, and three or four others executed in divers manners. And a Lancier being taken after the peace of Villeneufue de Marsan, was buried quick: and at Caseras in the month of August, a young woman named jeanne de la Gora, pursued to be violated, threw herself out of a Window, and died thereof. The History of Thoulouse and other places belonging to the Parliament of Languedoc, is very long: but I will assay to make a brief rehearsal thereof, Thoulouse. as of the rest. The Edict of januarie having been published therein, things were peaceably handled until the second of April, when by an occasion of a Burial, those of the romish Church, in the Subburbes of Saint Michael, Saint Steven, and Saint Saluador in Thoulouse, assailed those of the Religion, and hurt great numbers of them: Killing four outright, besides divers more of them that were thrown down into a well. The Parliament favoured this action: but to the contrary, the Capitalles sought by all means to repress the sedition, and laid hold upon some of the chief dealers therein: but the tumult still increased, and so continued until night, both within and without the Town. The next day nothing was done, but fair words to appease so great an injury: nevertheless, the Capitalles pursued the matter so well, that four of the seditious persons were hanged, and two whipped. But the fire of division began to be so hove, that those of the religion already threatened with that which after ensued, seized upon the Townhouse, and certain corners of the streets: which moved the Parliament in such manner, that presently they sent for all the gentlemen thereabouts to be their aids, calling the commons to gither, causing it to be published throughout the Town, that all men should take weapon in hands to invade those of the religion, who by the intermission of the Capitalles, assayed to appease that Tumult. Monluc gave the wheel good passage, by writing to the Parliament, that the Capital de Lanta, new come from the Court lying without the Town, had promised the Prince, to cause the Town to hold for him. The thirteenth of May, the Precedents and Councillors coming forth in their Scarlet gowns, caused it to be cried throughout the Town, and in their presence, that all good Catholicques, and faithful servants to the King, should take arms and use them against those of the religion: to take them either dead or living, and to kill and spoil them of all they have without all mercy. Besides that, five or six Councillors went crying throughout the Town, that they should not spare to kill and spoil: being lisenced thereunto by the Court, with permission both from Pope and the King. The copy of this proclamation, was presently sent to all the Borrows and Villages round about: wherewith bells began to be rung in all the steeples of the Town, and presently after in all the Country round about, for four or five League's compass. Thoulonse is one of the greatest and most populos Towns in all France. At which time, there was within it, at the least 25. or thirty thousand persons of the religion, and of divers qualities & ages: Horrible Massacre in Thoulouse. and then began one of the most horrible massacries that can be remembered. The prisons were presently filled, and many were knocked on the head, at the entry into it, because it would hold no more. The river in short space was covered with dead bodies, & many were thrown out of windows into the river, from whence if they seemed to escape, they were presently slain with sword and stones. Those of the religion that had strengthened them within the Townhouse, and in certain other places, defended themselves with great courage, and made divers sallies, and if treason had not been wrought against them by Captain Saulx, they had gotten the Palace, and driven their enemies out of the Town, but he put them from that: whereof presently ensued a total ruin. For the next day being the fourteenth, those of the religion perceiving that of force they must die, resolved to defend themselves, and besides the pieces that they had within the townhouse, wherewith they abashed their enemies, they issued divers times out of their forts, to skirmish with the enemy, where between them much blood was spilled. The Citizens fight. The same day Bellegarde Lieutenant to the Marshal de Termes, entered into the Town with his company of lancers. Those of Terrides and Monluc stayed without to hinder such aid as might arrive to help those of the religion, that held but one gate, to whom about Evening, was sent a letter into the townhouse to make an accord, where unto they appeared, only demanding assurance of their lives, and the rest of their goods: with the observation of the Edict of januarie, which was refused them. Whereupon each prepared themselves upon the next day after, to enter into a hotter fight than ever they did. And because the cannon in the townhouse, did much hurt unto the Town, the councillors and the Court caused more than two hundredth houses to be burnt, and in divers other places many houses were rob and spoiled: and among others, the houses of Precedent Bernoy, and councillor Chawet, where two young maids were ravished in their mother's presence. Saturday the sixteenth, they had a cruel skirmish, and then those of the Romish Church asked a parley, and had a truce, which truce continuing, it was agreed upon, that those of the religion leaving their armour and weapons in the Town house, should withdraw themselves with all security. And according to that agreement made with the Captains & the Parliament, those of the religion having received the Communion with tears & solemn prayers, about evening came forth, where against the faith and promise made unto them, they took all they could lay hold upon, and committed them prisoners, and those that got out at the gate, called Villeneufue, many of them escaped & were received into Montaubon, & other Towns that held for the religion. The soldiers scattered about the fields, and the Peasants killed and spoiled many of them. The common opinion is, that in this mutiny, there died within the Town above three thousand five hundredth persons, as well on the one side as on the other. The four and twentieth of May, Bury and Monluc determining to destroy Montauban, marched thither with an army of a thousand horse, The first besieging of Montauban and five thousand foot, wherewith they besieged it, hane two fierce skirmishes within the Town, in one of them Captain Saint Michael slew three lanciers, and took a goodly horse. The next day the artillery came thither, many skirmishes being made, wherein Monluc had the worst, and hardly escaped with his life, his horse having been slain under him: the next day, the camp dislodged and made away in great haste, but for what cause it was not known, Monluc having lost about sixty men, but he spoiled all the houses round about it, and burned the corn being half ripe. Not long after, Captain Saint Michael and his brother being attainted of treason and robbery, were slain in the house of Marchastell within Montauban. The enemies lay in the Garrisons round about it, which caused those of the twone to erect certain companies, and a kind of military Discipline, and then to make issues and courses in the country, which fell out with good success: but not to those of Castres', who in one recounter, lost between four score and a hundredth Soldiers, in a manner all young men borne within the town. The three and twentieth of August, Captain Bazourdan sent by the Parliament of Thoulouse, Other accidents in Montauban used all the means he could to induce Montauban to fall to some composition, and if they would not do it, yet that at the least those that said they were their friends and could bring forces, would exhort them to make peace. The last words used by Bazourdon, contained a certain kind of mockery touching the confidence that those of Montauban put in the Lord, but Constant their Minister took him up for halting. The fift of September, those of Negropelisse, having been surprised and hardly handled by Captain Coulumbier, and the Bishop of Montauban, they sought to remedy it, but all too late. The Bishop causing six of his best prisoners to be stoned and beaten to death with staves, and their bodies cast into the river. In a sally made upon the eight of the same month, those of Montauban being discovered by a traitor, were put to flight, having lost one of the Ensigne-bearers, two corporals, two Gentlemen, and ten soldiers. The same day Marchastel and Duras being entered into Montauban, desired that they might take the companies and the Artillery with them, having lodged their army within the Town. which constrained the Consuls to grant to their desires. But their arrival fell out well for the Town, The second siege of Montauban. for that within three days after, Bury and Monluc with nine companies of lancers, great numbers of Gentlemen, five and twenty companies of footmen, four companies of Argolitiers, and three companies of Spaniards, each company of four hundredth men, with five camnons, three Coluerins, and five demi Coluerins, came to besiege Montauban the second time. At their arrival, there happened a fierce and hard skirmish, the issue thereof being such, that the assailants left the place which they had taken, and withdrew themselves somewhat further with great loss. Those of the town left the Master of the camp to Monsieur Duras, a Sergeant of a band, a Corporal, six soldiers, and certain strangers, with divers hurt. The next day, being the fifteenth of September, the skirmish began again, to the damage of the assailants, and four score Spaniards that had set fire in a Mill upon the river of Tar, making good cheer in a farmer's house, were surprised and all put to the sword, not one escaping. The execution being done by five and twenty soldiers of the Town, that returned laden with armours and other spoils in the face of the enemy, whereupon some made forth to go on the other side of the water to aid their companions, but their boat overwhelmed, and they were almost all drowned. The next day, Duras presented battle unto Monluc, which he refused, and the next day raised his siege, having lost about six hundredth men, and the Town thirty. The third siege of Montauban with divers skirmishes, sallies, escalades, and other warlike practices, to the loss of both parts, continued until the fifteenth of April, A third siege of Montauban. that peace was proclaimed within Montauban: and in that third siege the enemy lost (as they themselves confessed) two thousand soldiers, fourteen or fifteen Captains, Lieutenants and Ensigne-bearers: and divers Gentlemen of companies, besides a great number of hurt and maimed men, that died in divers places as they retired. The Town lost two Captains, two Ensigne-bearers, some Gentlemen of companies, and sixty Soldiers at the most. The policy in the watches having been notably well observed, until the end of the Siege. The fifteenth of March, Carcassone. one thousand five hundredth sixty two, those of the religion at Carcassone being gone out of the Town to a Sermon, at their return found the Gate shut against them, and the Citizens armed, that saluted them with Caliners: and in that estate they continued until the nineteenth of the same month, that those within the Town having gotten a Leader, and having mustered their men, which they found to be between four or five thousand, they began to shoot off their ordinance, and to sound up drumbes in all parts of the Town, wherewith those of the religion being in small number, were much abashed, & leaving the suburbs, saved themselves as well as they might, which those of the town perceiving, made after them, slaying some, and hurting others. On the other side, within the base Town, were slain jaques Sabatter his son, and three or four others. The 91. of May, three of the richest houses therein, were sacked and spoiled: and upon Whitsunday, one of the religion beaten down in the Subburbes, being sore wounded, they cut off his nose, and ears, and pulled out his eyes. After that, five prisoners were hanged, many put to great ransoms, and a Gentleman beheaded. Those of Revel, living peaceably, Revel. until the one and twentieth of May, having received news of the discipation of Thoulouse, left their goods and houses to go to Castres' and other places. The Parliament of Thoulouse, seeing that, gave out commission, that if they appeared not in Court within three days after, their bodies should be apprehended and committed to prison, and for want of their bodies, their goods of the judge and of one hundredth and twelve others of the religion, to be ceased upon. One of the number named Martin du Puits, a man that was rich, peaceable, and without reproach or infamy, was taken in a farm without the Town, and shortly after hanged, his body cast unto the dogs, having first blacked his face, hands, and feet, causing it to be reported, that he had the devil within him. Others being taken and led unto Thoulouse, were condemned to the Galleys, or else put to great fines, or banished. Touching those that were absent, the Consuls and others, took their movables, took notes of their immooveables, took all they could find from the women, and yet constrained them to lodge and find certain soldiers, constrained with blows to go to hear Mass, and their children rebaptised. Those of the religion being the strongest within Limoux, upon a Sunday being the first of March, 1562. about evening, there happened a sedition, Limoux. wherein two of the Romish Church were slain, and three more upon the seven and twentieth of April after, the tumult at that time being raised again. Whereupon there fell open war between both parts, those of the religion being strengthened with fifty soldiers that came from Foix, withstood Pomas that came to aid their adversaries with ten companies, and eight hundredth Bandoliers, most part Spaniards, conducted by a notable murderer called Peyrot joupian. Presently after the desolation of Thoulouse, the Parliament sent thither the Marshal de Mirepoix, that besieged and battered the great Town, (which was holden by those of the religion) with seventeen pieces of Artillery, but all in vain. Whereupon he devised another means, and upon the sixteenth of june he entered therein: by reason whereof, he executed all kind of monstruous cruelties, violating women and children most detestably without any description of religion. The Minister was slain, two Gentlemen and 60. soldiers taken prisoners, were hanged. A widow of great account having redeemed her only daughter's virginity with a great sum of money, the villain that had sworn to defend her, violated her in presence of her mother, and then killed them both. Those of the Romish Church were nothing spared, for that some of them were likewise slain. The pray that Marshal de Mirepoix had for his share, was esteemed to be at the least above a hundredth thousand Crowns. And the fury continued in such sort within that poor Town, that after the publication of the peace, at one time fourteen of the religion coming thither, were all slain: and one of Monsieur de joyeuses servants having been found to follow one of the judges that was not well thought on, was stabbed and rifled in the open streets. The fifteenth of March 1592. both the parties within Beziers, were ready to come to handie-blowes, Beziers. and not long after, the news of the massacre of Vassy being published, those of the religion provided for their safeties: and having brought certain soldiers into their houses, in the beginning of May, the Images were thrown down in all their Churches. Monsieur de joyeuse allied to the Constable, used all the means he could to suppress those of the religion: but Monsieur de Baudine, appointed commander over the troops of the religion in Languedoc, while the wars continued, interrupted him: and withal, ceased upon Magalas a very strong place, which much annoyed the Town, forced Espignan, and there put most part of two companies of Bandoliers to the sword. joyeuse followed by five thousand men, four Cannons, two Coluerins, two demi coluerins, and four field pieces, went to besiege the Castle of Lignan, near to Reziers, wherein were but twelve soldiers, with munition only for two days. Baudine gave joyeuse so much to do, that they in the mean time saved themselves: which done, he went to Lezignan, that held against the cannon shot, but at the second assault it was taken: and having by composition taken two companies of soldiers that kept Montagnac, with promise to save their lives, falsifying his promise, he put four of the principal of them to the sword. From thence he marched to Pezenas, where Baudine met him, and had overthrown him, if it had not been for the treason of the Master of his camp, who set things in such bad order, that Baudines troops were themselves in danger to be put to the sword: and there he lost one hundredth, or an hundredth and twenty soldiers. This Marshal not long after dying in Montpeslier, confessed to have received five hundredth Crowns of Monsieur de joyeuse before the encounter, with promise of twice as much more. This loss, and the separation of the troops being much more, produced a parley, wherein joyeuse made so many goodly offers, that they suffered him to enter into Pezenas: but being entered, he showed them what he meant, killing certain hurt soldiers and Inhabitants, that could not serve in the wars. His cruelty caused him to lose Beziers, where when he thought to enter, he found a face of wood, and those of Beziers ready in field, that forced and burnt Lignan, having overthrown two companies that kept it. The war being wholly turned against Montpeslier, those of Beziers failed to be surprised by night, upon the sixteenth of October, their enemies having secretly gotten close under the walls. But it chanced that a Drummer of the Town being drunk, about two of the clock at night suddenly rose up, and thinking it had been day, began to sound the Diana or morning watch, which caused the enemy to fly, whose lathers in the morning were found in the ditches. Whereupon seven or eight traitors were apprehended, and being found guilty, were executed for the fact. And within eight days after, the enemy came by day, close to the Barriers: but to their loss, the principal of their troop being hurt, where of he died. The second of November, those of Beziers sent two companies to aid Montpeslier: and at the end of ten days, those of Beziers overthrew Captain Lauragues, with his company near to Cessenon. Not long after, there happened a thing worthy memory, thereby to note the covetous desire of some men, and by the judgement of God to show the mischief of civil wars. Anthony Savin, servant to a Citizen of Beziers, being taken in a skirmish, the enemy offered to exchange him for a horse, that one of their Captains had lost in the same skirmish. But they had rather suffer Savin to be hanged, than part from the horse: yet not long after, at another sally, this horse being strong in the mouth, running with great force, bore a Gentleman (to whom it had been given) into the middle of his enemies, who presently killed the man, and got the horse again. The same month, those of Beziers being much troubled for money to pay their soldiers, digging a ditch in the place where the Chapitre of Saint Nazaire used to melt their bells, they found a great table of silver, which was presently broken and coined into money at Montpeslier, wherewith they paid their soldiers: that done, they heard news of the battle of Dreux, so that as than it was necessary for them to look better to the safety of the place, so that having brought victuals out of all places into their Town, they took Seruian by assault, forced the Garrison of Casouls: by means of Monsieur Crussol, they took order within it to end certain controversies that rose between those of the Town, and certain strangers, whereupon it happened, that one within the Town, moved that they had driven his companions out of the place, meeting Anthony Duchemin, a Doctor of Physic, a man of great learning and judgement, (upon the Rampires) threw him over the wall, whereof he died, to the great grief of all the Town: the murderer saving himself in the enemy's camp. These things happened in the months of january and February, and in the beginning of March upon the seventeenth day of the same month Captain la cost, commanding within Beziers, took Villeneufue les Beziers by assault. Presently after peace being made, the Garrisons that lay about Beziers retired, and the Powne remained in quiet, enjoying the exercise of the religion, which not long after, Marshal the danvil took from them. Those of the religion in Montpeslier understanding what had passed in Thoulouse and else where, made themselves the strongest: to them came Baudine, Montpeslier Grille, Bovillargues, Thouras, and Montuaillant, that enterprised to besiege Frontignan: but there he found a hard party: joyeuse going thither to aid them, was repulsed by Bovillargues and Grille: but in the mean time, two frigates of Provinciers entered into the town: which constrained Baudine to return unto Montpeslier, where he found war, causing the Subburbes to be raised, that in a manner were as great as the Town: by which means there were 30. Churches thrown down. This beating down of the Subburbes was a great discommodity to the enemy, that were constrained to encamp a French league from the Town, where they assailed an old Tower without flancards, and constrained certain arquebusiers that were within it to save themselves, with promise of their lives: but at their coming forth they slew them all. They did as much to the Captain and twenty soldiers, that sold them the Castle of Maguelonne: for as they issued, they were all put to the sword. At the same time, the Baron des Adrets, upon the thirteenth of September arrived in Baudines camp: & the same day at night, assailed the enemy's camp with so great courage, that if they had pursued their enterprise until morning, they had overthrown the whole army: but about midnight they sounded a retreat, and three days after, both he and his, went back again with as much haste as they made thither, yet he left three companies of Argolitiers hard by Montpeslier, that made sharp war upon the Bandoliers. The enemies having taken and presently hanged two Ministers: some of their prisoners within Montpeslier were served in the like sort. The memorable tourney of S. giles. Baudine understanding that Messieurs de Suze and Sommerive principals of the Army Triumuirat, in a part of Languedoc, had passed the river of Rhosne, with about three thousand foot, and four hundredth horse, two Canons and a Culverin, brought his Camp into Montpeslier, and sent Grille to put certain shot within S. giles, a little Town lying upon the Rhosne: he having the conduct of three companies of provincial Argolitiers, with six hundredth foot, under the charge of Captain Rapin. Bovillargues and Albenas, with their horse went to Nismes. All these troops joined together, minded to aid S. giles, and made in all, six hundredth horse, and eight hundredth foot, & departing from Nismes upon the 27. of September, about half a mile from S. giles, they surprised three horsemen of Provence, whereof they slew two, and saving the third, by him they understood the disorder of the enemy's Camp, by which means, they set forward, and being discovered, the army of Suze and Sommerive, both Captains and soldiers began to fly, with the greatest fear that ever was heard. Bowillargues in stead of going strait to S. giles, began to set upon those that fled, where he found no resistance, but had work enough to kill them at his pseasure: not one of them once turning his face: Grille on the other side, charged them likewise: in such sort, that there were slain and drowned to the number of two thousand men. The boats being stayed by some of the horsemen, the rest flying as fast as they could towards Fourques an Aiguesmortes: where they could not safely arrive, but some of them were met withal, all the carriage and provision of the Camp was taken, and in Suze and Sommerives chests, were found divers strange commissions. The booty was great, because they were furnished in all sorts as if they had gone to a wedding: and among others of their Armours, they found great numbers of viols, and books of love, that were all broken and cut in pieces. The two cannons were taken with twenty two ensigns, and the guidon of the Colonel, and laid up in Nismes: The Culverin being sunk in the river of Rhosne where it could not be halled up again. Not one man of the religion died at that time by the hands of the enemy, that used nothing but their feet, as their best instruments for that time. Only two of their men, slain by their own company, having forgotten the watchword which at that time was Solomon: and to the contrary, certain Spaniards and Italians remembering it, entered among them, but their tongues bewraying them, they sped as well as the rest. An Ambuscado of importance. Not long before, those of the religion had received great grief by the death of one of the Gremians, brave Captains, and of young Maillane, having been surprised and overthrown in an ambuscado, by them set for the enemy: but before thy died, they sold their skins at a dear prize, having slain a great number of those that assailed them: among the which, was Peyrot Loupian, commander of the Bandoliers. The first of October, they received an other cooling, Overthrow of Captain Grille. for that Captain Grille proud of his victory, and despising divers good advises, being overthrown at Arenasses, with the loss of one hundredth or one hundredth and twenty soldiers. Baudine ran thither to relieve him, and slaying a great number of the enemies, brought Grille to Montpeslier, yet the overthrow was so great, that some flying to Lunel, other to Maugueul, the rest to Sommiers, hardly the third part got into the Town, so that presently they could not assembly together. joyeuse on the other side, perceiving his army daily to decrease, by sickness and other necessities, began to parley, whereby he obtained passage to retire. Yet his Garrisons in the valley of Montferrant, made divers courses even to the Gates of Montpeslier, yet to his loss, in hope by certain intelligences, that he had to get the Town, discovered by two of the principal actors, who being condemned for other crimes, upon the scaffold confessed their treasons. The Captains, Grille and Bovillargues, upon the ninth of October wan a Tower called lafoy Carbonniere, cituate by d'Aguismortes, and brought Barks thither, wherewith they bore away the assault of Requais, A good thing for the commodity of those of the religion. whereof those of the religion made great profit towards the charges of their wars. To return to joyeuse, being at Perzenas, by means of a certain traitor he made a new enterprise upon Montpeslier: but his treason being discovered, and Baudine having taken a little town upon the river of Rhosne, called le Bourg, he besieged aged: where Captain Sanglas commanded. aged. The first of November the assault was given, which continued 4. hours, where they fought at hand blows, those that were besieged making brave resistance, pursuing their enemies a great way without the breach: among the which, a woman behaved herself most valiantly with a sword. And at the same time, they repulsed the enemy that assailed them in another place of the town. The next day they were assisted and strengthened, by the aid that a soldier of the town named Trencaire, brought them from Beziers, being six score arquebusiers led at a certain hour, through water that ran as high as their horse saddles, bearing their flasks and a bag of powder (to srue them at their need) at the end of their calivers. The 3. day of the month, joyeuse commanded to give a second assault, but it took no great effect, so that such as served therein, sped but hardly: whereby the next day about midnight, he trussed up his courage, his camp being divided into three parts, one of them marching towards Gignac, Overthrow of one of the part of joyeuse. was so bravely encountered by Bovillargues, that he slew two hundredth seventy four of their men in the place: among the which, were three of the principal Leaders. But for his part he lost not a man, only the poor Peasant that was his guide, slain by a soldier, because he knew not the watchword. Bovillargues went to Nismes, and being advertised that three hundredth men lying in Aramon, made divers courses to the gates of Bagnols', found means to entrap them by an Ambascado, where most of them were slain, drowing a Frigate which they brought with them. Not long after, he took Saint Laurent des Arbres, in Contat, driving thence five and thirty Italian lancers, sixty Argolitiers, and a company of footmen, having lost seven men at the mine, and slain certain Italians. After that time, Montpeslier continued in peace, until the end of the wars, that Monsieur de Caylus sent by the King and Queen to proclaim the peace in Languedoc, showing Monsieur de Crussol Governor of Provence, and all those of the religion, that the King and his mother were well pleased to pardon all whatsoever they had done for their just defence, holding them for good and loyal subjects, with thanks for their good services done, for the good of the Commonwealth: which done, The king acknowledgeth those of the religion, for his faithful subjects, approving their tust defence, and giving them thanks. by virtue of certain letters patents, delivered unto him in Amboise, upon the 6. of April, having heard the declarations made unto him by those of the religion, that besought him, that from thenceforth their enemies might use no more acts of hostility against them, and that joyeuse that had brought the Spaniards into the Realm, might not be their Governor, he caused the edict to be proclaimed within Montpeslier. Touching the declaration of those of Toulouse and other places, committed infinite mischiefs after the edict of peace: joyeuse was made Lieutenant of Languedoc, the principal Government being given to Monsieur de danvil, a Capital enemy to those of the religion, and Crussol put out. Let us speak somewhat of that which happened in those miserable times, in Vivarets, Rovergue, Givaudan, and the Count de Foix: which done, we will speak of Lyonnois, Vutarets'. Nonnay. Dauphine, and Provence. Those of the religion in Nonnay, in the month of April, one thousand five hundredth sixty two, being become Masters of the Town, presently after, the Images were pulled down, and a famous Chase named les Sainctes Vertus, being opened, was publicly burnt. Yet after that, they lived peaceably until the end of Angust, that their Governor named Sarras, threatened with a siege, and perceiving the Town to be unfurnished of arms, upon the seven and twentieth of October about evening, issued forth, and the next morning about the break of the day, they were at Saint Estienne in Forest, a small Town, much renowned for the great quantity of arms that are made therein: and suddenly setting fire on the gates, he entered: which done, he took and packed up all the arms that he found therein, without committing other excess. But having a long retreat to make, his troops were overthrown, himself taken prisoner, his brother fore wounded, and about six score slain and hurt, and hardly handled. The poor Inhabitants destitute of arms, men, and a Governor, began to fly one after the other: but had not time to do it, for that the last of the month, Monsieur de S. Chaumont their mortal enemy, sent by the Duke de Nemours, who as then made war upon those of Lyonnois, surprised two gates, and entered into the Town, First taking that was sacked and peeled, not leaving so much as the bars, locks and hinges of the doors and windows, much humane blood being shed upon the earth, with infinite and most horrible blasphemies, spit out against the heavens. A Locke-smith being willed to despite and blaspheme God, refusing to do it, was hewn in pieces with Courtlelasses: for the same cause likewise, a Peasant was stricken dead with the great end of a caliver. A poor Nayle-maker of the age of eighty years, because he would not give himself unto the Devil, was drawn about his shop by the ears, and after being laid upon his anvil, they beat his head in pieces with his Hammer. And fire being set in one of the Gates, burned two and twenty houses. Monsieur d'Achon made also the like spoil among the Villages, and about the latter end of December, Monsieur de Saint Martin, Lieutenant to Crussol in Vivarets', being come to Nonnay repaired the walls, and made it defenceable, leaving certain Garrisons therein, under the Captains Prost, le Mass, and Montgroes, that were besieged upon the tenth of january, 1563. by 4000 men commanded by Saint Chaumont, who not being very nimble at forcing of places, took another course, presenting composition for the assurance both of the strangers and the Town. This composition accepted, Achon would begin with the strangers (that withdrew themselves) and put them to the sword: but being valiantly repulsed by Montgros, he went to discharge his choler about the Town, robbing and killing all that he met, not sparing sects nor age. And notwithstanding the promises given and sworn, The second taking. about evening Saint Chaumont let the footmen enter into the Town, to whom for their watchword was given, the double word of God's death: wherewith all cruelty whatsoever could be devised, was then used. Three of the chief of the Town, were cast down headlong out of a Tower, in the presence & by the commandment of Saint Chaumont, divers others were thrown down to make sport: among the which were two young laborours', who not being able to furnish two Testons which the Soldiers asked of them, made that deadly leap. Some were burnt within their houses, thrown out of the windows, others killed upon the ground, stabbed in the streets. The prisoners set to sale, and if they found not any to buy them, they murdered them in the place: the houses burnt to ashes, if none were found that would pay money for them: whereof they burned six score: women & maids were must shamefully handled: Extreme desolation. a poor young woman being found hidden with her husband within a house, was ravished in his presence: and then compelled to hold the Rapier in her hand, wherewith one of them thrusting her arm, she killed her husband. Whatsoever the soldiers could not bear away, was broken and spoiled, in such sort, that many sellers ran full of wine let out of the vessels, the pipes being pierced with Pistol shot. Saint Chaumont caused the greatest part of the walls to be broken, beating down the Towers, and took away the Gates: which done, went to the like to Bonlieu, a small Town, about half a mile from Nonnay. But in despite of all these furies, the rest of the Inhabitants of Nonnay assembled together, and had their Minister, and in Anno. 1564. the exercise of the religion, which continued therein until the year of our Lord, one thousand five hundredth ninety four, when we began to write this History, the Town being restored, and people increased by the most singular and special favour of God. In the Count de Foix, Mousieur de Pailles commanded as Seneschal for the King of Navarre, who ruled his actions as the wind blew: The Counts de Foix. and fed those of the religion with fair words, until such time as having received news of the desolation of Thoulouse, he used subtle means to cause those of the religion to issue out of Foix, whom he feared: his pretence was, that they being known to have broken down the Images, he should be constrained to cast them in prison, which he desired not to do: and as the wolf having sent away the dogs, entereth into the fold and devoureth the sheep, so Pailles having made such as had both eyes and hands, to go out of Foix, entered presently into the Town, committed (such as pleased him) to prison, and gave such analarme to the rest, that he made them glad to invent the means to fly. Of those whom he held prisoners, two had their arms and legs cut off, and then beheaded: two others burned, and six hanged: presently after, two and twenty others were likewise executed, and ten condemned to the Galleys. The goods of such as went out of the Town, were exposed and given for a pray unto the soldiers: these extreme rigours put all the other Towns within the County in such fear, that they did whatsoever Pailles would command, except Pamiers, Pamiers. a Town wherein were great numbers of the religion, who perceiving themselves to be exposed to the fury of the Peasants that were in arms, determined not to departed from thence. And while they expected some outcries and violences, the plague happened in the Town, which freed them from their enemies, the cruelty of death having surmounted the avarice of the most mutinous. Touching those of the Romish Church within the Town, the richest and such as had most means and greatest forces to hurt them, fled out of it, and the meaner sort was so much diminished by the plague, that in short space there died three thousand: in which number, there was not above fistie of the religion: and which is more, other that had been persecuted in divers places, came thither, in such sort, that they became Masters of the Town, having death for a rampart to their lives: for that the Queen of Navarre to whom Pamiers belonged, was much troubled to look unto herself in her chief country of Bearn. But they did so well, that after the overthrow of Duras, they sent sixty soldiers under the conduct of Captain Honorat, to aid those of Castres', about 2. days journey from thence. Honorat marched in safety, until he came within three leagues of Castres', and being pursued and hardly charged, having lost ten or twelve of his men in fight, he took a house standing in the fields, where he held himself from eight of the clock in the morning, till three in the afternoon, that aid came unto them from Castres': whither one of the company ran in all haste to certify them. Having behaved themselves valiantly within Castres', about six weeks after they returned to Pamiers, which Pailles began to threaten, and brought a company with them from Castres' to strengthen the Town, which was about the eight of December: and having traversed many dangers, in the end they got into the Town. All the month of januarie passed over, in devising of means to surprise and entrap them: where the end bred mortal war. Wherein Honorat accompanied by two valiant Gentlemen surnamed les Lombats, and eight and thirty others, made an enterprise upon Tarascon in Foix. Tarascon in Foix. The Viscount de Seres and his brother, with three hundredth men set upon them, constraining them to take the Mountains, wherein they that followed them, where themselves entrapped, in such manner, that not only the Viscount and his brother were slain, but the most part of their men, the rest being scattered in such sort, that Honorat returned quietly to Pamiers, leaving the Lombats in their ordinary place, called les Cabanes: where not long after, (because they had forsaken the train & company of Bandoliers, yielding themselves unto the religion, by the means and instruction of two maids, ravished by them at the sacking of Montsegur, and after married unto them) they were cruelly pursued by those of the Romish Church, and in the end saved themselves in Castres'. The Priests of Pamiers for their parts, used all the means they could to overthrow and spoil those of the religion: divers enterprises being made, whereof the principal being discovered by interception of letters, the mischief sell upon the inventors: for the soldiers entering into the Cellars of four Friars that should have let in Pailles and others, dispatched (as it is very likely) whatsoever they found therein: for after that time, they were never seen nor heard of any more. This report put the Priests and Canons in such fear, that they fled to the Town of Foix, their houses, as also the Bishop's Palace, being sacked and spoiled: whatsoever the Ministers and the Governor could say or do. Whereupon the news of peace ensued: and in the beginning of may, there fell so cruel a hail, that came three times every eight days, and bear the Country in such sort, specially about Foix, that there could neither fruit nor green herb be seen in all the Country, no more then in the middle of winter. The Canons of Pamiers, to whom the common people imputed the cause of that hail, were constrained (to shun the Commons) to go out of Foix, and to remain at Maugansy, where we will leave them, to come to Lyonois. About the thirtieth of April, Monsieur de Tavanes came out of Burgongne, Lyonnis. and stayed within three miles of Lions: making account to assail the town, but it fell out otherwise: although as then he had above five thousand men, besides three thousand Italians, conducted by the Count de Anguesole, and paid by the Pope. Those Italians being the greatest Brigands then living, brought with them divers Goats, and used the carnal company of brute Beasts, which was the cause, that in every place where they came, men detested their abomination. All the Goats being killed and cast unto the dogs, Lions besieged. by the Country Peasants, for the space of a month, while Monsieur de Tavanes had that great company together, he had many brave skirmishes about Lions: whereby the inhabitants durst not set their vines but in Gardens bordering upon the Town. But because Tavanes pleased not the Triumuirat, they sent the Duke de Nemours for General of the Army, with a great number of horses, and the Rutters of the Count Rockendolfe. Tavanes not knowing how to discharge himself of the displeasure he had procured, by his affairs about Lions, was exceeding glad of the arrival of the Duke de Nemours: and thereupon, under a feigned discontentment, presently withdrew himself into his government of Burgongne. Nemours with all his forces, went into Vienne, which he had by intelligence, and while he soiournied there, victuals began to be scarce with them of Lions. Whereupon Soubize called Des Adrets, and the Provinceaux, that thereby he might be strong enough to keep the field. But because the hope he expected elsewhere failed him, he sent Des Adrets to fetch more aid out of Dauphine. Which having done, and bringing his troop, being of four or five thousand foot, and four hundredth horse, was set upon by the Army of Nemours, hard by Beaurepaire, and put to flight: but yet with small loss, which was done upon thee nineteenth day of October, whereby his troops reassembling thither, met altogether, and not yet being pursued by the Duke de Nemours, he at that time slipped an occasion of some great importance. Des Adrets encamped himself within two miles of Vienne, and for the space of three weeks that he lay there, he entertained the Duke de Nemours with skirmishes: mean time, Soubize got victuals from divers places. About that time, it chanced that a soldier bringing a packet from Orleans unto Soubize, delivered it into the hands of the Marshal de Brissac, who therein having found a letter from the Admiral, where among other things he said, that touching Adrets, as much as he might, he must endure the light toys of his brain, and entertain him, lest of an insolent person, they should make him to become mad and without sense: whereupon in all haste he sent Saint Sernin, a Gentleman of Dauphine, unto the Duke de Nemours and des Adrets, to practise somewhat between them, By what means Adrets left the party of the religion. which at the first was secretly handled, but Soubize going to the camp, the next day after that S. Seruin had spoken to Adrets, presently perceived some alteration, which in time he provided for: and from that time setting some to watch Adrets, they presently discovered his intent, who by messengers having communicated with the duke de Nemours, and then speaking with him personally, broke up his army. Nemours, who already made account to possess Lions & Dauphinois, went nearer unto the town, and by skirmishes sought to impeach the Town of victuals: upon the mountain of Tarare he overthrew 80. horse, that came from Orleans to Lions: and on the other side, stretched forth his arms to gripe Romans and Valence. But because it was requisite to bear all his body thither, thinking to come time enough to entrap Lions, seeking to gripe overmuch in one hand, he lost that hold he had. For marching strait to Vienne with all his army, Soubize that slept not, presently made so many men to issue out to fetch corn from Dombes, that he recovered great store. Those that Nemours had left for guard, forsook keys, places, and barns, except forty that kept the Castle of Trevoux, who thinking to save the honour of their companions by keeping a tower, nor being able to defend themselves, neither yet yield it up, their obstinacy was punished by a train of powder, that made them all leap higher than ordinarily they used to do, and to bury their carcases within the old ruins of that broken Tower. On the other side, Soubize caused Adrets to be taken, and by that means the affairs and pretences of Nemoures touching Dauphine, converted into smoke. But thinking to be more fortunate by Attorneys, then in person, he sent to the Bishop du Puy, Escaladoes presented (but in vain) to take Lions. and to Saint Chaumont, saying, that seeing Lions wanted soldiers, their men of war being turned to be merchants of corn, they should assay to enter by scalado into the town. But Soubize that spared not money to entertain spies in every place, being well advertised thereof, took such order therein, that Saint Chaumont in steed of approaching, was forced to retire. Nemours determined to supply their default, and at two several times with all his forces, upon hope that his participants within Lions would assist him, he presented the Escalado in divers places, but he was but badly served by his men, both within and without the Town, and hardly repulsed by Soubize, that gave him occasion to seek other means to get Lions. He holp himself with the news of the battle of Dreux, and about the end of December, caused the King and Queen to write unto Soubize, to desire him to yield the Town of Lions to the Duke de Nemours. While Soubize made answer thereunto: one named Marc Herlin, one of the King's receivers within Lions, having for a time entertained certain soldiers, in the end used to ride out well armed and horsed, and to skirmish with the enemy. In the month of February 1563. having been taken in a skirmish, thought upon a devise both to save his life, as also to deceive the Duke de Nemours: desiring Lignerolles' whom he knew, to get him licence to speak with the Duke, A device wrought against the Duke de Nemours. to whom he was to utter some matters of great importance. Men that are desirous of news, do in a manner believe whatsoever is told unto them: which in any sort, may be any show of the effecting of their purpose: and so it chanced unto Nemours, who by the discourse that Herlin made, believed that Lions should be taken and surprised at Saint justs Gate, which Herlin promised to keep open for him. Whereupon Herlin was set at liberty, as if he had escaped away: and being in Lions, having discovered all that had passed between him and the Duke de Nemours unto Soubize, he had more recourse unto Nemours, with whom the day of execution was appointed to be, upon the 7. of March, 1563. about eight of the Clock in the morning. Three thousand footmen, according to the sign given unto them, entered without impeachment into the Subburbes of Saint Just: which they found not strange, because they were well advertised, that no watch was holden in those Subburbes: being entered, and marching towards the Gate, Herlin that ran before them, and was their guide, having entered at the wicket, presently shut it against them: and presently thereupon all the great Ordinance was discharged upon them: besides two or three hundredth Muskettes, which in the night time had been brought into the Bulwarks, and placed along upon the walls, with three or four thousand arquebusiers, discharging all together upon that fearful troop: and the more to spoil them, they sent six hundredth Calivers of the best shot out of the Town, led by Blacons, Poyet, Andefroy, and Entrages, that made an end of dispersing of all them. There you might have seen a marvelous spoil, and all kinds of death, some being slain, others smothered and beaten down: the rest throwing themselves off from the walls, or else entrapped in the snares: so that if the horsemen conducted by Poncenat, had made haste to issue at the Gate assigned unto them, and had marched thither, not one of all those three thousand had hardly escaped. But howsoever it fell out, there lay four hundredth of them dead within the Subburbes, besides those that died without: the hurt men being in greater number: which died as they stedde away, either to the Camp, or to Vienne, or else were borne away in Wagons. Nemours was not only auditor, but an eye witness of this Tragedy: whereby he conceived such displeasure, that he thought he should have died with grief: whereby he stirred not out of his bed in two months after. Mean time, peace was concluded: by the which, those of the religion had the exercise of the religion within the town, wherein they made two Churches: the army being within and about it, retiring. Now let us consider the estate of Dauphine, about the beginning of the month of March 1562. the Parliament of Grenoble began to weaken the Edict of januarie as much as it might. Dauphine. And not long after, Des Adrets, before being Colonel of the troops of Dauphine, Provence, and Languedoc, being by the gentlemen and notablest Personages assembled in Valence, established chief commander in Dauphine, with provision till they should receive some further and more certain commandment from the Prince. Des Adrets made head commander in Dauphine. Presently news came, that the Images were broken down in many provinces of France, which was the cause that they could not be warrented within Dauphine. Des Adrets advertised those of the religion in Grenoble, and by letters full of authority, commanded the Parliament to drive certain seditious persons out of the Town, which he named unto them, and among other, the second Precedent: the Attorney General: the Advocate of the Town: and the fourth Consul, whom he threatened with death they neither stayed commandment, nor executioner, but presently retired only to execute an enterprise which they had undertaken, thereby to make themselves masters of the town, upon the next night ensuing: nevertheless, their intent being discovered, they saved themselves in good earnest: Which known, upon the first of may, those of the religion seized upon the Gates of Grenoble, and by consent of the Deputies of the Parliament, of the Chamber of accounts, and of the Council for the town, entered into the friars Church, which they cleansed of all her Images, and Altars: therein to use the exercise of religion, not doing any other hurt unto the Friars. After that, by common consent, they provided for the safety of the town, wherein Des Adrets sent a company of footmen led by Captain Commung: and after came thither with other troops, both horse and foot, thereby to resist monsieur de Maugiron, that termed himself Lieutenant General in Dauphine: Against whom he published a decree to seize upon his body, terming him a seditious person, and one that violated the King's Edicts. All those Soldiers assembled within Grenoble: first made war against the Images, and then entered into the field, and took the Castles of la Bussiere, and the Mirebel. Des Adrets, having made a course to Lions, upon the fourth of june, returned to Grenoble, where he seized upon the relics, causing an inventory thereof to be made, all being weighed and valued, amounted to 260. Marks of Silver, which was sent to Valence: and the next day, the great Charterhouse lying three miles distant within the Mountains, in a huge and very strong place, was taken and burnt. Massacre at Auranges'. Mean time, those of Aurange were Massacred in this manner, after the Massacre at Vassie. Those of the religion perceiving Fabrice Serbellonne, the Pope's kinsman, to lie with his forces within avignon, being but a small half days journey from thence, seized upon the Town. On the other side, in the end of May, the troops of Provence joined themselves with those of Fabrice at Cavaillon, staying the commodity to enter into Auranges', where they had intelligence: which those of Aurange sought to prevent, strengthening themselves with six hundredth soldiers. Thereupon it chanced, that the Precedent Parpaille coming by Boat with provision of Arms, which he had brought to Lions, was betrayed into the hands of his enemies, in a place about five miles from Auranges': which moved those of the religion, with all speed to send thither their greatest forces, conducted by Captain Saint Andre, to relieve their prisoner: whereof Fabrice being advertised, the next day in the morning came before Auranges' with his army, and some cannons, wherewith he began the battery. Those that were gone to the relieving of their prisoner, hearing the noise of the cannon, stayed their course, being accompanied with divers of their neighbours, by means of Fabrices horsemen, and being surprised in the day time, they were constrained to stay at Serignan, about a mile from Aurange. Part of those of the religion remaining in a small number, perceiving the breach, and their Citizens of the Romish Church ready to set up on them in the Town, while Fabrice should assail them without, forsook the Town, and saved themselves, with their wives and children, within Serignan. Some stayed within Aurange, that determined to defend the breach, but upon the sixth of june in the morning, they heard the noise of the assailers, They betrai● each other in Aurange, whereof ensued a horrible murder. who by divers ways made open unto them by those of the Romish Church, entered into the Town. The watchword of those that entered, was terrible blasphemy of God, they contented not themselves to kill without distinction of sects, age, nor quality, but made some die by divers stabs with poiniards and rapiers, cast others upon the points of halberds: hanged & burnt others within Churches, & cut off some of their privy members: old men of eighty years of age, bedthred persons, diseased people in the Hospitals. The poor men inhabiting in the Mountains, came thither to reap, and having no other weapons but their scythes and hooks, were likewise massacred. Many women and maids were killed, others hanged at windows and Galleries, were harquebused: young children sucking at their mother's breasts massacred: divers young wenches of five or six years, ravished and spoiled. The wounds of the dead, were filled with the leaves torn out of the Bible. The Town was wholly sacked, wherein happened a marvelous judgement of God: which was, that the authors of the mischief, that had caused the enemy to enter, thinking to be safe and preserved from danger, withdrew themselves, with their arms and wives into the Marketplace, The traitors receive their reward. where the enemy thinking they would have made resistance, fell upon them, and put them all to the sword. Those of the Castle, having yielded upon oath and promise made to have their lives saved, were part stabbed, and part thrown headlong from the walls, to the number of one hundredth and nine men. About evening, Suze caused the Castle, the Palace, and the Bishoppes-place, to be set on fire, and three hundredth houses burnt, with divers persons that had hid themselves therein: and without an extraordinary rain that happened in the night time, all the Town had wholly been consumed to ashes. The next day, the walls were beaten down, and part of them clean razed to the ground. Those that were in Serignan, withdrew themselves into Montelimart, not being able to remedy so great mischiefs: as for Parpaille, the Vicelegat of avignon caused his head to be stricken off, six weeks after the massacre. Des Adrets moved at those murders, three or four days after, the massacre of Auranges', Des Adrets revengeth the wrongs 〈◊〉 in Aurange. ruuning about like thunder, in few hours battered and forced the Town of Pierrelatte, where he put all those to the sword that bore arms: presently thereupon he besieged the Castle, wherein were three hundredth soldiers belonging to Suze: and while they were in parley, those of Serignan having joined with des Adrets, entered by force, killing some, and casting others over the walls, not suffering one to escape. Des Adrets with the like dexterity having taken Bourg, and le Pont S. Esprit, that presented him with the keys, went to force Boulene, a frontier Town of Contat, where the soldiers of the company of Captain Bartelasse were slain. And as he prepared himself to set upon avignon, Maugiron sacketh Grenoble. news was brought him that Maugiron had entered by treason into Grenoble, wherein divers of the religion had been sacked and slain, others cast off from the bridge into the river of Iseire: upon the fourteenth of june, and some days after, he stayed his course, and with an incredible dexterity entered into Romans, which he held for himself: forced Saint Marcellin, and there cut the throats of three hundredth of Maugirons' soldiers, who withdrew himself into Bourgongne, where he remained with Tavanes. All such within Grenoble as knew themselves to be guilty, saved themselves upon the five and twentieth of june, cursing the cowardliness of Maugiron. The next day des Adrets arrived therein, and used both great and small with great courtesy, re-establishing all things in their estate, and holding his army in good discipline. About the end of june he marched towards Forests, where he used those of Montbrison, in such manner as I showed before. Des Adrets persuaded by the Marshal de Brissac, that promised him marvels, began to write to the Duke de Nemours, Des Adrets won by the Duke de Nemours, in the end is taken prisoner. and in the end they spoke together hard by Vienne: mean ttme, certain Gentlemen talking together, among the which, one was merry, surnamed Poltrot, who (because they spoke of the death of the King of Navarre) said: This death will not make an end of these wars, but we must have the death of the dog with the great colour. And being asked whom he meant? of the great Guisard (said he) and lifting up his right arm, spoke in open audience: Here is the arm that shall do the deed. Above three months before, he had many times used those speeches among his companions: and intrueth he kept his promise, as we have already showed. Of this conference made by Adrets, ensued a truce of twelve days, from the five and twentieth of November, to the sixth of December: which day in the assembly of the Estates of Dauphin, des Arets did what he could to persuade the people, to accept the Duke de Nemours for their Governor: but besides the particular reasons not long before by the Nobility of the country made unto Adrets, they said it could not be done, but to the utter ruin and overthrow of all the Province: and the letters of the Lieutenant to Nemours being openly red, discovered the devise, because they contained, that the Duke de Nemours was expressly sent to punish the seditious and rebels. Whereupon the Estates concluded (des Adrets himself not being able to deny it) that before they could proceed further, it was necessary for the Duke de Nemours to obtain other letters and grants by the King's lawful Council, whereof the Prince of Conde was one, as supplying the place of the King of Navarre his brother. This devise overthrown, des Adrets made a voyage into Languedoc, and returning into Dauphine, Nemours to cool his courage, showed him the Prince's commissions, given to Monsieur de S. Auban, (overthrown with his troops at Tarare) to command in Dauphine, and his commission to Adrets to go to Orleans: which seen, des Arets used many practices to establish the Duke de Nemours: and about the end of December, sought the means to make him Master of Valence and Romans. The tenth of januarie, by advise of the Nobility, he was taken prisoner, and kept in Nismes until the peace: when he was set at liberty without absolution or condemnation,, and being at his own house, he left the religion: and after that, openly bare arms against all such as maintained the same: but in that alteration finding no good success, but rather shame and dishonour, he was constrained to with draw himself unto his house, despised both of friends and enemies. The second si●ge of Grenoble. In base Dauphine, Monsieur de Crossol recovered Serignan and Aurange. On the other side, upon the seventh of januarie, la Coche surprised the Tower of Lemps, and discovered a great practice of Maugiron, to enter into Grenoble, for the which he caused certain traitors to be executed. Whereat Maugiron being offended, overran the country of triefues, contrary to his faith and promise. At the same time, those of Grenoble received certain losses, yet they victualled their Town with corn and other munitions, expecting a new siege, which happened unto them about the end of February, the enemy's camp being eight thousand foot and horse, with two great battering pieces, whereof the bullet being of Brass, weighed about fifty pound, and three fair field pieces. La Coche had nine Captains, some Gentlemen, with six hundredth good soldiers, besides the Citizens. The battery began the first of March, and continued three days and three nights: after that they offered a scalado, where they lost many of their soldiers. They within the Town but five only, with Monsieur de S. Muris, a Gentleman much lamented. Not long after, the siege was raised and the Town freed. At the same time, a small troop belonging to Captain Furmeier, surprised Romette, a small place walled, A notable exploit of Captain Furmeier. lying two miles from Gap, punishing certain boot-hallers that lay in it. As Furmeier sent his footmen to enter into Romette, at the sound of the bells, which the boot-halers for certain hours before had rung in a steeple wherein they saved themselves, and from whence they were thrown headlong down, the Garrison of Gap, both horse and foot issued to aid them. But Furmeier, accompanied with fourteen others on horseback, was so bold to stand against all that troop, marching in order of battle, which was presently separated and put to flight. The first that began to run, was Captain Andre a Piedemontois, in such sort, that Furmeier and his companions, had work enough to strike and lay upon them, killing them even to the gates of Gap, which continued with a short bridle until the peace proclaimed, which made those of the religion to re-enter. And thus the affairs of Dauphine passed in those times. Provence. Sommerive maketh war against his father and all his adherents The Count de Tanned perceiving the horrible discipation of all Provence, and that Sommerive his son gave such liberty unto the bloody and desolate companies of soldiers, thereby to commit the most cruel murders and villainies that ever was heard of, whereby infinite numbers of houses and families, were destroyed and wholly overthrown, came to Manosque, where he assembled all the men he could, under the conduction of Cipierre his son, Colonel of the horse, and of Cardet his son in law, leader of the foot, who dealt in such manner, that all the Towns beyond the river of Durance, continued under his government, only Petuis, which they besieged: but all in vain. Mean time, Sommerive having gathered his forces, and having been at Aurange, by entreaty of Fabrice and de Suze, he came to Manosque, which by Captain Coloux was yielded unto him, and having made a muster of fifty Ensigns of foot, and certain Cornets of horse, the sixteenth of julie 1562. he besieged Cisteron, wherein were the greatest part of all the families of the religion, that had fled out of other places of Provence, with eleven companies of foot, under Monsieur de Beanieu, Nephew to the Count de Tanned. Furmeier came thither likewise with three hundredth men. Cisteron besieged. Sommerive caused the passages to be kept by one of his Captains named Bouquenegre, a valiant soldier, but very cruel and dissolute, if ever there were any in Provence: but he was surprised in a village by twelve soldiers: and one of his servants, whose wise he entertained, and not long after, found guilty of divers murders and violences committed, was hanged in the public place of justice, by his said servants hands, Bonquenegre hanged. dying as he lived. The eleventh of july, Sommerive caused three assaults one after the other to be given unto the Town, which continued from three of the clock after noon, until evening: but he had a most brave repulse. The next day, the town made certain skirmishes, and about eight days after, offered battle to Sommerive, which he refused. And at that time, they used such rigour unto each other, that no man was put to ransom. About the end of the month, Sommerive fearing des Adrets, that had gotten the battle of Vaureas, went to encamp himself within three miles of Cisteron. On the other side, Cardet with all his forces approached, using all the means he could to reassemble the troops, but it was impossible: whereupon the Count de Tanned wanting victuals, caused the camp to rise, whereof part were placed in Cisteron, under the government of Senas, the rest sent to des Adrets, that promised in short time to come and visit him with great forces, but he did not. The second siege of Cisteron. The 27 of August, Sommerive with one hundredth and two Ensigns of foot, and great store of horse, besieged Cisteron round about, and understanding that Mombrun came to aid the Town, sent Suze to meet him, who upon the second of September, surprised and overthrew Mombrun, and 500 men, the Town enclosed on all sides, but only in one place, which lieth upon high and desert Mountains, the way whereof is so strait, that two ho● semen can hardly ride in rank. Upon the fourteenth of September, Sommerive made a cruel battery, so that about ten of the clock in the morning, the breach was of one hundredth and fourteen paces, without flancard or ravelin to defend it. Besides that, two demi Coluerins that shot from the Friars, strake the soldiers in the Town when they came to the breach, which notwithstanding, although the besieged seeking to rampire the breach, were stricken and hurt, and some borne into the air with cannon shot, both men and women, the living treading upon the dead, they used great diligence to bring earth, fetherbeddes, dung, and other things, whatsoever might serve. At the same time, that assault was given by thirty Ensigns of foot, and a Cornet of horse that followed them, where the fight was great, and five times refreshed, till seven of the clock at night, with such fury, that powder failing on both sides, they fell to stones, rapier's, and other handblowes: in the end the assailants were constrained to leave the breach, and to retire with great loss. An assault five times refreshed. Notwithstanding Sommerive began another battery, by which means about evening, Senas, Mounans, and other Captains within the Town, that had lost many soldiers, perceluing themselves destitute of munition, had no hope of aid, charged with a great number of poor people, little experienced in Marshal affairs, and considering the forces, minds, and insolences of the assailants, determined to leave that feeble place, and with all speed to save that remnant of men that were within it: whereupon they got the strait of the Mountain whereof I spoke, being the only place whereby they might escape. This conclusion was presently disclosed to Sommerive, A marvelous resolution of the Town to leave it. by one (that coming out of the chamber where they determined upon it) went unto him: but the matter being debated by Sommerives Council, that meant to close that passage, one named Cental broke off that determination, alleging so many reasons to the contrary, that it was concluded among them, that no man should stir that night out of the camp, although that some of the besieged made show to save themselves that way, but that in the morning they would determine upon their affairs. About eleven of the clock at night, the besieged began to issue forth, in the sight of all their enemies, that might easily descry them from two places, which commanded the Town, and by the lights that stood in the windows of the houses, marching in order, (you may well judge what noise was made at that departure among the children, sick, hurt, and old people, and women great with child) and so with all their carriages followed on the way upon the Mountain: all that night, not one of Sommerives camp once stirring, as if those poor people had been safely guarded, until morning that Sommerive caused certain horse and foot to pass the river, and to set upon the backs of them, where they found some poor women that stayed behind, whereof some were slain, others brought prisoners: but they followed not long after them, as well for the difficulty of the way, as the covetous desire they had, not to lose the spoil of the Town, wherein Sommerive durst not enter, (fearing some treason) before ten of the clock in the morning. They being entered into that desolate Town, slew three or fource hundredth women and children, without any respect of age or religion, taking that small booty which they could find. Sommerive entereth into Cisteron. If the issuing of those of Cisteron was marvelous, so was their voyage upon the Mountains, which continued for the space of three weeks: in the which time, they escaped an infinite number of dangers, until the seven a & twentieth of September, that they arrived in good safety at Grenoble, singing Psalms and thansgiving unto God, for their miraculous delivery: knowing nothing of what had passed the same day in other places: as at Saint giles, The battle of S. giles, Scafold of the Provenceal murders. where there enemies were wholly overthowne, and almost all slain, as we showed in the discourse of Languedoc. From Grenoble they were safely conducted unto Lions, and charitably aided in their necessities, until the edict of pacification. After the taking of Cisteron, and the overthrow of the Provenceals at Saint giles, Sommerive continued Master of the Provence, continuing the battle, massacres, and great insolences begun before, and yet without impunity. The principal heads of the horrible confusion that reigned therein, until and after the edict of peace, being Carces, Mentin, and Flassans, provoked by certain of the Parliament of Aix, as Bagarris, Chesne, Saint Margaret, and others, that ruled all the rest: and that in steed of obeying the edict of pacification, durst conclude & say, that those of the religion should not have any exercise: that such as during the troubles had been their Leaders, or having had any office, Strange injustice. absented themselves, should not be received nor entertained: and that the wars still be followed: & that there should a stay be made of the punishments of offenders, that had committed so great insolences during the troubles: although the women with child had been ripped open, the young children murdered, many buried quick, others hewed in pieces, burnt, thrown down headlong, their throats cut like sheep, drawn through the streets, and then harquebused, beaten down with clubs, and wounded in divers places. In this sort those good judges executed so many insolences, that the king's Council after the edict of pacification, was forced to send the Precedent de Morsan, with certain numbers of Councillors from Paris to Provence: which did such execution upon some boot-hallers, and other insolent persons, that from thence forward, Sound justice done upon the offenders. although their weapons were many times in hand, Provence never mutined in such sort, as it did during those first troubles. Morsan and his companions, were determined to have done justice without exception: but the multitude of offenders, the qualities of some of them, the credit of others, and the marvelous practices of Carces and the Parliament of Aix, hindered those justices to do as they pretended. In the end, by the solicitation of Carces, the king released divers of them, whereof their process was already made, and that had well deserved to be put to cruel death. Now must we say something of the Duchy of Bourgongne. Bourgongne. The Parliament of Dyon did so much, that by letters of the first of March, 1562. commandment was sent by the king, to Monsieur de Tavanes his Lieutenant, in the absence of the Duke d'Aumale of the house of Guise, not to permit any preaching at Dyon, not in the Frontier-townes, so that whatsoever letters and commissions, those of the religion obtained after that, would serve to no effect, as long as the Court of Parliament resit. The eight of May, Beaune. those of Beaune were wholly bereaved of the exercise of the religion, and within four days after, their three Ministers imprisoned: which done, the Artificers and others, were driven out of the Town, to the number of seven or eight hundredth, with women and children. Ventoux Captain of the Town, filled their empty houses with soldiers, wherein they used great disorders, such as were found therein being vilely abused, and so much detested, that they durst not show themselves in the streets: which reduced them to extreme necessities, their kinsmen and friends not daring to relieve them. The fines imposed upon those of the religion, (whose goods were taken from them) was marvelous, as well in that Town, as others in Bourgongne, as also in other Towns and Provinces of the Realm. The one and twentieth of june, the house of one of the principal of the City was forced and sacked. In the month ensuing, divers means were used, to cause such as were lest to abjure the religion: some remained firm. In the beginning of October, the Parliament of Dyon assayed to commit some of them prisoners, and summoned the rest to appear: and such as appeared at Dyon, although innocent, were hardly handled: others had divers adventures, and some (yet very few) wounded and slain. So that in Beaune there were not above two men, and some women of great reputation, that made open profession of the religion, by the support of their assistance. Those of the religion in Mascon, upon the thirteenth of May made themselves the strongest, yet without effusion of blood: and three days after, Mascon. the Images were beaten down, as they had been at Lions, although the Ministers and ancients were of the contrary advise. Mombrun having left Chalon, and come down to Mascon, put the Inhabitants in such fear, that many of them were of opinion to leave the Town. Whereupon Tavanes, First siege. who not long before had made them many gracious offers, came before the Town, minding to enter, which the people denied: which caused him to assemble all his forces, and upon the third of june besieged the Town: his army being Bourgognons of the Count, every man wearing a red scarce, which was an occasion that the Townsmen showed the King's Council, that it was no reason that they being his natural subjects, desiring to live peaceably according to his edicts, should be constrained to open their Gates unto Tavanes, being accompanied with strangers, enemies to the Crown, and for many causes suspected unto them. Whereupon letters were sent unto Tavanes, who withdrew himself in such sort, that not long after, having received an other packet, he sought to cease upon the Gates under the Town, whereof he sailed, having received a hard repulse. And as he made preparation for a second siege, those of Lions sent Monsieur d'Entrages to aid the Town, who by his conduction made many sallies and brave skirmishes: Second siege which notwithstanding Tavanes caused his trenches upon the one side of the Town, and the third of july wan the Subburbes of S. Lawrenre, the next day making such a battery, that in less than two hours, all their defences lay upon the ground. And the same day, one Mussy, servant to Tavanes, was hanged within the Town, for enterprising to cause the town to be surprised. Not long after, Entrages being summoned to yield, made answer, that if he had the Master in his hands, he would cause him to pass the same way his servant Mussy had done: which set Tavanes in such a rage, that besides fifteen or sixteen hundredth shot made against a Tower, they shot divers hundredth times against the breach, whereby divers men were slain and maimed. But the resolution of the assieged, hindered Tavanes from approaching, and contenting himself to send twelve soldiers to view the breach, six of them were slain: and about eleven of the clock at night, thirty soldiers issuing out of the Town, cut the throats of certain Sentinelles, and entered so far as to the Artillery, to try if they could stop it: which they had done, if Tavanes in person had not come thither. The next day, although the Tower so much beaten and defaced, had opened a new breach unto Tavanes, yet he stirred not, but to the contrary, making show in great haste to return into Bourgongne, suddenly raised his camp, leaving certain things of powder behind him, with an ambuscado, if those of the Town had offered to come forth: but Entrages being a politic soldier, and one that had not many men to lose, suffered not his soldiers to issue. Tavanes thereby being deceived, lodged his troops not far from thence, and went up again to Chalon, where certain troops of Dauphine came to meet him. At that time, it chanced that two Sheriffs of Mascon, having by their authority in the night time laden certain boats, with the relics of gold and silver, and other ornaments of the Temple of S. Vincents' in Mascon, minding to carry and sell them in Lions, Relics taken for booty. being two or three leagues off, were discovered by one named Saint Poinct, who being aided by certain Gentlemen of Dauphine, and a good troop of footmen, passed the river above Belleville, and setting upon the boats, took them, and became Masters of all that was within them, valued at the least to the sum of thirty or forty thousand franks. The Chalices and Images of gold and silver, were broken and parted between S. Poinct and his companions, although they termed themselves Romish Catholicques. Whereupon a young Lackey came to Gascon, who having falsely charged two Captains, was hanged, but the soldiers of those two Captains began to mutin, because their leaders had been committed to prison, using many threatening speeches. This being appeased, Entrages saying he would make a general muster in a plain hard by the Town, caused those two companies of mutinous fellows first to issue forth: Belleville defended by astraunge accident. which done, he shut the Gates upon them, by which means being constrained to take the other part, they went to Belleville, that held for the religion, and arrived therein in good time, upon the 28. of july, for that the next morning before the break of the day, S. Point with six or seven hundredth foot, and two hundredth horse, and the Peasants of the country besieged the Town, thinking to enter therein without resistance. But approaching near the walls, and by chance discovered by the one that rose somewhat early, they were so hardly received by the souldieiss of Mascon, that they were constrained to retire with shame and great loss: to revenge themselves, they drove away the beasts of divers Farms, and sacked the house of a rich Peasant, whom they massacred, and cast his body into the Soane, but his body was taken up and buried in Belleville. How the Queen mother her Regency. Hitherto I have showed the estate of the particular Provinces of France, during these first troubles: now let us return again unto the Court. The Queen being delivered out of the hands of the Triumuirat, to assure her authority, and to hold the greatest personages in some stay, thereby to serve her turn by some of them, to check the rest: first she ivested the young Duke of Guise, with the estates and offices of his father, and to appease the Parisians much grieved for his death, she delivered Poltrot unto them, that was executed with as grievous punishment, as if he had slain the king himself: which done, something was to be done for the appeasing of those of the religion, that had been spoiled & massacred as you have heard. The Prince of Conde being prisoner, demanded nought but liberty, and his mind being peaceable and courteous, to such as knew how to use him, would not much stand (as the Queen thought) upon certain articles. Wherefore fearing lest the Admiral, as then busied in Normandy, being at Orleans, should seek the ratifying of the edict of january, that might break the accord and renew the war, whereby would ensue her disgrace: she used all the means she could to prevent him, in such sort, that upon the seventh of March, there was a conference holden between the Queen, the Prince, and the Constable, as yet prisoners, referring their further deliberation to the next day, because the Constable had said openly, Subtlety of the Constable. that he could not consent to the re-establishing of the Edict of january, wherein he used a fine shift, for that if he should have avouched it, he had proved both himself and all his partners, guilty of treason, in having violated and broken the King's Edict. The Prince evil counseled, permitted certain articles to be drawn, where in truth he should have holden only unto the said Edict: but nothing being resolved at that time, he obtained liberty to enter into Orleans, there to confer with his Council, where he asked the advise of the Ministers as then assembled therein from divers places, being to the number of seventy two persons, What was done by the Ministers, for preservation of religion. who by their Deputies used all the means they could to persuade him to stand to the Edict of january, not derogating any thing thereof, showing the dangers that might thereof ensue: that done, they presented him with certain articles, requiring that he would demand the observation of the Edict, without any restrictions: that justice should be done for the massacre at Vassy, Sens and other places, wherein there was not found the least point of hostility to be committed by those of the religion, as also of divers others most manifest ruptures of the said Edict, besides the exploits of war. The rest of the articles concerned the conservation of the discipline of the Churches, and the re-establishing thereof, which notwithstanding the Prince was so much persuaded by the Queens and others promises, after that, to make an other and a better agreement, showing him, that the restrictions and moderations, which as then were set down, were done at that time, only to content & appease those of the Romish religion, & by reasonable means to obtain a greater liberty, withal, that there were many that sought for peace, what price soever it cost, that he consented unto the exceptions contained in the new contract, causing them to be red before the Nobility, willing no man to give his advise therein, but only Gentlemen bearing arms, as he said it openly before the assembly: The improvidence of the Prince that believed the promises of his enemies. in such manner, that the Ministers from that time forward, were never called to deal therein: by which means the Edict of pacification was concluded upon the twelfth of March, drawing the exercise of the religion from the subburbes of all the Towns in the Realm, and referring it to the houses and Castles of Gentlemen, and in some small number of Baliages, not comprehending the Towns which as then held for the religion, wherein the exercise was left free, and all whatsoever the Prince and his adherents had done in those wars, acknowledged and avouched to be for the service of the King. The Admiral's wisdom, but to no effect. Two days after, the Admiral wrote letters from Caen unto the Queen, touching the accusation made against him, concerning the death of the duke of Guise committed by Poltrot. He besought her to command that the prisoner might be safely kept, that the truth of the action might be known. Mean time, he sent her a brief answer touching the intergatories of Poltrot, showing by many and great reasons, that he was never made privy to the pretence or conceit of Poltrot touching that action, whose death notwithstanding he acknowledged to be the means to reduce France unto a quiet estate. The Queen esteeming it not convenient for her affairs, to suffer the Admiral to live in peace, but by this means seeking to entertain hatred among the Nobility, to reign and govern in the middle of their divisions, made no account of those letters. Those that with her had the processes of Poltrot to examine, perceiving that the dispositions of the prisoner had no apparent ground, within three days after sent to Paris, that they should dispatch him out of the way, that it would be dangerous to keep him, and that he would deny what he had said. Whereupon his process was made, he was divers times examined, and according to the torments given him, they found diversity in his speeches. And being condemned upon the eighteenth of March, to be pinched with hot tongues, he openly declared, that the Admiral knew nothing of his intent to kill the Duke of Guise. Nevertheless, certain Captains of Paris deposed, that he had confessed the contrary unto them, after the first drawing of the horses. But upon his variable depositions, Process and execution of Poltrot. the quarrel between the houses of Guise and Chastillon, whereof ensued the infinite mischiefs of the years ensuing. The Admiral having ranged his enemies in Normandy, to a good point, as then had a stronger army than he had before, The Admiral's means made frustrate by the substiltie of the Queen. wherewith he constrained the members of the Triumuirat to fall to reason, whereof ensued the quietness of France: but the articles of the peace being almost all agreed upon on both parts, at the Prince's request he issued out of Caen upon the 14. of March, only with his horsemen, the Vanguard whereof being led by the Prince of Portien, that took the way towards Lisieux: the rest passing by Falaise and Argentan into perch. In the way, such as would resist his army were set upon and punished. And the three and twentieth of the same month, the Admiral being arrived at Orleans with all his forces, found that the Edict of pacification had been agreed upon, signed, and sealed in his absence, five days before he arrived. The next day he gave his advise in open Council before the Prince, and among other things, showed, that they were to remember, that from the beginning of the wars made by the Triumuirat, they had always offered the observation of the Edict of january, Paris only excepted: and that considering the estate of their affairs, those of the religion had more means than they had before, to defend themselves from the violences of their enemies: of three authors of those wars, two of them being dead, the third prisoner, and a good pledge for the Prince's assurance, that the Churches were restrained to one Town in a Baliage, and other such exceptions, was as much, as if they should strive against God, and overthrow more Churches by the dash of a pen, than all the enemies forces could beat down intenne years space. That the Gentlemen that would show their good wills, should soon see and feel by good experience, how much more expedient and commodious it will be unto them, to go to a sermon within a Town or Village near unto them, then to receive a church into their house: besides this, that such Gentlemen dying, would not always leave heirs of their opinions. These reasons were so firm, that besides the disliking of those that were not called to counsel, the most part of those that had agreed unto it, could gladly have wished it to begin again. But the Prince to all that opposed the promises made unto him, that in short time he should enjoy the estate of the deceased king of Navarre his brother, and that then, those of the religion should obtain whatsoever they could desire. Yet although many alleged to the contrary, that all his promises were but words, and that when those of the religion should be disarmed, and retired unto their houses, their enemies would still devise the means to vex and trouble them, and that they should be disgraced and nought esteemed. Yet would he never apprehended it, and what pains soever the Admiral took, accompanying the Prince in divers private conferences with the Queen, the Edict continued in force, as it had been decreed, and nothing else could be obtained, but only that certain Gentlemen procured this point, that some of the best Towns in certain Provinces, should be nominated for the exercise of the religion in the Baliages, but this was but an accord in paper, that took small effect. The Queen of England had assisted the Prince of Conde and his adherents, with men and money during those wars, who for assurance of her money disboursed, and for the retreat of her men, gave her the possession of the town of New-haven, wherein there lay an English Garrison. The Prince by his Edict having not made any conclusion, that the Englishmen should be paid, and peaceably sent home again, they stayed in New-haven, to keep it, till they had satisfaction on the other side. The Council of France, by letters dated the sixth of july, proclaimed war against the Englishmen: and fifteen days after New-haven was besieged, The Englishmen driven out of New-haven. the Constable being General of the army, wherein they drew the Prince, with divers Lords, Gentlemen, Captains, and Soldiers of the religion, some of their adversaries vaunting after the siege, to have driven out the Englishmen by those that brought them thither. And that the Huguenots might be well assured, not to have any more aid out of England, the Earl of Warwick lay in New-haven with six thousand Englishmen, having well provided all things necessary for the defence of a place of such importance. But the fresh water being taken from the Englishmen, the plague was very rife among them, and the battery most furious, upon the eight and twentieth of july they grew to a parley, and the next day yielded the place, wherein above three thousand of them were dead of the plague. Eight months after this reudition, a peace was concluded and proclaimed, between France and England. The king of the age of 13 years and a month, declared of lawful years. The Prince of Conde in the conclusion of peace, was made believe, that he should have the place of Lieutenant general, by the decease of the king, of his brother the king of Navarre: but after the delivery of New-haven, the Queen having no more need of him, to take all hope from him on that side, and to breed new conceits in the heads of those of the religion, published a declaration, to show the majority of the king, as then entered into the 14. year of his age. And to make show the better unto this declaration, whereunto was added a most severe Edict against bearing of arms, his subjects leagues, and the pensions of foreign Princes, she caused her son in great solemnity to sit in the Parliament of Roan, where to show her child to be sufficient and capable to adminster the affairs of the Realm, she caused him to be taught and learned by hart, to utter a lesson artificially devised, thereby to bridle the Prince assistance thereat, which by many was termed his degrading. The substance thereof was, that his coming into the Parliament, was to give his officers to understand, that having attained to the years of majority, he would no longer endure that any such disobedience should be used against him, as had been showed since the beginning of the troubles: commanded that his Edict of pacification should be observed, threatened the breakers thereof, and such as made associations and leagues: which was done upon the sixteenth and seventeenth of August. Within short time after, the Parliament of Paris sent a declaration unto the king, touching that Edict of majority, which confirmed that of pacification. But the Queen caused him to speak with authority as he had done before, The Queen's proceed against the Court of Parliament in Paris. declaring his mother superintendent of his affairs, and said unto the Deputies of the Parliament, that his meaning was, that they should deal with nothing else, but only to administer good and speedy justice unto his subjects: giving them to understand, that he would have them to know, that they were not appointed by him in their offices to be his tutors, nor protectors of his Realm, neither yet conservers of his town of Paris. For you are (said he, according to his instructions given) made believe, that you are such: but I mean not to suffer you any more to continue in that error, but command you, that as in the times of the kings my predecessors, you never used to deal with any thing but with justice, that from henceforth, you deal with nothing else. And when I shall command you any thing, if you find any difficulty therein, I will be well content to hear your advise, as you have used to do unto the kings mine ancestors, and not as my Governors, and having given your advises, having heard my mind, to be obedient thereunto without reply. In doing so, you shall find me as good and mild a King as ever you had: but doing as you have done, since the time you were given to understand that you are my tutors, I will make you know, that you are none such, but my servants and subjects: willing and charging you, to obey my commandments. The Bishop of Valence checqueth the Parliament of Paris. Here you may see how they drove the dogs before the Lion, and the subtle practices of the Queen, to establish her Regency, under the warrant of her son: wholly debarring the Prince of Conde from all his hopes: and to change the Parliament of Paris somewhat more unto her will, she caused the the Bishop of Valence in a large discourse, to confute that which the Precedent de Thou had propounded, touching the King's Court: and that his mawrite aught first to have been signified to the Court of Parliament in Paris: that the King ought not to permit the exercise of two religions within his Realm: that the inhabitants of Paris ought not to be constrained to leave their arms. The Bishop in open terms seemed to charge de Thou and all his companions, to show but small understanding in those affairs, and much less conscience. The twenty four of September following, by Decree of the privy Council, the mawrite of the King (or as some are of advice) the regency and Sovereignty authority of the Queen was confirmed. The Pope abandoneth the Realm of Navarre to him that could take is by force, whereunto the King opposeth. At the same time, an other devise was wrought against those of the religion. The Pope feigning that he could no longer bear with the reformation of religion and doctrine used in the Realm of Navarre, and the Sovereignty: of Bearn, in the month of September, caused a declaration to be published in Rome against jeane d'Albert, Queen of Navarre: who as then made public profession of the religion, and had driven the Mass out of her Countries. This declaration was made in form of an excommunication, & for a dispossession of all that land, which as then remained unto this Princess, by whom soever would take it in hand, to enjoy it as by conquest, and his own proper inheritance. She was likewise cited to appear before the Consistory of Cardinals, within six months after: for default whereof, the Pope declared her heretic, her goods confiscate, and abandoned as aforesaid. The King form an opposition against this papal thunder, which as then was showed but in Rome. The King of Spain having neither the desire nor the means to fall upon that Princess, and the Council of France, esteemed it inconvenient, to give so manifest a shadow unto those that were of the religion. The death of Charles de Coss Marshal de Brissac, that had done great service for the Realm of France, in the wars of Piedemont, made an end of this year, 1563. that died upon the last of December. Ann. 1564 In the beginning of this year, it was permitted unto the Clergy by an Edict, to redeem their lands that had been alienated, to the value of a hundredth thousand crowns, yearly rent. An Edict in favour of the Clergy. All this was but a point of cunning, used to dive into the purses of those who during the wars, and that France drowned in tears had sung, and for the most part lived at their ease. About the beginning of February, the Ambassadors of the Pope, the Emperor, the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy, came to Fountainebleau, desiring that the King would cause the Decrees of the Council of Trent, to be wholly observed within the Realm of France: for the which cause, The King solicited by the Spaniard to break the Edict of pacification. the Deputies were to be at Nancy upon the the twenty five of March, than next ensuing: to read the same in presence of the Ambassadors of all the Papistical and Catholicque Romish Princes, assembled together, there to make and frame a general league, against the Realms, principalities, and estates, that had withdrawn themselves from the obedience of the Pope. They likewise desired the king wholly to cease the alienating of the goods of the Clergy, alleging it to be prejudicial both against him and his Realm, and contrary to the word of God, that the king of Spain and the Duke of Savoy, could not be paid the moneys due unto them by reason of their marriages, with the Clergies money: desired that those of the religion might be openly punished, whom they deciphered according to their accustomed manner. That the pardon and the edict of peace should be made void: that the king should do justice, specially of those that were consenting unto the death of the Duke of Guise. And to effect these requests, they added most fair and great offers, thereby to cast the realm into the burning flame of a second civil war. Answer to the Ambassadors. But the Queen and her Council perceiving it to be a ticklish matter, and distrusting in the promises of such men, caused the young king to answer them, that he thanked their Masters, whom he meant not to trouble, hoping to maintain his subjects in peace, according to the institution of the Romish Church. That he had made the edict of pacification to put straunges out of his Realm: that as than he could re-enter into a new war within his realm, for certain reasons, which in writing he sent unto them: and that in those affairs he would ask the Counsel and advise of the Prince of his blood, and the chief Lords of his Council, and of the Crown. The king of Spain with that embassage, devising how he might see his kinsman's house in new troubles, took no order for his own in the low countries, where as then wars began to be hatched, which not long after came forth, and as yet continue therein, to his great shame and confusion. In the beginning of March, the Queen began the voyage of Bayonne, to speak with the king of Spain, the pretence was, that the king being Mayor, and about fourteen years of age, Beginning of the voyage to Bayonne. would ride about his Realm to visit his Provinces, and that his presence would be a means to remedy many complaints and discontentments, and withal, strengthen and establish the edict of pacification. But the effect that both approached and ensued, did partly show the intents and secret practices of that woman and her Council. The king began that voyage in Champagne and Bourgongne, from whence he went to Lions, What a scita dell was built at Lions. and to the end those of the religion should not have the means to fortify themselves therein, as they had done at other times, a scitadell was then begun to be erected: and although at that time the plague reigned within the Town, yet the Queen and her Council would not stir from thence, and kept the king there, until that scitadell was almost finished. But in the end the plague being entered into the Queen's Chamber, whereof one of her Gentlewomen fell sick, the king was led from thence. While they built at Lions, to bridle those of the religion, by that means to weaken their forces, Defacing of Towns. the Towns of Orleans and Montauban, were unwalled: in other towns scitadels were made, which by some were called Chastre-villaines: by others, the Nests of Tyrants. Those of the religion endured all, contenting themselves with simple declarations in paper, and receiving paper for payment. For that about the beginning of this voyage, the Romish Catholics of Grevan in Bourgongne, massacred divers of the religion, being assembled therein to exercise their religion: Massacre of those of the religion. complaints thereof being made unto the Queen, she gave fair words, promising to send Commissioners to Crevan, such as were honestly minded, and not passionate, to inquire of the fact. But in stead of keeping promise, at the same time an edict was made, forbidding the exercise of the religion in the king's Court, An edict derogating that of pacification. and that in the Towns wherein by the edict it was permitted, the Ministers should not preach, as long as the kings should remain therein: all eadging for reason, that his presence might not endure the exercise of any other religion, then that which he used: who as then was taught to rule and Court Ladies, having Masters appointed for the purpose, the Court as then beginning to be an example of all dissolution. They likewise drove all ministers out of the realm, that were not natural Frenchmen. The king being gone from Lions, went to Roussillon, where he staying for a time, was visited by the duke d'Sauoy. There they erected another dismembering of the edict of peace, Another derogative edict. forbidding all justices to use the exercise of religion in their houses, frese, or Castles, other then in those that are appointed in the edict: That the Ministers which should have exercised their charges, in places not comprehended in the edict, for the first time should be banished out of the realm, and being found therein again, to be corporally punished. That Priests, Monks, Friars, and Nuns, that are married, should be constrained to leave their wives and husbands, and to return again into their Monasteries and Covents, or else to go out of the realm. That it should not be lawful for those of the religion to hold Synods, accusing them under that pretence to have made conspiracies, and raised the greatest part of the realm. This edict abated somewhat of the edict of pacification. From Dauphine, the king went into Provence, and Marcèllis, and in the beginning of winter he entered into Languedoc: and being in Montpeslier, about the end of December, prolonged the redeeming of the spiritual goods, for the space of six months more. This winter was extreme cold through all the realm of France. The Cardinal of Lorraine pretending to enter armed into Parries, is repulsed by the Marshal de Mont morency. At that time, the Cardinal of Lorraine newly returned from the Council of Trent, having stayed a certain time in Champagne, rid to Paris with his guard, openly bearing arms, contrary to the express commandment of the king, being accompanied by Henry Duke of Guise his Nephew, as then but a child, but yet invested with the estate of Greatmaister of France. His brother the Duke d'Aumale, lay not far from Paris with a troop of men. The Marshal de Montmorency Governor of the Isle of France, being a wise Gentleman, and a friend to peace, having discovered that divers mutinous companions attended the cardinals arrival in that manner, to commit violence against those of the religion, that daily increased: and foreseeing that so bold an attempt openly to ride in arms, would breed some horrible tempest, if it were not prevented, sent word to the Cardinal, that he should not presume to enter into Paris with such a train, nor in that manner. And because he made no account of the king's Lieutenants commandment, the Marshal sent him word, that he forbade him to enter into his government with armed troops, which if he did, he would use his authority. But the Cardinal not letting for that, about the beginning of januarie assayed to enter armed into Paris, but he found the Governor and Sovereign Magistrate, with thirty or forty men ready to resist him, all men of account: as Lords and Gentlemen, and the Prince of Portian. But in stead of beating down the Cardinal and his men, he contented himself to put them in fear. The Cardinal, his Nephew, and divers of their followers, saved themselves in the first shops and houses they could get into. Their men of war shunning the danger with all the speed they could, but not once pursued. This chance made the Cardinal wholly confused, and having stayed for a time within the Town, he returned into Champagne, staying the King's return from Bayonne. The Duke d'Aumale his brother made more show, and for the space of certain weeks, no other report ran abroad within Paris, and all the Isle of France, but only of leagues and associations, made to be revenged upon the Marshal de Montmorency, who being assisted by the Admiral and other Lords, held the Parisians in peace, and caused his action to be approved, both in the Parliament, and by the king's Council. But this blow renewed the despite of the house of Guise, against those of Montmorency and Chastillon, and because the assemblies made by the Duke d'Aumale, and the league he made with the Duke d'Estampes, Martignes, Chavigny, and the Bishop of Man's, had constrained the Marshal & the Admiral, to assemble certain Gentlemen to withstand those pretended leaguers. The Queen fearing, lest that beginning would breed some mischief, that might break the voyage of Bayonne, and other expedients which she esteemed to be most fit and necessary for the effecting of this Council, presently dispatched letters pattrents, whereby the king commauned those that as yet were not entered into Paris to approach no nearer: and such as were therein, to departed from thence, referring the ending of this quarrel, until his return out of Gascoigne. The Cardinal offended that no better remedy was taken in his behalf touching that disgrace, began another enterprise, making war against Salcede, Bailiff de Vic, The Cardiwalles war. and Governor for the king in Marsault, that had ceased certain places appertaining to the Cardinal, alleging he had reason to do it, because the Cardinal had put himself into the safeguard and protection of the Emperor, and had caused it to be published, without the commandment and licence of the king his Sovereign. But Salcede being overweake for so puissant an enemy favoured by the Queen, in the end was constrained to leave both Vic and Marsault. The ninth of june, Henry duke of Orleans, brother to the king, departed from Bayonne, The coming of the Queen of Spain to Bayonne. where not long before the Court arrived, and went to lodge at Saint john de Lussurioso, from whence the next day after he road to Iron, the first place in the frontiers of Spain, situate upon the river of Marquery, which divided the lands of the Kings of France and Spain. And having past that river, he went to meet with his sister the Queen of Spain, beyond Aruany, where, after the ceremonies and salutations ordinatily used at such meetings, they took their way to S. Sebastian's, where the Duke of Alue stayed. Not long after, the king went forth to meet his sister, accompanied by divers Princes & Noblemen, conducting her unto Bayonne, where she stayed along time. The Duke d'Alua with many of the Cowcell of Spain, had divers secret conferences with the Council of France. There resolution being (as Monsieur de Nove saith in his discourse, Counsels holden in Bayonne, between the Spantards & the Frenchmen, originals of the mischiefs of France and the low Countries. The continuance of the K. progress to the prejudice of those of the teligion. of the cause of raising arms in the second troubles) to root out those of the religion, as well in France, as in the low Countries: and that it was necessary to begin with the leaders, according to the rule of that Spanish Duke, (that shortly after, put it in practice by cutting off the heads of the Countess de Horn and Egmont, with other noble men in Brusselis) that they must not stand to look for frogs, but first fish for the great salmon. The Prince of Conde, the Admiral, and others in France, being in time advertised by some, that were not far from their so bloody Counsels, from that time, began to look unto themselves, and to think upon their affairs, advertising those of the religion not to be negligent. Fron Bayonne the K. took his journey to Nerac, where he restored the Romish Catholicques to their goods: repaired their temples: brought in again the Priests and Monks that had been thrust out: and commanded Monluc by his letters patents in firm of an Edict, to see all things performed: as also to take order that the officers of the Town might be equally chosen out of both religions, half of the one, and half of the other, and this course he prescribed as a law to all those Towns, where those of the religion had gotten the upper hand. He did beside ordain, that such Monks, Friars, and Nuns, as had cast off their cowls, in purpose to re-enter into the successions of their Parents, should not be admitted orherwise, then according to the ancient constitutions. He also gave audience unto the Catholicque and Romish Leaguers of Guyenne, whom he likewise justified. Moreover, in all places where the King made his journey, there was in manner no other speech, but of the complaints of those of the religion, whom the peace did as much molest (and in some places more) as the war. The Council stopped the plaintives mouths with sweet words, promising redress in all possible love and equity: but their speeches vanished like smoke: for of an infinite number of murders, from the publication of the Edict, until that day committed, there were scarce six offenders punished, and those but of the rascal sort, that else where and before time, had ten times deserved the wheel or fire. The rest of the year was spent, in the king's entries into the towns upon the river of Loire, in banquets, triumphs, superfluous expenses, and ridiculous pastimes, wherein the K. and his two younger brethren were altogether buried, whilst the Queen with her Councillors managing the whole state of France, guided it in such crooked courses, as still do remain of the storms, no less dangerous than the former. A feigned reconsiliation between the houses of Guise and chastillon's. We said before, that presently after the Edict of pacification, the Queen had given access to those of the house of Guise, to ask some new justice of the king, touching the murder of their kinsman slain by Poltrot, that had been tormented and executed by four wild horses in Paris. And because those of Guise had sufficiently declared, that their malice tended only to the Admiral, and that the dissimulation of the Queen-mother, entertained the fire of that quarrel. The Prince of Conde, that went not the voyage of Bayonne, had from that time assayed wholly to quench it, and on the one side to stay Magnanimity of the Prince. the violence of the plaintives, on the other side the subtlety of the Queen, that desired nothing but the continuance of quarrels among the Nobility, that she might reign by their division, and cry, stay there, when it pleased her, following the advise of her wise councillors: brave Politicians (if they might be believed) and great friends to France. To that end the Prince had presented a declaration unto the Council, bearing date the fifteen of May, 1563. against those of Gusse, saying therein: that if there were any man, that would once undertake to oppose himself in word or deed against the Admiral, otherwise then by order of justice, which the Admiral himself desired: I will (saith he) make him well known, that it shall touch me, as much as if it were done unto myself, being his friend, and he uncle unto my wife, by whom I have divers children: besides that, he is a brave knight, and one that is able to do the king great service. The Queen remembering that, and seeking to shadow her Council of Bayonne, in the beginning of january 1566. caused those of Guise and Chastillon, to be summoned to appear before the king at Moulius in Bourbonnois, where likewise appeared the Marshal de Montmorency, because of the quarrel of Paris. She likewise sent for du Thou and Seguier, first and second Precedents of Paris, Dafis, chief Precedent of Thoulouse, Lagebaston of Bourdeaux, Truchon of Grenoble, le Feure of Dyon, and Fourneau second Precedent of Provence. The king being in his chamber, with divers Princes and Lords, the Chancellor made a long Oration touching the miseries of the Realm, The Oration of the Chancellor. and the disorder of justice and policy, whereof ensued certain orders taken, which continued no longer than many other commendable ordinances, that had been made within this Realm: that done, he began to touch the quarrel between the houses of Guise and Chastillon, where divers things on both sides being debated, and the Admiral by oath clearing himself, not to be the Author of the murder in question. Agreement in the Court. A certain agreement was made between the two houses, and thereupon they embraced like friends, with many protestations of words and promises, never to renew them more. The widows of the Duke and the Cardinal of Lorraine, were the interlocutors in this tragedy: the young Duke of Guise not speaking a word, as then lending his countenance to signs of threatenings and frowning looks: whereof those of Chastillon made small account, because as then he was but a child. That which made them most to consider upon the matter, was, that they perceived the Queen-mother to lean to the house of Guise, and the Cardinal and she to be as two heads within one hood, they likewise took up the matter between the said Cardinal, and the Marshal de Montmorencie, touching that which had passed between them at Paris, during the voyage of Bayonne. The rest of this year, was for the most part spent among Courtesans, in marriages, banquets, & other pastimes, whiles all parts of the realm were plunged in great disorders. The miserable estate of France. The insolences of the Romish Catholicques against those of the religion continued: the qualifications of the Edict, did by little and little fret it choir a way: the threats of speedy reign to those of the religion, (whose Captains and leaders are here and there slain, without justice or any execution of the mutherers) did weakly increase: and the resolution concluded at Bayonne, grew manifest both within and without the Realm. The Prince nevertheless and the Admiral, lay still and rested quiet, being content plainly to look upon the accurrences, and ready to advertise their friends of all that was practised, lest they should be surprised. From divers parts they were advertised of the Spaniards preparatives, who purposed a terrible destruction to the low Countries, and withal, they foresaw, that his enterprise would breed new troubles in France, whereby after so many storms at Bayonne, there must needs ensue some great rage and strange events. The Prince of la Roch Suryon, also a little before his decease, had revealed unto them many particularities. Let them complain of any breach of covenants, they should not want either sweet words, or courteous letters, to lull them on sleep: In the mean time, in Faix and Bearne the troubles continued, wherein the better sort were most unjustly dealt withal. There began a disputation at Paris, between two Ministers and two Sorbonists, at the Duke of Nevers lodging, which grew into very large writings without any resolution, as indeed such parlying, do for the most part bring forth small fruit. The executron of Simon May, a these and notable slanderer. About the same time, there was likewise a certain offender, named Simon May, broken upon a scaffold: this man was of mean birth, and dwelled in a country house not far from Chastillon upon Loyn, where under pretence of an Hostrie or Inn, he practised his robberies. Him did Anmalle the late Duke of Guise's brother, hire to watch the Admiral as he went on hunting, and gave him in hand a hundredth Crowns and a Spanish Jennet. The Admiral before understanding his wicked course of life, had sharply threatened him: and now by witnesses finding him to be a notable thief, he sent the informations to Paris, whereupon he was soon apprehended and brought into the Conciergery, where he began to accuse the Admiral and some others, that they should have conspired together, and so promised him great reward to kill the Queen-mother: but the councillors that were deputed to perfect his process, presently smelling out the infection of this slander, and perceiving that in the bolting out of this matter (which notwithstanding they ought to have done) they should have found some of the house of Guise in more fault than the chastillon's: letting fall this false accusation, and having averred May his robberies and thefts, they committed him to the wheel. During the king's voyage to Bayonne, wherein he was accompanied only with Princes and Lords of the Romish religion, Anotable process in Paris, between the jesuits and the University. The beginning of the jesuits. there happened a notable process within Paris touching the jesuits, whereof I will set down certain notes collected, verbatim out of the fourth book of the Epistles and pleas made by me Stephen Pasquier a councillor, that pleaded for the University against the said jesuits: his words are these. A Navarrois named Ignace, who had been a soldier all the days of his life time, having been hurt in the Town of Pampelune, while he lay to be healed, used to read the lives of holy fathers: by whose examples he determined from that time forward to frame his life. Whereupon he entered into conference with divers men, and among the rest, with one named Master Pasquier Brovet. They swore and advowed a society, and Ignace being beheaded, they made certain voyages to Paris, Rome, and jerusalem, and in the end went to Venice, where they continued certain years. And perceiving themselves to have many followers, Their profession. went to Rome, where they began to make open profession of their order, among other articles, chiefly promising two things: the one, that their principal intent was, to preach the word of God unto the Pagans: to convert them to the faith: the other, freely to teach all christians the study of learning: and to accommodate their name unto their devotionss they called themselves religious persons of the society of jesus: presenting themselves unto Pope Paul the third, Their name. of the house of Farnese, about the year of our Lord, 1540 at the same time that the Almains began to arm themselves against the alteration of religion, and because one of the principal disputations of the Almains, was touching the authority of the Pope, whom Martin Luther sought to deface, they with a contrary profession showed, that their first vow was to acknowledge the Pope to be above all earthly powers, At what time they began. and above the general Councils, and the universal Church. The Pope, who at the first made doubt to allow them, and after, had permitted them to name themselves religious, but with charge that they should not exceed the number of sixty persons, began to hearken to this promise, and to open the gate to their devotion: and after him, Pope julius the third, until Pope Paul the fourth named Theatin, the first Promoter of that order, authorised them fully and wholly, with many and great privileges. By whom they were received into France. Now their affairs proceeding in this sort, it chanced that the Bishop of Clerimont, Bastard to the Chancellor du Prat, began to bear them some affection, and sought to plant that order in Paris, whither he brought Pasquier Brovet, with three or four others. They at their coming, lodged themselves quietly in a chamber in the College of Lombard's, and after that, established their habitation in the house of Clerimont in Harp-street, by the permission of him that first brought them into France, celebrating their Masses and prayers upon the Sundays and other Festival days, in a Chapel that standeth at the entry into the Chartreux. How they intruded themselves. And perceiving that their affairs began to take effect, they presented themselves divers times before the Court of Parliament, that there order might be authorised by them. But the Attorney general named Brulart, Their boldness. opposed himself against their requests: not that he favoured not the Catholicque religion, but for that above all things, he doubted and feared such novelties, as mother of many errors, specially in religion. Whereupon he showed them, that if their hearts were wholly estranged from worldly care, they might without enduring any new order, Who withstood them. content themselves with the ancient professions of Saint Benet, Clugny, Cisteaux, Grandmont, Premonstre and others, approcued by divers Counsels, or with the four orders of begging Friars. The Court not content with those oppositions, would not seem to be opinious of themselves, but for the same cause had recourse unto the faculty of Divines, who by their decree censured against them, partly because that some of their proposition derogated from the privileges of the French Churches, partly because that terming themselves religious, they wear not the habit, neither yet confined themselves (like unto others) within Cloisters: which censure put them by their whole intent. Not long after, the Bishop of Clerimont died, who by his will bequeathed them great gifts, those legacies by them recovered, happened the first troubles, at the beginning whereof, the conference of the French Church was holden in Possy. From that time they began to break their long silence, and again presented a request to the Court of Parltament, to be received and approved, if not in form of religion, yet as a simple College. Their advancement. The Parliament made account, that this request touched the superiors of the Church, whereupnon they referred it to the assembly at Possy, where the Cardinal of Turnon was Precedent, as the eldest Prelate, who had founded a company of their name within the town of Turnon, by his means they obtained licence to be received in form of a society & a College: What they obtained at the first. with charge to use some other name and title, then that of jesuits, and to conform themselves wholly to the canonical order, without enterprising any thing, either spiritual or temporal against their Ordinaries: and that likewise they should expressly renounce those privileges that had been granted them by their bulls, otherwise for not performance thereof, or that thereafter they obtain any others, this approbation should be void and of none effect. This decree was set down word for word in the registers of the Court. Not long after, they bought a house within Paris in S. jeames' street, called the house of Langres, which they divided in two habitations, the one for the religious, the other for Scholars. In this company were divers learned persons, & among the rest, Friar Edmond Anger, & Maldonnat: the first, a great Preacher: the second, one that had been instructed in all kinds of learning and languages: Their supports. a great Divine and Philosopher. They being sent to anounce their doctrine, were well accepted, and by that means drew great numbers of Scholars unto them, and perceiving the wind to blow with them, they presented a request to the Rector of Paris, to be united and incorporated into the university, whereupon a Congregation was assembled at the Mathurins, where it was concluded, Who strove against them that they should certify before they passed forward, whether they bore the name & quality of regulers or seculers: which reduced them to great perplexity. For that to deny themselves to be regulers, was as much as to falsify their vow: and to affirm it, Their denial. would be a contradiction to that which had been enjoined them at Possy: whereupon for that they took no precise quality upon them, the University denied them their request: yet for all that, they yielded not, but had recourse unto the Parliament, to the end, that by force they might constrain the University to grant that which otherwise they would not once consent unto. And it was agreed, that the parties should plead upon the first day of the opening of the Court. These are the words of M. Stephen Pasquier, adding thereunto. The university vouchsafed me the honour, The University pleaded against them. to choose me for their Advocate. The cause was pleaded two forenoons, with such contention, as the greatness of the cause required. M. Peter Versoris, pleading for the jesuits, and I for the University. Lowing the plea made by M. Pasquier: I will set down some chief and notable points. The jesuits cause (saith he) is full of dissimulation & hypocrisy: their sect is hereafter to be but a semenarie of partialities, between the christian & the jesuite: the purpose and intent tendeth only to desolation, and surprising of the estate both polliticque and Ecclesiastical. They bear the name of jesus, but with a false title. I am of opinion, that there is not any faithful christian, or good and loyal Frenchman, but that will find the reasons and conclusions of the university to be both just and good: which is, Certain allegations to be noted in the declaration of the university. that not only this new world, which by a title, partial, arrogant, and ambitious, affirmeth itself only, to be of the society of jesus, ought not to be adopted nor incorporated into the body of our University, but that it ought wholly to be banished, tooted out, and exterminated out of France. These new brethren, under a beautiful title, & exterior show, would enter & make a breach into our peace & quiet estate. Ignace a maimed soldier, not for the zeal and devotion that he bore to any new austerity of life, but perceiving himself to be impotent and unable anylonger to bear arms, entered into familiarity with certain persons, and among others, with one M. Pasquier Brovet, borne in Dreux, a man (certain exterior qualities excepted) that had no learning, either in human or divine laws. These two with some others, for a time kept themselves in Venice, a town by certain Italian authors well known, and acknowledged to be the receptacle of divers and perverse things. There for a time they used a certain hypocritical austerity of life, & perceiving that their superstition begun to be followed, they were so bold as to transport themselves to Rome, where they began to publish their sect. And although the greatest part of them were neither seen in tongues nor divinity, yet they began openly to promise two things. The one to preach the gospel to the Infidels, so to convert them to the faith: the other, to teach doctrine unto all christians without any reward. For that cause taking upon them the name of religious people, as if all those that cleaved not to their sect, were separated from their society. Epithets of the jesuits. In the same plea they are qualified with the titles of Subtle: Authors of a superstitious sect: unhappy weed: A sect condemned by the faculty of divinity, as being replenished with all superstition and damnable ambition, invented and admitted for the desolation of all estates, either secular or regular: men in state to grow great by other men's falls, advanced by the ambitious & unworthy practices of the Cardinal of Turnon their supporter: impudent: irregular: disobedient: hypocrites: ignorant Teachers and wanderers: deceivers: pardoners: new men patched together of many pieces: full of ambitious superstitio. Then doth he proceed to lay open their stratagems, whereby they have devised in short time to encroach infinite wealth, yea even whole kingdoms & countries: Their practices to grow great. that their pretended society consisteth of two manner of people: whereof, the first term themselves to be of the greater observance: the other of the less. The first, besides the three ordinary vows of the Monks, do also make a fourth: and that is, that they do acknowledge him to be Sovereign in earth over all things, without exception or reservation, in whatsoever it shall please him to command. The others of lesser observance, are bound only to two vows: the one, respecting their fidelity that they promise to the Pope: the other, their obedience to their superior. These latter sorts, do not vow poverty, but may lawfully enjoy benefices without dispensation: succeed their Parents: and purchase lands and possessions, as if they were secular persons. This is the course whereby they have at chieved such wealth & riches in this new order: for all that falleth to these lesser obseruantives, by succession, purchase, chase, or any other practice, is incorporate into the whole body of jesuits, without repetition or revocation: for even they to whom it falleth have vowed obedience. We are moreover to note another especial vow of these men, which importeth, that they shall in all cases & in all places, obey their General & superior, who always is a Spaniard & chosen by the K. of Spain, as hitherto it hath always fallen out: for among other the words of this vow, they have these: that setting their eye upon their Geneneral, they are to acknowledge in him, the person of jesus Christ as present. From these vows & distinctions have proceeded terrible enterprises: year even most heinous attempts against the lives and persons of Princes, kings, and Queens, as the Histories of the low Countries, England, and Rome, do plainly testify: whereof also we will speak somewhat toward the end of the reign of Hemy the third. As touching the disorders happened in the two orders by them devised, which are termed, the one the great observants, the other the jesse: Two decrees in the jesuits sext, in favour whereof, they may subdue all the world to the king of Spain their Sovereign. Master Pasquier discoveret it at large, and time hath veresied it, adding these words: Seeing it is so (said he) that in their less observance, there is neither vow of virginity, nor proverb, and thereinto they receive all kinds of people indifferently, both Priests and Laymen, married & unmaired, & are not bound to be resident with the great observants, but permitted to dwell among the common people, only that at certain fixed days, they assembled at their common-house, to be participants with their outward ceremonies, so that according to this law and rule, it is not impertinent to see a whole town to be jesuits. The communication which they have together by means of confessions, serveth to find out their booties, & to discover the secrets both of great and small, and because they are particularly affected to the king of Spain, their chief founder, for whom also they make particular, express, and ordinary prayers, it is not to be wondered at, if since that time, these new brethren both in France and elsewhere, have sought and traveled so much, to make him Monarch of all the world. Besides this, Master Pasquier addeth, that the jesuits alluring us with fair promises, are ordained to gripe & lay hold upon our goods, and to fill themselves with our spoils: that they are Sophisters, the are entered like fearful foxes in the middle of us, therein by process of time, to reign like Lions: that as the ancient Orators and teachers of the people, by a kind of pleasing speech, by little & little got credit in Rome: so by little & little they overthrew the estate, as all Politicians judged: we must attend & expect no less of the jesuits, if in the beginning both their race and root be not extirped. The advise and decree of the Sorbonnists against the jesuits. In the same plea, he doth also insert the advice and decree of the faculty of divinity of Paris, in the College of Sorbonne, of the year 1554. importing as followeth. This new society after a new waner attributing to itself only, an unaccustomed title of the name of jesus, so licentiously admitting all people, howsoever criminal, illegitimate, or infamous: using likewise no difference from secular Priests in their outward habit, in their tousure: in saying their canonical hours, either privately, or singing the same publicly in the temples: in Cloister, or in silence: in choice of meat & days, in fasts, or in other the several laws & ceremonies that do distinguish & preserve the estates of religions, having attained so many & divers privileges, intelligences & liberties, especially in regard of Masses & confessions, without distinction of place or persons, likewise in the question of preaching, reading, or teaching, to the great prejudice of ordinaries, Curates, & all other orders of Monks and Friars, yea even of Princes & temporal Lords: contrary to the privileges of the Universities, and to the great oppression of the people, do seem to pollute the honesty of monastical religion, to weaken the studious, devout, and necessary exercise of virtue, abstinence, ceremonies, and austerity: yea even to minister occasion freely to shrink from all other religions: to subtract and draw away all obedience & subjection due to ordinaries: doth wrongfully deprive both temporal & Ecclesiastical Lords of their rights, & breedeth troubles in all estates, either pollicke or religious, and many quarrels among the commons: as suits, strife, dissension, envy, rebellion, & sundry schisms. All these considerations, with many others, diligently weighed and examined, this society seemeth dangerous to the estate of religion: a disturbance to the peace and unity of the Church: and subverter of all mockery, and an invention tending rather to destruction then edification. Now let us see what followeth. A bitter censure against the jejuiticall sect. There never was (faith M. Pasquier, who protesteth himself to be of the Romish church, in the faith whereof, he voweth to live & die) invented so partial & ambitious a sect: neither any whose propositions imported more pernicious consequence, than the jesuits. In her principles she is a schismatic, & consequently an heretic. Then doth he compare Ignace with Luther, & so concludeth, that Ignace is more to be feared them the other: for (saith he) men's consciences may easily be surprised & made drunken with the poison of the Ignatians, and jesuits, in that they account them to be the principal protectors of the Romish religion against all hereticques, whereof nevertheless they are the chief subverters. Under pretence of supporting the church of God, they do subvert it, & will at length utterly overthrow it. Soon after, proceeding in his speech to the whole Court, he saith: I hope plainly to let you understand, that this sect in all their propositions, worketh nothing but division between the christian and the jesuit: between the Pope & the Ordinaries, & between all other Monks & themselves: that so long as they be tolerated, no Prince or Potentate can assure his estate against their attempts. This sect was founded upon the ignorance of Ignace, & ever since, maintained and upholden by the pride & arrogancy of his secretaries. After that, he reproacheth them, terming themselves jesuits, do degrade the ancient christians, and blaspheme against God. Further, that in Portugal & the Indeses, they term themselves Apostles, saith: that as certain sectuaries in An. 1562. surnamed jesuits, & others such proud persons, were overwhelmed by the just judgement of God: so we are to expect no other thing at the hands of this mean sext of jesuits, what show soever it maketh: that these Ignacians, for attributing to themselves the name of jesuits, deserve a shameful death. And then answering to the jesuits vow, touching the Pope: Our faith saith he is otherwise. We in France acknowledge the Pope for supreme head of our church, with all due honour & devotion: but in such sort, that he is subject to the decrees of general counsels: that he can enterprise no authority over our realm, nor against the M. of our kings, neither yet against the authority of the decrees of our Court of Parliament, or to the prejudice of our divosians in their confines and limits. And thereupon he saith: jesuits chief creatures and right slaves to the Pope. that john Gerson teacheth us in one of his books, that we may well be without a Pope in the church: that it is in the power of a general Council, to displace a Pope out of his seat, & therein to place an other, for the ordering of the affairs of the church, as in effect it was practised in the counsels of Constance & Basle. Thus having learnedly pleaded for the rights & privileges of the French church, he discovereth their subtleties, thefts, dissimulations, impostures, & ravenings, showing by divers examples, that they are mutinous, sowers of troubles, Atheists, and mockers of God. And ending his plea, said to all the Court: You my Masters that tolerate the jesuits, Virtues of the jesuits. True predition. shall one day be the first judges of your own condemnations, when by the means of your permissions, you shall perceive the mischiefs that will ensue, not only in France, but throughout Christendom. Advocate Mesnil, who in this care pleaded for the king's Attorney, propounded many matters against these sectaries, who he sufficiently proved to be a plague to the Realm, but because of the king's voyage into Bayonne, and that the Queen's counsels, and those of the house of Guise that ruled all, tender only but to the ruin and overthrow of the Prince of Conde, the Admiral, & those of the religion: the jesuits process was for that time ordered by the Council, that is, laid up by the walls. Afterward the second and third troubles, together with the massacre ensuing, the Isuites set up their crests in earnest, and compassed the strange practices, whereof ensued the horrible tragedies that were played about the end of the reign of Henry the third, as more at large shall appear: wherewith this year ended. Now let us consider what happened in the year 1567., when the troubles and miseries of France began again. The king of Spain's intent against the low countries. The king of Spain not being able to endure the increase of those of the religion in the low Countries, & much offended with them, for the breaking and throwing down of Images in Flaunders, Brabant, and other Provinces, determined to proceed against them with fire and sword, not once regarding the privileges of the country, nor yet the cruel extortions and injustices of his officers, against those of the religion, whose Ministers & principal rulers opposed themselves by all the means the could, against the breaking of Images, thrown down by a small number of men, & such as were of no great account, & in so short a time, that it seemed they had fallen of themselves. For the execution of this bloody council, which had been decreed in the League made at Bayonne, Fernando Aluares de Tolede Duke of Alva, that had been his Agent in Bayonne, was established Lieutenant General, with most ample and express commission: who in the beginning of the spring, in An. 1567. accompanied with his two sons, and great troops of men, embarking themselves at Barcelonne, in the month of May arrived at Genes: & with an army of 9000. The Duke de Alue cometh to torment the low countries. Spaniards, 1000 light-horse, marched towards Milan. What followed thereof, is at large set down in the Histories of the low Countries. The Q. and the Council of France, under this pretence of the D. of Alues' passage, made a certain report to be given abroad, that it was to be feared, that the Spaniard would attempt somewhat against France, under pretence of going into Flanders: & thereupon began to levy 6000. Swissers to keep the frontiers: but not long after, they were brought further into the realm, for the Duchess of Parma was already gone out of the low Countries into Italy, assoon as she received intelligence of the D. of Alues' embarking. The Prince of Conde & the Admiral, with other Lords of the religion, Sundry counsels holden by the Prince of Conde, before he entered into arms. calling to mind what had past since the edict of pacification, & perceiving the Swissers to enter into the realm, and that the D. of Alue was already arrived in the low Countries, assembled together in small number, there they produced certain letters intercepted from Rome and Spain, wherein the practices how to root out the professors of the reformed religion at one instant, were at large set down. In a short space they had three consultations of Vallery and Chastillon, where met some ten or twelve of the chiefest Gentlemen of the religion, to debate upon the present accurrences, and to seek all lawful and honest means of safterie in so many terrors, without proceeding to the last refuge. In the first two, the opinions rested very divers, nevertheless, rather by the Admiral's counsel then otherwise, every man was entreated a while to have patience, and the rather for that in matters of such consequence, as whereupon depended so many miseries and calamities, it was more necessary to be drawn in by necessity, then to make too much haste, or upon a greedy desire to run on headlong: besides that, shortly matters would be made more apparent: but in the last consultation they grew into a greater heat. For besides all passed calamities or imminent dangers, also that they of the religion were openly threatened, throughout most towns and Provinces, that they should not long bear themselves so high, and that their time drew night to an end, they received more advise out of sundry places: and both the Prince and Admiral did plainly affirm, that they had express advertisement from a certain Courtier very well affected to those of the religion, that there had been holden a most secret Council: wherein it was concluded, that they should be seized upon: that the one should be executed, and the other detained prisoner: that at the same instant, two thousand Swissers, should enter into Paris: two thousand into Orleans: and the remainder into Pointiers: that the Edict of pacification should be utterly repealed, and an other made quite contrary to the same. Heereuppon they grew to earnest disputation: for whereas some urged a speedy relolution of necessary defence, the rather because the foreign forces marched already openly, for the utter ruin of those of the religion throughout the realm: others that were not altogether so hot, showed, that albeit they perceived the fire already kindled, yet they could not see any water to quench it. For if we should, said they (as many times heretofore) have recourse to complaints, we do plainly find, that so we shall sooner stir up our adversaries to more rage, then procure ourselves any remedy. Again, if we take arms, albeit it be for our most just, necessary, and urgent defence, yet what obloquy, slander, and curses, shall we incur at their hands, who although wrongfully do impute unto us the whole blame of whatsoever miseries may ensue, and will turn their rage, which they cannot inflict upon us, against our poor families scattered in sundry places? And therefore sith of many inevitable mischiefs, we are always to choose the least: it were better to bear the violence of the enemy, then by beginning with them to make ourselves guilty of a publicque and general commotion. Hereupon the la d'Andelot urging the necessity of the defensive, amongst other speeches, said: If ye linger and drive off, until ye be banished into foreign countries: cast bound into prisons: overrun with multitude of people: contemned by the men of war, or condemned by the authority of the greatest, all which is not now far from us: what good shall we reap of our patience and former humility? what profit shall we reap by our innocency? to whom shall we complain? nay, who will afford us the hearing? It is now time for us to be better advised, and to have recourse to the defensive, which is no less just than necessary, neither are we to care though we be accounted the Authors of the war: which is levied only by tho●e, who in so many sorts have broken all public covenants and agreements, and brought even into our bowels, six thousand foreign soldiers, that have already in effect proclaimed it against us. Now let us likewise give them so much advantage, as to smite the first blows, and so shall our mischiefs be past all care. And after many meetings and determinations had among them, heereuppon they resolved upon a prompt and ready defensive resolution, wherein there were divers means disputed upon, touching the execution thereof. In the end it was concluded, to rise in arms, and in that beginning of war to observe four things: the first, to hold but few towns but such as should be of importance: the second, to raise a great army: the third, to overthrow the Swissers, by whose means the Catholicques would always be Masters of the field: the fourth, to assay if they could drive the Cardinal of Lorraine from the Court, because many imagined that he only was the man, that still solicited the king to destroy all those of the religion. But touching the two last points, many and great difficulties were propounded, some alleging, that the Cardinal and the Swissers marched continually with the king, and that setting upon the one, and seeking to fear the other, it would be said, that the enterprise had been made against the Majesty of the king, and not against them. Yet in fine, they were confuted by this reply, that the effects would plainly show, what the intent of the Prince and his associates was: as the event manifestly showed in the actions of Charles the seventh, as then being but Dauphine, when he raised arms, yet neither against his father nor the Realm. Further, that it was well known, that the Frenchmen themselves never attempted any thing against their Prince. Lastly, that if this first success fell out favourably, that it would be the means to cut off the course of a long and troublesome war, because thereby they should have means to let the king know the truth of those things which were diguised unto him: whereupon might ensue the confirmation of the Edicts, specially when those that arm themselves to prevent, shall find themselves prevented. The success of the Prince's resolution This (as saith the Lord de la Nove in his discourses) was the resolution of the Lords and Gentlemen, that at that time were about the Prince, who (as he addeth) albeit they were men of great experience, skill, valour, and wisdom, yet all that they had so diligently pondered, and so well forecast, when it came to the effect, fell out wonderful short of their expectation: whilst other things whereof they had so far dreamed, as thinking them over sure, or difficult, redounded to their good, and stood them in stead. A while before, they resolved upon this necessity, as the Swissers marched on, first the Prince, and then the Admiral, made a journey to the Court, where they declared each after other, to the king, to his mother, and to the Council, that there was no reason, neither any just occasion, to make this levy of six thousand Swissers, & to bring them into the Realm, unless paradu enture they had some pretence to employ them upon the ruin of those of the religion, of whom there were yet remaining a greater multitude than they imagined, whereof the late wars might bear witness: withal, that if their enemies practised aught but good, they would stand upon their guard, and not have their throats cut by thieves and perturbers of the public peace: and heereuppon also they besought the king to take compassion of so many honest families throughout his Realm: but they were denied and hardly entreated: yea, the Prince at one time was in great hazard of his life: against whom the Courtiers had incensed the Duke of Anjou the king's brother, who suddenly entered into a sharp brawl against him, seeking all occasions to do him a shrewd turn: but the Prince both wise and eloquent, answered him so pertinently to whatsoever the questions and violent complaints of him whom he was to reverence, who also was at that time environed with those that would not stick to strike, that the snare was broken, whereby he escaped, and from that time came no more to the Court. To return to the success of the enterprise of the Prince and his partakers, they were forced of necessity either to oppose themselves against the cruel resolution of their enemirs in France, The Prince's precedings. or else to fly out of the Realm, and so to leave so many thousands of how sholds & families, to the mercy of their massacring enemies. For touching the first point, they determined to surprise three towns only: that is, Lions, Thoulouse, and Troy's, all very commodious for the wars. But the means used by those that took the charge upon them, were not well effected, in regard they were over many people, and of small experience and sucfficiencie in such affairs, who held their consultations of that which should be done while they lay in their beds, or sat in their counting-houses. Touching their strength in field, those of the religion had more in the beginning then the Catholicques, but six weeks after the raising of arms, about the end of Septemb. they found themselves the strongest, whereby they constrained the Prince and the Admiral to seek refuge in Almain from Duke Casimeire. The execution against the Swissers succeeded but crossly, because it was discovered, and that the forces that should have met in time and place sailed. The Cardinal of Lorraine saved himself in great haste, and fled from the Court, and yet he kept his credit in the Court, being able to do as much absent, as present. To the contrary, the Prince and his partaker fell into great difficulties, by provoking the hatred and colour of the king against them, because through their means he was constrained to go from Meaux to Paris, with great fear, although he had six thousand Swissers about him; besides horsemen the Prince at his approaching having between four and five hundredth horse at the most, nevertheless, it was put into the king's head, that he sought to attempt against his person, so that from thenceforward, he always had a secret grudge against them. This entry into the war having had but a hard beginning for the Prince, other effects recompensed the defaults of his former fortunes: but more by the particular motions and dispositions of certain Gentlemen and Inhabitants of Towns, than any Precedent deliberation: whereby it fell out, that those of the religion seized upon Orleans, Auxerre, Soissons, and other places. The general levying of arms in one day by the Prince and his participants, did no little abash those of the contrary part: as also that with so small a number of horse, he durst approach so near six thousand Swissers, whom he had charged between Me●●x and Paris, yea and overthrown them, if the arquebusiers on horseback, whom he attended, had kept their appointed time, or if he had been strengthened with 150. horse out of Picardy, that came certain hours too late. But the Prince not daring to venture upon so great a troop of Swissers, The Prince retireth to S. Dennis. that seemed a forest, therein perceiving too much hazard, and too small advantage for him and his troops, went unto Saint Dennis with his troops, where not long after, he had more company, so that in few days he found himself to be 2000 horse, and 4000 arquebusiers strong, which not long after were dispersed: Monsieur d'Andelot sent with 500 horse towards Poissy, and Pontoise, to hinder those of Paris, that have their victuals brought them by water. Many companies of foot marched toward Argentueil, Pont Charenton, and other places bordering on the same. The rest of the troops were sent part to meet the troops of Guyenne, that should enter into Orleans, surprised by Monsieur de la Nove, and part into other places where need required. So that the Prince and the Admiral staying at S. Dennis, with certain Gentlemen, could not have above 800. horse, and 1200. Harquesiers. The Constable had within Paris above 3000. horse, 12000. foot, and the six thousand Swissers, with artillery and warlike ammunition, as much as he would desire, yet stirred not, fearing the hard resolution of the Prince his train, who by their troops dispersed, seized upon the passages both by water and land, whereupon the Parrisians not used to fasting, began to complain. The Prince hoped to constrain them to fight, and that his forces being united, if he might be victor, to bring his enemies unto a more assured peace, then that he made before: and if he were overthrown, the places which he held upon the river of Marne and Seyne, would serve him for his retreat, staying for the Rutters that began to stir, with his forces of Guyenne. The Constable to the contrary, having taken the view of the Prince's lodging and forces, determined to give them battle, assuring himself to overthrow them without resistance: for that besides his number of men, being ten for one, he had great store of Ordinance, and pikes, and a fair field well fitting for his troops and cannons. All these disadvantages notwithstanding, dissuaded not the Prince, but that he, the Admiral jenlis, and other leaders of the religion, issued to assail them. The battle being given upon the tenth of November, 1567. The battle of S. Dennis continued almost three quarters of an hour, night separating them: the issue being such, that those of the religion (that had advanced themselves above a quarter of a League, entering with most strauge fury upon their enemies, wearied with striking, their horses being breathless or hurt, namely that of the Prince slain under him, and the Admiralles horse having borne him twice through the thickest of his enemy's forces, being a very strong horse in the mouth, and in the beginning of the fight had broken his curb, and yet neither of those two leaders hurt) were constrained to recuile, but retiring in good order, most of the Constable's foot did little service, but the Princes played their parts, the horsemen on both sides fight with great courage. The Constable himself was wounded to death, and died within short time after: and before he died, Death of the Constable. connielled and desired the Queen to pacify those troubles with all the speed she might; but she followed other counsel, whereof she and her sons have had leisure to repent them, and died before she had reeled up her spindle. The Prince thinking his enemies would have set upon him again, to be revenged upon a handful of men, that had held them play under their noses, speedily sent for Monsieur d'Andelot, who about midnight returned to S. Dennis: and it was well for those of Paris (as their leaders affirmed) that he came no sooner: for if he had, it would have fallen out hardly with them. After a little breathing, the leaders determined, that it would be necessary for them to abate some of the Romish Catholicques pride and opinion of their advantage, by showing them, that those of the religion had sufficient courage, and called them to perform the battle. Whereupon the next day in the morning, they entered into the field with their small army, marching towards the subburbes of Paris, and there stood certain owers in order of battle, burning a village and some Windmills, in the open face of the Parrisians, that never once issued forth, being busied to bury their dead, to heal their wounded, & to survey their corners and companies: and to be short, thought it no wisdom, to hazard themselves against those whom they perceived to be strengthened and so resolute to fight. But the Prince perceiving, that the loss of one man would be more to him, than one hundredth to his enemies, that daily increased, & that to stay longer so near Paris, would be the overthrow of his small camp, the next day marched forward, towards Montereau, where the forces assembling at Orleans and Estampes, joined with him. To the contrary, the king's army, Both the armies in the field, & their exploits till the end of the year. whereof was General, Henry Duke of A niou, brother to the king, a young Prince, being as then about the age of sixteen years, assisted with a great number of Lords, Gentlemen, and Captains, followed after the Prince, seeking occasion to give him battle. The Protestants troops of Guyenne and Poictou, composed of eighteen Cornets of horse, and three Regiments of foot, under seven and twenty Ensigns, as they marched took le Dorat in Limosin and Lusignan, and then took three pieces of artillery out of Orleans, wherewith they battered and forced Pont sur Yon, taking it by assault: which done, they joined with the Prince's army, while the Duke d'Aumalle went into Lorraine, to meet the forces of john William duke of Saxon, the marquess of Baden and others, that brought an army of Rutters to aid the Romish Catholicques: and that young Lansac marched into Almain, to divert the aid which Duke john Casimeire brought to those of the religion: on the other side, the Duke of Alue sent twelve hundredth horse and two thousand foot, under the conduct of the Count de Aremberg, that joined with the D. of Anjou, notwithstanding the Prince marched towards Lorraine, constraining those of Bray, and Nogent upon Sey●●, to give him passage, and took Espernay lying upon Mar●: where for a time he stayed to assemble all his forces. There young Lansac in his second voyage to Almain was taken, and being brought prisoner to the Prince, all his business turned into smoke. In the month of December upon some motions of peace, there were two truces agreed upon, each for two or three days, to the end (as the voice went) to confer upon the points propounded. The first was near to Montereau, and the other by chaalon's: but the last was like to have bred much mischief: for the Prince relying upon the promises of his sworn enemies, rested in a very bad lodging out of the way, whiles their army approached: And had it not been for an enterprise, that the young County Brissac (a young Lord, by nature violent, and the Duke of Anious especial favoritie) had undertaken against certain companies of Argolets, under the Captains Bois, Blossel, and Clery, who were then overthrown: the Prince, who yet hoping upon two days respite, stirred not from that lodging, had surely been entrapped and in manifest danger: but Brissacks rashness saved him: and according to the proverb, mischief was good for somewhat. The Prince weighing the wrong that his enemies had wrought to their own reputation, in weening to indomage him, determined no longer to trust their promises, (in which conceit notwithstanding he did not long persever) upon his conclusion in three days space, he made his army to march above twenty long leagues, through the rain and such hard passages, that it was wonderful that the artillery & baggage could ever follow: and yet lost neither the one nor the other, so good was his order, and so great their diligence. The Duke of Anjou followed not: for some of his Council making great haste, persuaded him that his very name had driven the Huguenots out of France: whereas such as were indeed warriors, did contrariwise accuse the cowardliness of those that had so suffered the Prince & his followers to escape, as not daring to fight with them, either weak or half strong. The Prince arriving in Lorraine, stayed some few days for his Rutters, not without some repugnancy and perplexity of divers. Wars revived in divers places. This Negotiation, which was but a string to stay the Prince, that afterward they might with greater advantage overrun him, being vanished on the one side, they began to take arms in Poictou and about Rochel, which ever since hath been a refuge to sundry families of the religion, and so hath happily continued, as a bar to block up the purposes of the Romish Catholicques, and the instrument that God hath put in use to confound the infinite conspiracies of the enemies to the Crown and state of France. On the other side, the Duke of Anjou (but overlate) sought all opportunity (which before he had let slip) to fight with the Prince and Admiral before they should join with the Germans, whom they went to meet in Lorraine, and of whom they received certain advertisement near to Pont a Mousson, from whence Duke john Casimeire their General writ to the king, to desire him to think, The Prince joineth with his Germans that he never determined to enter into France, for any his own private good, or particular interest, but only for the support of such as were afflicted for the same religion which himself professed, who had entreated him to aid: protesting, that if it might please the king, to assure to them the liberty of conscience, and general exercise of their religion, himself and all his troops would presently retire. Then fell there out great ado about the satisfying of the Rutters, who looked to receive a hundredth thousand Crowns at the least: here were they put to their shifts, and forced of necessity, to make a virtue: and when the Prince and Admiral had made use of whatsoever their eloquence, both to great and small, upon this extremity they set all men a notable example, in that they parted with their own silver vessel. The Preachers in their sermons persuaded many, and the Captains also prepared the minds of their men. Many Lords and Gentlemen likewise did most readily put their hands to their purses: the rest, some for love, and some for fear, execeeded all expectation. So general was this liberal contribution, that the meanest Page and veriest varlet gave somewhat: yea, in the end it was thought a dishonour to have been sparing, and many offered more than was demanded. In sum, the whole being gathered together, both quoin, plate, and chains of gold, The Rutters in some sort contented. it amounted to above four score thousand Frankes, wherewith the Rutters were well quieted, and so joined with the Prince's forces. Then was there a general voice, that it was best to draw towards Paris, which was the apparent means to obtain peace: as also their Leaders were not ignorant, that for their better maintenance, it was requisite to provide artillery, powder, money, and other such commodities as are to be wrested for the Merchant & Artificer: likewise, that unless they drew towards Orleans, their true nurse, they should want those advantages. Heereuppon they set forward, They drew towards Beausse. and passed over Marne, near to the head thereof, not far from Langres, and marching through Burgundy, at their passage over Seyne, were set upon by certain Italian and French, whom Schonberg with a Regiment of Rutters and French of the religion, charged & defeated, leaving the most of the assailants dead in the place. Hence the Prince drew towards Crevant and Irancie, a small village taken by assault, and so passed over the river of Yone, Loin, and la Cure, and so set himself at large, maugre the many hindrances of the adverse army, which laboured as well to restrain him from any purchase, out of the villages and small burroughs, and to find opportunity to cut off part of his army. How they provided for the victualling of the army. In those days did France abound in all sorts of victuals, which notwithstanding it stood the Prince and Admiral upon, to search their wits, and have an eye, to the provision & victualling of their army, which consisted of twenty thousand men, unpayed, and unprovided of any succour or retreat into Towns: meanly furnished and marching through the midst of an infinite number of irreconcilable enemies. They took order therefore to lodge their horsemen scattering in the good villages: also to cause the commissaries for victuals, besides their carriages, to keep in every cornet, one Baker, and two horses of burden, who presently upon their coming to their quarter, should fall to baking, and send their bread to the body of footmen. These petty commodities proceeding from forty Cornets, being laid together, was no small relief: besides that, they sent both flesh and Wine: yea the Gentlemen were so willing, that from their lodgings they would send them private carriages, to help to bring in the ammunition. As for the hamlets that were taken, they were reserved for the munitioners, and the rest that had no Garrisons, were threatened to be burned one league round about, unless they sent in some ammunition. Thus the footmen, who lodged close, were usually provided for, besides the booties and other commodities, that the most adventurous could catch from the Romish Catholicques, that encroached too near upon them. Their form of lodging. Upon two principal reasons, was the Prince forced to scatter his army in divers places: First for the benefit of victualling: next, to lodge them under covert from the rain, snow, and other discommodities, Their form of lodging. wherewith they had been spoiled, if they had lodged in the field. The footmen were lodged in two bodies, namely a battle and an avantguard: and the horsemen in the nearest villages: upon any alarm the horsemen drew to the Prince and Admiral, so that if any straggling lodging chanced to be assaulted, it had present succour: among the cornets they had some store of arquebusiers on horse, and presently after, the troops were come into their quarters, the ways were sufficiently fortified, and many times they used both Churches and Castles, whereby to be able to hold out some two hours, that their succour might come in. The Lord de la Nove, who in this discourse of the discipline of the Prince's army, we do follow, saith: that sometimes he saw the Prince or the Admiral march with five or six thousand men, to the rescue of a lodging assaulted by a contrary party: but in such roads still there fell out some loss on either side. Besides, for the preventing of any notable surprise, the Prince had framed the head of his troops towards the enemy, of five or six hundredth good horse, and as many arquebusiers on horseback, with small store of baggage, except some horses of burden, to the end still to hold the enemy occupied, to hinder his enterprise, and to find opportunity still to give warning to the whole camp, which bore itself under the discreet conduct of their leaders. While the Prince's army in Beausse joined with the Rutters, making head against the puissant army of the Duke d'Aniou, Troops gathered in divers places for the prince who for his part had almost all the advantages, only not resolved to fight, Messieurs de Acier, Sipierre, and other Gentlemen of Languedoc, Provence and Dauphine, gathered forces in divers places, seizing upon Nismes and Montpeslier: the Gascons rose up in arms under the conduct of their viscounts, and forced certain places upon the Romish Catholicques, and joining themselves with Monsieur d'Acier for the religion, for whom likewise Poncenat and Verbelay, assembled certain troops in Bourbonnois & Awergne, which were broken by the troops of Guyenne, marching to the Duke d'Aniou. The Duke de Nevers likewise brought out of Italy, four companies of lancers, 2. companies of light horse, & 6. companies of fantasins, & being arrived at Lions, and strengthened with new companies, with 6000. Swissers new raised, he made an army of 14000. men, with the which he besieged & took Mascon: The Duke of Nemours for the Duke Anjou. and certain weeks after, being desirous to go see the Duchess his wife, he was set upon by 80. horse, & certain foot that issued out of Autran, conducted by Beaunais, & Burgony. Between them there was some loss on both sides, the D. himself was hurt with a Harquebus-shot in the knee, that while he lived he went lame. In Guy. Messs. de Monluc with divers others, followed with 4000 foot. & 700. horse, enterprised upon the Isles of Sain. surprised & killed between 3. or 400. men: which done, they determined to besiege Rochel, but their intent being deferred took no effect. Mean time, the troops of Dauphine & others, that held with the Prince, advanced themselves, being under the conduct of the viscount Movans & others, at Ganap in Auvergne, overthrew all the horsemen of the country, assembled by S. Heram Governor, accompanied with S. Chaumont, Gordes, & others: whereof the boldest were slain, the rest saving themselves with their heels: but in their retreat they found themselves in a new mischief: for the having given charge & express notice to all strong towns, & other places thereabouts, not to receive any that fled, whatsoever livery he bore, upon the vain hope they had to have the victory. The Peasants made havoc of them, in such sort, that the troops led by the Viscountes & others, arrived at Orleans, & constrained Martinenghe, Richelieu the Monk, & other leaders participants with the duke of Anjou, who before that, used to run even to the gates of the Town, to seek some lodging further off, and to keep themselves in covert, and not contenting themselves to have driven them away, followed them: which done, they marched towards Blois, where Richelieu with eight hundredth men hath made his retreat, Blois taken. who at the first made some resistance: but perceiving a breach to be made, they bled at the nose, and yielded by composition, lives, arms, and goods saved: nevertheless, the Gascons not contenting themselves to use blows, made such means, that Richelieus soldiers were for the most part spoiled of all they had, what means soever the horsemen made to impeach them. The Prince understanding the arrival of those troops from Gascon and Dauphine, sent them word to be in a readiness: and to those of Orleans, that they should provide powder, bullets, and three or four battering pieces. The siege of Chartres. After that, he sent three thousand horse, above 20. leagues from thence, to besiege Chartres, a town of great importance, and one of the barns of the provision of corn to serve Paris, which being taken, served the Prince in some sort, to preserve the places that lay behind him. Monsieur de Lignieres commanded therein with 22. companies, that were strengthened by a regiment of foot, that lay about 4. miles from thence, that got into it before the Prince had executed his pretence. The manner of this siege was divers, because the Prince had but 5. pieces of battery, & 4. small coluerins, which did no great matter, specially against so many soldiers as were in it. Also in two days & two nights they made such traverses and trenches, that no man durst force them: but it was concluded, that a battery should be made against a place that seemed very weak. The Duke of Anious army lay on the other side of the river of Seine, but would not hazard itself, nor once approach the Prince's camp, assaying nevertheless to aid the besieged, who in fine would have been taken. Therefore to refresh them, he sent M. de la Valette, a valiant Captain, with 8. cornets of horse, with charge to surprise some of the enemy's lodgings, to indomage their forages, to cut their victuals from them, & to molest & weary the Prince's forces by continual alarms. He to execute his commission, The Duke of Anious Cornets overthrown. approached within 4. leagues of the camp, lodging very close, from whence he began to make his courses. The Admiral being advertised thereof, took upon him to prevent it, and as he always used to march with a good company, fearing (as he said) to lose the pray, he chose 3500. horse, & departed in so good time, that at sun rising he found himself in the middle of the quarters of those 16. cornets of horse, that were charged with such force, by M. de Novy, that marched before the Admiral's troops, that divers of them being laid upon the ground, & 4. cornets taken, the rest were put to flight. La Valette lodged in the town of Houdan, reassembled 4. or 500 horse, & made a reasonable good retreat: but after that, neither he, nor any of the rest of his troops, would once approach so near, fearing a new charge. A new motion of peace. The Q. foreseeing of what importance the taking of the town of Chartres would be, begun to parley of a peace, saying: that in time of need she would do more with three sheets of paper, than all her soldiers could do with their arms. The Prince sent the Cardinal de Chastillon, with certain Gentlemen, to meet with the Q. Deputies at Loniumeau hard by Paris, where in few days a second edict of peace was framed, whereof the first article imported, that those of the religion should enjoy the first edict purely & simply, and that it should be executed in every point and article, according to the form and tenor, taking away and abolishing all restrictions, modifications, declarations, and interpretations, made since the day and day thereof, until the publication of this second edict, made the three and twentieth of March, 1568. there were divers other articles in this edict full of many fair words and promises. As a good peace was much desired, being most necessary, so in the mean time, few men considered well what this might be: Discourse upon this matter. but as if the name had been like to the effect, most part of those of the religion stayed upon it, saying that it would be necessary to accept it, not considering the evil will hatched in the king against them: the subtleties of the revenging spirit of the Queen-mother, the hopes and triumphs proposed to the Duke of Anjou, capital enemy to the Prince: the intents and devices of the house of Guise against that of Chastillon: the furies of the Clergy and the Frenchmen, against those of the religion: who without weighing these things, with an infinite number of others, thought their sworn enemies would leave arms assoon as themselves. ●his inclination evil desiested, constrained the Prince and the Admiral to consent to the receiving of paper, perceiving so great a disposition (specially in the Nobility) to accept it: which was as a tempest that bore them away, not being able to resist it. It is true, that the Prince being a friend to peace, had likewise some inclination thereunto: but the Admiral perceived the infruction thereof, and that this edict was but a snare to entrap both great and small. For that as then certain babbling Romish Catholicques could not refrain to say, that the day of their revenge approached. A Gentleman that accompanied the Cardinal of Chastillon, sent word that he had oftentimes heard such speeches, & perceived a great indignation hidden in the hearts of some of the Deputies for the Queen, & that they should look unto it: as being a sign and foreshowing of some sinister chance. Likewise there were some of the Court, as well men as women, who sometimes gathered words cast out upon the sudden, that sent unto their kinsmen & friends in the Prince's camp, to certify them, that without all doubt they should be deceived, if they wrought not wisely, which in a manner was to waken those that desired nothing but to sleep upon the soft pillow of peace. But what advise soever was given, it was impossible to stay that tempest of minds, ensuing in Mass of mischiefs, shadowed with the vail of a royal pacification. If any man think it strange, how these two commanders that had so much credit with their participants, could not as then persuade them for their benefits, let them consider what voluntary soldiers are, and the great desire man hath to return unto his house, and then he shall well perceive, that it is wholly beyond man's power, to stay such as were borne away with so impituous a storm of human passions. Before the siege was raised from Chartres, many whole cornets, and divers particular persons, The Prince is constrained to accept the peace. departed without leave of their superiors, marching towards Saintonge and Poitou. This humour entered among the footmen, specially those that dwelled far off, and many of them said: seeing the king offered the last edict of pacification, they could not refuse it. Some of the Nobility desired to return into their Province, for the presernation of their families sacked by the enemy. The footmen also complained that they were not paid, & that they wanted victuals: so that the commanders of those of the religion, could not stick unto the advises given unto them, neither yet refuse the peace: because their forces began to diminish. Their reason was, that the body of their French forces forsaking them, they should be constrained to put themselves to defensive war, which they esteemed not to be good for them, seeing as than it was in the month of March, a time when commonly all armies use to enter into the field, to separate the Rutters, and so to distribute them in their towns, was as much as to devour themselves: and to encamp in a strong place, would be a remedy but for a time. So that to conclude, they resolved, that of force they must hazard that posted and most dangerous peace, which would constrain those that as than left their camp, to acknowledge (but too late) their fault committed. Then they could well have desired to have had some towns of the assurance: but when they asked other assurances than the Edicts, promises, and oaths, the Queen, her sons, and their Councillors, cast fire out of their mouths, crying out and saying: that those of the religion sought to despise, and not account of the king's authority. To be short, and evil shame caused them to receive a peace in paper, coverture of a bloody war, which stayed not long to show itself. The peace being published in the Prince's camp, Duke john Casimeir speedily made haste to return into Almain with all his forces. What ensued of this peace. The Prince, the Admiral, and all the Lords and Gentlemen of their side, with their horse and foot in small troops, returned to their houses, laying down their arms, leaving the places by them holden for the space of six months: those of least consideration, thinking their enemies would do the like. They contented themselves only to promise it, alleading according to the doctrine of their church, that they are not to hold faith given to heretics: for so they esteemed those of the religion. Presently therefore assoon as they had Orleans, and other towns into their possession, presently order was taken, that those of the religion should not be able to set soot in them again, their weapons never went out of their hands, but began to keep the towns, to make war, place Courts of guard, and sentines, as in time of open war, to set Captains & soldiers at the entries of bridges & passages of rivers, not suffering any man either on horse or foot to pass, without examining him: sacked and murdered in the fields and towns, more men in the space of six weeks, than they would do during the space of six months. To be short, before the end of the month of May, Preparation for the third civil war. those of the religion for the most part, found themselves enclosed within towns, or between rivers, expecting nothing else but when they should be murdered: and some of them that had been so instant for the peace, were then constrained to acknowledge, (but somewhat too late) that they must of force drink the cup of their own follies. The Prince had withdrawn himself to his Castle of Noyers', a small Town weak and unfurnished of men: where from day to day, he had intelligence from all places, that the passages of all rivers were stopped, that almost all the D. of Anious horsemen remained about Paris, with five or six thousand foot, under pretence of new guards for the persons of the king, his mother, his brethren, and their Capital town: that Monsieur de Tavannes' was sent with great forces to take him in Noyers', which made him to know, that his affairs went not well, and that there was no remedy, but of force to seek to save himself in some place of better assurance. The Admiral not daring to remain in his house of Chastillon sur Loing, being but three days journey from Paris, went to lie at Tanlay, a small Castle belonging to Monsieur d'Andel●t his brother, from whence he went to lie nearer to the Prince, that they might cousult together what was expedient for them to do, and as he went, there happened 〈◊〉 strange and memorable thing unto him: which was, that in the way to Auxerre, hard by a village called Moulin, there is a pond, which the admiral approaching, a certain old man, one of his ancient and faithful servants, called Grippier, a man that had made many great and long voyages at sea, discovering a dark cloud, driven by the wind, and that came towards tha● pond, persuaded his Master to make haste, Anotable accident. and with all speed to get into the next village, otherwise, he said a storm was coming, that would overthrow both him and his company: which done, and thinking he would have believed and followed him, in great haste he went on before. And being scarce out of sight, the Admiral having hardly past the end of the Causies that past over the pond, he was taken with a tempest and force of wind, that many horsemen were overthrow, and divers horses stricken to the ground, wherewith their fell a hail so thick and great, that the force thereof, hurt many of them. The wind blew away the Admiral's hat, which they could not find again, but one of his Gentlemen was constrained to send him his hat, & he himself was hurt, but (very lightly) upon the ankle of his foot, with a haile-stone. So that both he and his company confessed, that if the tempest had taken them in the middle of the Causey, they had surely been utterly cast away. The tempest past, the Admiral encouraged his men, giving hearty thanks to God for his deliverance, adding these words: Before long time be passed, we shall be inviroved with many dangers, but I trust God will defend us. Being arrived at Noyers', although both the Prince and be well perceived that their continuance in the place, was a means to sharpen the evil wills of their enemies, What means the Prince used to stay the third civil war. notwithstanding to omit nothing of their duties, they sent divers messengers to the king, whereby they showed themselves to be assured & certified, that his M. sought to apprehend them, humbly besoght him to have pity upon his country of France, sacked & desolated by the two former civil wars, without seeking by the ruin & overthrow of his realm, to quench the fire which those of Guise kindled therein, as also that it would please him wisely to prevent the danger then approaching. The Admiral likewise wrote to the Lady Margaret of France, Duchess of Savoye, whom he knew to be beloved of the Queen-mother, desiring her most instantly, to oppose herself against the desolation of the realm of France. The answers from the Court were shadowed with excuses, protestations, The Admiral's Letters to the Duchess of Savoy. and promises: mean time, Tavanes an old servant to the house of Guise, & not long after, made Marshal of France, arrived in his army, therewith at one instant to enclose both the Prince & the Admiral within Noyers', the Counsels resolution being to besiege & force them, before they could procure aid from any place, the passages being shut up. These unfaithful devices being discovered unto the prince & the Admiral, by divers of those that were of the same enterprise, they determined with all speed to dislodge from that place, & in great haste to get to Rochel, that would not open their gates unto the troops which the Marshal de Vieleville thought to put therein, the Inhabitants being advertised that they should be spoiled because of the religion which they defended, together with their ancient rights and privileges, The Prince and the Admiral ready to be taken, save themselves. which wholly exempted them from all Garrisons, and other warlike forces, wherewith kings help themselves to use other towns at their pleasures: which to do, they were to pass the river of Loire, being very high, and about the beginning of Summer, the Prince was likewise constrained to take the Princess his wife, and six small children with him, among the which, one was of the age of eleven months and certain days. Their discommodities because of their passage over the Loir The next day they were followed by the children of the Admiral, and Monsieur d'Andelot, who hatting traversed the river of Loire in Berry, met with the horsemen, that conducted them. At which time happened a strange thing, for the Prince making his account suddenly to pass over in an unaccustomed place, with two or three small boats hired for the purpose, being come to the river not far from Sancerre, his men found a shallow ford, which he passed over, followed by fifty horse, the Princess, her women, children, and servants, passed over in the boats, but they were scarce gotten out, when suddenly the day being clear and fair, the river rose in such sort, that they of Sancerie, & other Inhabitants of those countries, were constrained to acknowledge a particular favour of God showed to that small troop, which had been prevented, if the Prince had deferred his passage but two hours longer. Being over, he dispatched messengers Monsieur d'Andelot into Britain, desiring him to raise all the men he could, and to march towards Poitou. The Queen, those of Guise, and their councillors, understanding that the Prince and the Admiral were escaped, grieved that they had no sooner sent Tavannes' their Deputy in that action, began to send commissions into all parts, appointing their troops to meet in Poitou and Cuyenne, while the Duke d'Aniou General of the army, took his leave of the Ladies in the Court, and that preparation was made for his departure. It fell out well for the Prince and the Admiral, that they were not speedily pursued, and that they had such adversaries, who for the first week of their retreat, contented themselves to laugh and jest, saying: that the Prince had no need to make such haste to be gone, for that their meaning was, not to hurt him. But his answer to such as told him of it, being upon the way, was, that he had rather leave them the emptienests, than they should take the birds: and if that he had well thought upon the promise made by them, to be revenged for their flight from Meaux, and to make those of the religion run their town, he had departed in a better time, that he might have traveled with ease. The colour of the Queen, her children, their adherents, & Catholicques, at the beginning of these wars, discharged itself upon divers particular persons of the religion, Hard usage of those of the religion. who in Orleans and other places, were peeled, sacked, and cruelly put to death. The Prince arrived in Rochel upon the 19 of September, having in his way certified those that commanded in the Towns and Provinces where he passed, that he meant not to undertake any war, but only to stay for an answer to the petitions by him sent unto the king: the Gentlemen of high & base Poitou, not long after, assembled themselves to join with him: at the same time, the Cardinal de Chastillon was constrained to leave Beawaisin, & yet so swiftly followed to the sea side, that being constrained to leave his company, he entered into a ship, that bore him safely into England. The Queen of Nanarre, Retreat of the Cardinal de Chast●lion, and of the Queen of Navarre and her children. taking with her the Prince her son, and the Princess her daughter, went likewise to Rochel, so to avoid the pretences and intents of her enemies, against her and hers: Descars and Monluc, that commanded at Perigord, Limosin, and Guyenne, used all the means they could to hinder her: but the troops that conducted her, having three Regiments of foot, and eight Corners of light-horse, assured her way, whereupon she certified the king, the Queen, the Duke of Anjou, and the Cardinal of Bourbon, of the causes of her voyage. The deportements of the Prince at Rochel. Immediately upon the Prince's arrival at Rochel, where his brother the Count of Roche foucaud was come a little before, he assembled the Citizens, and unto them represented the miserable estate of the realm, requiring their succours in defence of religion, the Commonwealth, and the Crown of France. Withal, promising particularly to assist them against all such as sought the oppression of their lives and liberties. The Mayor in the behalf of all the Citizens, whose affairs he commended unto him, offered him their lives and goods, as also the eight and twentieth of September following, he did to the Prince of Navarre, as well inregard of his Lieftenancie in Guienne, as also in hope that he should inherit his Parents, not only in lands and livings, but also in the love and favour that they always had borne to the Rochelers, whereof he assured them. The Lord d'Andelot the four and twentieth of September, The adventures of the Lord d'Andelot in coming to join with the Prince. entered the confines of Britain and Mave, with four Cornets, one company of Argoletiers, and four Ensigns of footmen, where he found many other leaders, so that his whole company amounted unto a thousand good horse, and two thousand arquebusiers. With these troops, Andelot coasted towards Loire, to find some commodious passage, whereby to join with the Prince. The same day that he got to the rivers side, and within two hours after that his men had taken up their lodgings in the scattered villages, the Duke Martiques' Governor of Britain, going towards Saumur to the Duke of Montpensier, had intelligence that sundry troops of enemies (not naming who) had taken up their lodging in his way. He had but three hundredth lances, and five hundredth brave arquebusiers, with whom he passed courageously through all d'Andelots troops, who in regard they lay scattered, were not able either to defeat him, or to force him to retire, so that having marched eight leagues, and had sundry skirmishes, by the shutting of the night, he got to Saumur, he and his men, with the loss of some twenty men, among others of his Lieutenants: but by the way slew fouretimes as many, and carried away an Ensign. This was the fruit of his close & orderly march, together with his resolution worthy a grave & wary leader: neither could this surprise or abridge d'Andelot of his hope to pass over the river of Loire: for having reassembled his forces into two troops, he caused the river to be gauged all over, so that at the last he found a ford, where never any man in our memory had passed: there did he and his, with great joy for this unexpected good hap, pass the river the next day. Before this ford was found, as the Lord de la Nove demanded, in case the passage were stopped, what they were best to resolve upon: What should we do (said he) but follow an extreme resolution, either to die as soldiers, or to save ourselves as soldiers? A brave resolution in necessity. adding moreover: I think it best for us to join together, and so to retire some seven or eight leagues into the open country, thence to scatter some rumours, whereby the Duke de Montpensier and Martigues, may be advertised of our departure in manner of a flight, every man seeking to save one, for this will easily be believed. In the mean time. let us prepare and encourage our men to the field: so that if they draw after us (as undoubtedly they will, in hope rather of spoil then of battle) we may valiantly encounter them: so shall we give them such an overthrow, that we shall not need to fear any troop, that may dare to meet us for one months' space, but that we may at ease either pass the rivers, or get into Germany. Martiques by this passage purchased great honour: but d'Andelot more commodity by his, by bringing himself & all his troops into safety, whereby within eight days he joined with the Prince. Then was there sundry consultations about their affairs, how to employ both men and the time, whilst they levied a mighty army for the duke of Anjou, and that the duke of Montpersier assembled divers troops in Anion, and the countries thereabout, to go to it in earnest. The Prince bringing some cannons out of Rochel, set upon such towns of Poitou and Xaintongue, The Princes first exploits. as were but weak and meanly furnished with Garrisons: seizing upon Nyort, Fontenay, S. Maixaut, saints, S. john d'Angely, Ponts and Coignac, Depuys, Blay, and Angoulesme, whereof some were gotten easily, and others by force and assault. To be short, within two months' space, the Prince and his partakers, of poor vagabonds as they were at the first, became so wealthy, that they were able to continue a long war. In all these places they lodged some thirty companies of footmen, and seven or eight cornets of horse, which was a great saving for the field, and they form a most pollitieque & military order as well for the French, as for the conduct of their army. Thus through necessity, together with occasion, they of the religion found means to make use of both: and the Admiral was wont to their adventure, to attribute the ancient proverb of The mislocles, saying to his familiars: Had we not been lost, we had been lost: Meaning, that had they not committed an oversight, they had not had so great a recovery, as that which did far surpass their former condition. The delays of the Romish Catholieques stood the Prince in great stead. But if in time they had foreseen, that those whom he had caused to dislodge in so great haste, went to settle themselves farther off, The delay of the one, served for the others good. and made speed to impeach them, by all appearance the Prince had remained enclosed within Rochel, and the wars had not continued. But god by those obscure beginnings, made an entry into the notable judgements which after that appeared. It may be, that the joy they had at Paris, to see the Towns and Provinces left, which had made so long and hard war against the Parrisians, during the first & second troubles, made divers of their hearts so much in flamed, that they disdained their enemies that were so far off, esteeming that Rochel alone could not resist them, but that within 3. month, after, they should be enclosed therein: which discourses are commonly made when our prosperity is geater than we expect. The Q. and her Councelors presently caused an edict to be published at Paris, Edicts against those of the religion. by the which, after a long declaration made, touching things happened to the realm, by of the religion, the king among other things, declared, that the Edict of january, by the which he promised the exercise of religion, was but provisional, until his majority, and that he was not determined to have the Edict made, before that touching the religion should be any more observed. For which causes being atiained to the said age of majority, he fore bade all exercise thereof, in the countries of his obedience: commanding without revocation, that there should be no other exercise of religion, but only that of the Romish Church, upon pain of loss of body and goods. And upon the same pain, commanded all the Ministers of the religion, to departed out of the Realm, within fifteen days after the publication thereof: commanding nevertheless, that those of the religion should not in any sort be troubled for their consciences, so they would live peaceably in their houses. At the same instant an other edict was published, certifying, that from thenceforth, the king intended not to be served with any offices, being of that profession, from that time forward discharging them of all their offices, commanding them to yield them upto him within fifteen days after, otherwise he would take some stricter order therein. These Edicts had been long hatching: but their hope was to entrap the Prince and the Admiral: The effects of such edicts wherein having failed to get money of the Clergy and the third estate, the Queen and those of Guise served themselves with this devise, which was to no great end. For that besides the great charges of the Duke of Anious army, wherewith the most dearest Catholicques were twice grieved and offended, before the war was half ended, divers of the religion entered into the field, who otherwise would have stayed the rest and quietness promised them by the king, and not have left their houses. But at this alarm they assayed to join with the troops: further, the commanders sent certain declarations into England and Almain, to show, that they were not pursued as seditious persons, or such as desired a Crown, (as their adversaries reported) but only because of the religion, which the Romish Catholicques sought to extirminate France: which served them well, for the furtherance of the levy of Rutters, which the next year came into France, under the conduct of the Duke de Deux Ponts. Also there were many about the king, the Queen, and the Duke of Anjou, that desired nothing else but to see all the country flaming with fire: some to rob and spoil without punishment: others to execute their vengeances and revenges: the Pensionaries of Spain, to cause the Frenchmen to cut each others throat, those of Guise by little and little to attain to the advancement of their deseignments, which discovered themselves in the end of the reign of Henry the third, as you shall read. After these Edicts, the Duke of Anjou made preparation for all things necessary for his voyage, and so puissant an army, whereof by the king he was made Lieutenant general. That which increased the Prince's troops, was the Regiment of foot, which Monsieur d'Acier brought out of Dauphine, Provence, and Languedoc, not long before the Prince had written unto him, as also to divers Captains in those Provinces, that they should use all the means they could, to provide him a certain number of men, therewith to withstand the army royal, that came to assail him: that the Princes, Lords, and other commanders, might not endure so great disadvantage, to be assieged within a town: and it fell out so, that Acier, Mowans and others, not neglecting this commandment, made so great a troop of men, Forces out of Dauphin, Provence, and Languedoc, for the Prince. as it seemed that they had wholly unpeopled those three Provinces, having at the least sixteen or seventeen thousand arquebusiers marching along. Gourds, Governor of Dauphine, used all the means he could to impeach their passage over the river of Rhosne: but they having seized upon divers places that might be commodious for them, and with ease crossing that great river, went to Allais, and so marched towards Millaud to enter into Perigueux. Now as on the one side, this troop of footmen was the strength of the Prince's army, so was it the cause of the loss of divers places, which the Catholicques seized upon after the departure of Acier and other commanders, whereof divers repent themselves to have levied so many men, whereof the half would have sufficed, marching close and in good order: but the jealousy among the principal leaders, the staying of some, and the advancing of others, was the means that they could not join with the Prince, before they had received a hard check: two of their regiments being defeated by the Duke de Montpensieur, because that Mowans and Pierre Gourds Colonels, perceiving themselves hindered by lodging so close as they had done, till they were not far from Perigort, sought to separate themselves and lie in a village called Mensignac, being of opinion, that with two thousany arquebusiers they might withstand a whole army. Mowans' had both valour and policy, as much as any Captain of footmen ever had in his time. But his courage caused him at that time to take upon him too great a charge: for being set upon on all sides, The overthrow of Movans & Gourd. and by six times as many men, yet he refused not to fight valiantly: but in fine, both he and his companions were slain in the field, with the number of a thousand of their men, and to impeach Acier, lodging about two small leagues from thence, with six thousand foot, from coming to aid them, at the same time that Mowans was charged by the Duke's footmen, they sent eight or nine lanciers and divers arquebusiers on horseback towards Acier, that cried battle, and made a great noise with trumpets. A stratagem to hinder aid Whereat Acier was so much busied to look unto himself, that in the mean time Mowans and his troops sustained the force of their enemies, selling their lives as well as they might, in such sort, that the Catholicques lost above a hundredth men, and were so moiled with the fight and the travel their horse had made at that same day, that they could not pursue nor charge Aciers troops, abashed at the report of those that had escaped, that made the Duke of Montpensiers forces to be far greater than they were. What the two armies did lying so near together. After this overthrow of Mowans, the Duke of Montpensieurs army returned to Chastelleraut, as fearing lest the Prince being grown so strong, by the arrival of the Dauphinois of their companions, should have set upon him in some place of disadvantage. There he found the Duke of Anion, accompanied with very resolutetroupes, and a great number of Noble men and Captains greatly affectionate to this poor Prince. There had not been many days seen two such armies of French men. The Prince of Conde, his places furnished, had eighteen thousand arquebusiers, and three thousand good horse. In the Duke's army they had no less than ten thousand footmen, besides the Swissers, and four thousand lances: so that on both sides there were five and thirty thousand Frenchmen, all trained men, and peradventure as good soldiers as any in Europe. They of the religion considering their strength, endeavoured to have come to handy blows, and came within two leagues of Chastelleraud, but the Prince being given to understand, that the other camp was lodged in a very convenient place, and almost environed with a small marish, helped with some sleight entrenchment in divers places, would not make any rash attempt, but sought all other means to draw his enemy to the field. The Prince seeketh battle, and way. Hereunto was he especially invited, in regard as well of his number, as their forwardness, withal, fearing that such armies wanting scope sufficient, could not continue or hold any long time: besides that, the winter, which this year was most extreme, would soon duminish the same. The Romish Catholics were not altogether so outrageous, but expected a supply, withal, thinking themselves able in time to weary their enemy, and by little and little to break them. The two leaders were very desirous to join, namely the Duke of Anjou, who fretted mightily to see so many men at the Prince's command: besides that, he heard that the Germans were bustling and preparing in the spring to come into France for him. Moreover, they both had one intent, namely, each to live upon the enemy's country, and so to spare their own from the extreme waste committed by the man of war. But the providence of the almighty, The purposes of both the leaders. would not permit the French to put in execution the malice of their hearts: for had they then buckled, the sinews of the kingdom had been cut in pieces, and by all likelihood it had been past recovery, and been made a prey to any mighty foreign enemy, that lists suddenly to have seized thereupon. Now let us behold how his wise providence ordered all matters at that time. Both the armies breaking up, drew towards Lusignan, near whereunto there lieth a small quarter most fruitful, where each pretended to lodge: The Admiral and his brother in danger of an overthrow. and albeit they were so near together, yet did not the one know of the other, whereby it fell out, that the general rendezvous of both armies, was appointed in a great Burrow called Pampron, some five leagues from Poitiers, a town plentifully provided of victuals, where the Marshals of both the camps met in manner at one instant with their troops, so that twice or thrice they drive and were driven, each side coveting that lodging which at length was abandoned. But knowing that they should be relieved, neither side would fly, but took their stands, some quarter of a league off, where they put themselves in array: for the support of the one side, came the Admiral and his brother with five cornets of horse: and for the Duke of Anious part, some seven or eight hundredth lances. Now are we not said the Admiral, to stand upon lodgings, but to fight, and so suddenly advised the Prince hereof, who was a long league behind, willing him to come forward, whilst he kept the enemy play. Then did he set his men in order upon a little rising, the rather to take from the Romish Catholicques the sight of a small valley, whereby they might have had a perfect view of him, as also to make them think that the said valley had been full both of horsemen and footmen. Standing thus within cannon shot each of other, the Admiral commanded a Captain of Argoletiers, to march some five hundredth paces, and there to stay near unto a hedge: but as such men are not always of like wisdom, courage, and readiness, the one half immediately made to the skirmish, whom their Cornet followed to relieve them. The Duke of Martigues, leader of the other side, weening that they would have fought, stood close, and sent forth three or four squadrons of lancers. The Admiral and his brother grieving that they had not foreseen the folly of this Captain of the Argoletiers, witted not whereupon to resolve, because they saw the enemy much stronger than themselves: but coming to give their opinions, they both concluded contrary to their custom and nature. Andelot a knight without fear, and one that never found any thing too hot, A notable example of the infirmity of man's judgement in matters of importance. though it best to retire a soft pace, and so give a foil to the enemy, that was much stronger than they, which was to be preferred before the danger, which being once avoided, besides the profit, they should also reap honour. The Admiral thought it better to stay, and with a good face to hide their weakness, and thereupon immediately called back his skirmishers, whereupon the enemies lancers made at. This counsel had best success, notwithstanding the other seemed the better, and of more safety. For Martiques afterward gave out, that had he known the Admiral and his brethren to have been so weak, it should have cost him the lives of all his lancers, but he would have had those two Lords either quick or dead: that he took their five cornets to have been the troops of the Marshals of the field, whom they had charged, and so doubted they had been supported by some store of arquebusiers, which he seemed to discern in a village behind them, who indeed were no other but their varlets: besides that, for want of footmen, whom he expected, he had lost the opportunity of a field. The Prince looseth opportunity to defeat the D. of Anious anuantgard. Thus do the hazards of war depend upon very sudden moments. Within one hour after this adventure, they all looked for a field, for on all sides ye might discern the footmen's Ensigns and troops of horsemen come marching on: but it was late before they were all come together, so as they had only a hot skirmish, which the night broke off. There was no more but the D. of Anious avantgard, whose leaders perceiving the Prince's camp to be too strong, devised a policy to make them think it to be their whole army: for they caused part of the French drums to strike up the Swissers march, forbidding their soldiers not to disband, but only to defend themselves, least by the taking of any prisoner, the enemies should have known the truth: for had the Prince known of it, this avantgard had been overthrown and defeated. Besides they doubled their guards, made great fires, and caused their soldiers to hang burning matches upon the bushes. and so having taken their repast, they departed with small noise, and drew some to jasenueil, where the D. of Anjou lodged with his battle, and some to the borought of Sanssay, which is within one league of it. The Prince at three of the clock after midnight, had notice of their going, and at five followed with his whole army, as doubting that theirs came not then. Thus in one day we may see two notable opportunities lost, the first by the Duke, the second by the prince: yet may we not greatly blame either the one or the other, for such occasions are hardly found at the first, and in two or three hours they are passed. Then it is, that some small advertisement might plainly have revealed them: but that is a benefit of felicity, which dependeth not upon the Captain's sufficiency. All that we have spoken of the former days work, is nothing in regard of that which happened the next day at jasenueil, where it seemeth that God verified the saying of his Prophet: that he would subvert the counsels of men: also that all the ways of the mighty are in his hands, as well as of the meaner. For many things fell out rather by hazard, & at all adventure, then by any counsel or advise. The Prince's determination was, to follow his enemy's camp, that as then dislodged, The battelt of jasenueil. and wheresoever he found it, to fight with them: whereupon the Admiral and the Prince pursued after them. Now coming to two ways, the one leading to the village called Sanssay, the other to jasenueil: the Prince left the first and took the last, which he did because of a mist that rose before the break of day. The forefront which the Admiral had set before him, and was very strong, about eight of the clock in the morning entered into Sanssay, wherein five or six hundredth horses were lodged, that were presently constrained in haste to dislodge, having lost all their carriage, and were pursued very far. Mean time the Prince keeping on the way which he had chosen, having marched above two leagues, found himself in the face of the army of the Duke of Anion, not knowing what was become of his vanguard. He perceiving himself to be so near, determined not to retire: and because the country was strong, he caused his arquebusiers to be placed in the head, being above 12000, beginning to skirmish, sending to the Admiral, whom he knew not where to find, to certify him that he was constrained to make show to fight, finding himself so near to the D. of Anious camp, and that he should make all the haste he could to come unto him. Before the messenger was half way, the Admiral advertised by the camnon shot, doubted the worst, & in all haste made towards the noise, with those troops he could assemble. But at his arrival the sun began to go down, which kept them from determining, viewing, or enterprising upon the great armies. All doing nothing, but skirmished in such sort, as of long time the like had not been seen: and which put the D. army in some fear, as being in a place of great disadvantage: although it made a good show, not one seeing the other: being hidden within the hedges & valleys, none but the arquebusiers being scattered, could be perceived. The Prince's side was very courageous, A pleasant conceit. but their conduction not answerable, shooting as in a show of pleasure very close, a whole Regiment discharging together. To the contrary, the Dukes were separated, shooting at leisure & in small troops, in such sort, that 200. Harq. stayed a whole regiment of the Princes. The loss fell on both sides, & many hurt, as it happeneth in such conflicts. At the same time there chanced a merry conceit, that put many in great fear, while they made alte, all the Prince's carriage stayed along by the wood, not far from the reaward of the horsemen, where the Pages & other jeruants placed themselves, thinking they should have camped in that place, making at the least above 4000 fires: & perceived not the army to retire, because it was night, in such manner, that divers of their masters supped but slenderly that evening. Some of the D. army that held the watch, perceiving so many fires & great noise, they thought verily it had been the Prince's army, whereby they looked for battle the next day in the morning, which made them use more diligence to fortify their passages. Cap. Garies offered to view them, but they would not hazard themselves against those brave warriors the sat prating by their fires. About midnight, the Prince was certified that all his carriages were entangled, and made account they were lost, nevertheless he deferred not to send four or five cornets of horse to fetch them, commanding that an hour after, a thousand horse, and two thousand arquebusiers should march thither to aid them, if the enemy should follow. The first that arrived among them, found them in goodly ordinance, warming themselves, singing, and making good cheer, and being far from them, you would verily have thought they had been above ten thousand men, they thinking no more upon the matter, then if they had been within a walled town. They began to laugh at the behaviour of those brave fellows, who ordinarily are as fearful as hares, although they are in safety, and there being ready to be slain, they did nothing but hoop and hollow, because they supped well with their masters victuals. The first of the Prince's horsemen being come to the head of this goodly camp, were not over courteously received, for that the most assured among them, had placed their guards and Sentinels, and as far as they could discern a man, although they cried at the least a hundredth times, friends: yet they answered not but with caliver shot, withal, crying out like mad men, but in the end they knew each other, and perceiving where they were, their resistance turned into fear, and dislodged themselves without any trumpet. These two armies having somewhat breathed themselves, for the space of a the Prince marched towards Mirebeau, which he took, and the duke retired to Poitiers: The enterprise of the Admiral against County Brissacks Regiment. each of them lodging somewhat more at large to rest their wearied troops. Within 8. or 10. days the Admiral devised an enterprise, whereby to cut off County Brissacks Regiment, which was well lodged and blocked up at Ances, a village within one league of Poitiers. Now he imagined that all the Duke's avantgard had still lodged in that subburb of the town that led to the said village: but indeed more than the one half was passed over the water the day before, only the Swissers and some few horse stayed behind: and therefore he brought with him 6000. arquebusiers, and 1500. horse, that by break of day came to the village, and after some small resistance forced it. The Regiment, with the loss of fifty or sixty men, saved itself, by the favour of a small valley in the camp, where they found but small support: how be it they set so good a face of the matter upon a bank with their varlets, that the Admiral, who could not take any certain view of them, and was loath to hazard any thing, left them, and carried away the most part of their carriages. The two armies after so me small rest, fell to their former resolution of fight. The Duke taking the field, recovered Mirc●eau, where covenants were but slenderly kept, for after the yielding of it, many of the soldiers, contrary to promise were slain: whereupon Andelot soon after, taking the Abbey of S. Florent near Saumur, put the whole Garrison to the sword. The Duke meaning to come nearer to the Prince, took up his lodgings about Monstrueil-Bellay and Thovers, for the better commodity of victuals. Here he was advised, that it was not amiss to seize upon the town of Loudun, which lay in his way, & was kept by one of the Prince's regiments, to the end there to lodge his army, & then to bear himself according as things might fall out: for by keeping of that, he should cut off his enemies from a plentiful country, able to feed his army for one month. The Prince confidering this devise, rather than to take such a scorn, as to see one of his regiments cut off before his face, and so by losing a Town able to hold out, to prove himself either faint-hearted, or too feeble, resolved to march night and day towards Lodun, and so at his coming quartered all his footmen in the subburbes, five or six hundredth horse in the town, and the rest in the next villages. The Duke's army the night before, had encamped within a small French league of the place, in part, weening that the Prince would not obstinately adventure his forces for the observation of so mean a place: but the next day the D. understood that the Prince's army fell into battle array along the subburbes, whereupon he caused his men to do the like: and the artillery on both sides began to play even into the squadrons, and sometimes not in vain. There might a man have seen above 4000 men, almost all French, in battle array, not far asunder, as fierce in courage, as gallant in countenance, who for the most part did all expect only the watch word to fight. There was between both the armies only a plain field, without any advantage, which might cause men to marvel, that for four days space, both the armies lying in sight, and within cannon shot each of other, they never came to handy blows, neither to any skirmish of importance, and that but seldom in respect of other times. But than we are to remember, that there was not so sharp a winter in 20. years before, The cold kept the Frenchmen from killing one another. because that as it was a most hard frost, so the sleet that fell continually made it so slippery, hat the footmen were not able to stand on their legs: yet much more dangerous was it for the horses, neither could a horse get over a bank three foot high, so slippery was the ground. Many such banks there were between the two armies, which had been cast as partitions of men's lands, which were even so many trenches, whereby he that would have given the first onset, must needs have been disordered: and that was the cause that each stood fast, looking upon other, to see which side would so unadvisedly adventure the hazerd. Thus they stood straining of courtesy and this first day there fell out only some small skirmishes, whereupon all the troops an hour before night retired into their quarters. The next day the armies set themselves again in battle, and saluted each other with cannon shot: some there were that as the day before went out to skirmish, but they either brake or unjointed their arms or legs, so as there were more hurt so, then by the small shot. The third day they did the like, but could never find any means to join without incurring great inconveniences. The fourth day the D. whose men for the most part lay in the open fields, retired a league off, to warm his troops that were starved with cold, & in his retreat lost three companies, one of Swissers, and two of Frenchmen, that were surprised in a village: within a while after, the soldiers fell into such vehement and grievous diseases, that in one month there perished on both sides some 8000. men, notwithstanding through the presence of their Generals, and their own earnest desire to fight, they were content to bear all: but the Duke's men had the worst, as they that were not so well provided either in lodgings or victuals, as their adversaties. Some cornets of horsemen of both sides, were lodged some half league or three quarters asunder, but in the evening returning to their lodgings, they were so benumbed with cold, that they made no great haste to molest their enemy, no not so much as with one alarm, as if they had been at truce. The gallant enterprise of the Admiral against the Duke's army The next day after this departure, the Admiral imagining that the Duke's men, who not long before were lodged half under the hedge, after they were gotten a little way off, would scatter into the good towns (as indeed they did, leaving in the body of their army three or four hundredth horse, and about twelve hundredth shot, the rest being gone a league or two off) about nine of clock in the morning, when the Prince's horse were come in, brought forth twelve or fourteen thousand shot, & 4. field pieces, in full purpose to make to the dukes main army, which was not passed a league and a half off. The Captains knew of a brook that was between, with certain fords, as their guides reported, not very dangerous. The night before having taken the view, and tried the guards, they found them forcible: but the Princes shot coming to the ford, which was within a quarter of a league of the Duke's army, found it furnished with footmen, whom they did courageously assault, but could not force. Hereupon the camp having taken a hot alarm, shot off their camnons to call in their scattered troops, and as they came, sent supplies to keep the passage: but within a quarter of an hour after, the Admiral set upon another place, which was stoutly defended, and had they not stood fast there, the Duke had been quite overthrown. For before a thousand men could come in, the Admiral had brought 1500. horse, and 6000. shot, that would have shaken them shrewdly. Some two hours after, by that the D. had gathered almost all his troops, and sent some pecees on unto a little bank, after some volees on either side, thy could drive every man away. On both sides, as well the gentry as the common soldiers, murmured mightily against their leaders, for that to no purpose they brought them forth into most extreme frosts and cold, complaining also, that they were in manner besieged with hunger and famine, adding withal, that unless they might be better provided and fenced in place of safety, themselves would go and lodge as they thought good, as being unable any longer to endure such extremities. In this suit they found no contraction: for their leaders were soon inclined to yield to their desire. The Duke went to winter beyond Loire, about Saumur: & the Prince at Thovers, Monstrueil-Bellay, and thereabout. Thus did the cold scatter those that itched to be doing, and sought all opportunity to fight. Timoleon de Coss, County de Brissac, a young Lord, courageous, and for his years very wise, The gallant enterprise of the County Brissac, against the Admiral and his brother d'Andelot. but carried away with an excessive desire to show his valour: and withal, hardened on by the Duke of Anious favour, who among all other made most of him: undertook a gallant enterprise, which albeit it had no great success, doth notwithstanding deserve to be known. The Admiral and his brother, with their cornets, were lodged in the town of Monstrueil-Bellay. Hard at hand in a little subburbe, lay two companies of footmen, as simple guards both to their lodgings & the goods. The Gentlemen did no more but walk their rounds at the ordinary hours about the walls, which they thought to be sufficient, for by reason that upon the highway from Saumur, in a great subburbe beyond the river, their lay six or seven Regiments of footmen, Monstrueil was on that side sufficiently safe: On the other side, for the space of one whole league, there were great fens, not passeable but in some few places: also 9 or 10. cornets of horse lodged in the villages round about, that night and day lay bearing of the ways. All these helps made it so strong, as there was small appearance that it should incur any peril. Now, as in all civil wars each party had always good advertisements (for commonly the secret enemy looketh within some men's bowels) the County was informed of the small guard at Monstrueil. Next, that by going two leagues about from the bare high way, he might get thither without danger of the Admiral's strength or guard of the horse: which notwithstanding he would not adventure, until for his more assurance; he had sent a French Captain and an Italian, in the evening to take a view: these men went unto the wall, & with a long pike, a cord, and an Iron hook, they got up, (for the walls were not high) & so came to the Admiral's lodging about nine of the clock at night, and then returned again unespied: as one of them since reported to the Lord de la Nove, who was then at Monstrueil with the Admiral. The County glad of this report, laid his plot thereupon, as followeth. He purposed with a thousand shot, choice men & very active supported with 500 horse, to march at such time that he might come to Monstrueil about 3. of the clock in the morning, that so he might have full two hours of the night to favour his retreat, in case his enterprise should not speed: but if he got his purpose, then to raise great fires upon the towers of the castle, whereby to give notice to the duke's army lying at Saumur, to march with all speed to his succour: as resolving to stand sure until he were beaten out with artillery, and his succour might arrive within six hours. Thus should he take two notable Captains in the midst of their assurance, and at the least 100 Gentlemen of name: beside, he should utterly break the whole avantgard, lodged thereabout, which would never have stood the coming of the enemy, so great would the confusion have been, besides sundry other inconveniences that might have ensued. I have heard the Lord de la Nove, from whom I have heard this report, which himself hath put into his discourses, who was then as I said, with the Admiral, say that Brissac might have achieved this enterprise: but as we are to pray to god to watch over such as sleep, and the conservation of their fates: so as the County was upon the way about the performance of his purpose, a small chance crossed, yea utterly subverted all his devices. For coming with a dozen of lathers, and his men very reolute, being within two leagues of the place, he met with 200. of the enemy's horse: who seeing this small army at that time of night in the field, retired in haste, and raised an alarm at Monstrueil and other places thereabout, where their horsemen were lodged, whereupon the County was driven to retire: afterward the Admiral strengthened his night watches better, & beat the fields more often, yet never could find any news of the enterprise, or know how it was until the next peace. After this, the Prince & other commanders withdrew themselves towards Rochel, Other exploits to the advantage of those of the religion. determining upon means to provide money for the furnishing of those wars, and began to sell the goods of the Romish Clergy, finding such as would hazard to buy them, who therein used the matter to their advantage, the Rochelers lent fourscore thousand franks. The Q. of England sent 50000. pound, six cannons, certain thousand weight of powder, & great store of bullets, for the which she was paid in salt, wools, and bell metal. All base Poitou being in the hands of those of the religion, except the Abbay of S. Michael in Loire, where lay a good Garrison of Friars and soldiers, which served for a restraint to many courses into the country, but some soldiers of Poitou obtained licence of the Prince to besiege the Abbey, which sustained two light assaults. At the third assault it was battered and taken by force, and 4. or 500 men that were in it put to the sword, because of their wilfulness. On the other side, Martineugue, Entragues, and la Chastre, Governors of Gyon, Orleans, & Bourges, accompanied with other leaders, and certain troops of soldiers, The siege of Sancerre. besieged Sancerre, a small town, being the refuge of divers families of the religion, and gave divers assaults, which the besieged sustained and repulsed, wearying the enemy in divers sorts, who having lost six or seven hundredth of their best men, left that small town in peace: but after that, the Sancerrois seeking to enterprise to build a sort upon the river of Loire, they were surprised, and having lost fifty of their men and the fort, were content to keep good watch within their town. In the beginning of the year 1569. the war began to renew, the Viscounts of Bourniquet, Montclar, Paulin, and Gourdon, with seven thousand arquebusiers, and some horsemen, made war for the Prince against those of Thoulouse and others, the town of Montauban being their chief retreat. And being summoned by the Prince to join with him, Piles punisheth the peasants in Perigord. made answer, that they had rather keep that Province, and defend their own Countrymen from Monluc and other enemies, then leave them as a pray, while they bore arms in an other Province. Captain Piles, that had charge to conduct them, gathered certain troops in Quercy, Agenois, and other places, and having taken Bergerac and Saint Foy, he made a road into Perigord, where he burned all the villages, and slew all those that he suspected to be at the overthrow of Mowans and Gourd. And not long after, he marched with twelve hundredth arquebusiers, and about two hundredth horse, to join with the Prince. divers warlike exploits. About the beginning of February, five hundredth horse coming forth of Saumur, surprised & defeated the Court of Bressant of Anigevin near unto Thours, and within eight days after, County Brissac had like to have defeated the troops of Montgommery, whose brother he took prisoner with some others, and slew some eighteen or twenty men. The seventeenth of the same month, the Castle of Lusignon holden in the name of the Duke of Anjou, was surprised by intelligence, the Garrison thereof being for the most part gone into the town to banquet and make good cheer. But for want of speedy aid, the surprisers, to the number of nine or ten, were slain: there was likewise many other enterprises in divers places: as against New-haven and Deep, but they took no effect. The Protestants that bore arms with the Prince, tired with the winter toil, and so many skirmishes, found some sweetness in resting in Poitou, whither they were retired. But about the end of February, the Prince began to gather his army, report being given out, that the Duke was already in field, and marched with all his forces to Angoulesme. To armies enter the field. To whom the Count of tend had brought three thousand foot, and some horse: besides two thousand Rutters, under the leading of the Rhingrave & Bassompierre, that were come to supply him. Whereupon he purposed to end the war, either by forcing the Prince to fight, or else constraining him to shut his men within the towns. The Prince and Admiral thereupon having assembled their forces, determined to march along by the Charante, a river in Poictou, to behold the duke's countenance, but yet not to hazard himself. As also to aid their towns, which they strengthened with men, making their army so much the weaker. But nothing worth memory was done, until the Duke came to Chasteauneuf, a town cituate upon Charante, where at his arrival he took the Castle kept by a Scot, and some arquebusiers, that yielded themselves with their lives saved, but with small honour. The taking of Chasteauneuf, occasion and beginning of the battle of Bassac. And because the bridge of Chasteauneuf had been broken in two places, the Admiral desirous to know the countenance and passage of the enemy, went thither, followed by seven or eight hundredth horse, and as many Harquebufiers. There he had a light skirmish with certain troops, that had passed in certain barks, or over certain planks speedily cast over. The Admiral thinking that the Duke would pass over, and thinking to have time to advertise the Prince to provide for him, minded to stop that passage, until the next day. And appointed two Regiments of foot to lodge within a quarter of a mile from the bridge, and eight hundredth horse somewhat further off, whereof the third part should keep watch hard by it, as well to advertise, as to offer fight: which done, he withdrew himself to Bassac, about a league from the bridge: with the rest of the vanguard, the Prince came to jarnac, which lieth a league further: but this commandment was not executed. For both the horse and foot, knowing that in the places appointed them to stay, there was but few houses, with less victuals and fourage, having wholly forgotten how to encamp themselves, & to be without commodity in their lodgings, went to find some other quarter. Whereby the most part of this troop left that place, to lodge themselves with more ease, & left but a small number of men in place, that lay about half a league from it. This great fault produced another: which was, that the watch was too weak, A notable fault. which could not come time enough to hear, nor give alarm to the enemy's troops, as they had been instructed, thereby to make them think, that all the Prince's avantguard lay there. The Duke's army being very strong, resolved to seize upon the passage, although all the Prince's power had opposed themselves against him, and by the diligence of Monsieur de Byron, not only repaired the bridge, but made a new bridge of barks, which are carried with armies royal, and before midnight had finished it: which done, without great noise they began to pass over, both horse and foot. The Prince's men, that stood in guard with fifty horse, about a small quarter of a league from the passage, in a manner could scarce perceive them to pass, until about the break of day, wherewith they presently advertised the Admiral, who knowing that most part of his men had lodged in other places, namely, on that side where the enemies came, sent them word that they passed, and with all speed to march towards him, that they might retire altogether, & that in the mean time, he would stay for them at Bassac. At the same time also, he commanded, that all the carriage and footmen should retire: which was presently done. If then within one hour after, all his forces had been assembled, he had easily retired without much labour, Slacking of things, dangerous in war. but the time (being about three hours) that passed in staying for them, was the principal cause of their overthrow. The Admiral would not lose those troops, being nine Cornets of horse, and certain companies of foot, whereof the Colonels were the Count Montgommery, Acier, and Pwiaut. Being all come, only Acier, that took the way towards Angoulesme, all the Duke's army being passed, and hard by the Admiral, the skirmish began so hot, that each man perceived that day would be a battle, being the thirteenth of March: which made the Prince turn back, being half a league from them, passing forward, for having understood that he should be constrained to fall to blows, he having a lions heart, would be one among the rest. When the Admiral for his retreat came to forsake a small channel, which might be passed over but in two or three places: the Duke was counseled to advance the flower of his horsemen, composed of seven or eight hundredth horse, which overthrew four cornets that made the retreat, where la Nove and la Love were taken prisoners, The Prince's magnanimity ended not but with his life. Valiant charges. having couragiosly sustained the fight, as also Colonel Pwiant, who not long after, reassembled his dispersed troop the same horsemen of the Duke's camp not long after, charged d'Andelot in a village, but he valiantly resisted them, and slew Monsalez, and divers others of good account, to the number of fifteen or sixteen, the Prince and the Admiral ranged in two great squadrons of horse, perceiving that the enemy went about to enclose them between all the Duke's forces & Charante, prepared themselves to give the charge. The Admiral began: the Prince seconding, which was with greater force than the first, and at the beginning made all those that flood against him to turn their backs: after that, sustaining a new charge, where for a time the battle was hot and fierce, but in the end he and the Admiral having all the enemy's army upon them, & the Prince being fallen under his dead horse, thereby ensued the overthrow of the horsemen, having lost about one hundredth Gentlemen, and among the rest, the Prince himself, who lying under his horse, could not be relieved by his troops, and yielding himself to Monsieur d'Argences, at the report of his taking, The death of the Prince of Conde and others. a Gentleman of Gascon called Montesqueon, Captain of the Duke's guard ran thither, and discharging a Pistol at him, shot him in the head, wherewith he presently died. His death bred great sorrow among those of the religion, and much joy to divers that loved him not, namely to the king, the Queen, the Duke of Anjou, and all the house of of Guise, specially the Cardinal of Lorraine, who the next day after the news was brought unto the king, (as then being at Metz) touching the battle (wherein the Catholicques had lost two hundredth Gentlemen, among the which were divers Lords and men of name) coming to salute the king, after the manner of Courtiers, smiling said unto him: your Grace as I suppose, is now better disposed than you were the other day, being eased of much corrupt blood. In that manner jested he, who upon the bodies of the Princes of the blood, and the Nobility of France, placed the foundation of the rule and government, which his family would after have usurped, as you shall well perceive. From Metz they sent certain cornets that had been taken from the Prince, unto the Pope, whereat that good Pastor so much rejoiced, that he went a foot on procession from his Castle of Saint Ange, to the temple of the holy ghost, withal the Cardinals, to thank his Imagess with out flattery this praise may well be given unto the Prince, of whom we will now speak, that not any man living in his time, did ever surpass him in courage nor courtesy. He spoke very wisely, more by nature than art, liberal and ready to all men, an execellent leader in war, yet a lover of peace: most firm in his religion: invincible in adversity: but mild in prosperity: a great jester, subject to vanity, lover of women, and colour, but one that gave place to reprehensions and advises of such as he loved and respected, but by this overthrow we may gather, that when a matter of importance and hazard is to be effected, it ought not to be done by halves, for that either we must leave it, and not be ashamed to retire, or else do it withal our forces. If the Admiral and the Prince had had all their forces, the Duke would not have set upon them, also when armies lie scattered, they fall into inconveniences, which the sufficiency of the best leaders cannot remedy. After this battle the Duke sent to besiege Cognac, and began to embrace divers other enterprises, as if nothing had been impossible unto him, Exploits after the battle of Br●ssac. for that not long before, certain places in Poictou had been taken from those of the religion: but Cognac stayed the course of this victory, in such sort, as that after the Duke had lost the boldest of his footmen in that siege, he thought to get as much by intelligence against Saint john d'Angely, where doing nothing, he summoned Angoulesme, that made him no other answer, but with threatenings to send him away with loss and shame, if his army came thither: while the Duke's Council were consulting of the means to employ his forces in other places, those of the religion had time and leisure to join themselves together. The Admiral brought the Princes of Navarre and Conde from Saint john to Tone Charante, where he met the Queen of Navarre, to encourage such as were in doubt, and to take Council what was to be done. Their horsemen were mustered, whereof the Prince of Navarre was appointed General, to whom all of them, being the number of four thousand Gentlemen, made oaths of fidelity. The young Prince of Conde was joined with him, d'Andelot went to the Garrisons to take a view of the footmen: which done, he made a voyage into Poitou to assemble the dispersed troops, to provide for money, and to bridle the courses of the enemies: but coming from thence, The death of Monsieur d'Andelot, being taken with a burning fever, he went to Saints, where he died upon the seventeenth of May: to the great grief and sorrow of all his friends and servants. His body being opened, was found to be poisoned: which not long after, was practised against divers Lords & Gentlemen of the religion, by the advise of Rene de Birague an Italian, as then Keeper of the seals, and after Chancellor of France, who used openly to say, that it was not necessary to make war with so much labour and charges, but to employ the Cooks, meaning prisoners. The estate of Colonel of the French Infantry was given to Acier, and his company to Beawais la Nocle his Lieutenant: but the charge of all the army, and the care of the principal affairs fell upon the Admiral, much respected by the Queen of Navarre, Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, Captains: and to be short, of both great and small, that as then made profession of the religion. The siege of Mucidan where Pompadon & the County Brissac are slain. As concerning the Duke's army, it overran Xaintoigne, Angoulesme, and Limosin, taking in some places, namely Aubeterre. The County de Brissac Colonel of the French footmen in that army, and Captain of a Regiment of forty Ensigns, with the most part of their forces, took upon him the siege of Mucidan. They that were within, after they had a while defended the Town, set it on fire and retired into the Castle, which they held valiantly, and abide some assaults, slew the notable men of the regiments of Brissac, Monluc, and Cars, among the rest, the Viscount of Pompadou: lastly, Brissac himself, who coming near to view the breach and defences, had no sooner put forth his nose, but a arquebus pierced his head, and laid him stark dead upon the Counterstarp: he was between five and six and twenty years of age, and was much bewailed of many that hoped to have seen him in time, one of the greatest leaders of our days. A while after, the besieged yielding upon composition, to have both lives and goods saved, were scarce out of sight of the walls, but that contrary to faith and promise, the most part were cut in pieces by the besiegers, upon a desperate revenge of the death of their two Colonels, and their best soldiers that they had there lost. The taking of the isle of Medoc. On the other side, Captain Piles took the Isle of Medoc, lying between Rochel and Bourdeaux, where all the soldiers enriched themselves. And the Duke abandoned Guienne, and took his way towards Berry, there to join with the forces of the D. d'Aumale, that together they might stop the Dutch army, brought in by the Duke of Deaxponts from joining with the Princes. The Lords of Novy, jenly, Moruilliers, Fequieres, Esternay and others, soon after the beginning of this third civil war, A small French army cometh in fit time to the Rutters through France maugre all the enemies armies. had gathered together some fifteen or six hundredth horse, and two thousand arquebusiers, whom when in regard of the difficulty of the passages, they could not bring into Guienne, they led into Brabant to the prince of Orange and County Lodowick his brother, who after they had a while with variable success continued war against the Spaniards, passed over the river of , maugre the duke of Alue, to whom they offered battle, which the Spaniard refused, as hoping to waste them with want of victuals, which grew so short, that they were driven to pass into France, where coming to Vitry, they consulted upon their affairs, whether it were best to pass further into the Realm, already daunted with so many armies: and to return toward Germany, and so to join with the army that Wolfgang, Count Palatine of Rhyne, & D. of Deux Ponts, levied for the Princes: but the second advise took place. Now more narrowly to consider what a long walk this Dutch army made, from the Rhine even unto Limosin, together with their great and continual impeachment, it cannot but breed much marvel, that a foreign army watched so narrowly, and having so many backe-friends, could thus compass their drifts. True it is, that civil wars have at all times made a plain path to foreign nations, who otherwise durst scarce look towards the Gates, without the support of the one party. But where the favour is but small on the one side, and the resistance great on the other, we are the more to admire the exploits of those that do so adventure themselves. It was a great comfort to the German Duke, to have the assistance of the Prince of Orange, the County Lodowick, and the County Wolrad of Mansfield, The description of the Dutch army. with the French afore mentioned. His troops contained five thousand Lansquenets, and six thousand Rutters. With this small army he marched, publishing by writing the causes of his journey to the Princes. The king's Council finding themselves to seek, did speedily conclude of a small army, under the leading of the Duke of Aumale, to stop this succour, yet doubting of the weakness of such a Leader, unskilful and unfortunate in matter of war, levied yet an other, under the conduct of the Duke of Nemours, a man in manner like unto the other. These two bodies assembled in footmen, far surmounted the Dutch Dukes, but in horsemen he was the stronger. They were resoluted not to linger until he entered France, and so make havoc, but marched even to the borders of Germany, and near to Saumur, where they defeated the regiment of Captain la Coche of Dauphine, composed of sundry parcels patched together, which purposed to have joined with the Lansquenets. Notwithstanding this defeat, the German Duke proceeded into France through Bourgongne, where the enemy coasted him, until he had gotten to the river of Lotre (having marched full fourscore leagues) they never left him, but were still in his flank, or upon the tail: yea, many times the armies were each in sight of other, and had many great skirmishes. The Prince of Orange hath since sundry times reported, that he marveled that in so long and difficult a passage, the Romish Catholics could never find fit opportunity, considering that many occasions befell them, and the rather by reason of the impeachments of their main carriages. For besides these great forces of the Dukes of Aumale and Nemours, the towns, country, and rivers, were at their command: they also knew the purposes of their adverse army, which consisted in making haste, and either by force or surprise winning passage over Loire, whither it came maugre all their policies and devices. It was said, that through some contention between them, they lost sundry good exploits which they ought have performed, had they been at union: beside, they doubted the vigilancy of Moruilliers: the industry of Feuguieres: and the readiness and valiancy of Novy, Esternay, and other Captains, who held them in continual alarm: and had not the news of the battle at Bassac comforted them, Aumale and Nemours had been either defeated or forced to licence their troops, and so to retire into the towns. If fell out well for the Germans that they made such haste: for this great block, this river of Loire, would have been a second and most grievous difficulty to stay these rivers, as well for that it was not so shallow, as to yield any ford: as also for that all the towns standing thereupon were enemies, yet was the passage so necessary, that it made them to use great speed, courage, and invention: for contrary to all expectation of their enemies on each side the river, they assaulted a town called lafoy charity, where they had a good bridge. Among all the oversights of the Rom. Catholicques, who were reenforced with a supply of Italians from the Pope, of twelve hundredth horse, and four thousand foot, this was not the least, that they left lafoy charity destitute of men: whereupon the Protestants lay so hard to that place, and terrified it with so many mines and threats, that before it could have any relief, they had won it to their incredible joy: which nevertheless was abated by the decease of Feuquieres and other Captains poisoned by the way, according unto Biragues' precepts. Had it not been for this prize, the German army had been hard bestead, and their leaders forced to have returned back to the head of Loire, which was sixty leagues off: yea, which was worse, taking that course, they should have entangled themselves in a hilly & would country, where their horse would have been but a hindrance. The Admiral accounted this passage impossible, and still hearkened after their overthrow, The Admiral's opinion touching the passage of the Rutters. many times telling his familiars that he could not help this succour, in regard that the Duke of Auious army still lay before him, and the Rutters and French had two armies more watching upon them, besides a most difficult passage over the river: withal, that albeit they had passed over, yet their enemies joining their forces, must needs defeat them before they could come near them by twenty leagues to help them. But hearing of the success of the siege of la charity, he grew again into some hope, saying: This is a good prognostication, let us perfect it with diligence and resolution. The Princes with their troops marched immediately towards Limosin, that so they might come nearer to the Duke of Anious power to keep it in awe, albeit in continual fear, still looking to hear that all the enemies armies being so strong, should have swallowed up their Rutters: which fell out contrary: for they took so good opportunity, and used such speed, that they out went them, under the conduct of the French troops, where among the rest, Novy bore himself more valiantly in sundry roads of the enemies, whom divers times he sent back, & gathered to the place where the Admiral had appointed to meet them with one thousand shot, and two thousand and five hundredth horse. Thus towards the end of june the two armies joined in great joy, albeit somewhat abated by the death of the Duke of Deuxponts, who died of a fever a little before, into whose place the County Mansfield succeeded. This journey and favourable passage, may put all Captains in mind, that notwithstanding whatsoever great difficulties, they may be environed, yet are they not to distinct: for they shall not need past one sole favourable accident to free them, and such do commonly favour those, that shunning sloth, do take a good heart. Discourse of the encounter at the Rochebelle, where Strossy was overthrown, with two regimenss of foot. The two armies as then very strong (that of the Duke of Anjou being above thirty thousand men, and that of the Princes five and twenty thousand) were constrained to departed one from the other, to find commodity of victuals, because the country of Limosin is unfertile, but they reapproched towards S. Yrier la perch. The Admiral perceiving that the sterility of the country made his troops to lie scattered, and because of the hills and woods, the places of battle were often with disadvantage, determined rather to prevent, then be prevented. Not long before, the Princes had sent an humble request unto the king to have peace, but the Duke d'Anion would never grant Passport to their Deputies: whereof the Admiral made great complaints to the Marshal de Montmorencie. And perceiving that his enemies sought nothing but war, he counseled the Princes to surprise the Duke's army, not far from thence in a place named Rochebelle. To the which end, they departed before the break of day, resolute to give battle, and arrived in so good time, that they were within a quarter of a league from the head of their enemies, before they gave the alarm. The strong lodging served those that were there in guard, and stood them in great stead: and Colonel Strossy at the noise, hasted in with 500 arquebusiers, for the strengthening of 300. of his men that kept the principal passage, where he found the skirmish begun. His valour served well for his partakers, for that for the space of one hour, he held 4000 of the Princes shot good play, whereby the D. army had opportunity to assemble and set themselves in array. The Admiral wondering that they could not force that passage, sent Brucil a wise and skilful Captain, who immediately espied the fault. Hereupon having ordered certain troops, and disbanded 4. cornets of horse to scar them, he began a sharp onset, wherein upon the breaking of certain Pallissades that covered Strossy his regiment, his men were so disordered, that the survivors fled, leaving dead behind them 22. of their leaders, and five or 600. foot, besides their Colonel prisoner, without whose resistance, the Prince's avantgard had gotten to the D. ordinance with all impeachment. But withal, it began to join and so continued, that the victors were forced to retire. The next day they were employed upon alarms and skirmishes, in one of the which, 200. Italians, with some sallies of the company of the D. of Nemours, being somewhat too far advanced, were charged by the Lord of Movy, who slew some, took some prisoners, and sent away the rest faster than they came, as in deed they were mounted to the advantage upon Spanish horses fit for such retraits. Immediately after this encounter, While the Duke took his ease, the Princes seized upon sundry places the D. licenced his army to refresh themselves until the beginning of Octob. putting his footmen in Garrison, in such places as bordered nearest upon Guyenne. The Princes in the mean time kept the field, took Tiviers, S. Sulpice, Brantonne, Chasteau, l'Euesque, la Chapelle, Confolant, Chabanez, and S. Genais: some by force, others by composition. The County du Lude Governor in Poictou, had promised the Duke to do wonders, and while the Prince's army lay in Limosin, followed by five thousand foot, and some cornets of horse, he besieged Nyort, a town of consequence, wherein Pwiaut valiantly entered with certain horse and foot, in despite of the assailants, that were repulsed in three assaults, and certain scaladoes: and after in the beginning of july, constrained to raise their siege, having lost above five hundredth men before the town, not accounting four Cornets of horse belonging to the County, which la Nove not long before had overthrown at Fontenay, half a league from Nyort. Terigny being sent to aid the besieged, was the cause that the County hasted his retreat, lodging the rest of his army at Saint Maixant, Lusignon, and Mirebean: mean time the Princes approached Poictou, and the 12. of july took Chastelleraud by composition, and three days after, battered the strong Castle of Lusignon, that upon the 21. of the same month was yielded unto them by composition, establishing the Baron de Mirebeau for Governor therein, with two Ensigns of footmen, great store of cannons, and sufficient ammunition to resist a puissant army. Two days after they marched towards Poitiers, took Couhe (where the Garrison of Catholicques chose rather to burn themselves in despair with & in the Castle, then to yield themselves to Verac Lord of the place that held them besiesieged) Sanssay, Vivonne, and other little places near thereabouts, thereby to enclose those of Poitiers, and to impeach them of victuals. Before we depart from the siege of Poitiers, divers exploits of war. let us add some notable accidents that happened in divers places. In the month of july, Castillon sur Loing & Chasteau-Regnard, places belonging to the Admiral, were surprised, and the Admiral's movables carried to Paris, where part were sold in the open outcry, the best stoien and conveyed away, by those that find nothing either too heavy or too hot. Certain horsemen to the number of forty, departing from the Prince's camp after the taking of Strossy, lodged themselves within Regeane, a Castle belonging to the Bishop of Auxerre, but they were presently besieged, battered, and slain within it, only captain Blosset, and some other that escaped. Among those on whom they exerciled most horrible vengeance, was one of Auxerre surnamed Coeur de Roy, who being taken prisoner, was led to Auxerre, and there presently stripped, slain, and hewed in pieces. The murderers pulled the hart out of his body, and cutting it in pieces, was laid on the coals, and eaten by certain of his desperate enemies, that during his life, had threatened him with that cannibal entertainment: Horrible cruelty. behold how zeal transporteth these Romish Catholicques. The Lord of Terride Governor of Quercy, was sent into Bearne, Foix, and the land of Navarrois, there to bring all into the king's obedience, in case the Q. of Navarre and her son the Prince, The County of Montgommeries exploits in Bearne against Terride. would not forsake the religious side. Terride accompanied with Negropelisse, S. Colombe, and divers others, had easily seized upon all, and had laid siege to Navarron in the only place that held for the Q. The Princes having notice thereof, dispatched away the County of Montgommery to withstand him, who with 200. horse went and received the forces of the vicounties in Gascon, so that in the month of july with a small army of four thousand shot, and five hundredth horse, with great diligence and unwonted speed (which was the safety of his voyage, as deceiving the Garrisons of the enemy, namely the troops of the Marchal d'Anuil●, Monluc, Gohaz and others, that with 1000 horse, and 4000 shot, marched but a days journey from the camp) he came safe with one days journey of Navarrin, forced Terride, who had lain encamped from the beginning of june, to raise the siege & save himself in Orthez, by reason his troops for their more commodious victualling lay disbanded. The County followed Terride, and to abridge him of all means to reassemble or muster his men, besieged, assaulted, and forced the town with great slaughter: then did he as suddenly plant the cannon found in the Town against the Castle, Terrides refuge: who terrified with such terrible charges yielded, with the safety of his life, together with six knights of the Order, and many Captains, who all enjoyed the benefit of the composition, except 5, Colombe, the Baron of Pordiac, Gohas, Favas, and some others that were executed, because they were found to be the Qu. subjects, & consequently guilty of treason, for seizing upon her places, causing the most part of her subjects to revolt, & seeking to deliver the land into the dominion of a new Prince. This mishap of Ter. being bruited abroad, so terrified other the towns & strong holds, that the usurpers making their packs in time, Na. Foix, & Bearn were suddenly subdued to their princess, all faving the town of Peu, the principal wherein commanded, one named Pere, who had promised Monluc to defend it, & had executed some officers, & slain the ministers: yet upon the summons of a trumpet sent by Montgom. he departed with speed, leaving the town to the right owner. In the mean time, Monluc practised some treachery with Captain Bassillon, who had born out the siege of Navarrin against Terride. This practice discovered, Bassillon was slain, & Monluc coming to seize upon Navarin, was forced to retire, whereupon joining with la Vallete, he forced the town of Mont-Marsan, where he discharged his rage upon the besieged, who were in manner all put to the sword. Montgommery furnishing the places of his conquest came to Nerac. and for a few days warred upon the next Garrisons, and there with all speed returned to the Prince's army, with some plenty of quoin gathered in his conquests, and five hundredth horse that followed him. The Duke d'Aniou considering how much the passage imported, which the Princes had gotten upon the river of Loire at la charity, not much fortified since the taking, resolved to take that place from them, The siege of la charity by Lansac, and the issue. which was well advised, for that winning it, he should bereave them of all means to molest the Provinces on this side the river of Loire, and reserve unto himself the sinews of the wars, with infinite commodities for the refreshing of his army. But in stead of marching thither, in all diligence after the passage of the Rutters, he contented himself to command M. de Lansac to take order therein. He never having had any commission of such importance, thought that by strength of men and cannon shot, he would do something. And upon the sixth of july accompanied with 7000. footmen, assembled out of the Garrisons of Orleans, Bourges, Chartres, Nevers, Gyan, and other Towns. With five or six hundredth horse he besieged lafoy charity, charged and recharged his battery three or four times, sparing neither powder nor bullet: and having made a breach to enter both with horse and wagons, he commanded his soldiers to give an assault, who being men used to brave it in the streets of a Town, and to discharge their pieces in the presence of Ladies: when they perceived that the besieged resolved themselves to a stout and bold defence, their hearts were turned to livers, so that their Captains, Ensigns, Sergeants, and other officers, were forced to supply their places, of 100 of them: there returned five again, but all overthrown at the entry of the breach. another thing was, that a false report ran in the camp of Lansac, that the Prince's army came to aid la charity, and that Captain Blosset was already in Berry with 200. horse, to mark out their lodgings, & to give the first charge: wherewith the assailants made such an alarm, that without further inquiry, they spied their Ensigns marching day & night, to nestle themselves in their Garrisons. The siege continued almost a month, where, & in the retreat, the assailants lost almost 1000 men: the town about 100 & being delivered from this siege, and not long after strengthened by the companies of Blosset, Boys, and others, that had left the camp to visit their houses, and to refresh themselves: the leaders made account to fourage the country, and to seek adventures far and near. With this resolution they took Douzi, Povilli, Antrain, S. Leonard, and other small towns about the water, running into Berry Nivernois, & the countries bordering upon them, to the great hurt and displeasure of the Romish Catholics. The Princes being in possession of Lusignan and Chastelleraud, A brief discourse of the siege of Poitiers. divers of their Council were bend to the siege of Poitiers. Twice they debated the matter in Council, where sundry were of a contrary opinion, as nothing liking of the siege of so greata town among the rest, the Admiral, who wished them rather to follow their first purpose, namely to get S. Maixaut, where they should find Onoux, Colonel of one of the late County Brissacks Regiments (who soon after entered into Poitiers) then to seize upon Saumur, a town at that time of small strength, standing upon the river of Loire, and with all diligence to fortify the same, to the end afterward to have a ready and safe passage in Antomne, to transport the war to Paris, the fountain of all the storms that thus molested all France. He alleged, that together with the Dude of Guise and main, there were come divers Captains and companies, both on horse and on foot to Poitiers, which at that instant was as well provided of soldiers as any town in France: likewise that such great towns well guarded, are ordinarily the graves of great armies: and with all concluded, that the best course was, to march to S. Maixaut which could not long hold out: but the chief Lords and Gentlemen of Poictou, as well in Council as else where, urged them not to omit so good opportunity, withal, alleging that the town was of no estimation: that the more people were therein, the greater was the body: that getting this place they should have all Poictou, a rich Province, and so defeat the Duke's army of a very convenient retreat: but the authors of their Council, had forgotten to speak the resolution of those that kept Poitiers, the great helps that they had for their defence: their own small store of artillery, munitition & powers to give their assault, with many other their discommodities. For albeit the town in regard of the situation, were wholly environed with mountains, commanding in it so near, that they might greatly annoy the defendants, yet had the Princes at that time such want, that having begun in one place, they were not able courageously to go through with their battery and other works, but must needs give the enemy two or three days respite, which was enough to refortifie it again, whereby they should be forced to begin their batteries again in an other place, where they should incur the like discommodity. The siege having continued some few weeks, sundry breaches being made with some assaults, skirmishes, and sallies: lastly, necessity set upon the besieged, and sickness, together with want of munition, the besiegers, whereby their troops were driven by little and little to break: the besieged had lost divers of their best Captains, and a number of soldiers, and their necessity grew to such a famine, that asses and horses grew to be good meat. The D. of Anion advertised thereof, The siege of Chastellerand. as also of some discipation of the Prince's army, took counsel to besiege Chastellerand, being a good means to make the Princes leave Poistiers, if the Princes were not negligent to lose a place wherein their men were enclosed. But this resolution of the Duke served well for the Princes, as being a good occasion for them to leave the siege, which notwithstanding they had done, not having means to stay any longer before it. And to conclude, both defendants and assailants were not in long time more troubled. Then those of Poitiers, and the Princes, the valiant leaders following their haughty desires, for that having high minds, they applied them to such objects as best fitted them, but the common saying is most true: that he which gripeth too much, can never hold fast any thing. The Dukes of Guise and main got the honour in their youths, to have been of the number of commanders, that kept so bad a place against their puissant enemies. Touching the duke's army, it being before Chastellerand, & having made a breach, the Italians sent by the Pope, made request to give the first assault, which sell unto them by chance of dice, whereunto they went with bold courage, the besieged using subtlety with them, suffered them to mount up, & being upon the breach, fought hand to hand with them, and having slain the leaders, and some hundreths of the most resolute soldiers, constrained the rest to put themselves in disorder, Italians beaten at Chastollerand. leaving in the breach five Ensigns, and above 250. men dead. The hurt men in great number died soon after: this happened the 7. of September. The Frenchmen appointed to second the Italians, disdained to follow them, and having been beholders of this spectacle, which well rebated the presumption of the remainder, determined to proceed to a second assault, but they found the besieged so well assured because of their victory, that they durst not begin. The Duke of Anious retreat from before Chastellerand. The Duke not having all his army together, and perceiving that the siege was raised before Poitiers, presently after the assault given to Castellerand by the Italians, fearing to be surprised, in all hast caused his artillery to be drawn away, and by man's strength besides horses to pass the river, thereby to set it in safety. The eight of September toward evening, it was resolved that the whole army should retire into a strong place called la cell, beyond the river that passeth by Hay in Touraine, six leagues from Chastelleraud. At this passage they left two thousand shot, and some cornets of horse, to stay the Prince's forces from assailing the Prince's army, at that time too weak to hold out against them. The Duke with the rest of his troops was lodged in a place of great advantage. In this retreat the Masters of his camp used such diligence and good conduct, as deserved to be noted among the most notable feats in all this war, and was the principal means of the Duke's victory, which soon after he obtained at Chastellerand, where he had at leisure reassembled all his forces, before dispersed and scattered abroad. The Princes advertised of this sudden retreat of the Duke, followed him, and marched all the night, so that being first passed the river, they drew strait to the port of Pills, there to pass the river of Creusa, and so to set upon the main battle. But the guard which the Duke had before placed in the same place, forced them to skirmish almost all the day: the Admiral perceiving the place too hot, seeking other passages, found one somewhat higher upon the right hand, where all the army did the next day pass over the Creusa, between the port of Pills and Hay in Touraine, in full resolution to force the Duke either to fight, or else to retire into the City of Tours, where the king than was. The Corpse de guard at the port of Pills fearing to be enclosed, retired in great haste to the Duke's army, where still there arrived men from all places: both the armies set themselves in battle array, but between them there ran a brook, environed with marshes and bogs, very discommodious for any general fight: because no man could pass but by one and one, as also the artillery could not be brought without danger of loss. The Duke lodging in a village called lafoy cell, well trenched, flangued, and fortified, having on the one side a river, and on the other a wood, feeling himself yet too weak, would not come down into the plain: the Princes not able to force him in so strong a hold, having for the space of two days with continual skirmish sought to bring him to the field, for want of victuals returend over the Creusa, and so over the other river named Vienne, the thirteenth day of September, and were lodged at Fay la Vineuse, and within two days after, the Duke came also within four leagues of the same place. A traitor executed. The 21. was Dominique d'Albe, the Admiral's Groom of his chamber, put to execution, as being convicted to have promised la Rivere the Captain of the Duke of Anious guard, for the sum of one hundredth Crowns which he had received in hand, with assurance of the place of a Groom of the Duke's chamber, and some other large rewards, to kill his master the said Admiral with poison, which the said lafoy Riujere delivered him. The Prince of Orange departing from this place, upon a necessary journey into Germany, passed with a small train by la charity and Vegelay: and so following on his way, arrived without disturbance at his journeys end, leaving his two brethren Lewis and Henry with the Princes. Eight days before the execution of Dominique, the Parliament of Paris had published a decree against the Admiral's life, accusing him of rebellion and treason, with promise of reward of fifty thousand crowns, of the sum to be levied upon the townhouse of Paris, to any that could bring him in alive or dead: the same they also executed him in picture, as they did likewise the Vidame of Chartres and the County Montgommery. The battle of Moncontour won by the Duke of Anjou. The Duke of Anjou having gathered all his forces, and passed Vienne upon the six and twentieth of September, came to Loudun, within three miles of the Prince's camp, which being in a country much fouraged, and of bad situation, were counseled to go to Moncontour, where they might have good lodging and great store of victuals. The carriage marched on the one side, and the Admiral and his army on the other side, not thinking that the Duke would so soon approach, but being near a village named Saint Cler, the one not knowing of the other, the Duke's vanguard conducted by Monsieur Byron, met sidewaies upon the Prince's army. He perceiving occasion given, gave a charge with a thousand lances upon Novy, that made the retreat for the Princes, with three hundredth horse, and two hundredth arquebusiers, this small troop was presently overthrown and put in disorder, with loss of about thirty or forty horse, and almost all the foot. This furious charge being done with great force and upon the sudden, with the noise of four cannon shots, bred such fear in the Prince's troops, that every man began to be abashed, and without a certain passage, whereon above twenty men at a time could not pass, that stayed Birons lanciers, all the Prince's army had in a manner been wholly overthrown at that first charge. The Admiral running to that disorder, showed himself unto his men, and reassembled them in such sort, that at his coming were given two or three great charges and recharges, of fifteen hundredth or two thousand horses at once, and such as passed, were soon driven back again by the others. There the Counties Lodowic de Nassau, and Wolrad of Mansfield, behaved themselves valiantly. The two armies placed themselves in battle, one here, the other there, about a long musket shot distant from each other, that of the Princes, being soon under covert: to pass that place, no man durst be so bold, for the danger that might ensue, because divers squadrons would soon have spoiled such as had ventured. But the Duke's artillery being there, and the Princes already at Moncontour, his canoneers took the advantage and hurt some squadrons of the enemy, which notwithstanding broke not rank, but held firm until night, by which means each man retired. The next day in the morning, the Duke would visit Moncontour, to put the Princes in fear. But he found them in the subburbes well fortified, having no means to come at them, but by one way, where he gave a skirmish both of horse and footmen. The Duke's army was composed of eight or nine thousand horse, and seventeen or eighteen thousand foot, comprehending fix thousand Swissers, and fifteen pieces of artillery. The Princes had six thousand horse, Frenchmen and Almains, six thousand arquebusiers, four thousand Lansquenets, six cannons, two coluerins, and three other pieces, having left therest at Lusignan. Before the battle, two Gentlemen bearing arms in the Duke's camp, being strayed, came to some of those of thereligion, Notable advertisement neglected. having certain ditches between them, and having protested unto them, that they bore no malice unto the Princes, willed them to advertise the Admiral to keep his army from fight, because the Duke's army was very strong, by reason of new strength, but that he should drive off the time for the space of a month because all the Nobility had protested, not to stay any longer, but that if they were employed within that time, they would do their best to advance his service. That it was dangerous to strive against the French fury, which in short time would be abated, and by that means the Duke with his Council should be constrained to seek for peace, and to grant it with advantage to those of the religion: which advertisement given, those two Gentlemen retired. Those of the religion went presently to the Admiral, to certify him thereof, which counsel liked him well. They showed it likewise to others of the principal commanders, whereof some rejected it not, and desired it might be followed: but the greatest part esteemed it to be but an artificial devise to put them in fear, adding, that although this advise seemed to be good, yet it was not to be accounted of, because it proceeded from suspect persons, and such as usually exercise deceits: commonly such as are near to any mischief, despise the good counsel wherewith men seek to relieve them. The Prince's Council assembling to resolve upon their proceed, some said it was best for them to get to Ernaux, and to set the river which runneth by it, Evil counsel followed. between both the armies, and to departed about nine of the clock in the evening, and to march all night, that they might get thither in safety, because the Duke was at hand. Others replied, that those nightly retraits, put fear into such as make them, embasing their reputations, giving courage to the enemies, and that it were best to departed about the break of day. This second advise, (being the worst) was followed. The Admiral as then was in great distrust, fearing that the Rutters would mutin for want of pay, and that three or four of his Regiments of far countries would leave him: because they had already asked him licence to departed. He knew likewise that divers Gentlemen were retired unto their houses, wherefore to hold the army in unity, he besought the Princes (that were at Partenay) to come thither: which they did, bringing with them one hundredth and fifty good horse. The next day in the morning, the horsemen were ready mounted to ride to Ernaux, all in white cassocks, the better to know them, if they should be forced to fight. But then the Lansquenets refused to march, except they might have money. And within a quarter of an hour after, Blind avarice cause of a great mischief. five cornets of Rutters said as much, by which means, above an hour and a hafe passed over, before they could be appeased, whereby the troops could not have the means to get a place, wherein they could hardly have been fought withal. And having marched a quarter of a league, they discovered the Duke's army, advancing itself in such manner, that all the leisure they had, was to range themselves in order, and to place themselves in a valley, in covert from the cannon shot. After this ensued an other mischief in the Prince's army, which was, that the Admiral perceiving the Duke's vanguard to set forward, (wherein was nineteen cornets of Rutters in two squadrons) and to come right upon him, he sent to the County Lodowicke that commanded the battle, that he should send him three cornets of horse: which the County did, but he himself led them, and at that instant began the battle, he remaining in fight: whereby the body of the battle remained without a head, not knowing how to govern itself: & it is thought, that if the County (a wise and valiant Gentleman) had been there, the body of the battle had maids good resistance, The body of the battle without a head. seeing that being so discovered, it had almost put the duke's battle to fight. The fight having continued almost three quarters of an hour, the Princes as yet very young, being not long before retired, and with them divers others, under colour of safer conduction of their persons: the Admiral likewise being hurt in the face at the first conflict, in the end the Prince's horsemen were constrained to leave the field, part of the foot being slain, the rest flying to save themselves. The artillery and Ensigns of the footmen were taken: County Lodowicke was pursued a whole league, Notable retreat. but made a gallant retreat with three thousand horse in one main. The rest of the troops having gotten away before, the leaguerors made show many times to set upon the County: but he always turned so bravely upon them that they durst not join. In this manner he marched towards Eruaux, and from thence to Partenay, where they arrived about ten of the clock at night, five hours after the overthrow, where the rest likewise came. The Princes in this battle of Moncontour, lost four thousand Launsquenets ' fifteen hundredth French soldiers, and great numbers of pages and other boys: of the horsemen about three hundredth, and many horses dead or hurt: of men of name there were slain Puigreffier, Autricourt, Byron, brother to him that led the Duke's vanguard, and Saint Bonet Cornet of the Admiral's lanciers. La Nove and Acier taken prisoners: the Rutters carriage was sacked, only the horses which the boys saved: but the French carriage being further advanced towards Partenay and Nyort was saved: of the Duke's troops there was not many footmen slain, but of horse about five or six hundredth, and twice as many more wounded, most part of them dying not long after: and of men of name, the elder Rhingrave, the marquess of Bade, and Clerimont of Dauphine. The number of slain on both parts. The Duke caused the dead to be buried, and commanded the villages and towns near there about, to bury such as lay nearest unto them. Such was this days chance, whereof divers discourses have been published, whose vanities I have not undertaken to tet down, contenting myself to have approached nearest unto the truth, which of itself will sufficiently be descended. The Marshal de Rez was presently willed by the Duke to ride to Tours, to certify the king and the Queen of his victory, wherewith all Europe was presently filled, and as the report is made greater by passing through many men's mouths, nothing was then spoken of in Italy and else where, but of the utter overthrow of all the Prince's army. Consultation in the Duke's council, what was to be done after the battle of Montcontour. Immediately after this victory, the chief Leaders of the Duke's army were assembled to debate what was best to be done: the opinions were divers, and the worst followed. Some alleged, that since the Prince's footmen were quite overthrown, and that they had few horsemen but Rutters, who were already wonderful discontent for the loss of their baggage, the best course would be with all speed to follow them, so should they compass one of these two effects, either utterly overthrow them, or force them to compound for their retreat into Germany, which might easily be performed, by giving them some two months pay. Hereto adding, that the Admiral a wary Captain, and one that knew how to shift out of the briars, had he but even very small leisure, would repair his forces, adding some replies out of Gascon and Languedoc: so that in the spring, they should be assured to have him in the field with a new army, wherewith he would waste sundry Provinces, and transport the wars even to the Gates of Paris. Besides, the presence of the Princes among their daunted troops, would by little and little hearten them again, and stir up the stomachs of many others that were now quailed in other places, unless with diligence they were abridged from making profit of the time. In sum, they concluded that the Duke with the two thirds of his army, should follow the Princes, whereby undoubtedly he should drive their leaders for refuge to shut up themselves in some weak place, whereby the wars might be ended. Others thought it better to reap the assured fruit of the victory, by taking in the towns that were holden in the Prince's names, which in this astonishment might easily be done, but would hereafter be harder, and in manner impossible, in case they had respite to survey their own estates, whereby there would be new stirs: for the Protestants would never be subdued, so long as they had any places of retreat: but once shut out of their starting holes, they would have no great stomach to be busy. That their towns that were to be taken in Poictou, Xaintongue, and Angoulmois, were not to hold out any long time against a victorious army, so mighty, and every day increasing: also that so Rochel seeing herself left post alone and open to them, would soon quake: as for the remainders of the defeated army, or that the Admiral and Princes were gotten into safety, all that would waste of itself: and for the hasting of the execution thereof, they might send after them some one thousand horse, and two thousand shot: and withal, raise the whole power of the Provinces where they should stay. In the mean time with all expedition to send for artillery and munititon to perform this purpose, which being achieved, would inflict a mortal wound upon those of the religion, who already halted of the one leg. This latter advise took place, yet but in part neither, namely, so far as concerned the taking of towns, yet not of all: but as for pursuing of the Princes, the Duke and his Council never thought more of it, but employed their time in that which seemed most easy. The Admiral did since report to the Lord de la Nove, that had they cheerfully pursued the Princes and him, when they transported the remainders of their army into Gascon, they had utterly endangered them, considering that passing through the country of Perigort, and other straits, the Peasants and petty Garrisons wrought them much trouble, by reason they had none but horsemen, and those in part tired, and in part astonished: but there sort that they had to refresh themselves, to strengthen their power with footmen, and to gather in the booties of the good country as they went, restored their courages, and put them in new hopes. The Princes having reassembled their forces after the battle of Moncontour, and taken speedy advise in Partenay what they should do, What the Prince did after the overthrow. presently issued forth, and at three of the clock after midnight departed to go to Nyort, hoping that that place would for a time stay the Duke's army, therein leaving Novy with his Cornet, and two Regiments of arquebusiers, besides pikes, and the Townsmen: from thence they went to Saint john d'Angely to provide for it: wherein lay Captain Pills, to whom they committed the guard, giving him more strength of five hundredth arquebusiers, with the cornet of la Motte Puiols, and the arquebusiers of la Mure, and then gave order for Rochel and Angoulesme. The Duke following the resolution of his Council, caused his army to march towards Partenay, where it found no resistance, but the gates open and the Town void. The reprise of sundry towns, for the Prince of Anion. In the mean time, the Baron of Mirambeau being in Lusignon, a place accounted impregnable, well furnished with artillery, soldiers, and sufficient provision, did notwithstanding upon some summons and parley, yield up the place to his Cousin the young Lansac, thereby incurring great mislike with both parties, and of his cowardice, reaping only reproach, scorn, and shame. Soon after, the Duke sent to summon Nyort, and finding part of the garrison wavering, caused his scouts and forerunners to show themselves even at the gates, so to terrify them the more: Money who wanted neither courage nor strength, thereupon took the field with his cornet, and when he had scared away these adventurers, sounded the retreat, wherein as he was one of the hindermost, and called Maurevell of the Country of Brye, who a little before departing from the Duke's army, under colour of being of the religion, had yielded himself to Movy, Movy unworthily entreated, and his adversary rewarded by the Catholicques. and so was admitted into his cornet, bestowed upon his Captain and benefactor a Pistol-shot in his back, whereby he was grievously wounded, and being well horsed, saved himself in haste with the Duke, who sent him to the Queen, where he was rewarded with a sum of money out of the Townhouse of Paris, and afterward well advanced and welcome to the Court, afterward also employed against the Admiral, as hereafter you shall understand: and lastly slain in the midst of his safety at Paris, by the Lord of Movies son, who came not behind him, but came to his face and did it with his sword through the default of his cuirats which he usually ware even in time of peace. Movy being thus wounded retired into Niort, where he thought to have held out: but afterwise being otherwise advised, he came to S. john's to confer with the Princes, and so went to Rochel, where he yielded up the ghost. He was a wise, valiant, and very godly Gentleman, a terror to the Romish Catholicques, and as upright in his conversation as any of our time. Upon his retreat from Niort, the place was immediately abandoned, and so consequently without difficulty, was possessed by the Duke. Thither came the king, the Queen-mother, and the Cardinal of Lorraine soon after, and there reloived to besiege Saint john d'Angely. In the mean time Pwiaut forsook Fontenay, as not able to stand against such an army, and so came to Rochel, where he craved and obtained succours to defend Marans the key of that country. The Protestants troops retire to la charity. The Prince's Garrisons of Chastelleraud, Chawigny, Roche-pose, castle d' Angle, Prully, Cleruant, and other small places, departed to pass through Berry, and so with Briguemaut to draw to Sancerre & charity. They took breath at Bourg Dieu, lately surprised to their use by Captain Gournay, from young Monluc, for by the way, the Commons of Berry and Chastre, the Governor of the Country had greatly molested them: but Guerchy Governor of charity came to free them, and maugre all the endeavours of Chastre, and the resistance or a few Priests of Chasteauneaf, a town standing upon the river of Cherseoli (who foolishly and with the loss of their lives, had changed their portuises into swords, and their copes into corslets) brought them into covert. Asconcerning those of Dauphine and Languedoc, Vivarets and Awergne. some of them to the number of six or seven hundredth horse, with the princes leave took their way homeward, purposing by leisure to provide for some places in Vivaretz and Awergne, where after many difficulties they did arrive, losing by the way some hundredth men, besides such as were stripped: for no sooner could any man scatter ortarrie behind, but he was presently taken up by the Peasants, who studied only how to rob and spoil. The chief of these troops that retired thus, were Monbrun, Mirabel, and Verbelay, who afterward commanded in Orillac in Awergne: from whence Saint Heran the Governor did his utter endeavour to debar the Prince's entry: for indeed there was aspeech, that they purposed to come and winter in the plain country called la Limagne: but they went an other way: for having provided for Rochel, Saint john d'Angely, and some other places, they passed over Dordogne, drew towards Quercy, and below Cadenat passed over the river of Lot, from whence they followed that course which hereafter we will set down. Among other Towns that served the Princes in these wars, we must not for get Rochel, a port of the sea, well known to all men, Rochel a great refuge for the Princes. for that among other commodities which it did for those of the religion, it rigged and prepared great numbers of ships, that took many rich prizes, whereby great profit ensued for the common cause. Although at that time they took but the tenth part for the Admiralty, yet the profit amounted unto above three hundredth thousand franks: & divers courses were made by many Captains, among the which, Sore bore a great name, wherewith the Spaniards were not well content. Nismes in Languedoc served likewise greatly for the Prince, after they had taken it from one named Saint Andre, As also Nismos in Languedoc gotten by a notable denice. by means of their participants in those quarters, that got it by a notable device, entering by a grate of Iron, filled divers nights with a soft file, by a soldier living at hazard. This grate stood at the foot of the Town wall, shutting in a sink, through the which there ran in a fountain out of a little spring, for the commodity of the Inhabitants. The enterprises whereof, one named Captain Saint Cosme was the leader, being entered by this conduct, were presently discovered by the Sintinell that stood upon it: In such sort, that the fluee of a mill not far from thence, was presently left open upon them, and some pieces out of the Castle shot against them. Nevertheless they shunned it, & being entered and dispersed in troops, Saint Cosme went to the grate called Carmes, where he put a court of guard to the sword, consisting only of Priests: and going to the Crown gate, he met a Corporal, whom he constrained to give him the word, forced an other court of guard, and slew them all. The gate being opened, certain soldiers that stayed without, entered with their boys, and running with three trumpets through the streets of the Town, made a great noise: Chaissi, Mingelle, and other Captains, companions of Saint Cosme, went round about the Town. Saint Andre and his Lieutenant, not having the means to get into the Castle, and being hardly pursued, (for they went to be revenged upon them, because of their wicked lives, and as then also they had those of the religion, that had fled from Nismes against them, to whom they had done a thousand mischieses) threw themselves off from the wall into the ditches, where the one broke his neck, the other his thigh, and the next day being taken was slain. Captain Astoul, that commanded in the Castle, held out almost three months against the Town, but having lost part of his soldiers by a mine, others dead of sickness, and the rest poor and miserable, he agreed to yield, lives and goods saved, and so this town restored to the commandment of the Princes, did after serve them to great end in many of their affairs. The siege of Vizelay by Sansac, with the success thereof. After the battle of Moncontour, the Duke of Anjou commanded Sanssacto take from those of the religionall that they held beyond Loire. According to this commission, Sanssac with two and twenty Ensigns of foot, and eight cornets of horse, four cannons, and two coluerins, entered into Donzi, which being very weak, had been abandoned: took Noyers' upon composition, that the besieged should enjoy both lives and goods, which notwithstanding the most part of the souliers were transported to Troy in Champagne, and threescore of them slain by the people in the streets: Irom thence Sanssac mached toward Vezelay, a town standing upon the top of a high hill, having but one way to come at it, whereby the Inhabitants came in and out. All other ways are so steep; that without many breathe, it is unpossible to climb to the foot of the walls, which are reasonable thick and strong. Therein were enclosed these Captains: Blosset, Saracen, Besansen, and Ribourpierre, with three companies of footmen, and two Cornets of horse. Most of these soldiers were such as had come thither as to a place of resuge. The 8. of Octob. Sanssac caused three companies to make the first approach, but the besieged came forth very resolutely, defeated two companies; & slew their Captains, and about forty soldiers: the third saved themselves in a valley among Then did Sansac with greater forces make his approaches, and within two days after began the battery, which continued eight and forty hours, than gave the assault at two breaches and an escalado, near the Franciscan Friars. But he had as sharp a repulse with loss of three hundredth men and above, as also the defendants lost some thirty men, with their Captain named Sarazin. Then did Sansac remove his battery into divers places, and gave an assault, which the besieged did valiantly defend, and slew even without the breaches, and in the retreat, many of his men. Then finding bis bullets and powder in manner quite spent, and his cannons broken and spoiled, raised his siege and went to setch a new supply, and so with all diligence returned with twelve pieces more: the rather for that he was by some traitors of the Town (of whom two were found out and executed) given to understand of the departure of the most part of the Gentlemen that were at the first siege, who now had taken the field. At his first coming he began a long and furious battle, wherein he enlarged the first breaches, beat down the defences, and made the rampires plain, than gave he a general assault, wherein his men at length had the repulse, with the loss of his bravest soldiers, slain upon the breaches and in the ditch. Here upon, considering, that three thousand cannon shot, the death of fifteen hundredth soldiers, and among others of Foyssy, the Colonel of his foot men, could no whit abate the courage of the besieged, heretired and thought it enough to shut them up towards the end of the year: but Briquemaut and Guerchy found means to relieve Vezelay, and to send Sansac to seek his fortune elsewhere. A notable defence of a woman besieged in her own house. As small honour did Montare the Governor of Bourbonnois, Moncequie, and other Captains obtain, who with three thousand men, some foot, some horse, and certain Cannons, besieged and for fifteen days space, did beat the Castle of Bonegon, holden and courageously defended by Mary of Brabancou, widow to the Lord of Neavi, with some fifty soldiers for the guard of that her house. The besiegers lay before it near two months: so that in the end, this virtuous Lady having lost the most part of her soldiers, who were slain in the assaults and ordinary skirmishes, was forced to yield to the enemy, who sent her prisoner to Moullins, from whence she was afterward delivered at the entreaty of such as respected her godliness and virtue. Her Castle they sacked and threw down, for spite that they had lost so many soldiers, and reaped as great dishonour as might be. This siege began about the beginning of November. The siege of Poitiers had been the beginning of misfortune of the Princes, The siege of S. d'Angely, ruin of the D. of Anious forces. but in exchange, the siege of Saint john d'Angely was the stay or period of the Duke of Anious victories. For if he and his troops had not flayed there, but rather pursued the Princes and the Admiral, the war had soon ended, as all men were of opinion, considering the fear which those of the religion at that time had, together with the difficulties which as then presented themselves. The Duke proud of the taking of Partenay, Nyort, S. Maixant, Fontenay, Chastelleraud, & Lufignan, sent according to their determination, to summon the town of S. john d'Angely to yield unto him. Piles that commanded therein, assisted by la Motte Puiols, lafoy Ramiere, Paluel called Serido, les Essars, lafoy guard, and Montant, to whom Monsieur de la person was sent with certain horse, made answer, that he kept the place for the Prince of Navarre, Governor of Guyenne. The Town was presently besieged, beginning upon the sixteenth of October, where those within, made many sallies and skirmishes to impeach the enemy from approaching: five days after, the besieged with forty horse charged the enemy, where they slew divers of their soldiers, who being surprised, were taught to run faster. But the loss they had the next day after was greater, for then the besieged slew a great number of their men, bore away two Ensigns and a half, and a good quantity of arms, Captain Parisol slain, and his brother taken prisoner, without loss of one man of those in the Town. Five days after, the Queen brought the king her son, as then of the age of nineteen years, with a great train unto the siege, to the end, that he might likewise have part of the honour of so many conquests in his realm, and against his own subjects. But not long after, he could well complain that his mother had brought him thither to drink of the shame, and to favour the Duke of Anjou her other son, whom she sought to advance. It was thought as then, the besieged would have yielded themselves within two days after: but those two days continued above six weeks. Captain la Ramiere was so sore hurt at the beginning of the battery, that he died not long after, much lamented by those of the town, for his valour and resolution. At the first assault given about the beginning of November, the king's army fit divers of their Captains and best soldiers. Montesquiou, that slew the Prince, was there cruelly wounded, whereof he languished certain weeks, and then died. Byron General of the artillery, perceiving that this resolution of the besieged would spoil the assailants, began to mollify them by Artificial practices, and to use a treaty of peace, person having Passport granted him to go unto the Princes. Whereupon a truce was granted for certain days, which being expired, although person was not returned, Piles was often summoned by Byron to yield up the Town, because he had conditioned to capitulate, if within the time of the truce, he had no aid not answer from the Princes. In the end it was agreed, that if the next day by ten of the clock in the morning, being the tenth of November, the besieged were not relieved, they should yield up the place: as all the Town was in a maze, and many weeping for grief, about the break of day they began to cry out, saying: that the aid (which a Gentleman named Fombedoucre, had gone to fetch with the great danger of his life, and continued after that with great fortune, to hazard himself for the good of the town, by doing such special services, and in the end was taken by his enemy) was at the gate of Mattas, whither Piles presently went to receive them. It being Captain Saint Seurin, who with forty horse was come from Angoulesme to S. john, passing by the enemy's camp, that lay about the town, having under the name and pretence of a friend, finely circumvented the watch: at the time appointed Byron appeared, that received an other answer than he expected. The hostages delivered on both sides, the Romish Catholic cannons began to play, daily continuing, whereunto the besieged opposed great diligence, by making rampires of earth. There Schastian de Luxemberg Duke of Martigues, Governor of Britain, was slain with a harquebu shot, a great enemy to those of the religion, and much lamented by the contrary part. Not long before as in an interview, he stood talking with la Motte Puiols, persuading him to yield, he said: trust not you unto the Princes nor the Admiral, but remember the battle, wherein your strong God forsook you, and that at this time you have occasion to sing: Help us now O Lord, for it is time. La Motte answered, that for the loss of such a battle, their hope in the strong God, (of whose aid they were assured) was not diminished. And the next day after this parley, was made the sally aforesaid, wherein Partso● was slain, and at their return into the town, they sung the 50. Psalm, beginning: The mighty God, etc. And not long after, Martigues felt that the strong God is living, to aid the weak, and to abate those that think themselves to be stronger than he. During this battery, lafoy Motte Puiols, and S. Seurin, with eighty horse, and two hundredth foot, made a brave sally upon the besiegers court of guard, which consisted of four Ensigns: slew fifty or sixty of the principal, wounded a great number, cloyed six coluerins, and burned fifteen barrels of powder belonging to the munition: also lafoy Motte charged the Swissers that kept the store house, wherein were some hundredth barrels and more: slew part of the Swissers, and scared the rest, so that had they not made speed to the rescue, all the powder of the army had vanished in smoke. The besieged retired with two Ensigns, many drums & weapons, & great booty, without loss of any one man. Afterward the fury of the cannon was redoubled, and the besiegers resolved to abide, but not to fight but with cannon shot. Finally the siege having continued for the space of two months, there was a capitulation signed with the kings own hand, importing, that the besieged should issue out, with their goods, arms, and horses, their Ensigns wound up, and that for the space of four months after, they should not bear arms for the general cause of the religion, that as well strangers as others, might retire whither they would, with all security: and that they should be conducted by Byron & Cosseins. Now it remained that they should provide to departed the next day, being the third of Decemb. which they did every man as well as he might. In the mean time, the sick and wounded, the aged, impotent, and women, took on mightily, neither was there anything heard, but weeping and lamentation, especially at the departure, which was about noon. The Duke of Aumale was at the gate of Mattas, where the footmen were the first that came forth, The un worthee dealing with those that came forth of Saint john d'Angelie upon compesition. under the leading of Captain Serido and other Captains, to whom Marshal Vieillenille, said: Fellow me, and let your men come after you. Being come to the midst of the suburbs, the Romish Catholicquesouldiers began to discharge upon therest, and with force drove them into their lodgings, where they stripped them of their arms, apparel, and money: the marshal being hereof advertised, commanded his mento follow him with their weapons ready, but as he ran one way, there was much injury offered an other. Whereupon Serido went twice to complain to the D. d'Aumale, and to summon him to see the kings promise performed: but Aumale in lieu of going himself, commanded certain Captains to take order for it. About 50. paces without the suburbs stood the D. of Anjou, whose countenance did somewhat repress the insolency of the Rutters, but so soon as they were passed him, his foot men spoiled their carriages, seized upon their spare horses, set the horsemen besides their saddles, & rob them. Neither did they the escaped this first spoil, go scot free, for passing by S. julians', which was half a league of, they incurred greater injuries than before. The regiment of Sarrieu that stood there at guard, suffered not any to escape, but took from them all that they could find, even to their hose and shoes, yea sometimes to the very shirt. Many were beaten, murdered, and slain, and some cast into the river. Thus were the footmen entreated, that upon the king's faith royal, came forth of S. john d'Angely. The horsemen at their departure did Byron and Cosseyns bring forth, which notwithstanding they were stripped by their carriages, armour, and horses: and being passed Saint julian's, three cornets appointed for their conduct, began to strip and injury any that scattered never so little: yea even at Siech, whither they were that day to march, divers were rob, stripped, and slain. And the next day upon the way to Saint Cibardean, this disorder continued to the contempt and infamy of the authority royal, notwithstanding the king's safe conduct, his Herald and Trumpet, whom Byron had commanded to bring them to Angoulesme, where both foot and horse thus hardly entreated, arrived upon Sunday the fourth of December, about ten of the clock in the morning, where they were honeftly received by the Lord of Mesines, the Gonernour, and divers other Lords and Gentlemen, that wondered at the former treachery, and advised to complain to the king and other principal men, and to crave amends. Aumale and the rest made much ado, but in words only: so that thus the solemn promise was broken, and the dignity royal exposed to infamy, neither could the Captains notwithstanding their complaints, procure any satisfaction. Indeed some few of the veriest rascals and treachers were banished the camp, and recompense promised for the fit baggage: besides that, the king seemed to be mightily discontent, that his name should be so villainously profaned: but this second promise was as well observed as the first. Piles and some others, accounting themselves in regard of this treachery, freed from their promise contained in one of the articles of the capitulation, departed from Angoulesme and went to the Princes, notwithstanding the disturbance by Vauguyon, and eight Cornets of horse, offered at the passage over Dordogne. In this siege the assailants fit above 10000 men of war, and discharged 35000. cannon shot: 25. or 30. commissaries of the artillery were slain by the besieged, who for want of munition, let 12. or 15. pieces mounted upon wheels stand unoccupied: many left the camp, which found itself diminished of 18. or 20000. men, yet little esteemed in respect of the D. de Martigues, and other commanders. Whilst the Romish Catholicques army lay spending themselves before S. john d'Angely, lafoy Chastre and others, warred upon the religious in Berry, & the borders with variable success on both sides. The protestants in two or three places, trusting to their enemy's promises, were hardly entreated: but they had their revenge by weapons and valiant resistance in sundry places where they bore out sundry assaults, & forced their enemies to retire. The king's army by want of victuals and other discommodities, presently after, went from Saint john de Angely, leaving the Princes and the Admiral to think upon their voyage. And the king about the end of the year went to Angers, assigning the Prince's Deputies to be there in the beginning of january to entreat of peace. The King, 1570. the Queen, the Duke of Anjou, and their Council, thinking that the Princes had lost courage, and after the battle of Montcontour, Why a parley of peace was made about the beginning of the year. to be wholly destitute of all means to aid themselves, determined to sound them, to see if they would enter into request and acceptation of peace: hoping that having brought them to the point, there could be no condition, how hard soever it were, but they would gladly accept it, so they might be assured of their lives, and the possession of their goods in their houses. And according to this advise in the month of November, 1569. a meeting was practised between the Marshal de Coss, and the Deputies of the Queen of Navarre, the Deputies having presented their articles, although the matter ought rather to be handled by conference then by writings, which have no replies, the means therein used, and the delays practised for answering thereunto, made the Princes know and perceive, that their enemiesment to help themselves by that device to hinder their affairs. After the first audience given unto their Deputies, they were given to understand, that the king could not endure the exercise of their religion, and that they ought to content themselves with the liberty of their consciences. another device was wrought, which was, that messengers were sent into England and Almain, to certify them that the peace was made: by that means to stay the aid that they might procure from thence. And on the other side, Posts went in all haste to procure money and foreign soldiers. They discovered divers practices against them, both within & without the Realm, the effect being, that first they would disarm them, and then use them and all those of the religion, as the judgement given against the Admiral sufficiently showed. Notwithstanding they determined to send Messieurs de Beawais, la Nocle, & Theligny, to Angers, to enter into conference with the king's commissioners: and on the other side, to pursue their warlike affairs, and so make peace with weapon in hand. After the battle of Moncontour, we see how the forces of the Protestants were scattered in divers Provinces. Such as were dispersed in Berry, determined through intelligence with a certain soldier that betrayed them, The Progress of the warlike exploits in Poictou, against the protestants. to surprise Bourges: but missing of their purpose, by a counter intelligence, lost in that exploit some 30. men, beside as many more taken prisoners, having but homely entertainment, with the cannon were forced to retire from the town, whereto they had brought 1000 horse, & 2000 foot. The County of Lude, Puigaillard, & Sanzay, Colonel of the Arrierebands of France, after the recovery of Poictou, got possessions of Marans, whereby the whole Province round about was won for the Princes, except Angoulesme and Rochel, where the Protestants were shut up, after that Sanzay had gotten the Castle of Beau●oir on the sea, from young Rohan. Lusignon was lost through the cowardice of the Baron of Mirambean, whom the soldiers made their scoffing stock, witness the scoff of the L. of Losses, who coming to speak with the Queen of Navarre at Rochel, said openly, that Mirambeau came to composition, not for want of victual or munition, but be cause he could get no more mustard to eat with his powdered bees. The Council weening to terrify the L. of Pardaillan, Governor of Blay, caused the King to write his letter unto him importing both threats and promises, to cause him to yield up the place (which gotten, they hoped to have Rochel cheap ynogh) which he held for the Princes, into the hands of Lansac, who in his letters threatened Pardaillon, in case he denied to obey. But Pardaillan answered the K. discreetly, and Lansac as courageously, to whom he wrote thus. You can conceive no greater grief in enterprising to force me in this place, than I should by yielding, reap shame, loss, hindrance, and confusion, whereto I doubt not to put you, or any other that shall put me to it. Neither am I or any under my charge, so base minded to grant you any greater advantage, than the like force as you pretend against us. Lansac finding nothing to be had there but stripes, turned an other way and tried Romegou, the Governor of Tayllebourg, whose answer was not unlike to Pardaillans. Then because the Isles of Xaintongne, Marennes, and Brovage, had much molested the army that besieged Saint john d'Angely, by letting their Garrisons road up and down, and cut off their victuallers, they now sent the County of Lude, Puigaillard, and Riviere Puitaille, with eight cornets of horse, and twenty Ensigns of foot, who took all by force, and there slew the remainder of the Lansquenets that escaped at the battle of Moncontour, so as there were left alive, not above three hundredth fight men, or thereabout. Whilst the wars continued in those quarters, in a road they caught a soldier, whom Riutere Puitaille sought to practise for the surprising of Rochel: Sundry warlike exploits on either part in Poictou & Guyenne. but the soldier laboured a double intelligence, whereby Riviere and others in hope to take, had almost been taken, but having warning thereof by the way, they returned to their Garrisons. On the other side, lafoy Nove the Prince's Lieutenant in Guienne, sought to recover Brovage, a place that greatly annoyed the Rochellers: but as he went about it, he discovered an other enterprise practised by the Baron de la guard, against Thonne Charente, so as the purposes of the one countermanded the other. At that time, which was the beginning of the year, Rochel was as it were blocked up on every side. For towards Poictou the County of Lude and Puigaillard had a great army: Riviere Puitaille the elder held Marans and other places thereabout, and the younger commanded in Brovage. Landereau the Vice-admiral, a sworn enemy to the religion, which before himself had professed, lay in Olone: then the Britons and Bourdelois by sea, did what they could to cut off all victual from Rochel, wherein also the Baron de la Gardiner, than General of the galleys, did greatly annoy them, running many times even to their haven. He now to the end on all sides to block up the town, with the help of the younger Puitaille, broached a practice against Thonne Charente: to the effecting whereof, he sent Captain Beaulieus Lieutenant to make the first descent. La Nove understanding his device, undertook to keep the place, and so ordered his arquebusiers, that had they forborn until the soldiers of this Galley had landed, they had caught either dead or alive, not only these, but also their followers, who came on● row into Charente, and so purposing to land, had cast away themselves in Sparte. But they forgetting their captains direction, so soon as Beaulieus Lieutenant was coming on shore, received him with such a storm of shot, that they slew him and l'Argoussin: withal, they proclaimed liberty to the Galley-slaves, who thereupon let go their owers, and so lafoy Nove took the Galley and all that was in it. The prisoners were carried to Rochel, and the Galley to Taillebourg, wherewith, as also with an other Romegouse, did afterward make sundry voyages, and took divers prizes from the Romish Catholicques. The Baron retired with his loss, & brought his Galleys back to Brovage, where he practised by policy, that which he could not compass by force: but he lost both time, men, and money: to be brief, he did just nothing. First parley of peace. The Prince's Deputies arrived in Angers, in the month of February to parley of a peace, the king having understood their declarations & demands, made answer, that for their exercise of religion, they should be permitted to dwell and live peaceably within his Realm, in liberty of conscience, without being troubled in their houses. And for security he granted them two Towns, which Byron should nominate, wherein they might do as they thought good, without interruption, with condition that there should be some sufficient Gentleman appointed, to be superintendent over those places, to see that nothing should be done by them contrary to the authority of the king and his Realm. Minding that in France there should be no Ministers, nor any other exercise of religion than his own, they should be restored unto their offices, except to such as by injustice they had been put from: And by the king's commandment, who had sold them to get money for the affairs of war, he demanded to have them disarmed, that they should speedily discharge their foreign soldiers, and yield up all the towns holden by them. The Deputies having other commission, having conferred with the Queen and the King's Council, at Chasteaubruiant in Britain, returned to the Princes, without any conclusion for that time. During these affairs, War about Rochel. Puigallard with other the Captains thereabout, determined to enclose Rochel, and to that end began at Marsilli, Enandes, Noaille, and other hamlets within a league or two. But Scipion an Italian Engineer, to whom the Princes in consideration of his service, had given the revenues of Noaille, understanding what was done, with the help of la Nove and Pwiauts shot, surprised the enemy in the village, and slew a good number. The others that were shut up in the Castle with condition of life and goods, yielded to Nove, who was come with some forces out of Rochel. The same time died Riviere Puitaille, the Elder and Governor of Marans, whereupon la Nove, Pwiaut, and other Captains, determined to seize upon the Burrow, Castle, and Bastille of Marans, where the new Governor named Chaperon, found as small obedience as might be. Their enterprise they happily achieved: stripped Chaperon, whom they sent empty away: turned a company of Italians that held the Bastille, and were loath to fight too long, into their hose and doublets, and their weapons, purses, garments, and horses, furnished Captain lafoy Guards soldiers. A notable over throw in favour of the Rochelers. This conquest gotten toward the end of February, awaked the enemy's Garrisons round about, whom la Nove pursued so hotly, that he drove them out of ten or twelve forts about Rochel. Then took he in hand an enterprise against the sons of Olone, which failing the first time, by reason of the roughtnesse of the sea, which kept away five hundredth shot that should have come in Barks, Chaluppes, and other small boats, under the leading of Captain Sore, was set on foot again the fifteenth of March, and so resolutely prosecuted, that the defendants were forced, and for the most part slain. Landereau, who commanded in that place, carried to Rochel, where in regard of his intolerable demeanours he had been executed, had it not been for such protestant gentlemen's sakes, as being in many places prisoners, might thereupon have been the more hardly entreated: the burrow was given in pillage, where the soldiers found a wonderful booty, much goods and plenty of silver ready quoined: there were taken sortie good vessels, and many prisoners that remained of four hundredth, slain in fight. The Conquerors took also above thirty small pieces of artillery, besides what was in the ships. A gallant fight of an English ship against five galleys. About the same time the Baron de la guard weening to recover his losses, sought in a calm with his five Galleys, to invest an English ship of 25. or thirty tun, that rid near to Rochel, laden with merchandise. But the Englishmen bore themselves so courageously, that the Baron with the loss of fifty men whom the English slew with their muskets and cannons, was glad to return empty, with his galleys shrewdly bruised. The Englishmen lost ten men, and all his tackles which was torn: but the Queen of Navarre gave him in recompense, one of the ships that was taken from Landereau. These fresh springs of the Rochelers procured the sending of Puigaillard, with fourteen companies of the ordenances, & nineteen Ensigns of footmen to war wpon them. Fernaques, who lay in Fontenay with seven score salads, made an enterprise against Langon, and the ford of Velugre, which he won, taking at the ford thirty prisoners, & killing eight soldiers which cost him fifteen of his. The taking of this place, with the loss of Lucon, did greatly annoy Marans and Rochel, and therefore the same day that the Italians came to lie at Saint Gem, namely the seven and twentieth of March la Nove departed, Exploits of both parties in Givenne, Xantoigne, & Angulmois. and entering into Lucon, put the keepers to flight and led away their horse: but in his return, the Italians of Saint Gem followed him with a pretence to charge upon him: yet seeing their leader, a man of valour named Sforce, beaten down and slain, they retired. Puigaillard taking the fields, surprised the Tower of Maric, the Castle of grieve, Talmond, and the Castle of Chise: otherwise not greatly regarding whatsoever his capitulations with such as he besieged. On the other side, Pwiaut Governor of Marans, went forth the fourteenth of April, against Captain Dante, who with his cornet overran all the country of Poicntou. Him he surprised at Tire, flew in the place and overthrew his company, which never after did any thing, as being for the most part all wounded or slain. Young Riviere, Puitaille, and Guitiviere Governor of Saint john d'Angely, that came to the siege of Chise, in their return were charged by Chaumont and Goulene, with two Cornets out of Angoulesme: where Guitiviere being slain, Riviere saved himself, their men defeated, left two ancients behind them, which were carried to Rochel. The Garrison of Angoulesme, that held for the Princes, hearing that Captain Herbelet, with his company, and two companies of Italians fouraged those parts, sent forth the Lord de Coignees with two hundredth horse, who finding himself enclosed between Herbelet & the Italians, resolved to charge the foremost, which he so valiantly performed, that Herbelet was slain, his corner taken, and his men either killed or taken prisoners. Then prosecuting his victory, he set upon the Italians, entered their troops, put some to the sword, led away the rest, and won some hundredth or six score horse, about the five and twentieth of May. Second parley of peace. I said before, that the first answer made by the king to Messieur de Teligny & de Beawais, and la Nocle, Deputies for the Princes, to parley of a peace at Angers, was such, that after it, the war was rather increased then diminished. For those of the religion, perceiving that they sought only to overthrow and destroy them, determined to proceed, and to make of necessity a virtue. And as time breedeth changes, those that happened were to their advantages, in such sort, that their courages were increased, and their hopes fortified. The king, the Queen, and their Council, perceiving that since the loss received before Saint john d'Angely, they found themselves new to begin, determined to begin a parley of peace: wherein for their part, Byron was employed, with charge (as like wise Teligny, Deputy for the Princes) to say unto the Admiral, that the king and the Queen his mother, desired more than ever they did, to receive him into their favours, with many such like words: whereof the effects may well be seen in the discourse of the year 1572. The king was grieved that the continuance of war bereaved him of his pleasures, overthrew the love and obedience due unto him, fouraged his country, diminished his treasures, and consumed his forces. His wicked councillors ceased not to kindle in his heart the fire of rancour, and desire of revenge against the Admiral, his associates, and all those of the religion, because of the journey of Meaux, in the beginning of the second troubles, and of so many resistances as they had made. The Queen his mother was much offended, because that from the beginning of the first troubles, it was discovered that her intents were to rule, and to cause the one part to spoil the other: Her chief object being wholly against those of the religion, specially against the Admiral and other commanders. There was too much pain and danger to bring them to her bow by dint of sword: murderers and empoisoners durst hardly approach, the Princes applied themselves to the time, and from their youths began to know the friends and enemies of rest and quietness of France. On the other side, the Queen of Navarre and the Admiral, as also divers great Lords of their part, affected to the good of the Commonwealth, and foreseeing that the engrafted enemies thereof, desired nothing but the weakening of the same, by the means of civil wars, there to erect their practices, and to open the way to their ambitious devices, desired by an assured peace to see some end of the miseries of France: hoping that men's minds being somewhat cooled, good counsel would be taken for the benefit of the Commonwealth, to the utter confusion of the secret and open enemies thereof: the divine providence of the almighty God and ruler of the world, directeth our affairs partly according to our desires, but for the most part, it guideth all things in such manner, that calling to mind that which passed after, until the death of the Duke of Anjou, which was Henry the third, we cannot mark nor say otherwise, but that the judgements of God are unsearchable, and that his ways are impossible to be found out. To return unto the Princes, they were constrained after the battle of Of the great voyage made by the Princes after th●ir tourney of Moncontour until the peace. Moncontour, to keep themselves far from the Duke's army, to assure their troops, to stay their enemies about towns, and so to consume them, while they strengthened themselves and became busier than before, thereby to constrain those that took so much pleasure in war, to seek for peace. This counsel was good, because of the improvidence of the Romish Catholics, who without resistance, suffering this small snowball to retire, in time it became as great as a house, for that the authority of the Princes drew and moved many people. The Admiral by his providence, surmounted the occurrent difficulties, and the Rutters to the number of three thousand horse for the field, gave reputation to the army. They endured much, until they entered into Gascon, where they strengthened themselves with arquebusiers, being most necessary for them, specially to defend the horsemen, nightly surprises much used in that country, because of the dearness of Towns and Castles. They were mingled among the Cornets of Rutters, and other French troops: in such sort, that both plain countries and covert, they were always ready to defend them. Staying of the Prince's Army. The longest way that this demi army made, was towards Agenois and Quercy, where it stayed almost all the winter, and by the good entertainment it received there, both great and little sped well. In this voyage the Princes abandoned the enemy's country, for a pray unto their soldiers, and whosoever would hazard, wanted no means, those Provinces were so abundant. Monluc went about to hinder their passage over Garonne, but the diligence of la Love, that led the Prince's light-horse, having taken those places that served for resistance, forced him in all haste to retire to Again: so that in the month of December 1599 all the army passed over Garonne at Saint Mary's port, without impeachment at the second time, for at the first, Monluc had broken their bridge. The twentieth of the same month, Captain Piles joined with the Prince's army, and having obtained three Cornets, made them fly that followed him so near. La Love and his Argolitiers, made divers courses and picorees into Agenois and the countries thereabout. The first forces that joined with the Princes, were those of the County Montgommery, coming from Bearn, and it is not to be doubted, if he were welcomed at his return. The two and twentieth of December, Bole a strong Town was taken: that done, Exploits of this army in their voyage. that army went to lie at the Bastille Saint Surin, two leagues from Thoulouse. The next day, and others ensuing, began a manner of war most violent, by reason of the burnings that were permitted to be made about that great Town, only upon the houses of Precedents and councillors of the parliament, it being alleged that they had been most earnest, and as it were enraged to burn and massacre those of the religion, beheaded Captain Rapine, that brought them the Edict of peace from the king, and committed divers insolences & oppressions, for the which as then it was requisite to punish them: for that omitting that occasion, it would possible not be found again. The Marshal d'Anuille Governor of Languedoc, lafoy Valette, and divers others of account, were within Thoulouse, accompanied with five hundredth Gentlemen, and 9000. arquebusiers, as well strangers, as of the country, wherewith they made many sallies with divers effects: yet never went far from their walls, for fear of some surprise: after Thoulouse had received those small checks, the army went towards Carmaine, Thoulouse checked. a small town which was forced, and such as resisted put to the sword. The like was done to those of Oriac, lafoy Say, Lesbos, Montestruc, and other places: and no place at that time was besieged in vain, but that of Saint Felix, where the Gascons were repulsed from the assault with the loss of fitie men, and the Viscount of Montclar wounded, who not long after died at Castres'. The army sojourning in those quarters of Albigeois, was strengthened with five or six hundredth horses, brought from Rochel through many dangers, by Beaudine and Renti, who by diligence made void the intents and enterprises of Vanguiou, Descars, Pompadon, and others, who being followed by three thousand men, meant to surprise and hue them in pieces. The Princes commanded Piles to enter into the County de Ronsillon, where they sacked the country although it belonged to the Spaniards: while the Princes were at Monreal, three miles from Carcassove, the king's Deputies arrived, with Theligny and Beawais, to parley of some pacification. The Princes, the Admiral, Deputies to entreat of peace. and the Rutters, from that place wrote most large letters unto the king, to testify their sincerity in all things that had past. All the Nobility likewise made answer by word of mouth by one of them unto the king's Deputies, most humbly thanking him for his inclination unto peace. The ligny, Beawais, and la Chassetiere, the four and twentieth of the same month departed with the other Deputies, to ride to the king, and to make some good resolution. Mean time the Prince's army marched along by Languedoc, & hard by Montpeslier, lost lafoy Love Martial of the camp, a wise and valiant commander, but then for want of good advise was surprised and slain, with two companies almost all spoiled, part put to flight, and some slain and hurt: the army approaching to Rhosne, the County Lodowicke with part of the forces passed over it, and in short time the army had her revenge for the loss of her Marshal, upon divers commanders, and Romish Catholicque soldiers, The Prince's army still marching. overthrown and slain divers places and encounters. The principal intent of the Princes was, to have some Infantry out of Dauphine, therewith to strengthen the body of their army, as also they thought to have done in Gascon & Languedoc, which there they could not well effect. For when the soldiers understood that they should march towards Paris, they set before them the miseries which they and their companions had endured the last winter, each man shunning it as a mortal poison, and desired rather to stay and make war in their own country. Yet they assembled above three thousand arquebusiers, determining to travel in all places, which disposed themselves by Regiments: but all on horseback. Necessity constrained them thereunto, because of the long way, and the rigour of winter. And although that such manner of riding many times proved troublesome, yet it procured profit herein, that occasions happening, the footmen found themselves busy and fresh, and not many sick men among them, because they were always well lodged and entertained. Advice of the Admiral. The Admiral beaten in those affairs, seeing well, that although a parley of peace was then in hand, that it would be very hard to obtain a good one, if the army approached not to Paris, knowing also that beyond Loire, he should find more strength, made him to hasten the voyage: but the difficulty to pass the mountains Sevenes and du Vivarets', made some stay, and much more a fever that seized upon him at Saint Estienne in Forests, that was thought would have killed him: his Physicians being constrained to let him blood three times in one day. If then he had died, it may be other Council would have ensued, for that having lost the foot, which turned the gate of so many affairs, they could hardly have found the like. County Lodowicke was a brave Commander, and well accounted of among the Frenchmen, but yet he had not obtained the authority of the other, nor his experience, but in the end he recovered, to the great contentment of all the army, which after that marched with such speed, that in short time it entered into Bourgongne, and went to Renele Duc, Encounter of both armies at Rene le ' Duc. strengthened by new forces that came from la charity and the Garrisons thereabout. There it was thought a terrible sentence for the peace would have been given, which nevertheless served but for the advancement thereof. Martial de Coss, that commanded in the Romish Cotholicque army, in the absence of the Duke of Anjou, had express charge from the king, not to suffer the Prince's army to approach near Paris, and to fight with it if he found convenient time and place. And having found it in a place of advantage, he would have put them from it with his artillery, whereof the Princes were unprovided, and by certain Harquebushot, make them leave certain places which they held, one only was left, at the beginning there were made great charges and recharges of horsemen, each pursued in their towns. The Commanders that charged first for the Marshal de Coss, were Valette, Strossy, and la Chastre, that behaved themselves valiantly: those that sustained them on the Prince's side, were Briquemaur Marshal of the camp, Montgommery, and Genlis: in this encounter the Princes, although very young, by their countenances showed the desire they had to fight, whereby many judged, that in time they would be two excellent Captains. In the end, the Romish Catholicques that lost many men, slain, hurt, and taken prisoners, perceiving the difficulty to force their enemies, sounded the retreat. The Princes likewise considering, that staying there would be hurtful unto them, not having any artillery nor powder for their soldiers, marched in haste towards la charity, and other towns that held for them, where their army refreshed themselves, and was furnished with necessaire commodittes. This was done about the end of july, the Princes having strengthened their troops with some new companies taken out of la charity, Sancerre, Antrain, Vezelay, and other towns of their party, The Prince's army marcheth to la charity. prepared three long coluerins, certain mortiers, and pass volants, determining to march to Paris, but being ready to mount on horseback, the king sent them certain articles of truce between them and Martial de Coss, which they accepted for ten days, beginning upon the fourth of july. In the mean time weapons were walking slowly in Dauphine, where Gordes endeavoured (but in vain) to bereave the Protestants of a small Town called Loriol: Warlike exploits in Poicton. hotly in Guyenne and thereabout. The Rochelers had for their enemies, their near neighbours, the Baron de la guard, Puigallard, & la Riviere Puitaille, who had resolved by new indenors to get the upper hand in all those quarters. Whereupon Puitaille laid siege to the Castle of Rochefort in Xaintongne, which stood upon the highway to the Isles and to Rochel: but lafoy Nove dispatched him quickly away, killing a number of his men, and putting the rest to flight. Shortly after, Puitaille and Puigaillard charged certain Argolitiers belonging to la Nove, who were so scared, that they so scared also all the rest of the troops, both horse and foot led by Nove, Soubize, and Pwiaut, that without regard of their leaders & commanders, all the companies retired into Rochel without any loss: for at that time they showed their heels to Puigaillard and his company, who being refreshed with divers Regiments both of horse and foot, seized upon all the strong holds that they had lost in Poictou, since the surprise of Marans: Besides, the nearer to coop up the Rochelers, they erected a Fort at Lucon upon the highway into the fens, where they lodged four Ensigns of footmen, under the charge of Captain Mascaron. Then did Puigaillard with draw his forces into high Poicton, there did he spread a rumour that the Princes had obtained a great victory, also that the king had sent for him to come with his forces in all diligence. By this stratagem he looked to have brought lafoy Nove, Pwiaut, and others, Puigaillards enterprise to get the upper hand. and others, out of Marans and Rochel, to besiege the Fort, which he pretended presently with all diligence to relieve with his whole army, so to overthrow them, and withal, to achieve a conquest royal. Upon this practice as it fell out in Roussiere, a Gentleman of Poictou, did not think it much amiss, to show Puigaillard some sport in a hunting: and on the other side, Pwiaut hearing of the sport, would needs make one without entreaty. By the way Mascaron laid an ambush for him, but freeing himself therefrom, he struck up to Roussiers lodging, whom he found not at home: In the return Roussiere was met withal, and carried away prisoner with others, by whom Pwiaut learned, that the Fort of Lucon was but meanly manned, and so might be easily had, whereof withal speed he advertised lafoy Nove, who with greater speed marched forth of Rochel with four cornets, eleven French Ensigns, and the rest of the Lansquenets, to the humber of three hundredth. The Fort of Lucon befieged. The Fort besieged Puigaillard with nine companies of light-horse of the ordenances: twenty Ensigns of light-horsemen, all old soldiers, and the king's guard, leaving the rest of his troops (such was his haste for fear he should not come time enough to shut up lafoy Nove between Marans and Lucon) he marched so fast, that he made his men march two days and one night without any repast, except that they rested a while at Fontenay, almost so long as while they might leave and lay up their carriage to go the lighter. Coming to Saint Gem within half a league of Lucon, the fourteenth day heetooke his bed, giving out that he was sick of a burning fever, and under pretence of redeeming Roussiere and other prisoners, he sent a trumpet with charge to advow his sickness, and withal, to take a view of the whole manner and estate of the besiegers. His troops were even tired with the way, and many compelled to rest some hours at Fontenay. Pwiaut being at Saint Gem, suspecting the matter, finding that the trumpeter could not well keep his countenance, Puigallards' dissimulation discovered. laid hold of him, and so forced him to confess the truth. Whereupon immediately the scourers were sent out to keep the ways, who toward night surprised foam of Puigaillards soldiers, whom they brought to Pwiaut, by whom he understood of the approach of such a great power: lafoy Nove being also advertised hereof, every man provided for the field, by the advise of their captains, namely of Pwiaut, who persuaded them that they were to deal with tired people, and such as came to offer themselves to the slaughter: thus humbly commending themselves unto God, they prepared to the onset. Soon after that, Pwiaut and all his men, were departed out of S. Gem to join with la Nove: Puigaillards footmen approached, assaulted the barriers, & without resistance entered into the borough, but finding no body, some fell to sleeping, some to feeding, & some ran to tell Puigaillard that the enemies fled: he thinking never to come time ynogh, entered Saint Gem before day, crying out in every corner to call forth the soldiers, and to bring them into array to pursue the runaways, who were said to retire confusedly to Marans. He sent fifty Argolets before, who told him an other tale, namely that the enemies were at hand, and in battle array. The territory between Saint Gem and Lucon is a vine ground, well fenced with hedge and ditch, with some fields divided with a highway of reasonable breadth, The batiell of Lucon, where Puigaillard lost his footmen. on each side beset with bushes. La Nove came first, and provided well for his troops: Puigaillard could not have any such advantage, especially in regard of his horsemen, which by reason of ditches were forced to come on a row: this being considered by Captain Stephen, a leader of thirty salads and some shot, backed with twenty horse, under the conduct of Bruneliere, he began the charge by la Noves' appointment, and valiantly set upon the first troops of Puigaillards horsemen. Pwiaut perceiving them on every side to stagger, who were some hundredth and fifty Masters, he broke into them, killed some, feared the rest, who fell upon their own footmen, and fled with Puigallard as fast as the horse might drive to Fontenay, which was four leagues of: & such as were but badly horsed, were beaten down and presently slain. Then were their footmen on every side beset, and being in the plain field, drawing toward the bushes, they were beaten down with shot, neither would the horsemen let them run far, but cut them in pieces: but of all other, the Launsquenets showed most cruelty, objecting to the Kings guard the battle of Moncontour. Had it not been for la Nove and Soubize, all Puigaillards footmen had been quite rooted out, so sore were the Launsquenets bend against them. They took sixteen Ensigns and two Cornets: five hundredth old soldiers slain in the place, with many Captains and Lieutenants of the Regiments and companies: and seven or eight hundredth prisoners sent away with a white staff in their hands. Puigaillard lost but thirty horse, the rest escaped with him. This army thus overthrown, after thanks giving to God, la Nove, Soubize, and Pwiaut, marched to the Fort, which upon safety of his life, and his troop, Mascaran yielded up, whose four Ensigns with the other eighteen, were carried to Rochel. The Conquerors following this good beginning, besieged, beat, The Fort of Lucon yeelden to the conquerors, who took many other places. & took Fontenay le Comte upon composition, that the besieged should save their lives and goods, and so they retired to Nyort, but lafoy Nove lost an arm at the siege: Pwiaut, Soubize, and other the protestant Leaders continuing their conquest, chased the Romish Catholicques out of Obiron, Marens, Soubize, and Brovage, where Riviere Puitaille, one of their chief Captains, was so wounded, that he died immediately. To be brief, the Protestants took from them all that they held about Rochel, excrept Saint john d'Angely, where they nestled themselves. The Baron de la guard had for a while kept the sea with his Galleys, but hearing of the taking of Bronage, he retired toward Bourdeaux, whilst Sore for the Princes scoured the Ocean, where he daily light upon some booty. Among other his exploits, about the beginning of july he took a Portugal ship, laden among other merchandise with some forty jesuits, that were traveling toward India, but they were stayed, and the most part leapt overboard. This victorious success of the Protestants in Poictou and Xaintongne, were the occasion that to prevent any greater conquests, the Prince d'Auphin was appointed to come down into Poictou, there to reassemble Puigaillards forces, which now hopped but upon one leg, Succoured deputed for Puigaillard. and those of the County of Lude, to the end to come to some new practice. The eleventh of August after, the two great armies lying about the river of Loire, news was brought unto them of a peace agreed upon between the king and the Princes, all precedent modifications and restrictions abolilished: the second Edict of peace confirmed and allowed, The 3. Edict of peace. this peace was received of all men, with hope of reunion between the two parties, through all the Realm. The peace published in the Camps and Towns, the armies were discharged, assoon as they had conducted their strangers into Lorraine, and the Princes accompanied with County Lodowicke, in the beginning of October returned to Rochel: the king by the Edict granted four Towns, Rochel, Montauban, Cognac, and la charity, Towns for assurance. to be kept in the Prince's names, for the space of two whole years: for assurance of this third Edict of pacification, in the pursuit whereof, Teligny, after son in law to the Admiral, and Beawais la Nocle employed themselves most faithfully, with great credit and reputation of all men. Touching the Admiral, if there were any Commander on both sides that desired peace, it was he, as by letters dated the second of March at Montreal hard by Carcassonne, written to the king, the Queen, and the Duke of Anion appeared. For being friend to military discipline (abolished in those miserable civil wars) and enemy of vices, oftentimes beholding such disorder, he said: that if it pleased God to send peace in France, he would desire to die a thousand deaths, rather than to fall again into those confusions, The Admiral desireth peace. and once again to see such mischiefs, leaving to all the rest of the commanders the praise which they obtained, if in civil wars praise may be given, it may be said, that the Admiral traveled much both in body & mind, having sustained the heaviest part of the affairs of the wars with much constancy, fidelity, & facility, and behaving himself with as great reverence towards the Princes his superiors, as modesty to his inferiors, he never spoke of the king, the Queen, the Duke of Anjou, and those whom he knew to be his capital enemies, but with honour, without subtlety or counterfeit speeches, being the man among all those of the religion, specially among the Commanders in the war, who in a special manner reposed himself upon the providence of God. The prisoners that fell into his hands, were favourably used by him, as courteous when he had put up his sword, as fierce when he held it naked in hand. Pity by him was always had in singular commendation: as also love to justice, wherein he continued both private and public, in time of peace and war, until he died: which made him both esteemed and honoured by those whose part he held. He sought not ambitiously to have commandments and honours, but shunning them, he was constrained to accept them, by reason of his wisdom & good government in managing arms: it might well be seen, that he had as good knowledge therein, as any Captain of his time, and always exposed himself courageously in any dangers: wise in counsel, and valiant in fight: in adversities magnanimous, and adorned with wisdom to avoydethem. And to conclude, he was a man most worthy and fit to restore and re-establish a feeble and corrupt estate: but it appeared in an unfit time, and that which after happened unto him, showeth an exterior appearance, that virtue is but hardly assured here on earth. Peace concluded and published, as it hath been said, the Admiral Teligny, la Nove, and divers others, withdrew themselves near unto the Princes in Rochel, there with more security to attend the advancement and execution of the Edict. They put Garrison for the Princes in the Towns of assurance, except in Rochel, which was maintained in her ancient privileges. The Emperor Maximilian the second, not long after, married his eldest daughter to Philip king of Spain his brother in law: So that the uncle married the Niece. The king married to Elizabeth of Austria. Elizabeth his youngest daughter was after given in marriage to king Charles the ninth, whom he espoused in the Town of Mezieres, about the end of November: and the four and twentieth of December going to Paris, at Villiers cost Rez, he gave audience to the Ambassadors of Almain, that desired unto he made an answer that contented them, wherewith they were honourably discharged. About the same time the Princes exhibited sundry complaints concerning the Edict, by the hands of Briquemaut, Teligny, Beawais, la Nocle, and Cavagnes. Teligny was the chief Agent, and seemed to be highly in the king's favour, to whom he propounded the complaints of the Protestants, whereupon the king sent forth sundry Commissioners throughout all the Provinces of his kingdom, among other, the Marshal de Coss, together with Proutiere, Master of Requests, who made a voyage to Rochel, as well to confer with the Queen and Admiral, concerning some convenient means to maintain the realm in peace, as for other matters, that we will shortly speak of. The first of january there began a conference between the Marshal de Coss, and la Proutiere, with the Admiral, and other Deputies for the Queen of Navarre, and the Princes at Rochel, Proceeding with the Q. of Navarre, the Princes, the Admiral, and those of the religion, in the second years of peace that the third edict of pacification continued. touching the difficulties and interpretations of divers articles of the Edict. On both sides complaints were made, touching the infraction thereof, with long replies, whereof ensued certain resolutions, that were to be sent unto the king. I his assembly served for a coverture, to a parley of a marriage between Henry de Bourbon Prince of Navarre, and Lady Margaret sister to the king: as also to a conference with the Admiral touching the war, which the king said he would begin against the king of Spain in the low Countries. And all this propounded and devised to draw the Queen of Navarre, the Princes, and the Admiral, to the Court of France, with all their principal servants: and there to give them that entertainment which after fell out. In March the Romish Catholicques at Roan, murdered divers protestants as they returned from a Sermon, and beat others shrewdly, meaning to have proceeded further, had not Marshal Montmorencie, whom the king sent, made the more haste to suppress the violence of the seditious, who after many pursuits hanged up three or four: the rest escaped, albeit 400. were guilty of innocent blood. Six weeks before, the protestants had been most cruelly murdered at Aurange by their enemies, whom Berchon (soon after made Governor by County Lodowic, found means to entrap and punish accordingly.) Not long after, by the king's consent, those of the religion were taxed to pay the 5. part of their revenue, towards the payment of the Rutters, which produced much discontentment. About the same time the king and the Queen made their entry upon several days into the capital town of the Realm with great pomp. The protestants also held a Synod national at Rochel, wherein they confirmed the articles of the confession of their faith, and discipline of their Churches, in the presence of the Queen of Navarre, the Princes, and many other of the Principal among them. The king having made his entry the eleventh of March (the Queen being crowned the 25. of the same month at Saint Deunis, and the 29. received with great magnificence into Paris) he went to sit in his place of justice in the Parliament, where he made a long Oration to his officers of the Court, for the observation of his Edicts: In witness whereof, in the month ensuing, the people of Paris began to mutiny against those of the religion, sacked certain houses, and began to proceed further, provoked by their Preachers, because of a certain Cross placed in S. Dennis street, (in a place where in times past stood the house of Philip de Gastines, razed to the ground, because that certain sermons and the Lords Supper had been made and celebrated therein, Gastines for that cause having been executed to death, during the troubles) that had been carried into S. Innocents' Churchyard. This mutiny appeased, the king that showed great favour to Teligny & his companions, sent them to the Q. of Navarre & the Princes in Rochel, to assure them that all his desire was to maintain the peace, & that for his own part, he bore them great affection, procuring that the Q. his mother, & the Duke of Anjou his brother, should from day to day leave off their rigours. And at their departure gave them divers presents, giving them likewise to understand, that his mind was to proceed with war against the Spaniard in the low Countries, and to marry his sister to the Prince of Navarre. Byron was sent after to certify the like, and men began to speak of that marriage in divers sorts, their opinions being divided, some esteeming it to be a snare to entrap those of the religion, others deeming the contrary. The king caused certain consultations to be made in Rome, because of the alliance between both the parties. Pope Pius the fist seemed to be much troubled about the same, for that effect sending Cardinal Salutati into France, who (having had certain conference by word of mouth with the king) returned satisfied. The effect of that the king said unto him, was, that the king would always show himself to deserve the name of the eldest son of the Romish Church, and that all his intents tended to no other end, but only to the surety, honour, and advancement of the Catholicque religion, whereof the Pope should receive great testimonies before long time should pass. But notwithstanding that divers marveled much at this sudden alteration of the king, the Queen of Navarre much sought unto by divers great persons of both parts, went to the king, followed by the County Lodowicke, & great numbers of Nobility. The king and the Queen his mother were at Blois, where they received and welcomed her with great joy and good countenance, and after many disputations touching divers particular points, specially the ceremonies, the agreement upon the marriage of her son with the king's sister was concluded, and the place of the espousals assigned at Paris. Not long after the Prince her son, accompanied with five hundredth Gentlemen came to Blois, where the marriage of Nenry de Bourbon Prince of Conde, with the youngest daughter of the house of Nevers was agreed upon. During these parleyes of marriages with the Princes, the Admiral that had buried Lady Charlotte de Laval his wife, a woman of excellent piety, that died at Orleans in the second troubles, being in Rochel, married the Counties of Ancremont in Savoy, and gave Lovyse his daughter in marriage to Monsieur de Teligny. At the Court one named Lignerolles', a simple Gentleman, made knight of the Order, Captain of a company of lanciers, Governor of Bourbonnois, and one of the Duke of Anious minion's, was slain openly in the Court, for discovering certain of his masters secrets, Lignerolles' slain. by the D. committed unto him, touching the enterprise that was meant against those of the religion. On the other side, Death of the Cardinal of Chastillon. the Cardinal of chaste, being ready to departed out of England, to go to his brother the Admiral, was poisoned by one of his Chamberlains, and died to the great great grief of all his friends and servants. The prisoner that did the fact, being after taken at Rochel was executed. Articles of marriage between the Prince of N. and the king's sister. This is the year wherein is set down the arriving of the Queen of Navarre, the Princes and the Admiral in the Court: the articles of the marriage of the prince of Navarre and the king's sister, were made at Blois the eleventh of April. The County Lodowicke at the same time traveled with the king, touching wars to be made in Flaunders, to the which end preparations were made at sea, by Strossy and the Baron de la guard: but at the end of three months Flaunders was found to be Rochel. Long before the king had caused the Admiral to be solicited to come unto the Court: and to draw him thither, he caused those of Guise to retire, who thereat counterfeited to be discontent. The Marshal de Montmorency by letters assured his Cousin the Admiral, that the king was fully determined to make them friends, and to reconcile him with the Duke of Guise, the better to be served by him and his Council, touching the affairs of his Realm, and began to favour those of the religion, and to put the Admiral out of all distrust, the king sent him letters that he might bring fifty Gentlemen armed with him unto the Court, whither in fine, the Marshal de Coss conducted him with divers Gentlemen. At his coming he was honourably received and welcomed by the king, that called him his father. Welcomes to the Admiral and others of the religion in the Cout. And when the Admiral kneeled down to do his duty, the king protested, that in all his life he had not seen any day more agreeable unto his mind, then that wherein he assured himself to see the end of all the troubles, and the beginning of a firm rest and quietness in his Realm. And among other speeches used, smiling he said unto him: We have you now here with us, you shall not go from hence when you would. The Queen-mother, the Dukes of Anion and Alancon, and almost all the chief Courtiers received him with greater favour than he expected. All these courtesies were suddenly seconded by a great liberality from the king, that caused a hundreth thousand franks to be given him out of his coffers, in recompense of the losses he had received by the forepast wars, gave him like wise a years revenues of all the benefices holden by the Cardinal of Chastillon his brother deceased, made him a note of his hand, to have full power and authority to seek for the movables, that had been taken from him at Chastilon sur Loing, and to cause them by express commandment to be delivered unto him again. Teligny his son in law, was likewise honoured with certain favours, Cavagnes councillor of Toulouse, Agent for the Princes, touching the observation of the Edict of peace, was provided of an office of Master of Requests. divers other Lords and Gentlemen of the religion, at that time felt the liberality of the king, wherewith their adversaries were much displeased, specially that the Admiral was restored to be one of the privy Council, and that the king privately asked his counsel in his affairs of importance, touching the wars in the low Countries, which the Admiral affected very much, as being one of the most assured means to hold France in quietness, alleging, that by just reason he might do that to the Spaniard, which unjustly he had done, and would do unto France: War against Spain consulted upon. which was, to trouble him at home, to impeach him from spoiling other men, he showed likewise to the king, (that feigned to like well of that advice) that it would be good for him to agree with the Qu. of England, and the Princes of Almain, the easiler to make the K. of Spain believe by an ample discourse proved unto him, that the foundations of the war in the low Countries is just and profitable. Pope Pius Quintus being dead, who in his life time seemed a stay and hindrance to the marriage of the Prince of Navarre, and the king's sister: the Cardinal of Lorraine feigning to be in great fear, took his voyage to Rome, about the election of a new Pope, although before his setting forward it was done, and being in his voyage, letters that were sent him by Cardinal Pelue, (who of a Scullion in the College of Montague in Paris, afterward following his study, varlet to the Cardinal of Lorraine, had in few years attained the red hat) directed to his Master, the contents whereof imported: that in regard of the good course that he see the king, the Queen-mother, and the Duke of Anjou take, he could not but hope well of all the affairs. That at the Admiral's return to Court, the king showed himself so wary, as his most inward friends did wonder at it, for thereby he had brought the Admiral out of all suspect, so that now the matter that the Cardinal witted of, might the better be put in execution. That there was much speech of war against the King of Spain, whereto the king seemed to incline, the rather thereby to stay the Admiral: that such policies were to be practised, until they might find opportunity to put in execution the secret counsel. That the king of Spain was sufficiently informed of the whole, lest he should find himself aggrieved at this present provision for wars, which was never meant against him. Whereupon he besought his Master, notwihstanding whatsoever packets he might receive, to assure himself that the king would never vary from the resolution. That the Queen-mother and the Duke of Anjou bent their whole endeavours to that matter. Touching the marriage of the Prince of Navarre, that he hoped the same would shortly be effected: that the same was the entry to the execution, and in the mean time, the day drew on for delivery of the Towns of hostage. And although the Admiral had the copies hereof sent him, he made no great account thereof, no more then of other advertisements, expressly given him both before and after. His mind being altered by the countenances and words of the king, The Admiral trusteth upon the king's words. who in all things seemed to contrary his brother the Duke of Anjou, for whom he practised the voyage of Polonia, that he might send him to play the Greatmaister somewhat far from France. In the Admiral, who always showed to be wise and diligent in his affairs, appeared that wisdom faileth in wise men, when it pleaseth the only wise Governor of the word, to dull the most sharp and excellent wits, and make passage unto his terrible judgements: as not long after they showed throughout all France, the which ever since that time, until this present, hath felt the weightiness of his mighty blows, whose hand as yet is stretched forth ready to strike again. A national Synod at Nismes. Some men of each faction of a good meaning to the state of France, especially some protestants already apprehending the terror of that terrible storm that followed, trembled, and bending their necks, lay looking for the fatal blow. At Nismes they held a national Synod in the month of May. Others of a more stirring spirit (after the manner of Frenchmen, who do perform much in prosperity, and never fear any adversity until it cometh) would needs be busy about discipline, but they were soon put to silence. Many men's consciences began already to be wavering, and few there were, that showed themselves zealously bend to religion: but all both great and small, thinking deeply upon worldly matters, built them goodly castles in the air. The Princes trusting to an assured peace, three months before the time, restored the towns of assurance, wherein the king placed his Garrisons, satisfying the Princes with letters, which he had sent to all his Courts of Parliaments, wherein he declared his great good liking of the good meaning of the Princes, in that they did him so much honour, as faithfully to rely upon his Edict, which he wished to be inviolably observed. The Rochelers, whom Strossy, Landereau, and the Baron de la guard watched upon, would not accept of any Garrison, but stood upon their privileges, so that at length for fear of scarring of others, they were let alone. The Marshal of Montmorency was sent into England to practise a league, who returned sooner than he was looked for: but toward the marriage got him home to his own house, and might he have been beloved, the affairs had been otherwise managed than they were. At the same time was Captain Minguetiere, sent away with a ship well fraught, and a Portugal an excellent Seaman, Sundry practices. to discover the landing places about Perou, and to espy some means to molest the Spaniard. But withal, giving notice of his voyage, he was followed and set upon near the Isle of Hispaniola, where his men were slain, and himself put to the Galleys. The Admiral himself was set on work with the practising of a league with the German Princes: and the Duke of Florence was solicited to lend money to prosecute the wars in Flaunders, for the which, Saucourt, jenlis, and la Nove, levied soldiers. In the beginning of May, the king desired the Queen of Navarre to go to Paris, there to provide for all things necessary for the marriage. Where she arrived the fifteenth day of the same moonth: and the fourth of june fell sick of a fever, proceeding as some said from her lights, where of long time certain impostumes had bred, which being moved and stirred by great heats, and by an extraordinary travel, which she always took while she was in health, inflamed and bred that fever: Death of the Queen of Navarre. whereof she died within five days after, to the great sorrow and extreme grief of all her servants. Three days after she fell sick, being in perfect memory, she made a most christian testament and last will, dying with the witness and testimony of singular piety and joy in God. She was a Princess of great experience, both by many adversities, wherein she showed an invincible constancy, and heroical greatness of courage: most affectionate to her religion, very careful of the bringing up of her children in the fear of God, charitable towards them whom she often advertised of their duties: in words most grave, and full of motherly affection: she had a ready wit and well advised, but endowed with great zeal and integrity, pitiful and easy to be persuaded: no offender could avoid her censure: she opposed herself against vices, and liberally maintained that which she judged to be good, and conformable to the will and pleasure of God. Prosperity hindered her, her mind much given to pleasant conceits, being of a lean complexion, and very agreeable with her ingeniosity, having great vivacite to comprehend all things, and grace lively to represent them by writing or word of mouth: with a gesture of all the body, and a countenance well liked of all men: she died in the four and fortieth year of her age, upon the ninth of june. Some say she was poisoned by the smell of certain perfumes, and to bereave men of that opinion, she was opened and curiously visited by learned Doctors and Surgeons, that found all her noblests parts to be very fair and whole, only the lights perished on the right side, wherein had engendered an extraordinary hardness, and a great imposthume, a disease which they all, so far as lay in man, judged to be the cause of her death. They were not commanded to open her brain, where the mischief lay, by which means they could not give advise, but upon the outward appearance. Certain days after, the king desired his brother in law the king of Navarre, to go to Paris, there to solemnize his marriage, as it had been agreed between them. While that at Blandie in Brie preparation was made for the marriage of the Prince of Conde, that married his wife in the beginning of the month of August. The Admiral at that time lay in his house of Chastillon sur Loing, where he received many letters and messages from the king, The Admiral cometh to Paris. and because he stirred not, the king sent Cavagnes and Briquemaud to fetch him, to determine upon the wars of Flaunders: and special commandment was given to the Provost of Merchants in Paris, & other the chief men, to take order that not any noise nor rumour should be used or raised at the Admiral's arrival in the town, who being provoked by so many men, and desirous to banish wars out of France, measuring the king's thoughts by his own, resolved to ride to Paris without staying, at the many and divers advertisements of his servants, and other honourable persons most affected to his preservation, that both within and without the Realm desired him, that seeing he could not conceive any sinister opinion of the king, Confidence of the Admiral. his mother, and the rest, that at the least he would consider into what place he went about to thrust himself, and among so many enemies, but he resting upon the testimony of a good conscience, and the providence of God, remitting those advises, as if they proceeded from men covetous and desirous of new troubles, which he abhorred worse than death, went with a small company, and being in Paris, to the great astonishing of all the town, was honourably received by the king, his brethren, the Queen-mother and others. A little before, la Nove, Saucourt, and jenlis, accompanying County Lodowic into Flaunders, had from the king received commission, to find means to surprise some frontier town: on the other side, the Duke of Alue had intelligence of every step that County Lodowic set, which notwithstanding such was his diligence, that he seized upon Monts in Hainaut. Wherewith the Duke was so nettled, that he said that the Queen-mother had sent him the flowers of Florence: but he would return her Spanish Thistles: with many other threats, which upon particular advice of the course of their affairs, namely of jenlis return, of his licence to levy men for the succour of Monts: of the time of their departure, and of the course of their journey, were soon quenched. The seventh of july, the King published a proclamation, tending to the impeachment of all quarrels, as well in Paris as in his Court, and commanded all strangers and men that had nothing to do within the Town, The Princes come to Paris. to departed from thence. After the arrival of the Admiral at Paris, so many letters and messengers were sent unto the Princes, that in fine, they came thither almost at the same time that the king arrived, who had before lingered thereabout. Many Lords and Gentlemen of the religion, accompanied the king of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, whom in manner all the Court went to meet. Further, under pretence of the wars in Flaunders, the king at the same time sent for other Lords and Gentlemen of the religion, who otherwise would have stayed in their houses. jenlis marched not into Flaunders, notwithstanding he were solicited thereto: besides the solemnisation of this marriage royal, was for a time deferred, by reason of the scruples & doubts made by the Cardinal of Bourbon to celebrate the same, without a dispense from the Hope, that would be prayed and entreated thereunto, and in the end grant a dispense: but because it was not ample enough to the cardinals mind, counseled by men subtler than himself, they were forced to send to Rome again. Great was the expectation of jenlis adventures, who had gathered four thousand footmen, and five hundredth horse, jenlis and his troops defeated. for the succour of County Lodowicke and la Nove, whom the Duke of Alue had besieged in Monts. In the mean time cometh the new dispensation toward the end of july, wherewith the Cardinal seemeth satisfied: and the eighteenth day of August is nominated for the marriage. In the mean time cometh the news of jenlis surprise and adventure, whereat the king seemeth to be much aggrieved, who writeth to his Ambassador in the low Countries, to procure by all possible means the delivery of the prisoners taken in that surprise: as also he suffereth the Admiral to send all the succour he may, to join with the Rutters, whom the Prince of Orange had buried at the same time, causing him to have money delivered for the footmen's pay, who were thought to amount to four Regiments, besides some thirty companies of men at arms. The Ambassador of Spain seemed to be malcontent, because the king went about to make war in Flaunders, and for the same cause withdrew himself out of France: the Queen-mother also played many parts in this tragedy, feigning not to have known the kings proceed, and knowing them, made as though she would have left the Court: in such manner, that the Admiral, Teligny his son in law, and other Lords, confirmed themselves more and more, that the king's actions were correspondant to the Admiral's advice: which was to make war in the king of Spain's countries that had kindled it, and pretended to make war in France, thereby in time to cease upon it. Rochel invested, provideth for itself. The last of july, the Rochelers wrote unto the Admiral, that the army at sea approached near them, and that it spoiled the plain Countrymen, coming every day from Xantongue and Gascon, using terrible threatenings against their town, openly speaking of the spoil thereof, sending to ask his counsel therein, specially touching the receiving of eight hundredth men for Garrison, which they sought to put into the Town. He made them an honourable answer, dated the seventh of August, assuring them of the care he had over them: and added, that he saw the king so well disposed to the entertainment of peace, that all men had cause to commend him. The Rochelers notwithstanding neglected not to look unto themselves, and to fortify their Town. In other Towns their ran divers mutterings, and many were the threats of the Romish Catholicques against the Protestants, which daunted some of them. Others relied upon the Admiralles presence in the Court, and trusted to his answer: delivered as well by word of mouth, as by writing, unto those that asked his advice upon all accurrences, whose speeches were in effect as followeth. That as concerning the Guisians, whom they so urged, the King had taken order by setting them at unity, and causing both parties to swear friendship: that the marriage of the Lady Margaret, whom the King gave (saith he) not to the King of Navarre only, but as it were to the whole Church of the Protestants, to join with them in an indissoluble union, was the type of their peace and safety. Hereupon he often besought such as sent him any packets, gave him any advice of the hatred of the King, the Queen-mother, the Duke of Anion, or the house of Cuise, against either himself or the Protestants, no more to trouble him with any the passed calamities, but rather to be content with their daily prayers to God, to whom they were to give thanks, that he had vouchsafed to bring all matters to so quiet an end. In brief, the Admiral, ever like himself, stood fast in all these motions: not that he knew not of the malice of infinite his adversaries that environed him: neither that being at Paris, he lay in the very gulf and deepest pit of death: but because through constancy and long continuance, he had framed himself to rely upon God's providence: as also for the having secretly laid open unto the King the very springs of the civil wars in France, and most lively painted forth the practices of his secret enemies and treacherous servants, that aimed at the sovereignty (since it hath manifestly appeared) he supposed that he had left him in a fair path to prevent them. For sure it is, that the King, albeit as then but young, had a very good wit, and could reasonable well perceive the course of his affairs: so that had not such bloody and furious Councils prevented and crossed his capacity, France had not incurred those calamities, that since have almost subverted the whole estate thereof. For in the end he found, albeit over-late for his person and crown, that they that termed themselves his servants, meant nothing less: but were his most cruel enemies, and such as had exiled and murdered his best subjects, to the end afterward with more facility to rid their hands of himself, and so to seize upon the Realm. There happened yet an other matter, (as the ways of God are marvelous and uncomprehensible) that more and more stopped the ears of the Admiral, Negotiation of Polonia. not to way so many advertisements as daily were given him, to departed out of Paris, & to take with him out of Paris, such Lords, Gentlemen, and Captains, as the Queen-mother, the Duke of Anion, the Guisians, and the Parrisians, most vehemently hated. For certain weeks before, it had been determined in the Council, to send Ambassadors into Polonia, king Sigismond being dead, to desire the Estates to choose for their king the Duke of Anion, whom the Admiral accounted an irreconcilable enemy to the Protestants. The Admiral therefore perceiving that the king was earnest to further that matter of Polonia for his brother, that had great credit throughout the Realm of France, judged that the king had a good insight, and desired to reduce all things to a sure and firm peace, that the Duke of Anion confined in Poland, his adherents would be constrained to become milder: that the house of Guise destitute of such a stay, and doubting the king, that many times looked with a fierce countenance, would be careful not to be too busy: that in time and not long, the Queen-mother would be constrained to leave the conductions of the affairs of the Realm unto her son, whereunto he began to frame himself, and perceiving that the King and the Queen appointed john de Monluc Bishop of Valence, a man of great judgement, and one that had effected many serious enterprises, and at other times, had traveled into Polonia for the same purpose, which voyage he began the seventeenth of August, it put him in better hope. Monluc to the contrary perceiving the tempest at hand, desired nothing more than to get him out of France, that he might not be a witness nor forced councillor to the mischiefs which he perceived ready to fall upon those of the religion. A little before, he had wished the County of Rochefoucaut & other Lords, never to meddle in this imaginary flemish war, but rather with speed to return to their houses: telling them, that they had no great cause to rely too much upon the fair shows of the Court, neither to sojourn long there, considering the envy and malice that most of the greatest, and generally the whole city of Paris did bear them: but God would not suffer them as then to hearken to this good counsel. In the mean time, the Baron de la guard posting from Brovage to the Court, The Rochelers stand upon their guard. & returning in great haft, wrote the 14. of August to the Rochelers, exhorting them to give credit to the king, to his mother, and to the D. of of Anion, & not to mistrust the soldiers that lay round about: withal, promising them for his part all favour, & entreating them to entreat his men well that came to their Town for their necessaries. Hereupon they grew the more wary, and with like quoin and as good speeches paid this spy, who writ himself their most assured friend. The 17. of August, Henry king of Navarre, and Lady Margaret of France, sister to the king, in the evening were conducted to the Lowre, The espoufals and marriage of the king of Navarre and Lady Margaret. and the next day married by the Cardinal of Bourbon in the sight of all the people, upon a great scaffold made before the gate of the great Church of Paris. That day passed over in banquets, dances, and masks, with strange mixsture of those of the religion with the Catholicques, whereat divers were no less moved, then at the bloody butchery which already they began to doubt, and that happened not long after. While every man employed himself to be merry and make good cheer, divers that were sent for by the King, the Queen-mother, and the Duke of Guise, that they might be the stronger part, arrived in the town. The conclusion having been made not long before, and then fully performed as well in Paris as at S. Cloud, wherein the Dukes of Anion and Guise, were the principal actors, not to suffer the Admiral to departed, but rather to dispatch him in Paris, with all such as would defend him. The Queen-mother with two or three of her most faithful and secret servants had a counsel a part, the end whereof, tended not only to kill the Admiral, Counsel against the Admiral and his adherents. but also to set other at strife, that they might rule with more ease. Those of Guise pretended to extirminate the Admiral, and causing those of the religion to be massacred by the people in the king's name, & to save such as they might, to make the king, his mother, & his brother, so much more odious, & so by little and little to advance their desires. The Marshal de Montmorencie being come to the wedding, perceiving such confusion, and doubting the Ambuscadoes of the house of Guise, mortal enemies both to him and his, under pretence of riding out to hunt, went home to his house, which fell out well for him, his absence being cause that his brethren were not slain. The 22. of August, as the Admiral came out of the Lowre, where all that morning he had been with the Marshal de Coss, Upon friday the Admiral was hurt. and Tavanes, to end a quarrel between two Gentlemen, going to dine in his lodging, accompanied with twelve or fifteen Gentlemen, being on foot about one hundredth paces from the Lowre, and reading a petition, one shot at him with a harquebus, the bullet whereof, took away the forefinger of his right hand, and hurt him in the left arm. He that shot it had a horse ready at the back-door of his lodging, whereon being mounted, he escaped at Saint Aut●omes gate, where finding a jenet of Spain held ready for him, he took post and got him to a place before appointed for his retreat. The door of the house being burst open, the harquebus was found therein, with a Lackey & an other servant, it was known that one Chally a Steward of the king's house, and a dealer in the Duke of Guise's affairs, the day before had brought that harguebusier into that house, belonging to Villemeur Tutor to the Duke, recommending him most earnestly unto the Hosts, that the same Friday in the morning the Harguebusier naming himself Bolland one of the king's guard, (but it was Maurevel) sent his Lackey to desire Chally to provide that the Duke of Guise's Groom of the stable, should provide the horse that he had promised. The Admiral brought to his lodging, showed most singular piety, constancy, & patience, under his surgeons hands, & was visited by divers Lords and Gentlemen of the religion, the king of Navarre and the Prince of Coude, ask licence of the king to departed, as being but hardly assured within Paris. The king complained to them of the mischief happened, swearing and promising to use and execute such justice upon the offender, that the Admiral and his friends should think themselves satisfied. In the mean time, he stayed them with promise shortly to take order therein: and presently commanded pursuit to be made after the offendor: on the other side, willing the Provost of Merchants in Paris, to appoint certain men to be ready prepared to execute what should be given them in charge by the Duke of Anjou, caused all the gates to be shut, swearing and blaspheming (as his manner was) that he would not that they which had done that fact should so escape: suffering two gates to stand open for such as passed out and in, where a great watch was holden, that no man might pass through without licence: and feigning to take order for all things touching that search, caused all the town to rise in arms. As also he appointed sundry Lords and Gentlemen Protestants to be lodged in the Admiral's quarter, and round about him, for fear (said he) lest lying scattered abroad in the Town, they might encur some danger: but there should be defended by the soldiers of his guard. Maurevel was but easily pursued, and Chally went to the Duke of Guise's chamber, where no man sought for him. Two hours after noon, the king went to visit the Admiral, to whom in presence of the Queen-mother, the Admiral made a long declaration, wherein he forgot not to maintain his fidelity to the service of the country of France, & of others miseries of the same, by reason the peace could not be well observed, specially touching those of the religion, whereof he specified some particularities, desiring the K. to do justice upon the offenders: to have regard unto his faith and promise, and to the quietness of the realm. The king made answer, that he accounted him an honest man, a good Frenchman, and one that loved the increase of the Crown: that he esteemed of him as of a most discreet & excellent Captain, and that upon that opinion he had so far entered into his former resolutions, that his whole desire was to have his Edicts of peace fully executed, and yet desired the maintenance thereof: and to that end sundry commissioners did pass through all the Provinces of the Realm, as the Queen his mother could well witness. And she affirming it, saying: that the Admiral himself knew it full well. It is true, Madam (quoth he) Commissioners were sent, among the which, there were some that had condemned me to be hanged, and promised fiftiethousand crowns to him that would bring you my head. The king promised to send others, with more oaths & swear, that he would do justice upon those that hurt the Admiral. Many other speeches he used to assure the Admiral, who in the end forgot not to put the king in mind to remember such advertisements as he had many times given him, concerning the mischievous practices of some against his estate and Crown, withal, exhorting him to think upon himself, so far forth as he loved his own life. Soon after that, the king departed from him, john de Ferriers, Vidame de Chartres entered into the chamber, that began to comfort him, and in an assembly not long after holden in a chamber of the same lodging, he showed the king of Navarre and the Prince of Conde, with others the chiefest Lords of the religion there assembled, that their surest way was, presently to departed out of Paris, and to make their account, that that blow was the beginning of the tragedy, which would soon after be performed, but the advice to stay and trust to the king's promise, was determined upon, and the other rejected. The same day the king by letters wrote to all the governors of Provinces, to the principal towns of France, also to his Ambassadors with foreign Princes, advertising them of all that had happened: withal, promising to take such order, that the authors and all that were guilty of such a fault, should be known & punished according to their deserts: commanding them to make known to all the world, how much he was offended there with the Queen-mother wrote the like. And whilst the Secretaries were thus occupied, the Dukes of Anjou and Guise, late in the night consulted together, what they should do the next night following. Saturday in the morning, What happened upon Saturday before the massacre, a report was spread abroad about the town, wherein might be a million of Komish Catholicques, that those of the religion (being but a handful of men in respect of them, & craved nothing but justice, in almodestie without outrageous word or deed) did mightily threaten those of the house of Guise, whereupon the Duke of Guise and Aumale, in a great rage as they made show, went to find the king, saying: that they had well perceived that the king bore but small favour unto them, and that if they thought that departing home to their own houses would please him, they were ready to perform it. The King seemed to show an angry countenance, and with sharp words said unto them, that they might go whither they would, and that he would fetch them well enough, if he found them culpable of the injury offered unto the Admiral. They departing from the king's presence, well accompanied, about noon mounted on horseback, but not to go out of Paris, where the Parliament spoke as much as dumb men. Certain were appointed to go from house to house, and by writing to take the names of all such as made profession of the religion, delivering the register unto those that had set them on work. Not long after, those of the religion began to discover, that some bloody counsels were intended against the Admiral & his friends. For first the king caused a guard of 50. arquebusiers to be set at the Admiral's gate, under the charge of Cosseins, dislodged all the Romish Catholic Gentlemen out of that street: which done, he commanded the Admiralles familiar friends to lodge in that quarter, that they might be near about him: caused great store of arms to be brought into the Lowre, and about evening all the people in the town began to be in arms. The Council assembled for the last time in the Admiral's lodging: Vidame de Chartres held his first advice, and sought very earnestly, that they should presently assay to bear the Admiral out of Paris, and that his familiars and friends should presently dislodge: he showed sufficient reason for the same, which notwithstanding were not followed they stood to the first, which importeth to crave justice at the king hand, upon whose promise they were to rely. Vidames de Chartres counsel was most assured, but (in man's judgement) as then impossible to be effected. And yet after that, men durst report and that openly, that at that Council where the king of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, and divers great Lords were assembled, they had determined to kill the King, the Queen-mother, and all the principal of the Court: a slander as false as falsehood itself. About evening, certain Protestant Gentlemen offered themselves the same night to watch with the Admiral: which Teligny his son in law would not suffér them to do, saying it was unnecessary, and so dismissed them with very good words for their good will, so that there stayed no more with the Admiral, but Cornaton (from whose mouth I gathered the greatest part of this discourse) La-bonne, Yolet, Marlin a Minister of God's word, Ambroise Pair a Surgeon, and certain of his men. In the Court there were five Swissers of the king of Navarres guard. Night being come, the D. of Guise's Lieutenant in this action, which at this present is to be declared unto the Duke of Anjou, sent for all the Captains of the Swissers, Description of the massacre of the Admiral. and companies of strangers still entering into the Town, showing him his commissions to kill the Admiral & all his partakers: exhorting them to be courageous in shedding of blood and spoil: and appointed their troops to be placed where he thought meet. About midnight an other assembly was made in the townhouse, where the Provost of Merchants, the Sheriffs, & Captains of every quarter, were advertised in like sort, that throughout the realm the like should be done to all those of the religion: & that the watchword of the general massacre should be the bell of the Palace, which should be rung at the break of day, and the badge of the executioners, should be a white handkerchief tied upon their sleeves, & a white cross in their hats. If the great personages were moved, the meaner sort were no less ready to exececute that cruel commandment, presently watches were set in every street, the Duke of Guise being come to the Lowre had charge, with the knight of Angoulesme, bastard to Henry the 2. the D. d'Aumale, accompanied with Cosseins, Goas, Attin, Besmes, with some of the king's arquebusiers, and all the Duke of Anious guard, to begin at the Admiralles lodging. The noise of armour and running up and down with so many torches, soon after midnight, made divers of those of the religion that were lodged near the Admiral, to come out of their lodgings into the streets, to ask the first of their acquaintance what that extraordinary noise and arming meant at such an undue hour, but being answered with doubtful speeches, they went forward towards the Lowre, where first they were quarreled withal, and set upon by the guard. The noise begun, they rung S. Germans bell. Cosseines perceiving the Duke of Guise and his troops to come, knocked at the Admiralles Gate, between two and three of the clock in the morning, upon Sunday being the four & twentieth day of August. La-bonne came to the gate, and having opened it, was stabbed by Cosseins: the second door going up the stairs being soon burst open, and one of the Swissers of the guard slain with a harquebus. While Cosseins stood jumbling at that door, Cornaton ran up, and being asked by the Admiral (who had caused them to lift him out of his bed, and in his night gown had assisted his Ministers fervent prayer, and humbly commended his soul to his Saviour jesus Christ) what that great tumult meant, he said: My Lord, it is God that calleth for us, the house is entered by force, and there is no means of resistance. The Admiral began to say: It is long since I disposed myself to die: save you yourselves if it be possible, for you cannot save my life: I commit my soul into the hands and mercy of God. Presently all of them, except his Interpreter for the Almain tongue, got up into the top of the house, and having found a window to issue out upon the roof, and into the gutters, began to save themselves, but most of them were slain in the next house: Cornaton, Merlin, and one or two more escaped, and were miraculously preserved. There stood four Swissers upon the stairs, whereof one being slain, the rest fled as well as they might. The Admiral's chamber opened, seven or eight men all armed, and with their targets entered into it, and one named Besmes servant to the Duke of Guise, with a naked sword in hand went to the Admiral, offering him the point, wherewith he began to say: Young man, thou oughtest to respect my age and infirmity, yet shalt thou not shorten my life: with that Besmes thrust him into the body, and redoubling the blow upon his head, every one of the rest gave him a blow, in such sort, that he fell upon the ground, and so lay gasping. The Duke of Guise and others staying below in the Court, hearing the blows, asked if they had done: commanding the body to be thrown out of the window, which was presently done by Besmes & Sarlaboux, who took him up & cast him out: the blow he had upon the head, and the blood covering his face, made the Duke of Guise not well to know him, so that stooping down, & wiping his face with a handkerchief he said: Now I know him, it is he: and therewith giving a blow with his foot upon his face being dead (whom all the murderers of France feared so much being alive) he went out of the house, followed by his company, and began to cry about the streets: Courage fellow soldiers, we have made a good beginning, let us now to the rest. The king commandeth it, repeating that with great Majesty the king commandeth it, it is his pleasure, it is his express commandment. Presently thereupon the Palace clock struck, and then a noise was heard about the streets of Paris, saying that the Huguenots (for so the Romish Catholicques termed the Protestants) were in arms, (they being in their beds) and meant to kill the king) to whom the Admiralles head was carried and presented, and to the Queen-mother also: and then embalm and sent to Rome to the Pope & the Cardinal of Lorraine. The common people ran to the Admiral's lodging, where they cut off his hands and his privy members, and drew his body for the space of three days about the Town: which done, it was borne to the Gibbet of Montfaucon, and there hanged by thee feet. Beginning of massacres in Paris. The Gentlemen, officers of the Chamber, Governors, Tutors, and household-servants of the king of Navarre and the Prince of Conde, were driven out of their chambers where they slept in the Lowre, and being in the Court, massacred in the king's presence. The like was done to the Lords and Gentlemen that lay round about the Admiralles lodging: and then throughout the Town, in such sort, that the number slain that Sunday at night, and the two next days ensuing, within the town of Paris, and the suburbs, was esteemed to be above ten thousand persons, Lords, Gentlemen, Pages, servants, justices of all sorts, Scholars, Lawyers, Physicians, Merchants, Artificers, women, maids, and boys, not sparing little children in the cradle, nor in their mother's bellies. The Courtiers of the king's guard, and strangers that massacred the Gentlemen, said: that in one day, by weapon and disorder, they had ended those processes, which pen, paper, sentences of justice, nor open war could not find the means to execute in twelve years space. Thus these honourable Lords and Gentlemen protestants, slanderously accused of conspiracy and practice against the king, being stark naked, thinking only upon their rest, scarce awake, unarmed, in the hands of infinite, cruel, crafty, & treacherous enemies, not having so much leisure as to breathe, were slain, some in their beds, others upon the roofs of houses, and in whatsoever other places where they might be found. It would be over long to recite at large the names and surnames of all the honourable personages of divers qualities, that as then were slain and massacred. It sufficeth that their names are registered in heaven: and that since that time, in that which happened to king Charles the ninth, his brother and successor, his mother, his bastard brother, the house of Guise, the Town of Paris, and to all the Realm of France, in the space of twenty years after this massacre, hath sufficiently appeared, that God revengeth the blood of innocents, and that their death (although shameful in the sight and presence of the children of this world) is precious in the sight of his most holy Majesty. Some escaped The Vidame de Chartres, the County Montgommery, and divers other Lords and Gentlemen of the religion, lodged in the subburbes of S. des Prez, right over against the Lowre, upon Sunday in the morning about five of the clock, being advertised as it were by miracle, what had passed within the Town, minding to know if it were true, upon the river discovered certain people that came to murder them, whereupon some on foot, other on horse back, and most of them without either boots or spurs, leaving all their stuff, saved themselves as well as they could, being pursued for the space of half a day by the Duke of Guise and others. Now let the reader here in consider, how strange and horrible a thing it might be, in a great Town, to see at the least 60. thousand men, with Pistols, pikes, courtelasses, poniards, knives, and other such bloody instruments, ran swearing and blaspheming the sacred Majesty of God, throughout the streets and into the houses, where most cruelly they massacred all whosoever they met, without regard of estate, condition, sex, or age: the streets paved with bodies out and hewed in pieces, the gates and enteries of houses, Palaces, and public places died with blood. A horrible plague of shoutings and hollow of the murderers, mixed with continual blows of Pistols and calivers, the pitiful cries of those that were murdered, the bodies cast out at windows upon the stones, drawn through the dirt, with strange noise and whistlings, the breaking of doors and windows, with bills, stones, and other furies: the spoiling and sacking of houses, Carts carrying away the spoils, and others the dead bodies, which were thrown into the river of Seine, all red with blood, which likewise ran out of the town, and from the kings own Palace. The king of Navarre and the Prince of Conde being called to speak with the King, and by his own mouth were certified what had passed, adding, The entertainment of the king of Navarre and the Prince of Conde. that he saved their lives upon condition, that they should renounce their religion, and follow his: otherwise, that they should look for the like punishment that their adherents had and should receive. The King of Navarre besought the king to remember his promise of the alliance newly contracted, and not to constrain him in his religion: the Prince of Conde more fervent, answered, that the King had given his faith to him, and to all those of the religion, with so solemn protestation, that he could not be persuaded, that he would falsify so authenticque an oath: In respect of the obedience which the King required of him, he had faithfully yielded unto him, not minding in time to come to departed from it in any sort whatsoever. But touching the religion, whereof the king had granted him the exercise: and God the knowledge to whom he was to yield account, for his body and goods, he left them to the King's disposition, to do with them as pleased him: but for his religion, he said he was fully determined to remain constant therein, which he would always maintain to be true, although it were with the loss of his life. This answer of the Prince set the King in such a choler, that he began to call him rebel, seditious, and son of a seditious person, with horrible threatenings to cause him to lose his head, if within three days he took not better counsel, which was done in presence of the Queen-mother, the Duke of Anjou, Birague, and others of his secret Council, whose other proceed must be set down. They perceiving that the massacre of Paris would not quench the fire, but rather kindle it more, because those of the religion might assemble and unite themselves together, (as it happeneth in such miserable chances) give them new work: these councillors made two messengers, the one from the same Sunday, to the Governors and seditious Catholicques of Towns, wherein were divers of the religion, with express commandment to massacre them. The other message contained certain letters to the Governors of Provence, by the which he charged those of Guise with the murder committed upon the person of the Admiral, because of their particular quarrel, and of the sedition happened in Paris, ceased the same day it began, (as those letters of the four and twentieth of August specified) by the authority and vigilancy of the King, whose meaning and commandment was, that his Edict of pacification should be holden as much as ever it was, Strange devices to root out those of the religion, and to cover the action of the massacre. through all his Realm. Whereunto he added these words. And because it is greatly to be feared, that such execution (which by other letters was published to be made upon a very small number) should cause my subjects to rise one against the other, and that great massacres should be committed within the towns of my Realm, which would be great grief unto me: I pray you to publish and make it known in all the places of your Government, that every man should live in peace, without raising arms, nor offending each other upon pain of death: causing our edict of pacification to be carefully observed and kept, and to punish the contradictors, and overrun those that would seem to rise and be disobedient to our will: you shall presently assemble all the forces you can make, as well of friends as of your ordinary companies, advertising the Captains of the Towns and Castles of your government, to look well to the safety and preservation of the said places, that no fault may be escaped, advertising me assoon as possible you may, what order you have taken therein, and how all things pass within your government. Other notable practices, but all to the eternal confusion and reproach of the authors. The same day were likewise dispatched other patents, prohibiting the carrying of all forbidden weapons, all fraudulent assemblies, orrepugnant to the Edict of pacification: under the benefit whereof, the king commanded all his subjects to live in quiet and peace each with other. The Queen-mother likewise wrote her letters to the Governors and Ambassadors in like substance as the king. It was agreed between the King, the Queen-mother, his brother, Birague, the Duke of Nevers, and the County of Retz, and other the Guisians, should avoid Paris, and immediately after the deaths of the Admiral and his partakers, withdrew themselves in some of their houses, that so the French and their neighbours might the rather think it to be some particular revenge, that bred also the tumult in Paris. Upon this counsel the King had in his Sunday letters, laid the whole rage upon the Guisians, who considering more deeply the enormity of the act, wherein they had not spared an infinite number of learned men, honourable old age, honest Ladies, chaste matrons, women with child, young scholars, virgins, sucking babes, but most cruelly cut their throats: perceiving that so they should bring upon themselves & their posterity, the indignation of all men endued with any spark of virtue, or that had any regard of human society: and consequently, make themselves the mark for every man to aim at, as the sole authors thereof, and men guilty of the most wicked action that could be devised: refused to forsake Paris. But contrariwise, insisted and most earnestly laboured, that the king should advow all that had been done. This did they and their Council so cunningly manage, besides that they were very strong and greatly in the people's favour, who had been followers of the Duke of Guise in this execution, that the king with the advice of his Council, soon after writ other letters to his Ambassadors, Governors of Provin ces and chief Towns of France: wherein he gave them to understand, that whatsoever had fallen out at Paris, was nothing concerning religion, but was done only to prevent the execution of a cursed conspiracy, practised by the Admiral and his confederates against him, his mother, and brethren: and therefore commanded that his Edict of pacification should be most firmly observed: But if it should fall out that any Huguenors, incensed with the news of Paris, should gather in arms in any place whatsoever, he commanded his said Governors to assist the scattering and dispersing of them. Also to the end the studious of novelties should not commit any sinister practice, his meaning was to have the gates of all his Towns well & diligently kept, referring therest of his mind to the credit of the bearers. According to the purport hereof, at Meaux in Brie, Trois in Champagne, Orleans, Bourges, la charity, Lions, Thoulouse, and Bourdeaux, those of the religion were handled as they were in Paris: not speaking of those that were sacked in other Towns and Villages of the Realm, as also in the fields, when they thought to save themselves by going out of the Realm, so that in few weeks, above thirty thousand persons were massacred in France, because of the religion. The king advoweth the massacre to be done by his commandment, but specifieth no cause why: & the next day writeth contrary letters. Upon Tuesday the six and twentieth day of August, the king accompanied with his brethren, and the chiefest of his Court, went to his Court of Parliament, where sitting upon his bed of justice, all the chambers assembled, he declared in express terms, that whatsoever had happened in Paris, had been done not only by his consent, but also by his commandment, and of his own motion: and therefore that his meaning was, that all should be attributed to himself. All which his speech was approved and allowed by Christopher de Thou, chief Precedent, in the name of the whole company. The next day letters were sent to the Sheriffs and other the king's officers in the Towns, giving them to understand, that to his great grief, his Cousin the Admiral, and others his partakers, besides sundry particular parties in sundry parts of Paris had been slain: whereof he thought good to give them notice, to the end they might repress all commotion and murder, which might breed his incredible grief and sorrow: enjoining them in his name to make proclamation, commanding every man to remain at home, not to take arms, nor any to offend other under pain of death: also to take order that his Edict of peace were well and diligently observed. Thursday the twentieth, in Paris was celebrated an extraordinary jubilee with general procession, wherein the king was assistant, and whereto he had (but in vain) solicited the king of Navarre with sweet words and flattering speeches, and the Prince of Conde with threats. The kings new declaration. The same day he made an other declaration, importing that by his own express commandment, the Admiral with his adherents and confederates had been slain: not upon any cause of religion, or breach of his Edicts of pacification, which he always had, and still meant to have observed, kept, and continued: but thereby to prevent the execution of a damnable conspiracy contrived by the Admiral, the chief deviser thereof, and his adherents and confederates against the said king, his estate, the Queen his mother, his brethren, the king of Navarre, and other Lords and Princes his attendants. Withal, that he took into his protection all other the protestants: but forbade them all assemblies or preachings, upon whatsoever occasions. To this declaration were there soon after added sundry restrictions, qualifications, and amplifications. Such of the protestants as in sundry places relied upon them, had but bad success. The wiser sort ffed out of the realm, which notwithstanding their goods were seized: their movables partly sold to the most giver, and partly stolen, and their immooveables put to the cry. There was a long Commentary made and added to the same declaration, by one Gui de Fuur, Lord of Pibrac: as it was avouched before that of religion, who durst affirm that witnesses had been examined before the king's Council, Commentaries upon this matter. that affirmed a conspiracy made by the Admiral, not naming who, neither yet specifying any circumstance of appearance of truth, for the which cause, certain sharp answers were made thereunto, wherein all the cavillations of the said Commentary, were amply and particularly resuted. Within Paris itself, all men that had any wit or understanding in their common and ordinary talk, touching this horrible & cruel injustice, said, that there was neither shadow nor any appearance of truth in this accusation, and to think to make men of any judgement to believe, that the Admiral had wrought any thing against the king and his adherents being within Paris, Defence made in the Admiral's behalf. were vain, it being a thing which all men knows, that in the Court there is an ordinary guard of Gascons, Swissers, and Scots, both for day and night, besides the other companies, specially then, when the most part of the Princes, Lords, and Gentlemen of France, were there to honour the marriage, that in less than three hours within Paris, they may assemble and gather at the least sixty thousand men well armed, who at the first word had devoured the Admiral and all his friends, and if they had been six times as many more: that the Lords and Gentlemen that had accompanied the king of Navarre and the Prince of Conde, bringing thither their wives, servants, and kinsmen, brought but their swords, and thought but to run at the ring, and to show their brave apparel. That the declaration did neither specify the time, place, adherents, nor means of this conjuration. Before the Admiral was hurt, as he received all favour of the king, so he held and accounted him for one of his most faithful servants, whereof the Admiral made proofs with all sincerity. Being come to Paris upon the word, and iterated commandments of the king, where no man living ever understood other thing from his mouth (what advise soever was given him to issue out of Paris) because he was hated, evil willed, and environed with enemies, but only that he trusted in the faith and promise of his Prince, that heedemaunded nothing but peace, whereunto he perceived the king to be inclined, and to lay the war upon the shoulders of the hereditary enemy of France, which is the Spaniard: if this conspiracy had been made after he was hurt, how durst a man being cruelly wounded with two dangerous wounds, about Friday at ten of the clock, and slain upon Sunday at two of the clock in the morning, of great years, troubled in both his arms, whereof one, the Surgeons were in counsel to cut off, accompanied with three hundredth Gentlemen unarmed, all natural Frenchmen, most affected servants to the King, having neither goods, parentage, alliance, pleasure, nor contentment with their families, but in France, be so bold, or could set upon sixty thousand men, prepared to fight. Nay, were it only against the Priests and Friars of Paris aided by their servants, only with fagget-sticks in their hands? or how could he have leisure in so short a time, or would have been so mad with his adherents (unwise only in this, that they trusted the king's word, and believed not the advice of those that counseled them not to put themselves into the lions claws, that watched for them under that great hedge) to consult upon an action so important, execrable, and of the greatest consequence that possible may be? Besides this, after he was wounded, the Physicians and Surgeons had enjoined him silence, and all the Counsels holden in his chamber, tended resolutely to expect justice to be done upon those that had hurt him, as the King and the Queen-mother had sworn and promised. The King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde were always at those Counsels, and to conspire against the King, was as much as if they had sought to stab themselves, & to slain their house with the most detestable ignomy that could be devised. And to be short, it is as much as if they should transform the Admiral and his friends into brute beasts, as to attribute such consultations unto them in such a time and place, and against so many good Frenchmen: and again, if he were suspected of such a crime, was it not in the king's power (seeing so many armed men about his lodging held him enclosed, and at the first word could have seized upon him) to cause him to be poisoned presently upon the suspicion, without danger of tumult by those of the religion, whose weakness was well known at the time of the massacre? The number of those that were termed adherents to the Admiral, being nothing in comparison of the murderers, and of women, maids, and young children cruelly massacred, that neither knew where the Admiral lay, nor yet what he said●, holding him prisoner, they might without resistance or danger have made information, and so have proceeded against him according to the laws of all Nations ... If there were witnesses, they might have maintained and affirmed their depositions before the Admiral and his adherents, which by Pitrac is written to have been reported to the king: further, if it should be so, that the Admiral and his adherents, after his hurt, did utter any angry speeches, having known the cause, he might have contented himself with his own house and family, and not in a tumult and barbarous fury, by sound of bell to move the people to assemble all the Town, he ought to have hindered the massacre of so many Ladies and young Gentlewomen, and of so many Gentlemen, wise, learned, and reverent old men, of so many little children, that conspired not but against their mother's breasts, or else to get out of the wombs. It may be asked of the councillors of this inhuman justice, why so many women great with child and half dead were thrown into the river? wherein so many thousands of honourable & innocent persons were massacred, without inquisition, condemnation, form, or figure of process? & which is more, if the Adm. had never so little attempted against the person or life of the K. and his two brethren, who is he that knoweth not, that all the Provinces, towns: & to be short, all sorts of people & of all estates would speedily have taken weapon in hand, in a moment without difficulty had put the culpable and all his adherents to the sword, with all strange motions, would both approve & allow, as most expedient and necessary? And touching the king of Navarre, every man detested the imposture of the declaration: Was he not in the Admiral's hands for the space of four years? did he not profess the like religion? who is ignorant of the humble and sincere respect which the Admiral bore unto this Prince, and the great affection he showed unto the Admiral? could those of the religion get any thing by the death of the king of Navarre? was he not loved as well of the Catholicques, as those of the religion? Can the Admiral hope for a Prince more favourable than he, or that could better revenge the outrage that had been done unto him? Other circumstances touhing the massacre. Now let us return to other circumstances and the course of our History. By an other declaration of the 30. day of August, the king gave to understand to the Governors of his Provinces, that the Admiral and Gentlemen of the religion that were with him in Paris, without expecting the justice that he had promised to execute upon the wonder of the Admiral, had conspired against his Majesty, his mother, his brethren, the king of Navarre, and other the Lords and Princes about them, and against the estate: yea, that some of the chiefest and adherents to the conspiracy, acknowledging their fault, had confessed it. These principal adherent confessors he nameth not: as indeed there were none, unless he means Bouchavanes of Picardy, who upon Saturday had been present at one of the consultations, wherein the Vidame of Chartres the second time with vehement speeches in the presence of the K. of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, and many others, had urged the remove of the Admiral out of Paris, wishing his friends and familiars to follow after: as hourly discovering many things that put him in more doubt. He was in manner the only man that was of that opinion: for the rest, they stood upon it, that so they should do the king wrong, in that they should call into question his faith and sincere meaning: that it might suffice quietly and modestly to crave justice at his hands: that the matter was yet fresh, and therefore it might be feared, lest the king should be offended if they proceeded so hotly. Other report could not Bouchananes make in honour or with a safe conscience. Concerning Briquemant and Cavagues whom they meant to use, we will speak hereafter. Only I will here add one note taken out of the seventh book of the remembrances of Monluc one of the Marshals of France, and a sworn enemy to the Protestants. He speaking of the murders, saith: Albeit I was then Master only of my own house, Monlucs testimony. yet the Queen did me that honour to write unto me, and to send me word that they had discovered a great conspiracy against the king and his estate. I wots what I believed: but it is not good to anger a man's Master. The king never forget the chase that the Admiral gave him from Meaux to Paris swifter than ordinary. We forget ourselves when we come to the pinch: and never think that kings have greater stomachs than we, and withal, that they can sooner forget a good piece of service, than any offence. These be Moulucs words, who a little before had said, that the Admiral was unwise to thrust himself into Paris, to the end, to make the world to think that he ruled all. I wonder how a man so wise & politic in worldly matters, could commit such a gross oversight. But he paid well for it: for it cost him his life and many more. Why the defence of the massacre is here set down I have drawn the declaration or defence afore said out of divers treatises, at that time imprinted, without overmuch thrusting mine own judgement into such discourses. And also the innocency of the massacred, might well maintain itself, and enjoy an assured reward, much better than the judgement of human sense can comprehend. I thought it no prejudice to these recuiels, to insert this extract of their defence. Touching the particularities of the massacres in other Towns of the Realm, they having been set down and particularly noted in other books as yet extant, I mean not herein to present this sea of innocent blood, which being hidden in the ground and mixed with the waters, hath cried unto heaven, and procured so many blows from thence, upon the authors and adherents of so many murders. divers counsels to surprise Roche. Now there rested no more but one small moat within the eyes of the king and his Council, which was Rochel, to the Inhabitants whereof, Strossy and Poulin, surnamed Barron de la guard, wrote certain friendly letters, dated the last of August, offering them men to keep their Town, and ask them great store of victuals to furnish the king's Navy by sea: but the Rochelers having good cause to furnish themselves by a letter dated the second of September, answered with all modesty, that they had no need of men to defend them, desiring to live peaceably in their ancient privileges, and that they wanted victuals, whereby it was impossible for them to help others. Montpesac Seneschal of Poictou sent them a long letter, wherein he mocked the Admiral, and sought by long preaching to persuade them, but by silence they abated his babbling: by letters dated three days after they sought to pacify Strossy, perceiving that the enterprise of Flaunders was found to be but a smoke. After the news of the massacre, they withdrew themselves into Rochel, with their arms and furniture, wherein after that, they did good service. Fifty Gentlemen, one thousand five hundredth soldiers, five and fifty Ministers, as well of Poictou & Xaintongne, as of other Provinces, saved themselves therein, and a public fast was solemnised among them upon the ninth and eleventh of the same month. The councillors of the massacre perceiving that Strossy did nothing, appointed Byron Greatmaister of the artillery, to be their Governor, by commandment from the King, using many fair speeches, and promising much unto the Rochelers, to whom Byron, that during the massacre had been in danger, wrote very favourably. The Rochelers spared neither paper nor Ink, holding them close and in covert. And against Sancerre. another Town namnd Sancerre upon Loire, not far from Paris, served also for retreat to divers of the religion, escaped from the sword of the massacres of Bourges, Orleans, and other places. The Inhabitants behaved themselves with all good will towards such poor fugitives, notwithstanding letters of the 3. of Septemb. were sent unto them, by the which it was enjoined them to receive of their Captain, him that should be sent them by la Chastre Governor of Berry, and into the Castle such troops as he should think convenient. In the mean while, the Romish Catholics triumphed in Paris, thinking to have gotten all the world, in the middle of their triumphs and feasts, about the first of September, certain good persons by night went to the Gibbet of Montfalcon, and took down the Admiral's body, which they buried in so secret a place, that what inquisition soever his enemies could make, it could not be found. They nevertheless loath to lose such a Relicque, which they daily visited very devoutly (whom the king himself went to look upon, saying to a certain Lord that wished him not to go near, that the savouring carrion of a dead enemy was most sweet) had rather hang up a bottle of hay in form of a man, then have nothing at all. A Minister named du Rosier, a man of a ready wit, but turbulent and insolute, being caught as he was flying from Paris, began to halt, and soon after revolted from the religion which he himself had maintained in his sermons and writings, and seduced other prisoners: for being brought to Paris, he joined with sundry Sorbonnists, and began to oppugn the profession of faith of the king of Navarre, of the Prince of Conde, and of divers Ladies and Gentlewomen. In the mean time, in the prisons they murdered such as continued constant in their religion, whose bodies they cast into the rivers by night. I told you before, that the king had sent a precept or large declaration to the Rochelers, also that Byron their appointed Governor, The proceed in the expeditions, to catch the Rochelers. had written to them very favourable letters. Audevars' the king of Navarres Steward, charged with such packets and very ample instructions, arrived at Rochel the seven and twentieth day of September, where he forgot no part of his charge, as well to the Mayor and other Magistrates, as to sundry particular persons, for the most part of the religion, and encouraged by a number of their brethren comen to them for refuge. A few days after Audevars' coming, having deliberately & at large, communicated of their affairs in full assembly, they made an ample answer to the commandment unto them enjoined in the king's name, concerning the admission of Garrisons: saying that they could not advow that commandment to proceed from the king, to the testimony of whose letters dated the 22. & the 24. day of Aug. they appealed, wherein he layeth the whole burden of the sedition & massacre upon the house of Guise, protesting that he had much ado to keep himself safe in the castle of the Lowre with his guard. Their defences. Further, that they could not possibly believe that the K. should be so far devoid of counsel, as to cut off his own arms: to pollute the sacred marriage of his sister with the effusion of so much noble & innocent blood: defame the French nation, & his royal name with so cruel an action: either Minister an argument to all historio graphers: to write so tragical a History, as neither antiquity of time hath seen that like, or posterity can hear of without horror. That this conspiracy was continued in Rome, & hatred in Paris, by the rage of the Guisians, who pretended to seize upon the kingdom. Withal, they defended the Adm. innocency, & craved to be permitted to live in their privileges. Other remonstrances they made to Audevars, concerning some points of his commission: as that exercise of religion, etc. and as he clawed them with infinite flatter, so they returned him more Court holy-water than he was ware of, & in this necessity wanted no politic wisdom. Byron in the mean time gathered towards them, and the Baron de la guard began openly to threaten them, which caused them to look better to their business. The king's excuses to his friends. The king sent his excuses to the Pope, and to the Duke of Alue, touching the rumour of wars in the low countries, he called the Spanish Ambassador and showed him, that all the former counsels tended only to the rooting out of the Huguenots, and that he meant to continue in peace and good correspondence with the king of Spain, to whom he sent a Gentleman purposely with letters of his own hand, to assure him of his intent. On the other side, upon the fourteenth of Septemb. there was a precept sent to the Governors of the Provinces to inquire of all such protestants, as during the troubles had borne any office in the armies or towns of war. In Provence, Precepts against the Protestants. through the discretion of the County of tend there was no murder committed: neither in Bourgondy through the subtlety of the Guisians, who purposed to lay all the hatred upon the king, notwithstanding themselves were the executioners in Paris, and that their servants, Troy's in Champagne had shed the blood of sundry innocents, as also in sundry other Towns. Some murders, but indeed but few, were committed in Awergne and Dauphine: Picardy and Britain were reasonably quiet. The two and twentieth day of September, there was a new precept sent to the Governors and Lieutenants of Provinces, for the disgrading of all protestants from their estates and public offices which they exercised, notwithstanding they were content to renounce their religion, except such as had inferior offices, whom the king permitted to enjoy them, in case they would abjure according to a form devised by the faculty of Sorbon, and adjoined to the same precept .. Excusers of the massacre. Besides all this, they hired certain writers to excuse the massacre, and thereof to publish their books both in Latin and French. Some Lawyers were dealers that way: but they met with those that so took them up, that afterwards, a hundredth times and a hundredth, they condemned such purposes. The Rochelers spent the whole month of September in consultations upon new letters from the king, the Quesne-mother, the king of Navarre, the Duke of Anjou, and Byron: also upon sundry negotiations for the receiving of the said Byron for their Governor, who to that end was come within half a days journey of their Town. Their final resolution was this: not to accept of Byron before the whole army at hand were cassuered and quite scattered, retaining the free exercise of religion, and that Byron should not bring them any other troops. In the beginning of October, those of Sancerre were invested by certain Garrisons that began to molest them: but they made so brave a sally, that having forced the barricadoes of their enemies, slain 45. of them in the streets and houses, scattered the rest, and taken some prisoners, What entertainment the King of Na. & the Prince of Conde had after the massacre. they were released of them for a few days. The Rochelers at the same time were summoned either to accept of Byron, who would have entered with certain troops, without causing the army to retire, or else to accept the war, while they consulted thereupon. Let us see what entertainment the king of N. and the Prince of Conde had within Paris, their enemies not content to have led them to the Mass, after abjuration of the religion, made them be assistant at the ceremonies of S. Michael, published in their presence so many precepts and libels, made and devised against the innocency of the massacred, constrained them to hear the means devised for the extirping of the rest. Besides, their said enemies aided themselves by the Cardinal of Bourbon, uncle to those two Princes, to induce them to acknowledge and do homage to the Pope: in such sort, that messages dated the third of October, were sent in their names, whereby they desired to be received into the bosom of the Romish Church. The Pope sent them his pardons upon the first of November. To return to the Rochelers, that persisted in their determination. About the beginning of October, the enemy began by sundry means to cut off their victuals and provision, under pretence of relieving the Navy that might departed far enough from them: but they soon blew up that my. Then was there an other advise, which was this: divers Gentlemen and good soldiers were withdrawn thither for succour, who purposed to set a large price upon their skins to any that should assail them: and many others likewise were departed the Realm. Heeruppon the king by his letters patents of the eight of October, saith: that as a good householder he pitieth his subjects that live in penury out of their own houses: and so emoyneth his Governors of Provinces throughout their jurisdictions, by public proclamation to call home such as were absent, whose goods he decreeth to be confiscate, in case they return not within a certain time limited them. The same day the Baron de la guard, intruding himself by letters to threaten the Rochelers, had his answer: That they were the kings faithful servants, though he were none, who wrongfully molested them with his Galleys, and would not retire: That they prayed God to mollify the Barons heart, that he might not trouble them, but set them at liberty: That they were resolved to maintain themselves in their privileges: to keep their town safe from like murder as were committed in other Towns, which they accounted innocent from the crime of rebellion, wherewith the Baron charged them. That so long as they heard and beheld such and so horrible novelties, and were by the Baron so boldly entreated as they had been, they might and would, justly pour forth their complaints to God and the King. Whilst Byron and others did thus, but in vain, solicit the Rochelers, there was at Paris contrived an Edict of the tenth of October, in the name of the king of Navarre, wherein he prohibited all public exercise of any but the Romish religion throughout his countries. But his subjects of Bearne, even at the first discovering manifest falsehoods in that writing: withal, knowing that their sovereign was in his enemy's hands, neither had about him any servants, but such as were foisted in by the Queen-mother, or the house of Guise, made no account of that paper: but using all lawful means to avoid surprises, did with many difficulties bear themselves in that estate wherein the Queen had left them: hoping if their king might once escape prison, he would tell them another tale. The one and twentieth day of October, Troubles befallen the Rochelers, and how they remedied the same. Byron writ by du Vigean to the Rochelers, who would not grant this Deputy entry, albeit he came upon safe conduct to Tadon, a village near unto the town, when he had his answer in like term as the former. He going the next day to lie at Sigongnes, which was three leagues thence, certain soldiers of the company of Saint Stephen forced his lodging, slew three of his household servants, gave him five wounds with their swords in his bed, carried away his horses and best stuff, which the next day they sold to the most giver, in a village where Captain Saint Stephen was lodged. This scandal troubled the Rochelers, who ended it thus. That Stephen and Guymeniere should departed from Rochel: Besides the answer expressly given to Byron, the Rochelers by several letters did greatly excuse themselves of this mishap, which fell out without their notice, and to the great grief of their Deputy, beseeching him, as also they did du Vigean, not to impute unto them such an action, whereto they had given neither counsel nor consent: but were wonderfully sorry, that Vigean should be so wronged at his return from his embassage. Many misliked that Vigean a Gentleman of the religion, and a man of calling, should take upon him such a commission: but his reward caused him to be afterward better advised. Now the Rochelers being diversly advertised, that shortly they should see an army before their walls: also that their Town was the mark whereat their enemies aimed, gave a new onset upon the Country of Montgommery, the Vidame of Chartres, and other Noble men fled into England, to crave some succour at their hands. Their Deputies set sail in the evening, the five and twentieth day of October. Thus was it open war: for so many as were known to be Rochelers, were every where taken prisoners and put to their ransom: all vessels sailing towards their haven stayed: all merchandise found to belong to any Rocheler, seized and confiscate: to be short, all actions of hostility put in practice against them. Neither were the Sancerreans at that time much quieter: for Cadaillet one of the Grooms of the chamber, and the king's Hunter, sometimes servant to the Earl of Sancerre, a man well known in the Town, was sent to confer with them. He played the cunning Courtier, setting debate among them that before were good friends, whereof ensued a tumult, whilst one would grant, and an other would deny the coming in of the Lord of Fontaines, who was sent to root out the protestants. Hereof grew murder and confusion, whereof we will speak hereafter. For the advancement of the Bishop of Valence, Negotiation in Poland, where the French name was miserably rend in pieces, and to cut off the devices of the protestants, both within and without the Realm. divers devices to extirp those of the religion, and to root out their memory. The king was persuaded that it would be good to take some of them that were found to have escaped the massacre, and as then kept in prison, and to make process against them in form of justice, and to put to the torture some of those that had escaped the massacre, and being fetched out of their corners, had been committed to prison, that they might be condemned by sentence of certain judges appointed for the purpose, and so executed in the presence of the people: and to the same, to add a sentence against the Admiral, of whose body (taken away as I said before) they should make a similitude or image, which the executioner should draw along the streets, and then hang it on the Gibbet. Then that there might be published the king's letters patents, wherein it should be decreed, that the protestants should be preserved both in body and goods, and suffered to live in all liberty of conscience, so to allure them peaceably by this declaration, that afterward they might speed as the rest: beside, to publish many books in excuse of all that was past, and the same to disperse in all places, especially in Poland and Almain: and withal, to charge the Ambassadors in England, Suizerland, and other foreign countries, to justify the king and the Romish Catholicques. All this was diligently put in execution. Notable persons executed under colour of justice Touching the first point, Briquemant the father, a Gentleman of the age of seventy years, one that had valiantly employed himself in the service of the kings of France, having been found in the house of the Ambassador of England, wherein he had saved himself while the greatest furies of the massacre were executed: was put in close prison, with Cavagnes, Master of the Requests. These two bare great affection both unto the religion and the Admiral, and otherwise were of great reputation in France, they were threatened to be torn in pieces upon the rack, if they would not write and sign with their hands, that they had conspired with the Admiral to kill the king, his brethren, the Queen, and the king of Navarre: but they having constantly refused to avouch so horrible a lie, against their innocencies and themselves, they were racked and cruelly tormented, & by sentence of the Court of Parliament in Paris, dated the seven and twentieth of October, were declared guilty of treason, and condemned to be hanged upon a Gibbot: which was executed. The Queen-mother leading the king, her two other sons, and the king of Navarre her son in law to see the execution. Her councillors thinking that at that last exploit it would be wrought, if Briquemaut in presence of all the people would ask pardon of the king, sending some unto him to certify him, that so he might easily save his life: that the king was merciful, and that he should have pardon if he asked it, confessing this fact wherewith he was charged. Briquemaut answered boldly and with a good courage, that it belonged not unto him, but to the king to ask pardon of God for such an offence: that he would never ask pardon for a fault wherein he had not offended, but knew himself to be innocent, whereof he called God to witness, desiring him to pardon the kings so great disloyalty. Cavagnes did the like until he died: in such sort, that this execution served to no other end, but more to publish theiniquitie of so many pernicious counsels. Asnare discovered and annoyed. With these two notable persons, they hung a man of hay made like the Admiral, against whom also was pronounced a small sentence of death. Touching the declarations in favour of those of the religion, the Duke of Guise discovered the snare, so that few of them were taken. For that by letters sent by his mother, the same day that Briquemaut was executed, she wrote unto him, that the king had the said day, determined with his Council, wholly to root out those of the religion, whom he termed seditious vermin, not sparing the children, nor strangers, that had given them aid, therein discovering enterprises against the Prince of Orange and others: which vanished like smoke. Among the Ambassadors that excused the king, Monluc was one, the easiler to advance his affairs of Polonia, whereof we mean not to recite any particularities, as not pertaining properly to our intent. The beginning of open war against the Sancerrans. Ye heard before how Cadaillet had sown division among the Sancerreans, now shall you see the harvest of that grain. The ninth of November, the Lord of Fontaines brother, surprised the Castle by intelligence, with some of the Inhabitants that enclosed themselves therein with him: albeit through the valour and resolution of the rest, namely of the protestants, he was forced to avoid again within four and twenty hours after, even as Fontaines was coming with a strong succour. After this, the Sancerrcans began to stand better upon their guard, having about 650. soldiers under divers Captains and Lieutenants, and Martignon, Pilard, Martinat, la Fleur, Chaillon, Montauban, Buisson, Paquelon, la Minee, Dorival, whose General was Andrew joanneau, Bailiff of the Town. They had moreover one hundredth and fifty labourours in their Vinyeards, who upon necessity bore themselves very well, either upon the walls at the assaults and scale, or in the sallies, with their slings, which were termed Sancerrean Pistols. Neither were their women slack during this siege, which began about the twentieth day of November: but now for Rochel. The seventh of November, the Baron de la guard sent two Galleys to take a view of the Town, under pretence of sending his letters. But the Lord of Essars, whom the Rochelers had made their General, Also against the Rochelers. sent the next night after, the Barons two Galleys, whereof the one was taken, an Engineer slain, and an other taken, and the other hardly escaped. Hereupon ensued the publication of the King's letters patents, dated the sixth of that month, but not yet published, wherein he denounced open war to the Rochelers. Howbeit before any defy, there rested yet the last stratagem to be put in practice, because the king was loath to enter into arms, as doubting least so he might fall into new troubles, which he hoped to be now quite quenched. The King, the Queen-mother, and others, had earnestly sanluted la None, (whom the Duke of Alue after the taking of Montz in Henaut, had sent back into France) to labour that the Rochelers (who in regard of his virtues both loved and honoured him) would grow to composition: he after many excuses, as well in regard of the impossibility, as also because in conscience he could not counsel the Rochelers to yield their throats to their enemies, upon commandment accepted the message, rather in purpose to serve the Rochelers as he did, and so to get from the Court, then to hurt the professors of the religion, which himself most constantly professed even to the death. For after he had performed his commission in the company of the Abbot of Gadagne, and given account of his embassage to the Lord of Byron, who lay at Saint john d'Angely, he returned strait to Rochel, where he so bore himself, that he was one of the chief instruments that God used for the preservation of the Town during the siege. Whereas contrariwise, Captain Saint Stephen, withdrew himself to his own house, and his Lieutenant Guymeniere, who had a long time made profession of religion, went to Landereau and others, to help to war upon the Rochelers. Sundry places of refuge for the Protestants. Besides Sancerre and Rochel, the Inhabitants of Montauban, Nismes, Milliaud, Aubenas, Privas, Mirebel, Anduze, with other hamlets as well in Vivaretz, as in Sevenes, began to help themselves, yet not without many impeachments, even from those that aught most to have encouraged them. For at that time throughout all those parts, it was a question whether it were lawful for the subjects to stand upon so just and necessary a defensive. Some wished patience, others fight, and the rather for that they could not possibly resist: that every thing seemed to be past hope: that there were not left either great Lord or famous leader to gather in the protestants: also that there was not any foreign Prince, that made any offer to stand in their defence. Nevertheless, the resolution of the two first named Towns, drew divers to breath upon the matter, namely those of Montauban, who shut their gates against the murderers. Nismes stood in a mummering, but through the wisdom of Clausonne, (a man of great credit in those parts) upon summons to accept of a Garrison, the Inhabitants with common advice made answer, that they would not open their gates until a more quiet season: they were threatened and intimidated, but that made them in the end but the more valiant. Other Villages at the beginning diversly espied, were in great danger: but the carriage of some Captains, men of small account, and many particular persons, the king and his officers were brought into other conceits. Mombrun also, a wise and valiant Gentleman of Dauphine, was ridden up and down in divers wise: but he defended himself, and afterward stood the protestants in good stead. The ninth of November there was a blazing star seen in the air, as great as the day star, hard by Cassiopee, having a form of sour corners like a lozenge. A new and wonderful star in the air. Cornelius' Gem & other learned Doctors in Astronomy, that imprinted books thereof, said that it stirred not from the place for the space of three weeks, esteeming it to be like the star that appeared to the wise men, that came to worship jesus Christ in Bethlehem presently after his birth. It continued in the air for the space of nine months together or thereabout. The nineteenth of the same month, the king published an Edict, repeating the former to revoke his subjects to their own houses, under pain of loss of goods, yet to small purpose: for all men were before so scared, besides that, they now saw such provisions for war, that this revocation was in vain. Such Cantons of the Swissers as made profession of the religion, were solicited to banish out of their Territories such as had there saved themselves, but they would never consent to the ambassadors petitions in that behalf. Sommieres besieged and yielded. Toward the end of the month, Marshal d'Anuille Governor of Languedoc, besieged Sommieres, holden by the protestants, and at four months end took it by composition, having dispersed an army, whereof men spoke diversly. In the beginning of December, Gordes the king's Lieutenant in Dauphine, by friendly letters solicited Mombrun, Mirebel, Diguieres, and other Gentlemen, to forsake their religion, and to turn to the Romish, withal adding, that the king was resolved to suffer no other within his dominions. The fourth of December, by the king's commandment, Monsieur de Byron, with seven Cornets of horse, and eighteen Ensigns of foot, entered into the country of Onis to enclose the Rochelers: and as then began open war. All the rest of the month was employed in skirmishes, with some loss to those of Rochel, only in one, wherein they lost Florac, a Gentleman of Xaintongne, much lamented for his valour. 1573. The siege of Sancerre. Most part of the year 1573. was employed in the sieges of Sancerre, Rochel, and other places, in molesting those of Languedoc, and more and more to trouble the poor country of France. The principal circumstances we will set down, beginning with Santerre, that we may end in order, and then consider of the Rochelers and others. In the beginning of the year, those of Saint Sancerre began their courses, to furnish themselves with corn, but not so well as they should have done, upon the opinion that some of their principal Townsmen had, that the Catholicques would go to some other plaaes. This vain imagination procured great misery to those of Sancerre, who beside the famine, looked not unto their fortifications as need required. The ninth of januarie there appeared some troops of horse, to the number of some four hundredth Masters, and the next day five Ensigns of the old bands of the Regiment of Goas, with sundry other troops gathered thereabout. The same within fifteen days after, were refreshed with eight Ensigns of the old bands of the Regiment of Sarrieu, and five other new companies, some bands of the countries thereabout, under the leading of certain Gentlemen enemies to the Sancerreans: beside also divers Peasants that gaped after the ruin of that small receptacle of the Protestants. There came also sixteen Ensigns of pioneers, so as the whole army amounted to some four or five hundredth horse, and some five thousand foot, besides the pioneers and Peasants. The Lord of Chastre General of the army, sent a drum with letters to summon the besiegers to yield upon composition, which he promised should be reasonable. His drum they stayed and made no other answer: which afterward proved very prejudicial unto them, albeit in the beginning they made many gallant and profitable sallies. In the beginning of February, the besiegers erected a Fort within four hundredth paces of the Town towards Fontenay, and bringing their artillery by boats upon Loire, namely twelve cannons and four coluerins, they made a bulwark of earth upon the highway to Saint Thibaut, also a Palisade in Saint Ladres field, and cut off the highways and paths round about the Town, planting ten pieces in the said field of Saint Ladre, and six more upon Wolphes elm, which is a high mountain on the South side of Sancerre, and commandeth the town, as afterward they found by experience. In four or five days space they discharged above three hundredth cannot shot, wherein fell out sundry things worthy memory. All this thunder hurt not any of the Inhabitants, but one maid, who was slain with the breath of a bullet, at one of the four first shot: so fierce was the storm, that the stones of the town-wall, the paving stones, and shivers of the timber of such houses as the cannon came unto, flew whistling in the air, broke the stocks of the harquebusiers in their hands, and upon the shoulders of the besieged soldiers, rend and pierced their mandillians, hose and hats, yet never touched their bodies. Namely, one bullet carried from a soldier, named Pavilloy, the crest of his morion, but otherwise hurt him not. another cannon shot piercing clean through the wall, came with such violence, that lighting upon a barn, it bore away a great quarter of stone, which fell upon a worthy man's back named Petit Boys, yet hurt him not. An other shot lighting upon the Courtin and Parapet of the Town, cast down above a Cartload of stones & brickbats, hard by the Minister of la charity, named john de Lery, (from whom we have the whole discourse of this siege, whereat he was from the beginning to the end) so as some flew between his legs with such violence as any man may imagine, yet hit him not. As an other Minister named Molet, was in the Pulpit upon Sunday the eight of March, both he and his whole auditory were in manner overwhelmed with the stones of a house, which a cannon shot had beaten down, yet not any man slain or wounded, only some few as it were a little scratched. Now albeit the like battery was still continued so suriously against the walls, that were but weak before, wherein the besiegers discharged above six thousand cannon shot against the Town, yet of the besieged there were not five and twenty slain by that means. About the end of February, the besiegers laboured to surprise a ravelin, where they were fiercely repulsed, and lost Captain Divory, with five and twenty soldiers of the old bands that mere slain in the place, besides a number of wounded that they carried away. Of the besieged, Buissiere la Flews Ensign was hurt with a Harquebus shot, and died scone after. In March a soldier coming from the camp into the City as aspie, could not counterfeit so well, but the Governor took him in many contrarieties, whereupon putting him to the torture, he died in prison. The continual rain and snow did wonderfully annoy both parties, especially the besiegers, to whom the besieged with artificial fires burned a wooden bridge covered with hardies, where under they used to come safe to the foot of ravelin without disturbance, and it was thought that they should have either stopped or mined that ravelin and therefore the besieged did immediately dig Wells to countermyne that side. Also because the besiegers had immediately made a stronger bridge than the former: withal, that they hallowed the Ravelin, in the evening the besieged caused Captain Montauban to go forth with fifty shot, who broke through a Corpse de guard, and slew thirteen or fourteen soldiers, and brought in two prisoners, who assured him that they mined under the ranelin, and in an other place, whereupon in the morning they began 7. wells in sundry parts of the Town ditches to blow up the said mines, as also they looked to other their fortifications according as necessity commanded and appointed. Three days after, towards nine of the clock at night, The first assault coming undesired through their trenches, entered the ditch, not far from the breach of Londis, which they found so welkept, that with the loss of sundry of their men slain, and a number of wounded, they were forced to retire. During the whole conflict, which was both long and sharp, the besieged continually sung Psalms, whereupon the besiegers discharged some shot, from the artillery that lay upon the hill called the Wolphes elm, which sell into the rampire, even under the feet of the besieged soldiers, which was therewith shaken, yet had no farther hurt or harm. Having likewise learned by certain pioneers taken in a sally, that the besiegers went about to sap the Ranelin of the old gate, in one night they cut intwo, and thereof made as it were a second and new one, which by the next morning was made defenceable. Upon the seventeenth of March, there sallied some forty soldiers, who surprised a corpse de guard, slew some eighteen or twenty soldiers, and brought in a prisoner, who assured them of that besell the next day, namely that they should be beaten with sixteen great pieces, which indeed made a great breach. The next day, the besiegers having with all their pieces planted in three places, namely in Saint Ladres field, the Wolphes elm, and the Smiths Carroy, battered and beaten down all the towers and walls of the town, and continued and made plain the breach, which was above three hundredth paces wide, their white Ensign Colonel, followed by the rest, showed itself in order of battle, all their men coming under covert, A general assault in sun dry places. through their trenches even to the edge of the Town ditch, where they gave the assault as followeth. Sarrieu his Regiment struck in at the end of the breach towards the Goose-gate, in a place called Londis Grange, where the fight was greatest, and to second him, came in the Lord of Chastre General of the army, with his men at arms, who with other Masters alighted, and that day fought on foot. This first assault was famous, for the assailants came in good order and very resolutely to the breach: whereupon they cambered, & seven or eight of the best armed and covered came to handy blows: namely, Captain Ri● Sarrieu his Ensign, who carried his Ensign & brought it back again. After their repulse, the Lord of Bonnivet, the Gentlemen of the country, and Captain Cartier, gave the second charge, whereto they came with such resolution, that some of them twice entered the breach: among others, Fontain Carters Ensign, one that was revolted from the religion, who was there hurt, & so returned lame & halting. In this second onset, four Ensigns accompanied with four or five hundredth soldiers valiantly entered the ditch, but in lieu of marching strait to the breach, they joined close with the corner of the wall, which they did still bear with the ordinance, where they stayed with their Ensigns, and could not be endamaged by the Townsmen, who were not able to stand upon the wall that parted them, by reason of the volies of cannon shot. Easily might they have been beaten away with muskets and harguebuze-shot, out of some flanquers that yet remained toward the Goose-gate, but at that time there was neither muskettier nor harguebuzier there about. Yet sell there out one adventure to the preservation of the besieged, and that was this. As the canoneers did without intermission, continue the battery from a place called the Smiths Carroy, thinking to lay the wall flat, and so to discover the patforme, whereupon the besieged did fight, they followed their purpose so obstinately, that with the dischrarge of two or three valleys of cannons, they beat down so many stones upon the four Ensigns and their soldiers, that they were forced to retire: as also it fell out well with the besieged, that the canoneers in this battery wanted powder: for had they beaten down six or seven foot more of the wall, the platform from whence the besieged fought in flank, and was their chief defence, had been laid open and made a bridge for the assailants, without let to have entered the Town: for this platform being made on the sudden, was not behind cut off from the side of the Town, and in other places they could not have resisted. The six Ensigns of Goas Regiment, assaulted the Ravelin of the old gate, and Boudins' platform, supportee by the Lord of Montigny, Liestenant to the County of Brienne, and some other Gentlemen: there was Cabassoles, a Captain of one of the companies of the old bands, a valiant man and greatly bewailed among the besiegers. The new companies, except Tessiers set upon the great breach, and gave the assault from the platform of the old gate, even to the other end of the breach toward Saint Andrew's gate. Captain Tessier presented the escalade to Caezars' gate, which was at the other end of the Town, that so the assault might be general, and the besieged busied in every corner. Of the Sancerreans, Captain Flur, his Lieutenant Chaillou, and Montauban, his Cornet defended the breach of Londis, but before they could come to it, or set their soldiers in array, two of their men were carried away with a cannon shot. The rest of the Captains, had every man his quarter appointed, where they all bare themselves most valiantly: and the walls were every where furnished, besides a number left in the principal places, to serve for accurrences. During the assault, the fifteen hundredth labourours in the vines before mentioned with their slings, furnished with stones by the women and maids, wrought wonders, and wounded many of the enemies: Even in the chiefed of the fight a woman caught hold of a soldiers pike, and strove to wrest it out of his fist. A young man of the Town named jalot, being in fight taken by a target-man, and led away, as he descended into the ditch, called to his companions rather to shoot at him, then to suffer him to be carried away: whereupon one of them lying on his face, aimed so right, that he killed the target-man, and then jalot with his dagger slew an other that had hold on him, and so escaping returned through the breach to his fellows. The defendants had no other fence but their small shot, swords, and slings: neither could they make use of their other Engines, in regard that this general assault was given sooner than they expected, by reason of the battery that had continued all the morning. The Sancerreans in this assault had seventeen soldiers either slain or wounded to death, beside a wench that was carried away with a cannon The assailants left in the ditch some threescore of the valiantest: besides some two hundredth that having their deadly wounds, died in their tents and lodgings, and as many more wounded, who albeit they did in time recover, yet carried the marks to their graves. The assailants determination to famish the Town. Thence forth the assailants understanding the state of the Town, resolved to shut up and starve the Sancerreans, through the multitude of forts that they erected hard by their walls: which being made fenceable, notwithstanding whatsoever the defendants skirmishes, they planted two coluerins in the greatest, and so returned the rest of their pieces to the towns where they took them, always leaving sufficient strength round about to stop the besieged from coming forth, or receiving any relief out of the country. In the beginning of April, one of the town soldiers slipping down the Town-wall, came to the greater fort, and assured them that the defendants began to famish. Within two days after, the besieged in a sally slew some of their enemies, who the surer to gird in the Town, erected five new small forts, and nightly stood very carefully upon their guard, so that the defendants perceived that they meant to take them rather by the throats then by the fifts. Hereupon they sent abroad for succour: but some of their messengers were taken prisoners, others put to death, one Cap. Fleur, others came no more again, or could not re-enter, neither could they wheresoever they became, get any such succour as they pretended, neither in deed was there any means by man's help to relieve them. Being thus every way shut up by their irreconcilable enemies, from the beginning of April the want of flesh had in one month dispatched all their asses and moils. A note of the famine in Sancerre. In the end they were constrained to eat Horses, Cats, Rats, Moles, Mice, and dogs: hides of oxen, calves and sheeps skins, parchment, horsehoves, horns of lanterns, halters, and furnitures for horses, girdles of leather, herbs, and wild roots: and in the end of june, the third part of the besieged eat no more bread, such as could get linseed and other seeds, which they never thought on, caused them to be ground or beat them in mortars, and made bread thereof, as also of all sorts of herbs mixed with a little bran, if they could get it. They eat bread of straw-meale, of powder of nutshells, and of slate: suet, old ointment, and other old grease, served to make pottage, and to fry the excrements of horses and of men, and the filth in the streets were not spared. And the twentieth of july, a poor labourer and his wife were taken and executed, for eating the head, the entrails, and the brains of their daughter of three years of age, that died by famine and misery: having dressed all the rest of the body to eat it at other times: an other old woman lodged in their house, and that had eaten part of that costly banquet, died in prison not long after her apprehension. There were that were found guilty of other faults, but that which aggravated the latter fault, was, that the same day when they did the fact, they had been comforted with certain pottage made of herbs and wine, which might well have satisfied them in that time of necessity. Such as went and were put forth of the Town to seek relief, seeking to pass, were either slain by the enemy, or constrained by blows with staves to turn back again. And staying without, as not being able, or else would not enter into the town, they lived of the sprigs of vines, blackberries in hedges, of red snails, & of herbs. And most of them died between the trenches and the ditches. Among other pitiful spectacles, the body of a laborour & his wife, were found dead one hard by the other, among the vines, and two of their children weeping by them, the lesser being but six weeks old, which a reverent and charitable widow in the Town took home to her house. If many died among the vines hard by the trenches and in the ditches, there died many more in the houses and streets, where they fell down in every place, and some days they buried five and twenty or thirty that died for hunger: almost all the young children under the age of twelve years died: great pity it was to hear the poor fathers & mothers lament and mourn: the greatest part of them nevertheless strengthening themselves with the assurance of the grace of God, of the which I will recite two notable accidents. A young boy of the age of five years, having languished certain weeks, running along the streets, in the end nature failing, fell down before his father and mother, who at that instant perceived the sinews of their infant to shrink in, as if they had been cut, and presently the body died. another young boy of ten years of age, lying at the point of death, hearing and seeing his father and mother weeping and lamenting about him, whom he felt upon the arms and legs, that were as dry as wood, said unto them. Why do you weep in this sort to see me die for hunger? I ask you no bread mother, for I know you have it not: but seeing it is the will of God, that I should die in this sort, I must take it thankfully. The holy man Lazarus had he not hunger? have I not red that in the Bible? and saying so he yielded his spirit unto God. Upon the thirtieth day of july, the means that stayed the death of all this people, in the end of july was certain horses of service reserved for the extremity, and six kine kept, to give milk for certain young children, which beasts were killed, and the flesh sold to comfort those that lived, with a little corn, which some by stealth brought into the Town, cut and gathered by night, where's pound of corn was sold for half a crown, but this means continued not long by reason of the watch, which the enemy kept strait. The war killed but eighty four persons within Sancerre, but famine killed both within and without the Town, above five hundredth, besides those that languished: who having escaped, had much pain and labour to recover themselves. During these miseries, divers soldiers and fugitives in Sancerre, got out by several means, shunning the famine, desiring rather to die by sword: some of them being slain, the rest kept prisoners, and some executed. So all hope in man's judgement failing to those of Sancerre, the king having sworn that he would make them to devour each other, the providence of the king of all kings holp them by a strange means. Through the endeavours of the Bishop of Valence, By what means they were delivered. Henry Duke of Anjou brother to the king, and his Lieutenant general in France, had been accepted for king of Poland, by the states of the realm, as hereafter we will more at large declare in the siege of Rochel. It fell out well for those of Sancerre, that the Ambassadors of Poland came into France during their extremity of famine, to fetch the Duke of Anion: for they understanding that Sancerre was yet besieged, solicited the Bishop of Valence and Lansac his associate, to keep the promise they had made & sworn unto them, in the name of the king their master, to set at liberty all the towns and people of France, that were molested for the religion, which not being wholly to be denied, the poor Sancerreans half dead for hunger (as yet all resolute to end their days in that sort, one after the other, before they would yield unto the enemy, that had so oftentimes threatened them with a general massacre) were delivered by means of those good men that came out of so far a country, and as it were from the end of the world, their neighbours & those of the country's next adjoining, not having the means, neither once seeking to aid them. So that in the end, Composition with Sancerre. after certain conferences meeting and journeying too & fro, hostages being given on each side, it was agreed that they should issue with their arms and goods, and such as would stay, not to be called in question for any thing past: permitting them to dispose of their goods as they thought good, with promise to preserve the honour of women and maids: upon condition, that the Inhabitants and other fugitives, should pay the sum of forty thousand franks, to Monsieur de Chastre, who by that agreement entered upon the last of August. The Ministers, divers Inhabitants, Captains, soldiers, and refuged persons retired with passports, with safe conduct, some to one place, some to an other. Not long after, Sancerre was wholly unwalled, some houses thrown down, the clock, the bells, and other furnitures of the Town taken away, the Bailiff joannean massacred by night, within one hundredth paces of Monsieur de Chastres lodging. The twefth day of Septemb. lafoy Chastre being retired to Bourges, the Bailiff of Berry was left governor of that desolate place: with two companies of foot, and some other troops, there were made divers strange sackings and pillages, in such sort, that it is wonder that Sancerre should stand upright, and be inhabited as at this day it is, and besides the restoration of the walls, buildings, and repeopling, it hath the free exercise of the religion in this year 1595. when we finished this collection or recueil. Now consequently according to our purpose, let us consider of the siege of Rochel, together with the end thereof, in the year 1573. At the beginning, A discourse of the siege of Rochel, even from the beginning until the peace granted to the besieged. the Lord of Byron tried again to find some means of agreement, but could not compass any: for the Rochelers could not perceive anything but danger in all their negotiations, as deeming their best safety at the time to rest in mistrust. In the mean time, it chanced that two soldiers very forward to the field, not regarding that the Council upon good considerations, would not at all times suffer such to go forth as would, got down by a long lather into the ditch, in a place since that time very famous, and named the Bastion of the Gospel. These having passed the Counterscarp, found playynough, for one of them was slain, the other escaped, but gave so hot an alarum at the gate, that they could not possibly retain the soldiers or their Captains. La Nove understanding that many were in danger, did suddenly gather his forces both on foot and horesbacke, and made haste to the succour: the skirmish begun in sundry places, continued above five hours. Of the town, three or four were slain, and twenty wounded: but of the camp, they lost one hundredth, and fifty wounded, besides two Captains carried prisoners into the town. Among others, to the skirmish came a certain young Gentleman, Nephew to Puigaillard Governor of Angiers, who with horrible blasphemy, boasted that he was one of the Ad. murderers, & showing anaked curtelasse, which said he, he brought from so famous a conflict, he threatened to make a butchery of the Rochelers flesh: now being in place of trial, his heart failing him, and seeking for his feet he was taken prisoner. Hereupon all the sense of his tongue failing, he could nevertheless use any wit, but seeking to escape lost his life: for finding some that could outrun him, he was overtaken, slain, and stripped, and so left naked in the fields, where in the night the dogs had torn his face: how be it in the morning at the entreaty of the L. of Floyacs' widow, a Gentlewoman well bend to the religion, his wretched carcase was brought and buried in the Town, which in his life time he had so threatened. After this skirmish, Byron began to renew the negotiation committed to the Abbot of Gadaigne, who was deputed to bring the Rochelers to some composition: but it took no effect, because that daily they detected some new conspiracy. And in deed at the same time, a Gentleman in Rochel revealed to the Mayor and chief of the Council, such intelligence as Byron and others had continued with him for the surprise of the town. He wished to allure into Rochel the stoutest Captains of the camp, with some good number of soldiers, where they might be easily put to the sword, whereby the assailants might be so much weakened. Besides that, he was at the point to have received some good some of money. Heereuppon the seventeenth and eighteenth day of januarie, there came in divers of the companies of Puigaillard and of Martin, surnamed the Lutherian: but the Mayor conferring with four or five of the principal, in their resolution found it better to perform some small assured execution, then to adventure upon any dangerous enterprise, & therefore without further delay, thought it good to rid those that were already entered, and not to stay until either they had gathered more strength, or corrupted others. Of these traitors already enrolled into one of the companies, five were slain the same night, and their bodies cast over the walls beneath the new gate, and three were committed to prison, who after they had disclosed the particularities, passed the Hangman's hands. thenceforth the Rochelers spent some days in burning such farms, houses, and mills without their town, as to their annoyance might have stood the assailants in great stead. A pleasant adventure The Town had bestowed upon Captain Normand a certain mill standing very near, whereof he took some small rent, for the preserving all that might be worth the taking in the said Mill. There did Normand in the night leave one soldier. Thither came the assailants with the choice of their footmen, the three and twentieth day of januarie, and brought two culverins to force the same, which by moonlight they planted very near, and discharged sixteen shot. The soldier likewise discharhed some small shot, whereupon his Captain hearing the alarm came to the rampire on that side, and called to his soldier, as if there had been some number in the Mill: Courage good fellows, courage, yield not, ye shall have help by and by. But at the last this soldier craved parley, and compounded for all that were in the Mill: howbeit when the enemies perceived that he was alone, and spiting at his resoluteness, they kept him prisoner, and afterward seeing him unable to pay the ransom that they desired, they concluded to send him to the Galleys: but being pulled and in his slavish attire, he found means to escape, and so returned safe into the Town. La Nove they chose for their Captain in arms, without prejudice to the majors liberties and authority in all other matters. La Nove made General of the wars in Rochel. They also sent new Deputies into England for succour, which the king hindered in all that he could. And among all other devices, he caused the Queen of England, with the Empress, and the Duke of Savoy, to christian his daughter, who being borne the seven and twentieth day of October, was baptised the second of February, and died young. The Earl of Worcester addicted to the Romish religion, coming into France about this ceremony, had like to have been rob by certain rovers, who slaying some of his men, rifled one of his ships, but there upon such French and Walloons as could be caught in any English Haven, sped but evil favouredly. The daily skirmishes continued between the Rochelers and their enemies, wherein as well the sufficiency of the leaders, Continual skirmishes. as the courage of the Soldiers did evidently appear, yet not to the hurt of the Romish Catholicques, against whom their enemies made many prosperous sallies, being always provided of a near and sure retreat. In the beginning of February, the Duke of Anjou, General of the army royal, being come to Saint Maixant, sent his letters to la Nove, to summon him to deliver up Rochel, with promise of life and goods: withal importing, that if within three days after his appointed arrival in his camp, this were not performed, he was resolved with his whole forces as well in camped, as to come after him, not to linger any minute, but to besiege the Town, to force it, and so to punish those that should be taken, that their execution might be an example to all others. Now did the Rochelers begin better to consider of the defensive, and to labour about their fortifications: but because the camp usually hindered their men from cutting and bringing in of faggots and other convenient stuff, La Nove informed of their roads, upon the sixth of February laid an ambush both of horse and foot so fitly, that suffering their skirmishers to come well forward, he enclosed them between his troops and the town, and then cut in pieces all that were so ensnared. Besides, not so content, he set upon the lodging of Captain Portes company, where he slew sixty soldiers, & without loss of any more than one, that day he returned with forty prisoners, who the next day were sent back without ransom, in regard that all the money that would be made of them, would never countervail their expenses for a few days: yet such as were found to be murderers, were worse entreated. In the town there were at that time a good number of Gentlemen & horsemen: eight companies of the Inhabitants, nine of strangers, besides the majors company, and one of Voluntaries, form by la Nove, and consisting of twenty muskeeteers, fifty five pikemen, each in his corcelot at proof, and 30. harquebusiers: of this company two parts were Gentlemen, and such as had born office in the wars. The D. of Anjou arrived within 7. leagues of Rochel, wrote unto the Nobility & Inhabitants two letters, dated the 10. of Feb. wherein he exhorted them to yield, A notable skirmish. The Duke of Anjou his letters with their answers & threatened them in case they refused. Hereunto did the Rochelers answer in all humility, declaring the necessity of their defensive, & entreating the D. to provide for the tranquility of the realm, & to take such order, that they might serve God in the exercise of their religion. As for the gentlemen, their answer imported, that albeit they were affected to the king's service, yet that through the malice of flatteres & as could brook no peace, they were brought into his disgrace: withal, they showed a reason for their taking of arms, which was not voluntary, but necessity that enforced them thereto, as finding no better means to preserve both spiritual and temporal, but to retire into the Forts & places of defence, their lives, until it might please the king to take some order by a lawful assembly of the Estates and general Counsels. They also besought the Duke of Anjou to consider of their just complaints, and not to impute unto them that which proceeded of other men's faults, and so offered to the king and him all obedience and service. The next day the Duke arrived in the camp, accompanied with his brother the Duke of Alencon, the king of Navarre, the Prince of Conde and Dauphine, the Dukes of Longueville, Bovillon, Nevers, Aumale, and Guise, the young County of Rochefaucaut, the great Prior, and other great Lords, who took their lodgings at Nieul, a long league from Rochel, where they remained until the peace. This one thing stood the Rochelers in good stead, that in the enemy's Council they had many heads, that showed as many and divers imagations and purposes. Monlucs judgement of the siege of Rochel. Hereto will I add the same that Monluc toward the end of his remembrances, hath written to this purpose, and of this whole enterprise, in these words: See, all the world is come to Rochel, myself among the rest am bidden to the banquet: but when I resolved to go, I made account to die, and there to take my grave. Being come, I wondered to find there so many people of so divers humours, that would have been loath it should have been taken. The siege was great, long, and gallant, well assaulted, and better defended. I will not stand to write all that was there done: for I was but one, neither will I speak hardly of any. Monsieur, who after was king, and was General in that siege, so far honouring me, as to use some conference, whereby to gather my advise, knoweth well enough I told him frankly what I thought. This siege may teach all that were then present, or that shall come hereafter, that in those days, Towns of such importance must betaken by famine and enclosing: by little & little. One great oversight was there committed, and that was the adventuring of so many men in the assaults: and a greater in keeping so bad watch to keep the town from succour of powder, which came in by sea. For to say my mind as others, whatsoever shift the Rochelers could have made, we had had them, they cannot deny it: I say with the halters about their necks: for the succours that the County Montgommery brought, was retired, and we ready to buckle with them: for all things failed them: but at the same time my brother the B. of Valence was in Poland, to procure the election of Monsieur for their King, which he archieved, and the glory thereof I think due to him alone: but that caused all men to think upon capitulation, which at the last was compassed. The Polonians Deputies came thither to salute him for their king. All the troops retired, and leaving many dead, and the Rochelers' Lords of their Town, prepared to come to the feast of this new Crown. By Monsieurs speeches, at his departure it seemed he had no great liking of this kingdom, yet do I think it was a great honour to him and us, that so remote a kingdom should seek a king from us. This is Monlucs judgement. Now let us consider some particularities of this siege, Continuation of the siege of Rochel. so far as the purpose of these collections may bear. The town besieged both by sea & land about the midst of February, continued her skirmishes until all was ready for the battery: ●he assailants from the Carraque discharged many cannon shot into the Town and strait, in case any vessel offered to pass in the night or mists: but of many hundreths, none took, either to kill or hurt, except some two or three persons. The 23. day of February, after many consultations and messages, the Lords of Byron, Strossy, Villequier, and the Abbot of Gadaigne, held a parley at Coignes gate, with lafoy Nove the Lieutenant general, Mortiers and Morisson Deputies for Rochel. The Abbot discoursed of the king's intent and clemency: alleging that hereafter there would be no hope to move him by any entreaty or prayer: that he had done more than beseemed his greatness: that all other his subjects of the religion would think themselves happy, if they might obtain but half of that he offered to the Rochelers: and so exhorted the Deputies well to consider of it, and not to let slip such an occasion. La Nove and the other three, giving their advise as particular persons, answered: that as concerning their commission, it extended only to receive such articles as the king should send: to take notice of Gadaignes' authority, and to refer the whole to the Council of the Town, which was composed of one hundredth men, Sheriffs, and Peers, whereof the Mayor was chief. The same time the Duke of Anjou caused Captain Cadet, a Turk by nation, to be executed at at Nieul, for the manifold robberies and spoils whereof he was convict, albeit many great Lords and Captains laboured mightily for his life, whom the D. denied, and therefore of all good men was well thought of, and feared of the wicked. The articles which Gadaigne delivered, in number seven and twenty, convined a protestation of the king's sincerity, both in the old and new profession against the Admiral, whose remembrance written with his own hand (never before spoken of) were then alleged. Next, he summonned the Rochelers to open their gates to Byron, or any other that should have commission to enter their Town as they ought: (that is to say, with such troops as he should think sufficient) to maintain the authority royal, and to take order that it might come no more in the hands of seditious persons. In so doing, they should enjoy the exercise of their religion, in like liberty as was granted by the Edict of pacification, without alteration or diminution: and to that end should have whatsoever letters they should think good. Withal, he cut them off from all hope of succour out of England. The Rochelers declaring the equity and necessity of their defensive: the iniquity of the Baron de la guard & others, do like of the king's declaration concerning his Edict of pacification, and desire that the same may be maintained not only to them, but for the ease and quiet of all other protestants throughout the Realm. Three days after this parley, the Rochelers' understanding of two and thirty battering pieces within half a league of them, withal, that their enemies meant to skirmish after dinner, and to empty their forces, resolved also to do somewhat, and so sallied about noon. This conflict continued above six hours, and la Nove had two horses killed under him, besides some small shot that light upon his cuirace, but hurt not his body: he lost one chief Captain, two Captain Ensigns, and five soldiers, and brought home twenty wounded. The dead he also carried away and buried in the town. In the camp were slain and wounded some hundredth and fifty, among them divers Captains. The women that day bore themselves wonderfully, in carrying wine and comfits to the soldiers, relieving the wounded, and putting themselves very forward in the fight. Among the rest, one adventured to strip one of the dead enemies, whose harquebus and sword she carried away, and made thereof a trophy. The ba●●ell begun the last of February, with eight cannons and two coluerins, seemed to have heat and encouraged the besieged, who most cheerfully followed their fortifications. About three of the clock after noon the battery ceased, and they made a sally, wherein Captain Normand slew a great number of assailants, with the loss of one soldier, and two that he brought home wounded. In the beginning of march, for three or four days together, they had many parleyes, to the end to get the Town without fight. They offered the exercise of religion in the Town, which was abolished in all other Towns of France: and the Duke of Anjou conceiving the succour out of England to be but a vain imagination, spoke more sharply than ever before. The day before, Claud of Lorraine, D. de Aumale, and the Duke of Guise's uncle, being behind a Gabion, was slain with a shot from a piece planted upon the gospel Bulwark, which pierced the Gabion & the Duke: who looked for nothing less than what befell him. He was greatly bewailed in the camp: but the besieged praised God, who weakened their enemies, and in him punished the other murderers that expected their course. The fift of March, the whole Council of the Town was assembled, wherein after sundry opinions, it was resolved that they should abide all extremities, rather than to yield to any unreasonable demand: also that they should send no more Deputies, but return their answer by a drum. The whole being imparted to the people, The resolution of the besieged. assembled to that end, they wholly answered, that a just war was to be preferred before a shameful and suspected peace: that yet they had means enough to hold out: and that one day of parley did them more hame, then ten years of war. Six or seven days after, the battery being again begun and continued, lafoy Nove finding his presence to be unprofitable to the Rochelers, upon divers occasions withdrew from them, and departed to the Duke's camp with Champagny, la Roche Esnard, la Salle, The retreat of the Lo. de la Nove. and divers soldiers. As his presence had hitherto stood the Rochelers in great stead, so being without, did he continue with great policy, and did them better service far off, then nearer at hand, as the besieged afterward very well perceived. In this month's space, the enemy discharged above thirteen thousand cannon shot, besides sundries skirmishes and surprises, wherein the assailants still had the worst, who in a few weeks lost above twenty Captains. The 16. day of March towards evening, Captain Fond standing at watch at a Casemate without the gate, chose above a dozen of his soldiers, and marched strait to the Spittle-house, where he surprised nine or ten Gentlemen and Captains at the table, that were all slain. Four days after, about ten of the clock at night the Townsmen made a sally: passed even to the enemy's Gabions, overthrew all, won the first trenches, slew some sixty men, wounded twice so many: put the rest in disorder, & had done more, had not secure come in of all sides. The battery having continued the six first days of April, the seventh day about six of the clock in the morning, began more fierce than before, and with such violence, that along wall from the old fountain to the Gospel bulwarcke was laid flat: the bulwarcke dismanteled, & the Cognee tower the assailants came to the assault, cast a bridge over the ditch, which they stretched even beaten down. The first assault. Towards five of the clock at night against the bulwark, and took two Casemates, which they held but a small while: for with one cannon shot into the Casemates, some were slain, others being speedily charged by resolute soldiers, were in part cut in pieces, and the rest saved themselves by flight. During this conflict in the Casemates, the enemy came forward courageously over their wooden bridge, with two hundredth targets and corcelets, who were as valiantly withstood by the besieged, notwithstanding the cannon played continually, which slew fifteen of their men, and hurt divers. This notwithstanding the women and Maidens devoid of all fear, as if they had neither seen nor heard any thing, ran resolutely up and down casting out their scalding water, circles, stones, and such like, which slew divers assailants, who were forced to forsake the ditch with the loss of divers Captains, Gentlemen and soldiers. Of the Town there were slain in this assault about sixty: among others, Captain Fronsac, the Ensign of Riviere Lis, and Captain Normands lieutenant, and the enemy discharged above two thousand five hundredth cannon shot. The second assault. The next day about nine of the clock in the morning, they came to the second assault, which was valiantly sustained by the Rochelers: and the enemies forced to retire into their trenches. Towards the evening they set a face if they would have returned: The third. but seeing the resolution of the defendants, they did no more. The tenth of April by six of the clock in the morning, the enemy returned with great fury to assault the aforenamed bulwark, as also at the gate of the two mills, there appeared a great number well stored with lathers: likewise towards Tadon, the County de Lude came with his regiment to the windmill tower, but no further for fear of the small shot that reigned shrewdly in those quarters. As for those that brought the lathers, they had leisure enough to rear them, and to climb up: but so soon as they were up, the Townsmen overthrew them with such force and activity with pikes and hallebardes, and in such number, that breaking arms, legs, and heads in the ditch, their fellows were forced to give over and fly in such sort, that some cast themselves into the fens, which the women had taken to keep, who with fire-forkes and spits made an end of the wounded & stripped them. Those of the bulwarks and Casemates, who never lost shoot, with the women, maids, and servants, with their cauldrons and artificial fire, so bestirred them, that the assailants were forced to retire with the loss of three hundredth men and more. pour days after, about four of the clock at night, The fourth. the companies of the assailants standing ready in array to come to the assault, discharged almost all their pieces, & immediately in great resolution came to the breath, where they fought valiantly on both sides, until the night parted them. The besieged were shrewdly annoyed with the cannon, which overthrew the forepart of the bulwark, that slew many of their soldiers, and hurt others, to the number of fifty, yet the assailants lost more, namely one of their Captains. But the next day they began again to beat most fiercely, and about five of the clock at night, they blew up their first mine at the bastion or bulwark of the Gospel: and withal, gave a most fierce assault, which they still renewed five times on a row, The fift assault five times renewed where they had as friendly entertainment as in the rest with great loss, besides three hundredth men caught in their mine, which played clean contrary to their expectation, and fell especially upon themselves. Two days after, about eleven of the clock at night, the besieged made a sally, slew a great number of men, and carried into the Town great store of murrians, cuirasses, partuisans, halberds, and courtelasses: and burned a wooden bridge: in revenge whereof, the enemy discharged certain cannon short, which with the breaking of the stones hurt five or six: besides Captain , who had done great service in that siege, was that day so wounded with three small shot, that he died soon after. The sixth. The five and twentieh and seven and twentieth days of the same month, they parleyed again: but all was but delays, until the next day, when very early in the morning the assailants approached to Saint Nicolas gate, where some of their Captains did very well: for passing the Counterscarpe, they entered the ditch, but were repulsed with the loss of many soldiers. The next day before sun rising, their ordinance played upon the Bulwark, and toward eleven of the clock they redoubled their battery: beside, their troops came in on all sides: The seventh. yea even out of their Carriques' and Galleys they shot lustily, which caused every man to run to arms: namely, the women with men's hearts on their heads, marched in haste with pikes, halberds, and javelins in their hands, fully resolved rather to die in the place, then to suffer the enemy to enter. The assault continued five hours, wherein the defendants lost some twelve or fifteen men, besides five and twenty or thirty wounded: but the assailants a great number in the first charge, so as they durst no more come in small troops: and the most resolute retired, because the company of Captain Bobineau a Rocheler, guarding the Casemates near the bulwark that flangued just upon the enemy's bridge did mightily annoy them, as being within two pikes length each of other. The nine and twentieth of the month, the besieged made a sally, where in a Casemat that they forced, and in part discovered, they slew a great number. The same day the Mayor sent to the Duke of Anjou, the articles which the Rochelers, with the Gentlemen and soldiers strangers desired to be granted them, whereof they had answer six days after, beside sundry unprofitable parleyes. All this was done about the beginning of May, of what time the Polonians elected the Duke of Anjou to be their king: for the estates accepted of him the ninth of May, upon which day the Rochelers, who from the 7. assault had never miss either night or day to give the enemy some foil, made asallie through the countermine of the gospel bulwark where they surprised those that were next at hand, slew some pioneers, and about thirty soldiers, and carried away four prisoners, without any loss on their side. The next day at ten of the clock at night, about four hundredth small shot, and fifty horse, sallied forth at Maubec gate, and near to Cognee gate surprised a corpse degard, and with the loss of one horseman slew forty or fifty of the slowest. In the morning they understood that the losers pretended to have their revenge: And indeed the next morning an hour before day, sundry Targeteers got up by their bridge unto the top of the gospel bulwark, where they took away the Ensign of Captain Rivieres Lis, & so returned without more ado: albeit they might very well, for the most part of the corpse degard were a sleep. The next day thinking to have gotten the like occasion at the breach of the old fountain, finding those that waited for them, they returned faster than they came. The same day toward five of the clock at night, the Sarreant Mayor of the Town made a sally, and fired part of their wooden bridge, and four and twenty hours after, returned to burn the corpse degard that was hard by the sald bridge. About this time at three several courses, certain of the enemy's horsemen sought to keep the poor people of the town after the tide, from gathering of Muscles, Shrimps, & such like: but some of them lost their horses and Petronels, and some were taken & carried away prisoners, as unable soon enough to get forth out of the bogs, where their horses sunk upto the shoulders. The eight assault. The sixteenth of May, a little before day the enemy gave the eight assault to the afore named bulwark, which was very sharp, yet had the repulse on both sides. The same day and the two next follwing, the Cannon playing upon the Town, made no spare of powder or bullet. The twentieth day came in a small vessel laden with powder and corn, sent by the County Montgommery, under the conduct of Captain Arnaud, who passed in spire of the enemy's fleet and forces, who discharged many a shot at him, but hurt him not. A notable sally. Three days after, some four or five hundredth men after noon sallied forth of the town, and surprised and mightily amazed the enemy that lay toward the Cognee gate, whom they killed without resistance, to the number of two hundredth both Captains & soldiers, besides a great number of wounded. The whole camp taking the alarm, many came in, so that the Rochelers lost 20. of their men, but carried into their town eight Ensigns with many cuirasses, Halberds, Targets, Harguebuzes & guilt swords. They did greatly bewail Maronniere, a brave Gentleman, who died of his wounds within two days after, as a little before they had done the death of Vergerbeanlieu, a Poetevine Gentleman, highly esteemed for his valour, whereof be had made proof, especially in the eight assault, where he took his deadly wound. The five and twentieth day of May, the battery began very furious, and lasted till nine: the reason was, that five mines which the enemy had digged, were shut and ready to play. The next morning by break of day, the battery began again as well again the bulwark, as against the defences, and so continued until night. The next morning about seven of the clock, all the companies of the camp were mustered. The Swissers being new come, to the number of 16. Ensigns in a great battaillon, were by the Rochelers welcomed with cannon short, which fell so just among them, that they made a great lane, and forced the rest to go further from the Town. About eleven of the clock, the regiments of the camp being ready to the assault, discharging their artillery blew up their mines, wherein rested their whole hope, The ninth assault. but all this stood them in no stead: for some of their mines did greatly help to fortify the besieged, and to flank the breach from the old fountain to the Gospel-bulwarke: a fatal and unhappy name for the enemy, who were expected and repulsed by the women, maids, and servants, who that day did incredible things. The assault was five times renewed, and lasted until six of the clock at night, always more fierce and greater than any of the former. And indeed the enemy lost four hundredth men that stayed in the ditches, and carried away six hundredth wounded. The Rochelers lost thirty or forty soldiers and women, and three or four Captains: among the rest, one very valiant, named Blays, who was slain with a piece of a stone. The County Montgommery did his endeavour to secure the Rochelers by sea, but in vain, in that he was overweake both in shipping and men, to fight with the fleet royal, Murmur in Rochel. which was very strong. Towards the beginning of june, victuals began to grow short with the besieged: whereupon some considering that the enemy's cannon played continually, also that some soldiers fled the Town, began to doubt and have some speech of composition, so that some of the most apparent were imprisoned, for that together with some three hundredth, they had signed a bill that imported the making of peace upon whatsoever conditions: for their parts, they were weary of the wars, and the great want of corn would shortly breed a famine. Others had in open street consulted upon taking of the gates, whereby to go forth at their pleasures. Of these murmurs ensued new parleyes, which the Duke of Anjou solicited, that so he might departed thence: for the news was come that he was chosen king of Poland, and that the Ambassadors were coming to him. In the mean time, upon Friday the twelfth of june, the enemy gave a sudden escalado at the little breach near to the old fountain, some hundredth, or sixscore Gentlemen got up, and some unto the Cavalier, where they stayed long enough to take a view of the inward trenches and counterscarpe, that was fortified within the retrenchment, and so began to retire neither escaped they all the greeting of the small shot, which diminished their number, and slew some fifteen or twenty in the place. The next day they returned to their parleyes, and because the Rochelers had counsel to send their Deputies to the Duke of Anjou, at whose hands (as they were told) they might obtain more than they demanded, they stayed for a passport, which they found so badly penned, that they might well perceive that it stood them upon to beware, and therefore they caused their Deputies to retire, which so nettled the D. that he resolved before the coming of the Polonian Ambassadors to try all means: and to the same end, came in person to take a view of the mine by the old fountain, The Duke of Anious adventures. where one of the Town soldiers discerning him, shot off a harquebus charged with a bullet and some hail shot: but his great Esquire named Devin, perceiving the match, stepped before him and was slain: the Duke reserved to an other end, was slightly touched with some of the hail shot, but not hurt. After this, notwithstanding their shooting and sallying on both sides, yet was it nothing in regard of that which was passed. But upon the 17. of june, the Polish Ambassadors being arrived in France, truce was made, and lastly the articles of peace agreed upon and sent unto the king, which he approved, and framed them in manner of an Edict, granting to those of the religion, Rochel, Montauban, Nismes, and other Towns, wherein the free exercise of religion was permitted: and to others, permission to live without trouble in their houses, An Edict of pacification, for Rochel and all those of the religion. therein to solemnize baptism and marriage after their manner, without greater assembly besides the Parents, than the number of ten: except in the Court at Paris, and within ten leagues round about it, he restored those of Rochel to their rights and ancient privileges, disannulling all Edicts made against them, approving their defensive war, and consenting that the keeping of their towns, towers, and fortresses, should remain unto themselves, according to their ancient privileges, receiving such governors as were not by them to be suspected. And by virtue of this Edict, upon the tenth of july, about ten of the clock in the morning, Monsieur de Byron entered into the Town at Coin gate, with a Herald at arms, and four of the king's trumpets: at which time he caused the peace to be published in the principal places, accompanied by the Lieutenant of the Town, and of Monsieur de Villiers, and then dined at the majors house: which done, presently after he returned conducted out of the Town. End of the siege of Rochel. The same day, divers barks and other vessels laden with biscuit, corn, meal, fish, and other ammunitions, entered into the Town, as they did before the siege: which we have briefly described in the principal circumstances thereof. The enemy had both by sea and land, between forty and fifty thousand men, whereof more than the half of them died before Rochel, as well in skirmishes, encounters, surprises, and assaults, as of wounds, miseries, and diseases: sixty pieces of artillery, great, middle, and small, shot into the Town, and against the defences, rampires, and walls thereof, at the least two and thirty thousand times. The bulwark of the Gospel, because of the surname, was least spared. The enemy lost therewith the Duke d'Aumale, Cosseins, Master of the field, that entered by force into the Admiral's lodging in Paris, and began the massacre. Ligardes his brother, Goas and Poilac, Masters of the camp, divers great Lords and Gentlemen, above 60. Captains and commanders, as many Lieutenants & Ensigne-bearers: most part of the massacres of Paris & other places, being come thither to receive their reward, either present death, or wounds which speedily cut off their days. The coming of the Polish Ambassadors, was the means the defended Rochel, which began to want both victuals & ammunition of war, & that had lost many hundreths of soldiers in the skirmishes & breaches. Another means served: which was the division in the Duke of Anious camp, & the friends which the Rochelers found therein, from whom they received many good advertisements, which greatly relieved them during the siege: the end whereof, made the king to call to mind many great faults by him committed, which he had been advised and counseled unto, and to invent the means to prevent them: but too late, for being embarked and in the middle of the sea, then when he discovered a desire to see the port of his arrival, not long after he found himself to be fallen into the deep gulfs of death, & with most great grief unto his heart, was constrained to behold the fire in his Realm, which some persuaded him to be quenched, and to have recovered an everlasting peace upon Saint Bartholomewes' day. But in his mischief he sound this comfort, that many others that thought themselves very nimble, in their turns, found themselves no less deceived, than they wickedly abused the youth & boiling passions of this poor Prince. I must not forget to set down the provision of victuals that God sent unto the besieged in Rochel, which was an infinite number of small fishes, never before that time seen within that Haven, and that every day came in, and as it were yielding themselves to the mercy of the poor people of the Town. And presently after the publishing of the Edict and liberty granted to Rochel, at the coming of the Polonians retired again. Now let us see how sundry others of the religion in other parts of the Realm, The estate of the churches in Quercy, Langucdoc, and other places. bore themselves this year 1573. The Baron of Serignac with other Lords and Gentlemen both of Quercy, Foix, and other Provinces adjoining, being advertised of the intent of the Romish Catholics, repaired to Montauban, where they held a common Council, and after sundry conferences resolved, as well the Inhabitants as strangers refugied, to take arms: which they did in war like manner, and thereof advertised those towns where the religious were any thing strong. The Inhabitants of Chastres in Albigeois, slacking and refusing the succours of Vicountie Paulin and the Baron of Panas, were surprised, and some slain, and the Town brought into the subjection of the Romish Catholicques. They of Montauban sent forth their troops into the field, under the leading of the Lord of Serignac, a man zealous in religion, discreet and virtuous, and a well-willer to military discipline. They placed a Garrison in Terride, whereof Serignac challenged the Barronage, and by escalade took Buzet upon Tar, within three leagues of Toulouse. They also strengthened Villemur, surprised divers other places, fortified such as they held in the former troubles, placed garrisons at the passages, and appointed a day of meeting at Realmont in Albigeois, to consider of their common affairs. There made they a division of their governments. Vicountie Gourdon had one part of Quercy toward Cadenac: Terride or Serignac had the other part towards Montauban and Gascon. To Vicountie Paulin fell Lauragais, and in Rovergue they established the Vicountie of Panas, with his brother the Baron. The Count of Foix, with the hilly country, was allotted to the Vicountie of Canmont. There they decreed, that if one stood in necessity, the other generals should repair to him with all their forces and be under his obedience, so to avoid all iealouzie that might otherwise take hold of such as were of like authority, Sundry warlike exploits. every man returned into his government. Serignac by compositon took Villedieu, Chasteau Vasin, and the Tower of Orgueil, places near to Montauban, encamped with two thousand small shot, and some horse, before Monricou, maketh a breach, giveth the assaults & one escalade, but taketh the repulse, as also from before Real-ville and Vioule, at which places many of his men were hurt and slain. In his return from an other assembly holden at Realmont, for advise upon the Rochelers' affairs, who craved secure, but could have none in regard of such difficulties as befell them. Serignac passing by Puylaurence, understood that Captain Angely with eighty soldiers, was besieged in a village three leagues of, and therefore with all speed marched thither with one hundredth and sixty men: and thus he on the one side, and the besieged on the other, so charged the enemy, that they slew two hundredth of their men, and scattered the rest. About this time the Inhabitants of Bearne sent to Nismes and Montauban, a copy of the letters sent to them from the Court in the name of their Prince, to recall them to the Romish Church: together with their excuses and answers to the same, protesting to persevere and abide in the religion. In April, the County of Villards newly made Admiral of France, Admiral Villards warreth upon the Protestants with small success and General of an army against the protestants in Quercy and the countries round about, gathered his troops dispersed in Garrisons, besieged & took Saint Gems in high Quercy. The Lord of the Town, notwithstanding his composition for life and goods, was carried prisoner to Cahors, and there executed at the instance of many his enemies whom he had hardly entreated. His men saved themselves in a rock, where they could not possibly be endamaged, and after joined with succours that came from Montauban. A few weeks after, the Admiral besieged Brifenel, a small Town in high Rovergue, where Montilliere gallantly withstood him, and slew some hundredth of his men, but at the last departed with life and goods. Albeit in exchange the Adm. in May lost Soreze, surprised by escalade, & Montesquiou within two leagues of Thoulouse. Also toward the end of july, the Baron of Fougeres took L●desue a Bishop's sea, and a rich Town situate in the mountains of Languedoc, at the same time that Captain Grave seized upon Mass Saints Puelles, within one league of Castelnau Darry. The Duke of Anjou had before solicited those of Montauban, to send him their Deputies with articles for peace, entreating them in the mean time, to desist from all hostility. This was one means to disunite the Provinces, and so to get them one after an other. At the first this seemed to grow to some course: but it was easily remedied, and the siege of Rochel together with the election of Poland, made void many of their devices. Marshal d'Anuille Governor of Languedoc, took arms also against the protestants, assembled six Cornets of horse, Marshal d'Anuille besiegeth Sommieres, where he looseth his Army. five thousand harquebusiers, besides the companies of Lyonnois and Volunatries: his footmen amounting to ten thousand, that led fourteen battering pieces, wherewith he pretended to besiege Nismes. But Sommiere a small Town near to Bezieres and Montpeslier, won from the Baron of joyeuse by Captain Gremian, broke this purpose, and an other enterprise of the Marshals against uze: so that seeing himself frustrate before he came to Nismes, he besieged Sommieres: both the Town and Castle, made a reasonable breach and gave an assault, repulsed by the besieged, who slew above one hundredth of his men, and wounded many more. But in his second assault he had yet worse success. Hereupon came to him his brother in law the County of Candale, with his company of one hundredth horse, and twelve companies of Gascons, who gave the third assault, wherein three hundredth of the hottest left their lives. The besieged stood in want of many things, but their neighbours sent one hundredth and twenty soldiers, who with much ado got in, & brought all that they could to secure and strengthen them. One of the hundredth and twenty being lag, was taken and brought before the Marshal, to inform him of all that he knew. Albeit they racked and tormented him, that he grew as big as a tun and so died upon the torture, yet could not his tormentors wrist out of this soldiers mouth, any word prejudicial either to the besieged or to the protestants. The besieged having holden out four months, suffered five thousand cannon shot, that had beaten down all their defences, and laid their walls in the dust, craved composition: but the Marshal would have them by force, and to that end gave forth a general assault, committing the leading to Candale, whom he exhorted to revenge the death of his Captains and soldiers. This young Lord, who before had seemed desirous that matters should have been otherwise ordered, marched resolutely to the breach, where he performed the duty both of a valiant Captain and courageous soldier: but after a little fight, wherein he saw a number of his soldiers overthrown, himself was slain in the place. The besieged having performed all that was to be desired in valiant men, in April did accept of composition for life and goods, and so the Marshal sending hostages to Nismes for their safety, they came forth with the drum sounding, the Ensigns displayed, their matches lighted and in the cock, having seven days respite to carry away their goods, and to retire where they list. The Marshal understanding that Mismes in great resolution expected his coming, and withal, considering that he had lost two thousand five hundredth of his best men, cashiered the rest of his troops, who scattered every way. The Admiral warring in Gascon, had other success: for he took Terride, Flaugnac, and all that the protestants had gotten in Gascon beyond Garonne. Then did he besiege Caussade, a small town kept with six hundredth small shot, Caussade subvertech all Admiral Villars purposes. under the conduct of Puiols, who forced the Admiral after great losses to forsake the place: after which repulse, he did nothing worthy memory. The Vicountie Gourdon understanding that part of the Adm. troops after this siege, marched towards Rochel, watched them at the passage over Dordogue, cut in pieces one company, and made the rest to run. On the other side, the Baron of Grandmont, whom the king of Navarre had sent into Bearne to replant the Mass, was taken, and most of his men defeated by the country people. The estate of Vivaretz and Dauphine. In the mean time, the estates of Languedoc met at Anduge, where they form an order and rule for the war and administration of justice. In May the protestants choosing the Lord of Saint Romain for their General, surprised Villeneufue in Vivaretz. Marshal d'Anuille under colour of justice, seizeth and selleth all the protestants goods that he may. In Dauphine the protestants took Orpierre, Serres, and other places in the Bishopric of Die: also and other villages in the mountains, under the leading of Mombrun, who with his courses & exploits drive his enemies to fear him. The K. hoping by the peace granted to Rochel, Montauban, & Nismes, to take some rest, having revoked the edict of 1570. & sent his brother into Poland, found all new to begin: for those of Quercy, Lanquedoc, & their neighbours, did immediately protest against this edict, Complaints against the pacification granted before Rochel. which they termed captious, & a preamble into new massacres: considering that their capital enemies & authors of all disorders, remained sole councillors and Governors of the K. and his estate: that all the French Churches were debarred the public exercise of religion, to them so solemnly granted by the Edict of 1570. that all the contents of this pacification of Rochel, and whatsoever was otherwise promised, was but a collection of words without effect: that there was no speech of justice against the massacres, but an abolition of all that was past, which was the absolving of the threatened: that all Ecclesiastical discipline was taken from the protestants, whom thereby they meant to plunge in all Atheism: that this treaty was form with some particulars without their commission, whose advice could not prejudice the general cause of all the Churches, to whom they had promised not to do or grant any thing without the common consent of all. After these protestations, with the consent of the new king of Poland, (whom his brother and the Ambassadors hastened into that far country) they assembled at Millaud in Rovergue, after at Montauban, where they divided Languedoc into two governments, the one at Montauban, the other at Nismes, to serve for the bordering countries of Sevenes and Vivarais. For the government of the quarters of Montauban, they chose Viscount Paulin, and Saint Romain at Nismes, who had the charge of all matters of war, yet were accountable to the estates of the country that furnished them with counsel & quoin. These estates in every government were composed of the chiefest of the provinces, yet so as in matters of importance there were particular states in every Diocese, that meant to confer by one or more of the Deputies, with the estates of the government, by whose advise the governor was to take his directions, & at their hands to receive his pay. For the countenance of this order, they decreed the the soldiers contenting themselves with their pay, should not forage nor waste the plain countries: & to that end they taxed the adversaries Towns and villages, forcing them to contribute toward the maintenance of the garrisons. Such as voluntarily paid, were eased as in time of peace, & in many places the Peasants followed their labours without danger: which caused many towns and boroughs, otherwise enemies to the protestants, to pay the contributions for fear of worse. Besides this order, to furnish the main charge, and at all times to have a stock ready for all accurrences, The want of discretion in the king's Council. they seized upon the Church revenues, establishing their commissaries to that effect, and all this had they leisure ynogh to do, whilst the kings & their Courtiers were busy in their banquets, dances, & other vain pastimes for the K. of Polonds farewell. Thus in Languedoc in a short time they furnished many places, from whence they might bring to the field under the conduct of their Governors, very near 20000. persons, still weakening their adversaries with the collection of the revenues of the benefices & contributions that they gathered in every quarter. Likewise following their example, sundry of the Romish Church, otherwise discontented, grew to be more affable to the protestants, and to take their parts, so to procure some quiet in the state of France. The protestants in the government of Nismes, twice assembled together, resolved to crave at the king's hands a more sure peace, and upon better conditions than the edict of Rochel, which they found very faulty, and not to be admitted in many the articles. They sent therefore their Deputies to give him thanks for the good affection that he protested to the restoring of peace, adding, that the same is the most necessary remedy for the reforming of the estate already decayed & lost, without speedy provision. The magnanimity of those of Languedoc. That in hearty good will they are most affectionate to yield him all obedience: but that the massacres do evidently declare the danger, where the Prince is governed by the pernicious advice of his wicked councillors. They besought the king not to mislike that they having an interest in this action, had assembled themselves to the end with deliberation to consider of the surest means to establish a sound and good peace. That through the policies of wicked councillors, the king was induced both by word and public letters pa●rents, to declare himself to be the author of the massacre at Paris, which some few days before he had disaduowed, wherein his reputation was greatly impaired with foreign nations. That they could not think his will to concur with such bloody effects as lately appeared, yet they feared lest his wicked councillors were still like affected, and therefore they could do no less but take order for the safety of Languedoc and themselves, and by the example of their fellows, so hardly entreated, look to themselves. They did therefore for the establishment of peace, desire that the protestants might in their towns have their Garrisons maintained at the King's charge: Their petitions. that besides those Towns, the king in every Province of his Realm, should deliver two such as by sour Deputies should be chosen, which also should be kept by the Protestants at the king's cost. That the free and public exercise of religion should be permitted in all parts of the Realm, and to all that would require it. That for the admistration of justice to the Protestants, there might be in every Province erected a new Court of Parliament, composed of protestant judges. That the protestants for the maintenance of their Ministers might be discharged of such tenths as the Priests did demand. That the authors, councillors, and executioners of the massacres, might be punished as thieves and disturbers of the common quiet. Those of the government of Montauban, sent likewise their Deputies to demand beside the premises, that the Admiral and all the Protestants murdered the four and twentieth of August, 1572. as also they that yet lived, might be deemed to have been and to be, most faithful subjects to the king and his estate, and innocent and clear of all spot of rebellion. That all arrests, edicts, and deeds to the contrary since published, might be revoked and declared to be of no force, as slanderously granted, defaced, and razed out of the records: the goods, honours, and offices, restored to the heirs of the murdered: all defamatory monuments taken away, and all processions instituted in honour of such cruelties, abolished. They farther also demanded free exercise of their religion and Ecclesiastical discipline in all points: Burial without limitation of time or Churchyard: exemption from all contribution to the ceremonies of the Romish Church: admission of their children unto Colleges under protestant Regent's, and legitimation of Priests marriages to such as should frame themselves to their religion. Many other articles they propounded concerning government, and sent their committees toward the end of August, with whom near unto Lions joined the Deputies of Provence, Dauphine, and Nismes, who all by the mouth of one, propounded great declarations unto the king: who returned them to confer with certain his commissioners, promising after he had brought his brother the king of Poland out of the Realm, to take advise for all that should be requisite for the satisfying of his subjects. Upon the Deputies report in the beginning of November, the protestants renewed their association throughout the Provinces aforesaid, where they held many places, as also a very exact course for their conservation. The Ambasladours of Polonia being entered into France about the end of july to fetch their king, they bore him company from Rochel to Paris, What passed since the coming of the Ambassaders of Polonia, until their departure. where upon the fourteenth of September he made a roy all entry, nothing wanted to make him happy, but the prosperity of the Rochelers that had slain part of his servants. In the Court there were some that rejoiced at the dishonour he had received before it: others took his departure unpatiently, specially the Queen-mother, and her most secret councillors, those of Guise, and the spirituality. All of them feared the king, that began to change both countenance and speech, specially having fully understood the truth of the resolution and means of those of the religion in Languedoc, and the countries thereabout. The spirituality had made a present of three hundredth thousand crowns to the king of Polonia, for the good services he had done for them against those of the religion, and would have done twice as much more, if he had overcome the Rochelers. The Bishop of Valence & Lansac being in Polonia, to obtain that which they pretended, granted divers articles touching those of the religion in France, unto the Nobility of that country, whereupon the Ambassadors made instant means and requests unto the king touching the same, which in effect were almost agreeable to the conclusion of those of Languedoc: they spoke likewise for divers particulars: many subtleties were used to divert the Ambassadors from that pursuit, busying them with banquets and shows of no small charge and expenses. Their new king was not greatly desirous to make that long peregrination, and would gladly have staed till the next Summer: and some of his most trusty friends assayed to cause some hard answer to be given unto the Ambassadors, to the end that either they should return discontented, or that the time might by that means pass away. But the king's servants caused him to make fair promises to those Ambassadors that were remitted unto the Town of Metz, there to understand what or how much should be done for them. Among these serious matters, the King could not content himself, but twice or thrice cast out certain threatening words against those that had abused him, making him believe that after the four and twentieth day of August, he should be absolute king. But to the contrary, he perceived his subjects openly to reproach him, with the unrecoverable wrongs that he had done both to himself & them. To accuse him, that in stead of being father of his people, he had been both the butcher & the executioner, or at the least had resumed the title, by the induction of the principal authors of such confusions, but his complaints and threatenings were but of hard digestion for himself, and in those troubles he found not one faithful servant that taught him to be patiented and to content himself, in time to find the means to execute justice upon such as had committed so many injustices and furious executions, under the title and pretence of his name, The king's sickness. whereby a strong fever seized upon him in Champagne, in such manner, that it was thought he would have died being at Vitry, whither he traveled to bring his brother on his way to Polonia, that could not dissemble the grief he had to departed out of France, to go among such people as would prevent him from making any massacres, and by the long delays of his affairs, made men to judge that more than two expected the issue of the king's sickness, whose servants as then spoke much against the Queen-mother & that new king, as also of their practices, for the which some absented themselves from the Court and went into Britain. But the king's sickness having taken other effect than was expected, having by lively force of his ardent youth, repulsed and driven out the disease at his head, neck, and face, the report went, that it was the small Pox, whereat most of the Courtiers smiled, not daring to speak one word, but shrinking in their shoulders. And being somewhat amended and recovered of his strength, he ceased not to procure and hasten his brother's departure, that issued out of France about the end of October, leaving all the charge unto his mother, who openly showed to bear him greater affection than to her other two sons. The King being doubted of by her, because of his threatenings and alterations, and the Duke of Alencon loved not the house of Guise. The estate of France after the departure of the king of Polonia. Presently after the departure of the king of Polonia, new practices were invented, whereof I will make a brief discourse, because those of Languedoc daily strengthened themselves more and more: to appease them, an assembly of the estates general was appointed to be holden at Champagne, and truce was made for two months with those of Languedoc, with permission to assemble themselves to consider what could be necessary to be propounded and agreed upon in the estates, for the good and profit of the Commonwealth and Realm of France. Mean time, an enterprise is practised to surprise Rochel, and men were sent through all the Provinces of the Realm, secretly to discover what friends and enemies they had, to call the particular estates to frame the books, and to put their enterprise in practice with as little rumour as possible might be. On the other side, the Queen-mother feigned to be very careful touching the election of the Lieutenant general of the Realm. And being at Soissons, desired the king not to grant that charge to the Duke of Alencon his brother, alleging that that young Prince that would not approve the massacres, being followed by divers discontented persons, might move some troublesome matters, if he once perceived the forces of the Realm to be at his commandment. Thereupon news came, that the Deputies of divers Provinces came from many places to assemble the estates, with notes and commissions to speak boldly, namely against the Authors and councillors of the massacres. For which cause the estates being assigned to be at Champagne, was reiourned, and yet divers Deputies being come to Paris, asked and obtained audience, wherein after many and divers earnest complaints and declarations made touching the public confusions of the Realm of France, and particularly in the Provinces, they besought the king, that in consideration of the mischiefs supported by his subjects for the space of many years, by the evil government of his principal councillors, it would please him to give some comfort to his subjects, and in the mean time to call an assembly of all the estates of his realm, to foresee and provide for those disorders, otherwise it was to be feared the people would rise and breed some mutiny. The Queen-mother and her adherents hardly pushed at by such complaints, where with the king seemed to be moved, sought by fair speeches to appease the Deputies: and presently after changed countenance, using threatenings in such sort, that the Deputies returned without any relief, but only that the king would shortly take some order for them, wherewith they were exhorted to maintain the provinces in peace, permitting those of Languedoc, whom they doubted to make new assemblies, thereby to frame large articles, which not long after they did in the assembly holden at Milliand in Rovergne, where they forgot not any any thing requisite for them and their associates. The mischief by the which an entry was made for the ruin and overthrow of those of the religion, was, that divers Catholics that termed themselves polliticques and discontented, thrust themselves among them. And coming in credit, made themselves companions with them: in such manner, that if those of the religion had kept themselves a part, the king had been constrained to grant them peace, and by that means their affairs had fallen out happily, which they did not by reason of this mixture, whereof invited by the course of years we will now speak somewhat. Certain polliticque Courtiers to bring the matter to a better point, esteemed it necessary to have a Lieutenant general, nominating the D. of Alencon as most fit for that place: they set before him the little estimation made of him: his small means: the inquisitions made of his servants: the distrusts that were had touching his fidelity: the refusal of granting him the Lieftenancie general: the king's sickness, and the means that offered itself unto him to restore the estate of the Realm, counseling him to withdraw himself from the Court, and so begin to move the matter. While this was doing, where the Queen-mother was presently certified, and could serve her turn, thereby as you shall see the practices to surprise Rochel, wherein Puigaillard, Landereau, the Baron de la guard and others, were dealers, Enterprise upon Rochel. began to work, but in such sort, that by little and and little the Rochelers discovered the devise, whereby they entrapped certain principals of the enterprise, who about the end of the year they caused to be executed. Presently after, the king wrote letters unto them, saying: that the execution pleased him well, and willed them to look unto themselves: which was the occasion that after many disputations, to cause them to enter into consideracie with those of Languedoc and others, to defend themselves, staying till some leaders were raised upon unto them, as hope was given them. That which made them stay, was that they perceived divers men of good quality enemies to the religion to join with them, to ask reformation of thee-state, which made many good men to presume, that some piece of cunning was in hand to be wrought, and that the Queen-mother and her councillors caused this tragedy to be played, to entertain a mutiny during the King's sickness, that they might cry hola when it pleased them, and in time to overthrow the one by the other. Those of the religion understanding the devise against the Rochelers, and the practices invented to surprise them in Languedoc, and all the while the truce endured, Beginning of the fift troubles in France and the raising of men to run upon them suddenly, determined (truce being expired) to provide for themselves: and first published an ample discourse, of the causes and reasons that moved them to defend themselves, wherein they showed an infinite number of wrongs done unto them within the space of six months, without any hope of justice: perceiving a manifest appearance of their total ruin and destruction, if they opposed not themselves against it. Further, they set forth certain advises & humble declarations unto the Princes, Nobility, Parliaments, and third estate, thereby to stir them up. The Duke of Alencon, that had been solicited by his most faithful councillors to look unto himself, was put in mind to seek for the place of Lieutenant general, and if he obtained it to keep himself aloof: or if they sought to employ him against those of Languedoc, to think upon the means to restore the affairs of the Realm to some better estate. His mother was persuaded that the Marshals de Montmorency and de Cosse were dealers therein, at the instance of the king of Navarre and the Prince of Conde: whereupon with her Council she determined to assure herself, and to rid herself of those that seemed to take other part then hers, which was the entry into divers strange alterations, wherein those of Guise holp with both their hands: whereupon it happened, that the Court being at Saint in Say, the Duke Alencon made request unto the king, to grant him the estate of Lieutenant general, to represent the king's person throughout the Realm. whereupon the Marshal de Montmorencie entering into speech thereof, with the king and the Queen-mother, showed them, that if they granted not that request unto the Duke, they should do him wrong, for that it would be an occasion for every man to judge of his unsufficiency, for that the same estate had been given unto the Duke of Anjou without his request: alleging other reasons as the desert of such a place might move him for the quietness of the Realm. How the Lieutenants place was granted to the Duke of Alencon. This request was in manner granted, but in stead of letters patents, certain private letters were made and sent unto the Governrs, besides a declaration made by the K. by word of mouth unto the Deputies of the Provinces. The Duke of Alencon not content therewith, pursued his request, which made his adversaries think, that he understood somewhat of his mother's meaning, which was to put the estate of Lieutenant into the hands of the Duke of Lorraine, who not long after came into the Court, whither he had been sent for by express messengers. They proceeded further, for that at the same time a report being sown abroad, that the Duke of Alencon secretly held certain men about him, thereby to effect some bad exploit, the Queen his mother went personally to search within his chamber: & not long after, putting I know not what fear and distrusts into the king's mind, counseled him to approach nearer to Paris, that he might lodge in more safety at Bois de Vincennes, a strong and pleasant place. Before he dislodged happened an other matter: the Duke of Guise making a quarrel in the Court yard of the Castle of Saint , against one named Ventabran, (in time past one of his servants) laid hand upon his sword, Ventabran fled and got to the stairs, running to the chamber of the Marshal de Montmorencic, which being shut, he ran higher to the chamber of the Lady, widow to the Constable: and finding Monsicur de Thore, the Marshal's brother, stayed there, where he got certain blows, but yet without hurt, the Duke affirming that Ventabran had conspired to kill him: and that he would plague him for it. This devil thus wrought: the Marshal being a wise Gentleman, fought to find out the truth, and caused Ventabran to be committed to prison, who within two days after, was set at liberty, which was the occasion that the Marshal by licence from the king departed from the Court. This was done in the month of February, at the end whereof, news came to the Court, that on Normandy side, about a days journey from thence, there lay two or three hundredth horsemen, that were said to been assembled by the Duke of Alencon, to favour his retire from the Court, Others bearing him no great affection, spread forth a rumour that they were in arms prepared to kill the king, the Queen, and his Council. The first advise took place, nevertheless to make the latter seem likely (yet untrue) every man (except it were the king, Praclises of the Court, whereinto sundry not able to penetrate at the first, the gentry of Normandy found themselves deceined, whereof ensued the destruction of the County of Montgommery. persuaded to stay with his train) in great haste dislodging from Saint Germains, where they stayed till the lodgings of the Castle of Blois Saint Vincennes were prepared, and rid to Paris, from nine of the clock till midnight, with most great noise and tumult. I must tell you that the Duke of Alencon was in mind to have departed from the Court, and to take the king of Navarre with him, and that this troop composed of the Gentlemen their servants, came to bring them to the places appointed by them: but imagining many difficulties in the execution, he took advise of la Mole a Gentleman of Provence that governed him, who gave him counsel with all speed to adverise the king his brother, and his mother, what his meaning was: which was the cause that the king removed not: neverthelèsse the mother that had some greater matter in her head, made that voyage by night, and went to the house of the Marshal de Retz, in the suburbs of S. Honore. The Parisians believing whatsoever was told them touching those horses, in short time made a great and puissant army, as they said. The next day the king went unto his mother, and within eight days after, they went to Blois Saint Vincennes, having holden divers counsels to devise the means to entrap the Marshal d'Anuille, that gave them work to do in Languedoc. Mean time, the Duke of Alencon and the king of Mavarre, upon the four and twentieth of March, published a declaration touching the matter of Saint Germains, protesting their good wills towards the king, and that they were resolved to oppose themselves with all their means, against such as would rebel against him, which was an occasion to bring the Marshal de Montmorencic unto the Court: who being come was arrested, as also the Marshal de Coss, and both most shamefully led prisoners to the Bastille. On the other side la Mole Coconnas, & Tourtay, servants to the Duke of Alencon, were committed within Paris, and not long after executed, having only confessed to have been of their masters counsel to departed out of the Court. divers Lords and Gentlemen entangled in this process, saved themselves as well as they could: the Duke of Alencon and the king of Navarre were kept more strait, and twice examined touching that action. The estate of Dauphine, Languedoc and poictou. These troubles in the Court, hindered not those of the religion & their associates to look unto themselves. In Dauphine, Mombrun took Loriol, Linron, Alet, Grave, and Roinac, and overthrew five companies of footmen that sought to impeach them. Those of Villeneufue in Vivarais, not long before had put certain troops to the swood, that came against those of the religion, without loss of one man, and took Aubenas, a Town of great importance, having cut the throats of all the Garrison, for the most part composed of the massacres of Lions. The government of Languedoc and Dauphine having been committed to the Prince d'Auphine, & Monsieur d'Acier joined with him, the Marshal d'Anuille by letters intercepted, discovered what was pretended against him, by which means he began to draw to those of the religion, consulting with Saint Roman Governor of Nismes, seized upon Montpeslier, Beaucaire, Lunel, and Pezenas. In Poistou the Politicians joined with la Nove, took Saint Maixaut, Melle, Fontenay, Lusignan, and other places. In Normandy about the beginning of March, What happened in Normandy to the County de Montgommery taken prisoner, and after executed. the County Montgommery accompanied with Lorges and Galardon his children, departed from the Isle of Gerze, and arrived at Rades, where Colombieres & de Faith, with fistie Gentlemen came to meet him: from whence he went to Saint Lo, and then with in three days after, assieged and took Carentan by composition. Within a month after, a strong army of the enemy, commanded by Matignon and Feruaques, set upon him and enclosed him with a little weak town and ill furnished, called Danfrone, accompanied with sixty horse, and eight harquebusiers, conducted by Captain la touch the younger, resolving upon a valiant defence, even in the beginning of the siege sent forth siue and twenty horse, and some small shot, who giving a sharp onset, slew seven Gentlemen assailants, and nine horse, and soretired with the loss of the Lord of Friaize, who was slain, and two prisoners that they left behind. This was the eleventh of May. The next day the besieged cut in pieces one Corpse de guard: but soon after, some either for fear, or won with fair words, forsook the County and yielded to the assailants, who in reward, stripped and put them to their ransom. The Queen-mother understanding that the County whom she hated to the death, was in her nets, sent forces day and night to strengthen Matignon, as also the army that lay before Saint Lo, was commanded with all speed to march to Danfrone, where they had in the beginning of the siege six thousand small shot, and fifteen hundredth horse. The king being very sick, upon the 23. of May the Castle was battered with six pieces of cannon, that in five hours shot above five hundredth times, and made a breach of five and forty foot broad. Then did most of the Counties men forsake him, and in lieu of entering the Castle with him, fled out of the Town into the camp, where they received their deserved entailment as their former companions. About two of the clock at after noon, the assay lants came fiercely to the breach, where they found the County on the right side, with the lords of Brossay, Chawiny, Cornieres, Tere, young touch, Mahiliere, Cross, Oulfe and others, to the number of twenty. On the left side were the Lords of Say, Hayes, Vaudore, Sanssaye, Villenenfue and others, in like number of twenty. All together fell upon their knees to hear the prayer which one of the three Ministers there present made in the presence of the assay lants, who when it was done, came to handy blows in the order following. Out of ten companies of men at arms present at that siege, Matignon & the other Captains chose one hundredth Gentlemen, even ten out of every company, well armed: followed with 600. small shot, with murrians, & 100 pikemen with their corselers. These 800. men, with some 200. voluntaries mixed among them, were led by the LL. of Fernaques, Villermois, S. Golombe, Raberprey, Laverdin and others. The fight lasted siue hours, neither did the cannon cease, which indomaged the defer daunts with stones, wherewith also the County was wounded in two places on his face, but slightly. He was also struck with a arqebus upon the right arm near the shoulder, which through the goodness of his vambras prooded but a bruise. Thus having obstinately continued the fight on both sides, the assailants were putto retire, with the loss of Doily, S. Colombe, and sundry other Captains, Gentlemen, & soldiers, slain in the breach, to the number of 60. & about 100 led away hurt & maimed. On the Counties side were also slain, Brossay, Tere, Mesnil a Minister, Vandore, Saussey, Nohe, & 6. soldiers, & 12. wounded: namely the County, Villeneusue, Riutere, Ousse, Gros a Minister, Maimberte and Courton, captains, & 5. soldiers. Two days after, seven or 8. of the besieged got forth & fled to the camp. The 26. of the month, Vassey thrice spoke to the County, inducing him to enter into composition, as also they had done the day before. Loath he was to consent, as knowing the hatred of his enemies, accounting it an honour to die upon the breach with weapon in hand: but seeing his men thus cast away themselves, leaving him in manner alone, with the wounded & a few others the likewise fainted: withal, that all munition of war & water failed, he was enforced to hearken to composition, rather to save the remainder, than of any regard to himself: yet making of necessity a virtue, he held off, & obtained the himself with his assistants should departed with their lives & some garments, but no weapons but sword & dagger. That himself should remain in the hands of Matig. & Vassey, but with good entertainment & safety of his life. This composition they swore to keep inviolably: & Vassey who was his kinsman, made great protestations thereof. Some hours after towards midnight, these 2. Cap. went for the C. who came forth in the company of Chawiny. And about 7 of the clock in the morning, Mat. returned to bring forth the rest. With him entered the soldiers lodged in the town, & the camp by the breach. The commposition was so held, that in the presence of Ma. they slew part of the besieged, stripped the rest, & offering them great indignities, forced them to fine & pay ransom. Three or 4. that fell into the hands of a Lord, that made account of the law of arms, escaped safe. A Mini. named Bute, they put to death, & hanged Cap. touch the younger. The Co. was soon after, contrary to faith & promise, brought prisoner to Paris, & lastly put to death, as we will more at latge note in due time & order. The D. of Montp. very affectionate to the Ro. church, with anarmie took the field in April, to war against the protestāns in Poictou, Wars in Poictou, against Protestants. from whom the L. of Byron had practised to take Tonnay Charante, but could not archieve it. In May, the D. besieged the castie of Talmont, which yielded: but in the mean time his company was surprised in a village near to S. Hermine, many slain, 12. or 15. Gentlemen carried away prisoners, & some 60. horse, much baggage, & the D. cupboard of silver plate, by Cap. S. Stephen, who lay in garrison in Fontenay, which the D. immediately besieged, & gave two assaults, where he gained nothing, but lost the most resolute of his troops. Whereupon hearing of the kings mortal sickness, he retired, attending new supplies & commissions. At the same time the Prince of Conde being gotten from the Court, and retired into Picardy, received advise of divers practices wrought to seize upon his person: Retreat of the Prince of Conde into Almain. but notwithstanding the the snares that were laid for him, he got into Almain, followed by Thore, whom they likewise sought to entrap, because of the Marshals of Montgommery and d'Anuille his brethren, and for his counsels given to the Duke of Alencon. This retreat was diversly spoken of: some esteeming that the Prince was let go to keep the water in trouble, and to find other practices: others accounting it a great deliverance of those of the religion. Time made known what fell out thereby: but whatsoever it was, the Prince arrived at Strasbourg, and having acknowledged his fault in the French Church, there assembled touching his conversion after the massacre to the Popish Church, he detested it, resolving to employ himself to maintain the estate of France, as his father had done, and there finding the Deputies of Languedoc practising a levy of Rutters, wrote unto the churches, exhorting those of the religion to be courageous, and to make account of his good will for their comforts. By the same messenger Thore writ to his brother the Marshal d'Anuille, persuading him to look about him, and to take the offered occasion. This Marshal was the same time at great strife in himself, seeking to assure himself on both sides: on the one side he doubted the king and Queen-mother: on the other the protestants means to overthrow him, if he should entreat them hardly. Heereuppon he resolved sometimes to have an eye to the Court, sometimes to the contrary, and according to the Proverb, to watch how the market went. On the one side writing to the chief Captains of the protestants: on the other, sending the Lord of Rieux to Boisde Vincennes to the king, with ample instructions dated the eighteenth of May, therein protesting of his affection: declaring his former services, entreating after account yielded of his administration to be discharged of his office, and to withdraw to any place that the king should appoint. The same day he wrote to the Parliament of Thoulouse, to excuse himself of that he was accuse of a desire to rebel against the king, and to surprise Narbonne. These proceed stayed the Queen-mother and her councillors, who did well perceive that d'Anuille would set them work enough, if they should deal otherwise then well, or touch his brother Montmorencies life, whom in the mean time they caused to be kept, so to bridle d'Anuille, and to take some course in their affairs, as hereafter we shall well perceive. The king's sickness. The sickness wherewith the king was troubled, not long before the departure of his brother to go into Poland, had a little rest for the winter time, but the hidden disease about spring time began again to revive, in such sort, that having been sick in the months of February, March, and April, he was counseled by his Physicians, that he should be purged and let blood, which were means altogether unprofitable, because it was openly seen, that he began to fade even in the flower of his age, to the great astonishing of the ignorant. Those of least judgement, esteemed that he had eaten or drunk somewhat that disiested not. Some superstitious persons imagined some witchcrafe or conjuration, & because la Mole had been found seized with a little image of wax about him, (which he affirmed to be the picture of a Gentlewoman) pricked in two places by a witch, they made certain reports to be spread abroad, that it was a certain charm used against the life of the king. Although la Mole sustained the contrary, until the last point of his death, affirmed it to be made only to continue him in the love of that Gentlewoman whom he meant to marry. The king used all the means he could to surmount and overcome his sickness, and as his years gave him, assayed divers times to show his courage, but all in vain. After the departure of the king of Polonia, they perceived him to be more changed in mind then in body. If he had lived longer, it is without all doubt, that the councillors of the massacre had received their reward from him, his heart was so much moved against them, so that he could not choose but utter his mind therein to some about him in the Court, whom he knew to be utter enemies to such injustice: and thereof wrote letters out of the Realm. So that to conclude, he was determined to have made some stirring among them, until that finding himself to be seized upon, and that he had not the means as then to execute any thing, being environed by men that held him as it were bound both hand and foot, his servants slain, disgraced, or banished from him: wherein in time he thought to take order, that might procure an overture to his haughty desires, not once thinking until he was so weak, that he had been so near his death. His letters to the Governors of Provinces. In the end of March, he wrote unto the Governors of the Provinces, saying, that seeing the discontentment of his subjects, and the common cause of the religion, produced so many troubles within his Realm, he desired them to use peaceable means with those of the religion, declaring that he would not that any wrong should be done unto them, nor other dealing used towards them in their affairs, than the other Catholicque subjects of his Realm: he commanded that those of the religion should be safegarded by those of the Romish Church, to assure & defend them from the violence that was to be done against them: where any such should be enterprised, he commanded all his Officers, to use the speediest and readiest justice that might be, willing them to look unto it, calling God to witness, that his only intent was, to see all his subjects live in peace. He likewise desired the same Governors to provide, that their companies should not in any sort be chargeable to their subjects, but should pay according to the order therein taken: by the same letter also showing, that he had been sick of a quartern ague, he was as then somewhat recovered, so that the reports spread abroad of his death, were wholly untruths. The fourth of May, he advertised the said Governors of the imprisonment of the two Marshals, that were accused of conspiracy against his person and the estate, enjoining them to overrun all those that were up in arms, to put them to the sword, but the poor Prince as then was neither respected of friends nor enemies. Every day he received packets of new commotions, that bred nothing but discommodities, wherein a firm peace, and faithful maintenance of those of the religion in the exercise thereof, and in that which they had desired for the conseruations of their persons, goods, dignities, rights, and privileges, had been the only remedy which his mother and her councillors abhorred. He perceived the beginnings of new troubles, in the captivity of his brother, and his brother in law, and the two Marshals: as also in the exile of the Prince of Conde, and of divers great Lords: his subjects armed one against the other: and to be short, the fire of division kindled more than ever it was. Whereupon overcome with the evil that reigned in his body, and with so many horrible tempests in his brains, he was forced to keep his bed and yield to his disease. For the space of certain days he strove and struggeled against nature, not yielding thereunto by extreme force. The nine and twentieth of May, letters were written in his name to the Governors of Provinces, to whom he sent word, that during his sickness if he chanced to die, until the coming of the king of Polonia his brother & successor, they should obey the Queen his mother, Letters in favour of his mother. whatsoever she would command: showing that his brethren the Duke of Alencon and the king of Navarre, had promised him to do the like in her behalf: in the two last weeks of his sickness he lost much of his blood, that issued out of many places of his body, and once rowlde himself therein, falling down by weakness, many times naming divers Lords, whom he particular hated, and that till then had kept themselves out of his hands. The thirtieth of May, which was the day of his death, the Queen-mother perceiving that the simple letters made the day before, The day of his death, & what passed as then specially touching the regency. touching the charge to her committed, sufficed not to strengthen her authority during the absence of the king of Polonia, whom she feared could not so soon return again into France, determined for his sure establishment, to cause herself to be declared Regent in the absence of the king to come, and to cause letters patents thereof to be sealed by the Chancellor Birague, who with the seals was wholly at her commandment: which was as much as to overthrow & subvert the fundamental laws of the Realm, to abolish the right of the first Prince of the blood, to lessen the authority of the estates general, to rule the Parliaments, and to reign in strange manner over France. Nevertheless, the better to bind the hands of the two first Princes of the blood, and the two Marshals whom she held prisoners, to beat her enemies, to extirminate the County de Montgommerie, kept prisoner against faith and promise made, to sow new divisions in the estate, and so to maintain herself in those confusions, without foreseeing the great disorders whereof she should be cause, by that means giving liberty to those that in the end would be her overthrow, as hereafter you shall hear: her ambition blinded her eyes, she entered into the king's chamber with Birague, by whom she caused to be showed unto him, that seeing his sickness hindered him from dealing in the affairs that required his presence, it should be good to give the regency of the Realm unto the Queen his mother, and commanded that letters patents to the same end should be given unto her. The king that was at his last hour, by their advise caused the Secretaries and Captains of his guards to be called in, to whom he said: Do all that which the Queen my mother shall command you, and obey her as myself. The Duke of Alencon and the King of Navarre were likewise called, that they might know that the Regency was committed to the Queen-mother, and were expressly named in the letters that were presently dispatched for the same purpose. One that published a discourse of his last speeches, saith, that not long before he died, he desired his mother to pursue his enemies to the uttermost, and that with great vehemency he reiterated his speeches, saying: Madam, I pray you hearty do it. And in those combats of mind, he died at Blois Saint Vincennes, upon the 30. of May, 1574. in the presence of his mother, set upon a chest, accompanied with the Cardinals of Bourbon & Ferrare, the Chancellor Birague, Lansac, & other Lords that beheld the end of the tragical life of this Prince, that was born the 27. of june 1550. & began to reign the 5. of Decemb. 1560, and had a reign which all posterity will admire and abhor. So this Prince lived not till he attained to the full age of four and twenty years, of nature being very active, unconstant in his cogitations, rash in his enterprises, impatient to attend, diligent to look into other men's natures, prompt of conceit, of good memory, extreme choleric, secret, a great dissembler, and one that easily framed his countenance, Description of Charles the ninth. which his Tutors many times put him in mind of, for in the beginning he was courteous, and easy to be ruled. They likewise made him become one of the greatest blasphemers in France, wherein he became so expert, that that evil quality in him, converted to be his ordinary speech. Martigues, Losses and others, taught him that corruption by his mother's consent: specially after the first troubles. They contented not themselves with those corruptions, but enticed him likewise to Courtesans, to whom of himself he was not much addicted: and to conclude, to make him the capital enemy of the religion, both she and they which ought to have had more care of conserving the honour of this Prince, left nothing omitted, whereby to push him forward to all vice, & to cause him to wallow in the filthiness that covered him on all sides: he uttered his words in good terms, with a ready and pleasant speech: loved Music and Poetry: we have seen reasonable good verses of his composing. But his principal exercise was in hunting, the pleasure whereof, made him forget all other pleasures, and in the end he gave himself so much unto it, that the blood of wild beasts, which to shed he took a singular pleasure, having ripped up their bellies, & pulling out their entrails with his own hands, made him in a manner to become furious, so that many times at his return from hunting, he entered into such fury, that none of his servants durst once appear in his sight, unless would receive some blows. In his Anagranome, which was devised by certain persons after the massacre, was found out these two words: Chasseur, Desloyal, wherein are as many letters, and the same that are in Charles de Valois. He had composed a book of all the parts of bunting, which till this time never was extant: he was sober, drinking no wine, slept little: his visage long, pale, and swart: a long nose: sharp and quick sight, specially after the second troubles: of body well proportioned, but beginning to stoop. He took pleasure to taunt great men, not sparing either mother or brethren, specially the Duke of Anjou, whom he railed at, and divers times used him most unworthily: but above all, he had a great quarrel to the Parliament of Paris: to the officers whereof, in one of his Orations made touching the complaints of the neglecting of his commandments, he said: I will that from henceforth you shall obey my commandment, without any more disputation touching their merits, for I know what is to be done for the honour and profit of my realm, better than you do. And I will that from henceforth you shall not lose any time to write, or frame your declaration unto me, neither yet to moderate, correct, nor interpret my commandments. For my meaning is, that all whatsoever I say and do, shall presently be executed. Three days before he died, his mother having showed him of the taking of the County de Montgommery, he made her no answer: and when she told him that he ought to rejoice at the taking of him that had killed his father, I care neither for that (said he) nor for any thing else in this world. He likewise rejoiced that he left no small children behind him, because (said he) that leaving them in their minorities, they should have over much to suffer: adding, that France as then had need of a man. Now we must speak of his successor, and see what manner of man he was. Hear endeth the History of the last troubles that happened in the reign of Charles the ninth. A BRIEF DISCOURSE OF THE GREAT AND WONDERED EFFECTS THAT HAVE ENSVED THE KING'S CONVERSION: Collected out of a certain Oration made touching the reduction of the City of Lions under the king's obedience, and sent to Monsieur de Revol, councillor and Secretary to the King. THere was never any strange or new accident, how acceptable and pleasing soever it might be, that in all places or with all men was esteemed and holden in admiration, for that every man therein will give censure according to his own affection. I speak this in respect of the mournful silence which the reduction of the City of Lions hath inserted into the minds of many men; and the joy it hath infused into the hearts and very entrails of others: for that therein I never spoke with any man, that would once conceive the true cause and reason thereof, which forceth me at this present to enter into this discourse, wherein so fit occasion being offered, if it please you to give me audience, and permit me licence to speak, I will in brief most plainly show, that it is only the miraculous and mighty work of God's hand which hath wrought the same: although per adventure this kind of argument pleaseth not such men, as are only pleased with our displeasures, and in a manner faint and are overcome with the mere air and sweet savour of the flower de luce. It is long since agreed and consented unto, that Henry de Bourbon, chief Prince of the blood royal, and principal Peer of France, by true descent, by order of succession, by right of blood, and by custom and law of the Realm, is called to the Crown and government of France: which first quality is in him so true and perfect, that none or few of his famous predecessors ever had more evident titles thereunto. He is a Frenchman, from his Grandfathers in both families, and not only a mere Frenchman, but on his father's side, of the first branch of the blood royal: the like on his mother's side; by his father, not only descended from Saint Lewis, or Hugh Capet, but from Charles and Dagobert, of whom the Capets descended, contrary to the wilful ignorance of such as would prove his family to be mere strangers: and by his mother, from the Albert's kings of Navarre, who successively were of the house of France, and by the marriages of daughters, capable by succession to the kingdom of Navarre. And for such he was esteemed and accounted, until the death of the Duke of Alencon the king's brother. When presently the good old Cardinal of Bourbon was titled in the head, and made believe, that in the age of sixty years he should live and succeed a king (who beside his young years and strength of body, lived not in any such disordered manner, whereby he should once have occasion to think upon his successor) for it was showed him, that he was the first Prince of the blood, and that the right of inheritance and succession consisted in his person. But when this devise was found too weak, and the absurdity too much discovered, thereby seeking to impugn or deny the king of Navarre to be the chief and eldest branch of his house, in the right and title of his father, who in a manner lived in him, (besides the revocation by his uncle made unto him, of all rights, names, voices, and actions whatsoever, both present and to come, that might appertain or belong unto him, as being issued from the house of Bourbon, expressly acknowledging the said king of Navarre his Nephew, for the true son, heir, successor, and representation of the chief branch of the said house) they invented other objections and subtle policies, that under those pretences they might blear the eyes of the common and simple people: affirming the Crown of France to be vacant, and so belonged to the first Conqueror: alleging for reason, that as in the popular successions of common people, such as are of the kindred and family of any houses, being in the tenth degree of consanguinity, cannot be heirs of their kinsman's lands, so far in descent from them, and thereby the inheritance falleth into the Lords hands, and that so the house of Bourbon had no title or any right to the Crown of France, as being in the tenth degree of consanguinity from it, whereof they caused divers discourses and whole volumes to be written. But that not being able to be beaten into the heads of true Frenchmen, nor once set footing or enter into the opinions of the common people, altogether incapable of such Sophisteries, they began to enter into an other course of injuries, accusations, and invections: wherein they contented not themselves, only to cry out and make war against the said king, and to produce and cause to be published a perpetual incapacity in his person, and that without the Pope's consent, but they accused him of treason, they condemned him, they named him unworthy and incapable to rule in France: they assembled all the estates of France at Blois, wherein a manner they utterly rejected him: every man showed to be his enemy, if not in his right and title, yet touching the religion which he then held, and finally went about to frame his process. But to the contrary, those that pursued him, were themselves executed, before they heard their condemnation or judgement. In this manner the fire began to be kindled in all the four quarters of the realm, and the blow was of such force, that all neighbour Princes were moved there at, such as were offended arming themselves to be revenged, and the people in a manner led by a fury, helping them, and with them turned their faces against the king: whereof the Town of Paris was the first, and by example thereof, all the Towns in less than 6. weeks, made that great & strange commotion, that continued for the space of five whole years ensuing. She moved them to this dissension, by the smooth and special reasons by her alleged against heresy, perjury, and tyranny: conjuring them by duty to their country, and by the love they ought to bear to the preservation thereof, to join with her in so just a cause, and to pass one of these two ways, (having no other means) either to be vanquishers, or die in the quarrel, rather than to submit themselves to the king. And among the rest, the City of Lions, (never inferior to any City in the world, touching fidelity and obedience to their kings, that had no other object then only zeal of religion, in the defence whereof, it espied many evident and mortal signs) suffered itself to be borne away among this troop, not once considering or apprehending the multitude of miseries by her after that endured. And in this manner the wars began with so strange an alteration and motion of all estates, yea even of the very pillars of the land: and the revolt was such, that in fine, the royalty of the king was reduced to a small corner of the country about Tours and Blois, where without doubt the league had buried it, if suddenly the king of Navarre had not aided him: who thereupon took courage again, having on his side the Hercules of France, & scourge of rebels to their Prince: but when this disordered and great mutiny began somewhat to decline, and that the presence and authority of the Sovereign Prince, held the most assured within the bounds of their duties, and that Paris perceived itself in way and course of extreme desolation, suddenly the king was slain. And then (O the great and deep judgements of God) he that about three months before, had passed their river of Loire only with four hundredth horse, a thousand shot, and certain pikes, was presently made chief sovereign and commander of a most fair and great army, to whom the Magistrates and Officers of the Crown, and all the Nobility, yielded their obedience, thereby seeking to impeach the desolation and overthrow of the whole estate, and to prefer the duty of natural fidelity, before the vain hope of strangers, and the last hazard of the rest and surety of their lives and goods. And so behold him king, that not seven months before had been deprived of the title of the first Prince of the blood, and of the hope of the name, Sacrying, and Crown of the Princes his ancestors, that had so many times been driven from the Court: that in four years had seen ten armies, and ten Generals to a king, marching (before the heads of the forces of the greatest Prince, of the most warlike nation in all the world) against him: that after the overthrow of a great foreign power, had withdrawn himself into a corner of the Realm, without land, men, or money: and a Prince altogether poor, unless it were in hope. He that had been declared unable for the Crown, that had been made one of the Cardinal of Bourbons retinue: that was no more acknowledged to be of the race or progeny of S. Lewis, as being ten degrees in consanguinity from it: he that the country of Spain esteemed the subject of all our miseries, who in the life of ●ur kings was the only argument of all the tragedies that had been acted in the country of France: he that thought not to have succeeded a king, being in the flower of his lively and gallant youth: that had been an occasion to the contrary, if age, and not a most cruel and poisoned knife, had not borne him to S. Dennis: he I say was king, in the middle of all his troops, in open field, and by sound of trumpet proclaimed king of France. And the Catholicque Nobility, who by reason of their diversity of religion, it was thought would have separated themselves from him, were so much moved at the detestable murder so disloyally committed against the sacred person of their most Christian, Catholicque, and religious king, abhorring that part from whence so miserable a monster had his issue, that they chose rather to preserve themselves by keeping together, then to destroy themselves by disunion: that it remained constant and faithful to the successor of their king, not once disputing of the lawful vocation of his Majesty, & so much the rather that he embraced the preservation of the Cal●olicque, Apostolic, and Roman religion, and promised to receive instruction, and make profession thereof. No other means resting, whereby to knit and join that which by disunion had been separated, and nothing but the new opinion of religion, was the cause to place a barrier between them, and the means that the poor people did not most willingly cast themselves into his arms. And to the contrary, the fear of the alteration of religion, putteth them out of their bounds, & as the waves that break into a breach, having gotten through, do run with more noise and force then before. So he was esteemed for an heretic, his goods confiscate, and his body punished, that had not half a dozen of maxims or princples ready, thereby with tooth and nail openly to maintain, that Henry de Bourbon might not be king, although he were a Catholic: and that the power of the Pope stretched not so far as once to undertake the hearing of his excuses, much less to absolve him. In this general licentiousness of all things, whereby every man is permitted both to speak and think evil, which filleth France with barbarism and monsters, which maketh the Cities and Towns the gulfs of civil furies, wherein it is easy to fall, and impossible to get out again: it seemed that a whole world, neither yet the reigns of four kings, would ever have ended so great adesolation. For thereby is seen the deluge of all afflictions fallen upon the people: confusion and disorder rampeth and entereth into all places: counsels are weak: justice despised: the foot commanding the head: the treasurescconsumed: the estate becometh sicker than sickness itself: and which is more, religion, for the which they take weapon in hand, looseth more in one month, than it getteth intenne, having nothing more contrary to the increasing, restoring, and beautifying thereof, than the insolency, cruelty, disobedience, and impiety of civil wars. And should we suppose, that during these monstrous & mad rebellions, the obedience we own to God can long continue? What is he that knoweth not how many injuries religion hath sustained, as well by the defenders, as enemies thereof? both of them esteeming it a glory, to violate, blaspheme, and in a moment to destroy the forepast labours of so many years, and in two hours to saw down the tree that hath grown up and prospered for 1500. years. The people by long draughts swallow down the sweet breath of liberty, they term disorder reason, they admit no law, but what they like best, and will by no means hear speaking of superior. Of the despising of the Prince, proceedeth disobedience to God: and from that impiety springeth the disobedience we show unto each other. For that long sufferancealtereth custom, and formeth imitation, and the example of one that escapeth unpunished, moveth others to commit the like offence. So that among so many crimes, disorders, and confusions, it is not strange unto us, to see our actions have so hard success. For as the horse that hath newly cast his Master to the ground & broken his bridle, ceaseth not to run till he cometh to some place, where with great fury he killeth himself: so the people abandoning all duty & respect of government, overthrow themselves at the end of their most furious course: and are like a ship in the middle of the wanes, which being never so well rigged and furnished with warlike ammunition, having neither sail nor rurther, is ready to sink, and stirreth not but at the pleasure of a feeble blast of wind, which useth it as it list. To the contrary, the king's army (that as a rock resisteth the proud and raging waters) like agreat river passing her bounds to overflow the meadows, assiegeth Towns, winneth divers battles, beareth all before it, and triumpheth in all places. And Spain, which ought either to unburden itself, or at the least be content with the great number of robes which it daily weareth, and with so many Sceptres, that impeach it, and rest itself: riseth up to put us in fear. She that feareth least our prosperity would be her ruin: our peace, her wars: and that our nails should grow so long, therewith to pull that from her, which she and hers hath forcibly taken from us, she bendeth her cannon shot against the battered walls of our estate: and she that seeing us transported with fury and colour, aught to hide the knife, and quench the fire, putteth it into our hands, therewith to move us to destroy ourselves. And addeth oil and wood more to increase the fire of our divisions, yet all in vain, for that against good Frenchmen, she sendeth Spanish shadows. But after the loss of a great battle, and the long and extreme enduring of miseries by the assieged towns, every man beginneth to detest wars and to seek peace. And the ordinary meat wherewith the people were usually served, beginneth to fail and be disliked: the goodly and beautiful pretence of religion, that had given so great an appetite to the common people, to digest arms, looseth credit: and it is evidently seen, that the war hath more respect to the altering of estate, than preservation of religion. And in fine, when at the assembly of the league in Paris, the D. of Ferrare under pretence and cover of religion, had propounded the means to shake & utterly overthrow the salique law, not any good Frenchman but detested the devise, as athing more cruel than death itself. And the Court of Parliament did most virtuously resist the lamentable subversion of that law, which hath maintained this monarchy, & continued so many years: and in defence whereof, our forefathers died the plains of Poctiers and Cressy, with their lively and masculine blood. And in the mean time, when every man cried out, and openly said: the king was no king, that they were earnestly busied to find an other, that every man would be, and yet durst not: his Majesty by revelation of the holy Ghost, and for his own salvation, turned to the sacred and holy bosom of the Church, leaving the error and new opinion, that from his cradle he had always holden, feeling in his soul a strong and firm resolution, to abjure his former impostures. He did it not at random, neither as constrained by necessity, by fear of foreign usurpation, for the only enjoying of a temporal peace or Crown of Charles, but of a holy and most divine inspiration which entered into his soul, from the day and time that the death of the K. left the Sceptre of France, and yielded it unto him: from that time he made known to our holy father Pope Sixtus the fift, by M. de Luxenbourg, to Pope Gregory the 13. by the marquess of Pisani, and since that, to him who at this day sitteth in S. Peter's Chair, called Clement the eight, by the Cardinal de Gondy, that as he was lawful successor to the Crown, he desired also that the succession of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion, be observed in his realm, submitting himself to his authority and instruction touching the salvation of his soul. And persevering in his so holy resolution, he banished from the Court, those that had made him believe that the world had continued in darkness from the death of the Apostle S. Paul, to the time of Caluin, and that the splendent sun of the truth, had been eclipsed touching the preaching of the Gospel, and shut up within the territories of Bohemia and Saxony, until the seditious preachings of john Hus and Martin Luther, caused it to shine with greater clearness: & being instructed in the truth of our religion, by the most learned Prelates in all the realm of France, he presented himself in the temple of the chief Apostle of France, even in the middle of the shadows of his predecessors, & there, & upon their Tombs detested his heresies, the only causes of his troubles, & original of our mischiefs. There is no reason what soever to be objected, that can deny this action to be most holy, most admirable, and most miraculous, whether you consider the happy disposition and abundance of the year, the victory against the Turks, or the sudden conversion of our rebels. For first you have seen how God guided this Prince through the middle of so many labyrinths & dangers of fire and flame, to the throne of royal Majesty: how this joseph persecuted by his own kindred and family, triumpheth in Egypt: and how this Moses, exposed and abandoned to the mercy of civil tempests, becometh not only Colonel of an army of 600000. men, but king of a great Realm, and of so many millions of people. And the king, to give a taste and feeling unto his subjects, of the contentment & quietness that his soul enjoyed by his new conversion, & thereof to give evident testimony to all the world, granteth a truce even at the very instant when his enemies were ready to yield: and sendeth the Duke de Nevers to his holiness, submitting himself to his commandments, and offering his conscience (the subject of a goodly conquest) giveth him to understand, thot he desireth but one religion in his Realm: that he knoweth well that the Church is one, that faith is not divided, and that as the body can endure but one head, the heavens but one sun, and religion but one God: so the Realm of France ought to have but one Church, which cannot be one, where God is diversly served. So if our miseries are not insensible unto him, if it pleaseth him not speedily to embrace the occasions offered, and mitigate the rigour of forms, not only our religion, but also the estate, will be a prey to long and cruel divisions, which continually afflist the country of France. It is said, he is one of the most worthiest successors of Saint Peter, that for the space of one hundredth years hath sit in his chair, which increaseth our hopes, and lighteneth our minds, in a manner clean abated: for that one of the best comforts that man can have in the middle of the waves and surges of the sea, is, when he is assured that his Pilot is an expert man, and knoweth what to do. And so we hope, that to preserve this French vessel from ship wrack, he will rise up against the tempest which daily threateneth the same: & we know what winds and waves do blow & push it forward: and that he will embrace the conversion of so importunate a soul: for the preservation whereof, all Europe ought continually to wade in tears, vows, and prayers. But when the delays of the Pope's Consistory were perceived, together with the oppositions and traverses made touching the embassage of the D. de Nevers, when it was well weighed and considered, that it were very hard and impossible for those in Rome to judge of that which is done in France: that their opinions and wills were forced and constrained, and that it was known, that in the extreme necessity of taking order for the Commonwealth, in so urgent a cause they must stay and attend upon process, peace being broken, and the people longing after the first morsels of the truce, they ceased not till they were wholly franchised from the tyranny of wars, specially the towns that at the beginning were the first that took weapon in hand, and from thence proceeded the reduction of the City of Lions under the king's obedience, being not able any longer to continue in her unconstant estate, nor to subject herself any more under her ruins, fences, & distrusts, as things most doubtful, and mischiefs most uncertain, so that she opened and uncovered her eyes, to know what she should do, and under whose protection she might best be preserved. She knew that the sovereign and last remedy of her calamities, was to be under one, and no more to slote uncertainly in the waves of divers protections which have been causes of these civil wars. She found that she ought to have a king of France, and in the family of Saint Lewis, from whence descendeth Henry de Bourbon, king of France and Navarre, whom she had sooner acknowledged, if it had pleased him sooner to make profession of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion, as at this day he doth. Lions resisted against her king, and ramped against the gate, and will you have it still remain covered in the brakes, that she should always be at the point of death, in the middle of the waves of her rebellions? it was at the point to become a desert, and the fable & common mark to be laughed at by all her neighbours, and in the end their conquest, already her traffic (which is her Indeses or Perou) her rents, her pensions, & her principal revenues were cut off and taken away. And no other occupation bare sway, or was in request with her, but the art of soldiers: her Citizens were slain before the gates, and her natural forces began to fail, wherein she seeketh for redress, and knowing no better Physician, than he that loveth his Patient: she cast herself into the arms of her king, and drowning the remembrance of her follies past, in the seas of his great clemency: she desired him, from thence forward to accept and receive her Citizens, for his true, faithful, and natural subjects, and not to put any difference between them and others, unless it were in this point, to have in remembrance that they were the first, who without constraint acknowledged him for their king, and by their example have gotten unto him the best part of his flourishing Sceptre. Behold the just reasons and causes of this so sudden change, if the obedience which the subject draweth from the yoke of strangers, to yield it unto his own superior, may be called a change. And the more commendable it will be, in so much as that the service of the king is not contrary to the commandment of God: that religion remaineth firm within her franchises, shining in her glory, & inviolable & unexpugnable in her forces. As long as the wars were wholly for religion, they contributed whatsoever they had, but when they once perceived that the holy conversion of the king made this war, no more war against religion, but only against the estate, they could not longer delay, nor withdraw out of their minds, the fear and reverence they own to the true image of God, which is the king, believing certainly that those bear arms and fight against God, that rebel against a most Catholic and Christian Prince. In this so great disorder, great wisdom & good order hath been seen, for that the most advised and best experienced, concerning matters of estate, judged this quotidian fever, could by no means be healed, but by some strong and violent remedy. But by the providence of God, the disease that in man's judgement seemed incurable, hath been healed without shedding one drop of blood, by the constant and firm resolution of those that rather desire to die, than not to see themselves franchised from this government, which is contrary to the royal estate, and loosed from the middle of so many protections, which how holy or just soever they be, are altogether dangerous, and the best title they can bear is of no value. To be short, this town which hath always made show of pure religion towards God, and fidelity to her Prince, hath well showed that the flower de luce, which for the space of so many hundredth years had been graven in her heart, could not be pulled away but by cleaving and renting in pieces the hearts of all her Citizens: that she could not brook nor once endure, such Frenchmen as are transubstantiated into Spanish minds, that gape only to see this Sceptre broken, this crown in pieces, that they might gather the remnants, and pluck off the flowers. Thus much I thought good to speak, before I enter into the History. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF the last troubles of France, under the reigns of Henry the third, and Henry the fourth now living. M.D.LXXIIII. I Am not abashed, if such as at random discourse & speak of our great miseries, do so oftentimes run into fond opinions, A History ought to be without passion. because that to get out of so great a labyrinth, they follow not the right way of the truth, but rather taking the crosse-path of their own passions, they leave the highway, and approach the ditches. Their writings are of black and thick clouds, which never appear without some thunder of evil reports, injuries, and slanders: Tables representing nothing but infamous pictures of Monsters, and Arches of imperfections. And when they enter into the deep consideration of the Authors of our evils, they throw the fault and mischiefs of these divisions, sometimes upon one, and some times upon an other, their opinions being furred only with the drugs of hated, or of zeal which transporteth their minds. Such people, that like serpents nourish themselves by poison, The causes of the troubles of France, imputed to divers things. and that are better pleased with the dark Eclipses, then with the bright shining beams of the Sun, and do more rejoice to show some execrable action, then to speak of any memorable and woorthiething, have in this season raised most strange mutinies, moved the people, armed the greatest cowards with their seditious writings: trodden the Majesty and reverence of Princes under foot: banished modesty: in her place, established insolency, despigh, and confusion. Therefore to make known Against such as say, that the King of France and Navarre are the causes of the troubles. through all the parts of the world, the beauty, excellency, and wonders of the royal actions of their lives, to draw so many Princes and great and valiant Captains out of the circle, wherein by these divisions they are compassed, to show the Majesty of our King to be far distant from the many unworthy slanders, of those that affirm and accuse him to be the only motion of our country's troubles, to declare in this discourse, the royal virtues that shine through the thickness and obscurities of impiety and rebellion: and to dissuade men's minds from so many false persuasions, I have drawn out of the most stayed and certain opinions, the truth concerning the beginning, and proceed of the last troubles, that have vexed this Realm, by the renewing of seven most cruel & bloody wars: a France hath endured seven wars, and hath seen 6. Edicts of pacification. God grant that the 7. peace may be the last, and the end of civil miseries. The peace for foreign wars was made in Ann. 1559. There is no opinion that is deeper with in the hearts of men, than the opinion of religion. by the hazard of so many battles: the ruin of so many people: the taking and spoiling of so many towns: and the death of so many Princes: that the only remembrance, taketh away my senses, stoppeth my speech, and maketh my pen to stays therefore to begin this matter, and to void the spindle, we must first find the end of the third: and by the end of foreign wars, weave this cloth of civil Commotions. All war is cruel, and endeth with more difficulty than it is taken in hand: but those divisions that happen in any estate touching the point that ought to knit and unite the spirits of men, are more bloody, their beginnings more terrible, and their ends more dangerous: and the more the pretences are large and fair, the more men enter into the sustaining and defending of them: for there is nothing that doth move them more, than the defence of their religion: nor any thing that doth more animate, nor sooner put them in oblivion of the consideration of respect, duty, and obedience, than the quarrel concerning the salvation of their souls: and the manner of the service they ought to minister unto God: every man esteeming that religion he followeth, to be the true, and purest manner of worshipping: condemning and rejecting all that which is not conformable unto it. n =" b" The Oracle of Apollo, gave answer to the Troiant that their town should never be taken as long as they kept that image of Pallars. This is the Palladium of Troy, our rest and welfare consisteth therein, and her assurance is our security: he that straineth this cord, breaketh the harmony of the Commonwealth, and induceth the dissimilitude of religions: which presently openeth the gate to murders, enmities, and seditions, and from thence to persecutions, both public and private: for that neither the old can be reform, nor the new established, without contradiction & violence. From thence it proceedeth, that when in one Nation, there are some that remain constant and firm in the faith and tradition of their forefathers, and that others do reprove it, and invent certain doctrine which they preach, and affirm to be the pure, true, and only rule for men to learn: it cannot be remedied, and of force it must be so, that this diversity of religion, bringeth with it a division of minds, and of enmities, which are not appeased, but by the ruin of the one, or the other part: the triumph of Israel, is the loss and hindrance of the Egyptians. The first motion of religion in Bohemia, by john Hus and Hierome of Prague. France that had seen the strange furies, which this apple of discord by the Hussites had sown in Bohemia, at Munster by the Anabaptists, and in Allenmaigne and Suisse, and that ought to beware by other men's harms, and look that the fire of their partialities, take no hold in her tow, hath most miserably abandoned itself unto this schism: and more overrun, sacked and trodden underfoot, by the great faction of Catholics and Huguenots, in thirty yerres, than it endured The death of King Francis, at Rombovillet. in the space of 6. years, under the long, variable, and cruel wars of the two houses of Orleans & Burgonge: factions more fatal & miserable in France, than that in Italy of the Guelphs and Gibelins: or in England, of the long wars between the houses of Lancastre and York. It had the beginning from the death of King Francis the first, which grain of division (wherewithal the Provinces of this Realm is sown) was bought in Geneve, of such as brought it from Saxony, where they had great store, out of Luther's Warehouses. Luther began to preach And the most curious, who at the first thought to enter into those vessels of new sects, The assembly of Lutherians dicovered in Paris in S. james street, before the college du Plessis. but only to shake them, were carried away by impetuosity of wind, and the goodly appearance of her opinions, which were said to tend only to the reformation of the abuses of pride and luxury in the Clergy, thereby to reduce it into the estate of the Levites, without lands or possessions. France, that at all times hath been the nurse of fine wits, both subtle and curious, was the most fit and apt Province, wherein to make this Novelty spring: and therein became so fruitful, that in less than two or three years, there was found more Lutherians within the Capital City of Paris, than Prelates or Doctors to oppose themselves against them. The Duke of Saxon, the Count Palatin, the Marquis of Brandebourg, the Duke of Witenbourg. The marriage of the Dauphine with the Queen of Scots. But the king that sought to quench this fire by the rigour of laws, at the first entrance of those Novelties, spared neither authority of Edicts, severity of punishments, nor executioners to extirp them. Whereat certain foreign Princes being moved, besought him to moderate his public persecutions: and the great Potentates of the Realm rose up, and put themselves in arms: and among the rest, Monsieur d'Andelot, a man whom the king loved, both for the honour of his house, and valour of his person, and many councillors of the Court of Parliament, found to be enveloped with this cloud, we cast in prison. The Cardinal of Lorraine, and the Duke of Guise his brother, that practised the marriage of the Queen of Scots their Cousin, with the king's eldest son, and were the greatest next the king, who for counsel put his whole confidence in the Cardinal, and his forces into the Duke of Guise's hands, making him Lieutenant general of his Realm, that had all authority over the people, that esteemed them no less faithful to the Crown, then zealous and religious towards the Church: that honoured them as the most affectioned to the Commonwealth, & that were his Druses, Marcels, Dions, and Photions', moved the king to the extirpation of those Heresies: and without doubt, he had surely done it, if the splinter of Mongommeries lance had not been, which although it broke not, yet it stayed the fury of those public executions. The death of King Henry the second. This great king that promised his people a long and continual peace, being dead, his Sceptre remained to Francis, but the royal authority with them, that as then had the possession, and that vaunted themselves to deserve it, in respect of their services done to the king, their country and religion, in such manner, The sacring of Francis the second. The Constable withdraweth from the Court. that before Anthony de Bourbon king of Navarre, & first prince of the blood, arrived at the Court, his place was taken up, and the royalty divided and put into the hands of a king of fifteen years of age, an Italian woman, a Cardinal, and a Prince of Lorraine. The kings ancient servants being separated from the Court, namely the Constable. Like as the sun is in heaven, the same should the king be on earth, and what effect the sun worketh with the Planets, the same should the K. unto the Princes of his blood: the sun never withdraweth his brightness That was ordamed at Tours, Ann. 1484. and at the same time observed by Charles 8. son to Lewis the 11. that reigned 14. years. Malcontent: in An. 1560. from them, no more should the king deny this favour to the Princes of his-blood, that are about him. Which not being done, it cannot be but there must be disorder, Eclipses, & obscure confusions. The Princes of the blood, perceiving themselves debarred from their guard, that the king was in the custody of strangers, contrary to the ancient privileges of France, which ordaineth that the minority of the K. shall be assisted by a council chosen by all the Estates of the Realm: wherein the Princes of the blood ought to bear the principal place, and strangers excluded, united themselves together, in the middle of a thousand deaths, to preserve their degrees and dignities. This discontentment opened the characters of divisions, that after caused a deluge of miseries in the realm of France. And the Malcontents, either because they were excluded from public charges, or being tormented in the liberty of their consciences, agreed together to unhorsed the house of Guise, that aspired so near the king: minding never to leave arms, before his Majesty should be delivered out of their hands, and the estate reduced under a lawful government: promising nevertheless not to attempt any thing against the person of the king, his authority, nor the Princes of his blood. But God showed that he loveth not disturbers of the estate, nor such as bathe their hands in their own blood: that take courage by the indiscreet opinions of certain pretences, The enterprise of Amboise ciscovered in Ann. 1560. & the enterprisors pursued by the Duke de Nemours. The gate of Hugon in Tours, by the which they assembled: or of the first accords of the declaration of protestants made in Latin: which are, Huc nos venimus. and that use remedies crueler than the disease itself. For that he overthrew this first enterprise, and the actors thereof being taken upon the sudden, obtained pain and punishment for reward: and so were hanged in their boots and spurs at the castle of Amboise. But the sparks that issued out of this flint, after that set fire to the civil wars of France, and because the greatest part of those alterers of estates, were of the new religion, that as then were called Huguenots, of the place where they first assembled themselves in Tours, the Cardinal of Lorraine began to cry out against Hereticques: and to make them more odious, he caused it to be reported throughout the Realm, that their enterprise was against the king: wherein they induced the Prince of Conde: who to justify his innocency, and to show the integrity of his heart to the service of the king, in his presence, and others the Princes, Lords, and Officers of the Crown, spoke openly and said. That his Majesty excepted, and with reverence to the Princes his brethren, the Queen his mother, and the Queen then reigning, those that had reported him to be of the enterprise of Amboise, lied falsely: and if they would seem to justify it, he offered to fight with them: and that if they were not comparable unto him for degree, he would embase himself for that time, and make them either by sword or lance, confess themselves to be villains and traitors. And thereupon this Prince not enduring to live among so many suspicions and distrusts, as being the But and mark of his enemies, left the Court, and went unto his brother the king of Navarre, whither such as professed reformation withdrew themselves. This disease increasing more & more, and the corrupted humours thereof breeding to a dangerous and mortal palsy, the Queen-mother that knew better the disease, than the cause thereof, The assembly of Fontainbleau, Anno. 1560. the 21 of August, where the King, the Queen and divers Princes sat, there the Admiral presented a Petition, and said that he would cause it to be signed by 50000. men, and the Cardinal of Lorraine said, the King should oppose 100000. against it. They were not permitted to alight (as the manner is) at the king's Palace. She said that no man ever bandieth against the blood of France, with out repentance. justification of the Prince of Conde. Agreement made between the Prince of Conde and the house of Guise, the 14. of August, 1561. La Popelimere saith, that the king of Na. promised the am bassador of the K. of Demmark to cause the religion to be preached throughout France, within one year after. perceiving that by sharp and bitter remedies it was nothing healed, began to use gentlier and more easy: and to the same end, she caused the most learned and wisest men in all France, to be assembled at Fontainbleau, there to debate the causes of religion. Where the Admiral presented the request of those whom he supported, which was, to have liberty of churches, and freedom of conscience: whereunto the Cardinal opposed himself. And the Lords of Monluc & Marillac, were of opinion, that the most assured means to stop those new sprung sects, was to submit themselves to a general Council: and in fine, the conclusion of this assembly was, that a Parliament of the general States should be holden at Meaux, in the month of December after: and a national Council the tenth of january than next after ensuing. The Parliament was holden at Orleans, and the king sent for the king of Navarre to come thither, and to bring the Prince of Conde his brother with him, that there he might clear himself of the hard report that ran against him: to the which end, they set forward, and arrived at Orleans, presenting themselves unto the king, that entertained them not as their qualities and dearness of blood required. For the Prince of Conde was committed prisoner, whose deliverance was sued by the Lady Renee, duchess of Ferrare, nevertheless his process was framed: whereunto he pleaded not guilty: yet in fine, he was condemned to have his head stricken off before the king's Palace, and at the entry of the States: upon the which judgement, he continually expected the hour of death. But by God's providence, the death of the king procured both his life and liberty: for king Charles judged him to be innocent. At the same time, the Court of Parliament in Paris made an Edict, the Parliament of Estate continued, and the difference of religion was appeased, by staying for a general Council. Meantime, Messieurs de Guise, being in hope that their greatness would still increase and spread abroad, were much abashed to see it shortened by the death of the king their Nephew: and thereby to be constrained and put in mind, to think that they were no more as they had been. So that they yielded their place to the King of Navarre, but not the opinion, nor the hope to recover it once again. By that means their great affairs left off, but they forsook them not, seeking by all means to be reconciled to the Prince of Conde, always keeping their own, (like the Master of a ship that hoiseth and pulleth down his sails as time serveth) and always stopped the holes wherein they foresaw the round world enter: ceasing not to speak most assuredly and openly against heresy, which they so much the more detested, as that they perceived the Princes of the blood, to lend their helping hand towards the advancement and establishing thereof: and that the king of Navarre that made account thereof, began to like it, having more desire to the Realm of Navarre, that was promised to be restored unto him, and to that of Sardaigne offered him, if he would separate himself from the Princes reform, and the protection of the protestants Churches, then to the consideration of the quarrel of his house. The greatness of those Princes could not continue equal, by reason of the unequallitie of their houses. Yet they sought to go all in one rank, whereby the king's favour could no sooner give countenance to the one, but it moved the other. His favour is like a fair Lady, every man seeketh and courteth her, and if she smile more upon one then upon the other, it breedeth but jealousy, despite, & quarrel: & she cannot divide her heart in two, without a a mortal division. Every man hath his turn, and both Catholicque and Huguenot, under pretence and zeal of religion, seeketh to get the good will of the king, his mother, and his brethren. But the freedom of the Ministers, being impatient to stay the resolution of a Council, made them to preach openly, whereby they so much tempted and altered men's consciences, that suddenly the ceremonies & traditions of the Church, were abated, and the temples seized upon & destroyed. And the Constable being descended of the first Baron and first Christian in France, opposed himself against this diversity of religion in one realm, The Edict of july made at S. Germains in Say, 1561. The assembly at Poissy. The murder of Vassy the 1. of Mars. 1562. The battle of Dreux the 19 of December, 1561. The Constable was first taken then the Prince of Conde. The king of Navarre was slain at the siege of Roven. 1562. The Duke of Guise slain before Orleans, the 24. of Febru. 1563. 1. Edict of peace. Anno. 1563. Reconciliation between the D. of Guise and the Admiral 1566. Counsel of the Duke of Alue. The enterprise at Meaux, at the feast of S. Michael▪ 1567. The battle of S. Denis, on S. Martin's even, 1567. Where the Constable was slain. The second Edict of peace at Loniumeau which from the time of king Clovis had been holden & maintained in parity and integrity, under the ancient faith of their forefathers. The Cardinal of Lorraine on the other side, took the matter in hand, and counseled the king to make an Edict against those of the religion, & the presumption of certain men was such, that they consented to the disputation at Poissy, where in place of remedy, we found but an increasing of our miseries. After that, the Edict of januarie so much renowned in all the troubles, and solemnised by the Huguenots, followed: the breach whereof, by the means of Vassy, caused both parts to fall to arms upon the plains of Dreux, which gave the name to that me morable battle: not only for the number of men there assembled, being 1900. foot, & 2000 horse for the king's part, & 4000 horse called White-coates, & 6000. foot of the contrary: as for divers other accidents that therein were marked, besides the taking of two of their chief leaders. For the Prince of Conde that imputed the first motions of his imprisonment, & of his separation from the favour and presence of K. Francis the 2. to the practices of the Duke de Guise, that evening of the battle, was his prisoner, & accepted the half of his ancient enemy's bed, that was offered unto him: a right description of this variable world, where you see one triumphing, & the other captive. Among so many prosperities, that environed the Duke of Guise, (by the death of the king of N. General of the king's army, followed by all the Catholicque Nobility, & Tutor & conductor of the king & Queen-mothers' whole affairs) death being jealous, that the Capital city of the realm, at his arrival had cried: Vive Guise, Vive Guise: with as great joy & gladness, as ever they cried, Vive le Roy, dispatched him out of the way by Poltrots' means, that slew him at Orleans, & thereby finished the first civil war: at which time, the Prince of Conde was delivered out of prison, & the Constable brought the first Edict of peace. By this peace France had means to breath, and her subjects to live in some assurance, but the corrupted humours, that caused the disease of the estate, were not so well disiested, but that there rested some remnants, whereby it might be feared, it would fall into a much more dangerous sickness: which happened 3. years after, when the most troublesome alterers of estate, renewed the fire, which although it were not utterly quenched, yet it was half consumed. The Queen having performed that general visitation of all the king's Provinces, & at Moulins taken up the quarrel between the houses of Guise & Chastillon, and made them friends, caused 6000. Swissers to be sent for, undera feigned sear of the D. of Albes passage through France, with whom she had conferred at Bayonne: where they concluded, that to live in peace, it was best for her to fish after great samon's, & to leave the frogs. The Admiral perceiving it, determined rather to save himself by his arms, then with his legs, and went so near unto the king, that he had almost taken him at Meaux, and so caused him to retire to Paris, being conducted by Pfiffers regiment, And the Prince of Conde took the town of S. Dennis, assieged Paris, & burned the mills. And in fine, the two armies met, & fought before S. Dennis, where the Protestants retired, & the K. had the victory: but it cost him the life of the Constable, being one of the valiantest Captains in all Europe: who having commanded in 7. battles, died in the sight of the city of Paris, and of his king, at the head of an army, victorious by his conduction, & having cut his enemies in the cheeks, that had wounded him in the face, he was by a Scot shot into the rains with a pistol, & so died of the seventh wound he had received in that seventh battle: being of the age of 60. and 7. years. This death procured an other little peace, commonly called the lined peace, which continued but 6. months, and made a war that The Prince of Conde slain at Bassac the 21, of March, 1569. The battle of Montcontour the 3. of October, 1569. The 3. Edict of peace, An. 1570. endured for the space of 2. whole years, wherein the Prince of Conde died: and where the Princes of Navarre and Conde, & the Dukes de Guise and main were Captains: the one of the protestants army, under the conduct of the Admiral: the other for the defence of Poitiers, under Monsieur the king's brother, General of his majesties army, whereby the battle of Moncontour happened, where all the protestants footmen were slain, and the Rutters spurs were not sharp enough, to make their horses fly: but Monsieur not pursuing his victory, suffered his enemies to range & meet together again, who in short time were found strong enough to constrain him to the wars, or else to make another Edict of peace, with more advantage than the two first. This peace being sworned by all those that had any public authority therein, caused the Frenchmen to feel the sweetness of tranquility, to be much different from the sharpness and bitterness of civil divisions. Therein the king, the Queen-mother, his brethren, and the Princes, did nothing but breath, and aspire unto contentment: nothing was spoken of in France, but only assurance, and of removing their wars unto the frontiers, or within the bowels of foreign countries, and every place was filled with marriages, banquets, etc. But this goodly show was put only a presaging of the torment that ensued: and Sailors judged that those great calms, would in the end cause some great tempest. For presently after, ensued the great and terrible day so full of blood, tears, and sorrow, where without respect, The massacre upon Bartholomewe day, Ann. 1573. so many French men had their throats cut, & where the king of N. doubting himself not to be secured in the chaste embrace of his first night's espousals, was constrained to alter the form of his religion. And because he had escaped that danger, (and finding himself healed of his continual fears and distrusts, he said, that in changing of religion, he had done it by constraint) he was oftentimes accused of Apostasy. At that time, Rochel the begun to refuse the Garrisons which the K. would have placed therein, was the refuge of the Huguenots: Rechel besieged, Anno. 1573. whereupon Monsieur besieged it: and in 6. months brought it to such extremity, as that if the planting of the flowerdeluce in the furthest parts of Septentrion, had not diverted him, he had been Master thereof, at such composition as had pleased him. The King of Polonia Sigismod, when he died, left 5000. horses in his stable. For the Polonians sent Ambassadors unto him, to offer him the Crown of Polonia, and to invite him to the possession of a great, rich, and puissant Realm: great, because it is in compass twice as much as France: rich, by reason of the abundance of all things necessary for man's life: renowned, for arms and horses: and puissant, for the honour of the Nobility, being most valiant and brave warriors: having more Gentlemen therein, then are in France, England, and Spain. Thither he went, being accompanied by the king himself, as far as Lorraine, from whence for his better assurance, Coronation of the K. of Polonia. Letters of regent granted the Queen-mother, till the K. coming out of Polonia. In Parliament the 3. of june 1574. he passed through the territories of the Princes of Almain, (that were much grieved & offended at the murder committed upon S. Bartholomewes' day) & from thence he arrived at Cracovia, and there upon the first day of Penthecost he received the Crown, & the next year after upon the same day, he was crowned king. Mean time, king Charles his brother, that died in the flower of his age, declared him to be his successor, and his mother regent till his return: commanding the Duke of Alencon his brother, and the king of Navarre, not to alter any thing in the state: and to persuade themselves, that kingdoms are only gotten either by virtue or succession, and not by revolting or tyranny. As this great king of two great realms, as earnestly looked for of the Frenchmen, as lamented of the Polonians, was desired of the Catholciques, for the effects The return of the king of Polonia into France. His nature. The wars for the commonwealth, undertaken by Monsieur & the malcontents. An increase of Monsieurs revenues the 28. of May, 1576. An agreement with Monsieur, made at joinuille. The K. made this peace to separate his brother from the Princes. The 4. Edict of peace in May. 1576. Aiguemortes. Beaucaire. Perigueux. Le Mas de Verdun. Nions. Serres. Yssoire. Seine la grand Tour. The king called this peace his peace. D. Casimire would not dislodge, without assurance of payment, and the observation of peace. The league of Peronne. they had perceived to be in him touching the religion, so was he also loved of the protestants, that knew him of nature to be a true Frenchman, estranged not only from cruel actions, but also from most severe intents: and hoped under his reign, to find a more moderate and peaceable season. But God to punish our sins, had otherwise ordained: for at the king's return, the wars likewise returned, which began to flame & burst our upon the frontiers, against the Marshal of Amuille, who perceiving himself altogether frustrate of any hope of ever being reconciled to the king, practised with the towns of Longuedoc: seduced Monsieur, that made himself General of this new confusion, under pretence of a quarrel for the Commonwealth, and used the forces of both the religions. The king of Navarre, that could not forget the bloody day that had consumed so many of his servants, and perceived not himself so much employed as his inferiors, in matters of estate, abandoned the honourable captivity of the Court, and those that had followed him, with all the Princes of his house, joined themselves together for his protection. Whereat Monsieur was grieved, and perceiving himself to be left alone with his Catholicques, he had recourse to the king's favour, by the increase of a new degree of honour and revenue, given him by the king. The king of N. & the Prince of Conde, procured strangers aid, not as they protested, thereby to shake off the yoke of the Monarchy, or to divide themselves into as many Commonwealths, as there are Provinces in France: but to live in obedience under the king, & freedom of conscience, and thereby to obtain a peace: which was made between the king & Monsieur his brother, the K. of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, whereby the free, public, and general exercise of the religion, was permitted unto the Protestants, in all the places and Towns, which as then they held, they being declared capable, to have their places in Parliaments and chambers of justice severally: all judgements being made against them for any enterprise whatsoever, declared void: the memory of the heads of their part taken away, and the cruel day of S. Bartholomew disavowed. And for the better assurance and performance of the conditions, they had eight Towns delivered unto them, with the conditions of their governments. This peace which was thought would have long continued, being made with so great solemnity, not with dissemblers, but with a king, that as yet had given no occasion of distrust, was soon weakened and shaken, for that the same conditions that had made it, were the means to unloose it. For the Prince of Conde perceiving that he reaped not the fruit of his desert, and that the government of Picardy was denied him, was the first that found himself offended, and that showed himself discontent: desiring the Duke Cazimir, not to abandon the frontiers of Lorraine, until he perceived that peace to be well confirmed and observed. The Catholicques to the contrary, being grieved at the liberty which the Huguenots had obtained, thereby to make their religion increase & fructify, and that the Rutter had not as yet put up his pistol into the case, besought his Majesty to restrain that pernicious licence of the Edict of peace: but perceiving him not to be sufficiently moved to cut off that which as then begun but to spring up, nor to take knife in hand, therewith to shed his own blood, they began to assemble at Peronne, & to move all the rest of the towns, under pretence of divers occasions, not little wondered at of the people: which were for the honour & increase of the Catholic religion: for the surety of the estate and Crown of his Majesty: the utter extirpation of Heresies: and for the revocation of the Edict of peace, wherein they swore obedience and service to the General that should be appointed over this fellow ship: engaging their lives and honours, never to separate themselves for any commandment, pretence, excuse, The original of the league in An. 1576 or occasion whatsoever. Behold the conception of the league, which will bring forth most prodigious effects. The Huguenots had won their sure, for till then, they were often accused of rebellion, as having shaken off the yoke of Sovereignty, being separated from that fair and unexpugnable maxim, that the power of the Prince proceedeth from God, and that it is not lawful to resist against it, for any excuse, cause, pretence, or reason whatsoever. Pardon me I beseech you, mighty Princes, Prelates, Lords, and Gentlemen, that are Catholicques, if I tell you, that this fortress which you build, will be your overthrow: this fire you kindle, will burn you: these knives you forge, will be tempered in your entrails: and that thereby, you will leave neither of yourselves, nor your league, but a most pitiful and shameful memory. What think you to do? O you leaguer for God, for the faith, and for the king? The league is not for God. You undertake arms for God, who desireth nothing but peace: you publish rebellion, he commandeth obedience: you trouble the rest and quietness of a Christian king, he willeth us to endure at the hands of a Prince, although he be a Pagan. You do it for God, whose name you call upon, and deny his power: you do it for God, that detesteth your actions, and knoweth your thoughts: and you do it for that God, who will confound all those that breed confusion among his people. You undertake wars for religion, and nothing hindereth it more than wars: you fight for holiness, Nor for religion. and your weapons destroy the Churches: authorize blasphemers, and plant Atheism, impiety, and despising of devotion in all places. You march under pretence of the Church's cause, and you ransom and spoil the Clergy by tithes and impositions. If it be for the spirituality, wherefore do you bring in the Rutters, that have overrun the Priests, burned the Churches, rob the relicques, Nor for the Church. and polluted the Altars. You said it is for the king, so said the Huguenots at the enterprises of Ammboise, of Meaux, and of S. German in Say, and you will not believe him, for the king had disavouched them. If it be for the king, where are his commissions? If it be for his service, where is his commandment? If it be for him, wherefore do dou it without him? If it be for his obedience, Nor for the King. wherefore swear you to obey the Head of your league? Can you be bound by one oath, to two contrarieties? This new faith & promise which you give, is it not to obey a new Lord, seeing you cannot serve two Masters? If it be to maintain his kingdom in the Catholicque religion, cannot he do it without you? What shame will you procure unto him, to attribute the honour of the glory of so happy a conquest unto yourselves, and not refer the triumph unto him? What blasphemy & reproach do you induce into his honour and reputation, both among his own people, and with strangers? Will they not say, The subject ought not to bind himself by oath of fidelity, to any but to his sovereign. that a great king, & a wise king, with the advantages of his Majesty, & his powers, durst not enterprise that which the subjects undertake to do. Know you not, that all levying of arms is treason, without the king's authority? that the subjects cannot make any league, without the Prince? that leagues are not made between Subjects, or equal persons: and that the Courts of Parliament, are the foundations of the severity of laws, both human and divine? But let us hear what your patents of the league contain. The first league made at Peronne without naming the Head. For religion. For the service of the king. IN the name of the holy Trinity, Father, Son, and holy Ghost, the only true God, be honour and glory for ever. The association of Princes, Lords, and Catholic Gentlemen, aught to be, and shall be made, to re-establish the law of God in her pristinate estates, to retain and hold the holy service thereof, according to the form and manner of the holy, Catholicque, Apostolicque, and Roman Church, abjuring and renouncing all errors to the contrary. Secondly, to preserve king HENRY, the third of that name, by the grace of God, and his Predecessors, most Christian kings, in the estates, glory, authority, duty, service, and obedience, that is due unto him by his subjects: as it is contained in the Articles which shall be presented unto him in the Council of estate: which at his sacring and coronation, he promised and swore to observe: with protestation not to do anything, to the prejudice of that which shall be ordained by the States of his Realm. Thirdly, to restore unto the Provinces of this Realm, For the people. and Estates thereof, the ancient rights, pre-eminences, franchises, and liberties, such as they were in the time of King CLOVIS, first Christian King, and better and more profitable, if they may be any ways invented, under the protection afore said: and if in case there happeneth any impeachment, opposition, or rebellion, to the contrary of that which is aforesaid, by any man, or from what part soever it may be, the said associates shall be bound and holden therein, to employ all their goods and means whatsoever: yea, and their own persons even to the death, to punish, chastise, and overrun, those that seek to contradict, hinder and resist: that all the things aforesaid, shall not be really and effectually put in execution. And if in case that any of the associates, their subjects, friends, and confederates, shall be molested, oppressed, or pursued, for the cause aforesaid, by whomsoever it may be, the said associates shall be bound to employ their bodies, goods, and means, to be revenged on them that shall have done, or caused the said oppressions and molestations, be it by way of justice, or by arms, without exception of any man. If it happen, Against such as appose themselves against the devices of the league. Against such as shall leave or abandon the league. that any of the associates, after that they have taken their oaths unto the said associates, would withdraw themselves, or departed out of the same, under what pretence soever it shall be, (which God forbid) such breakers of their consents, shall be hurt and offended both in their bodies and goods, by all means possible, as enemies to God, and rebels and perturbers of public tranquilities, without revenge to be taken against the said associates, either publicly or privately. The said associates shall swear all ready and willing obedience and service, unto the Head and Geverall that shall be appointed: follow and give counsel, comfort and aid, as well to the entertaining and conservation of the said association, as to the ruins and overthrow of the contradictors thereof, without acception or exception of persons: and the failers and delayers therein, shall be punished by authority of the General, and as he shall appoint: whereunto his said associates shall submit themselves. Practising with towns. All Catholicques of Towns and Villages shall be advertised, and secretly summoned by the particular Governors, to enter into the said association and duty, to furnish men and munition for the execution thereof, according to the power and faculty of every man. That such as will not enter into the said association, shall be reputed as enemy thereof, & be pursued by all means & sorts of troubles & molestations: Contribution of men and money. and it shall be forbidden unto the said associates, to enter into debates & quarrels one with the other, without permission of the General, at whose arbitrement the contradistors shall be punished, as well touching reparation of honour, as for all other causes. If for fortification or greater assurance of the said associates, there is any appointment made with the Provinces of this Realm, it shallbe made in form aforesaid, & upon the same conditions, whether the said associations be sought for by the said Towns or Provinces, or that it be offered unto them: if it be not otherwise ordained by the General. I swear by God the Father, touching this Gospel, and upon pain of cursing and eternal damnation, that I have entered into this holy and Catholicque association, The form of the leaguers oath. according to the form and manner of the extract that hath been presently read unto me, faithfully and sincerely, whether it be therein to command, or to serve and obey, and promise both upon mine honour and life, to continue therein, as long as one drop of blood last within my body, without resisting or withdrawing myself from the same, under pretence of any commandment, excuse, cause, or occasion whatsoever. The instructions of the Advocate David. About that time the Advocate David was taken, with certain advertisements and notes about him, concerning the means whereby to authorize this league, and to break the ordinary course of the succession of France, by impossible means, which ought neither to be known, nor be believed, and wherewith I mean not to dishonour this discourse. Packets of the league of Peronne cast about the streets. Nature of the people. Mean time Posts were sent into all places, to spread the news and first advise of those pretences, masked with fair and shining vizardes' of holiness, thereby to blear the eyes of the people: and libels were cast about the streets: divers men of good account traveling about the country, to serve for bellows to this new forge, made to kindle a great war. And the people that ran from one extremity to another, which love changes: a troop that followeth such as lead it: a sea that never riseth without wind: and a Monster with many heads, suffered themselves to be borne away with the first waves of this tempest. The Parliament at Blois, 1576 Mean time, the king minding to put cold water into the boiling pot, and to cut off the mean to this new motion, caused the Parliament to be holden, which by the last peace he had promised, thinking, and certainly persuading himself, that not any one in his Realm, but loved rather to entertain a sworn and solemn peace, then to seek the continuance of wars: the overthrow of Towns, and the desolation of the people: or that the Rutter should once again return to suck the blood, gnaw the bones, and eat the marrow of their children. At the first assembly of the Parliament, An Oration of Henry the third, at the Parliament in Blois. and after he had saluted & welcomed all the Estates, with a most heroical and Princely grace, he made an Oration unto them concerning the miseries and afflictions of his Realm, and the hope he had, that so great an assembly, being the very quintessence of the finest wits in all France, would provide some remedy therein: showing that the minority of himself & his brother, at the beginning of those civil wars, was reason sufficient why they should not be esteemed, or once thought to be the causes thereof: commending the wisdom of his mother touching the government of the Realm: protesting, that for his own part, he had no other care, desire, nor intent, then only to procure the rest & welfare of his subjects, whose miseries he would be always ready to relieu with the price of his dearest blood: The Crown of France laid to pawn for 100 millions of gold. charging all the assembly to aid & assist him therein, & to devise the means to release his Crown, at that time pawned for above the sum of 100 millions of gold, to unite themselves together, thereby to puck up the seeds of partialities, to reform abuses, and to restore justice to herintegritie, and to reduce it into the pristinate holiness & splendure. That done, Pierre d'Epinac Archbishop of Lions, rose up, and before them all, declared his reasons touching the Clergy. The Lord of Senscey, with a military, frank, & true French tongue, spoke for the Nobility: and Versoris for the common. The two first, by a multitude of reasons and wonderful speeches, concluded that it was most fit and convenient, that there should be but one religion in the Realm. The third, showed that the people wholly desired the reunion thereof, so it might be done by peaceable and quiet means without wars. But the Clergy and Nobility, after many difficulties, caused the Parliament to break up, so that under the ashes of the last wars, which as yet were hot, there might be found the sparks of a great fire. For after many messages (although in vain) sent by the king to the Protestant Princes, Protestation of the Prince of Conde, in Ann. 1577. under which was placed, Deo & victricibus armis. the war began again. For the Prince of Conde rose up in arms, and swore not to leave them, until he had brought the realm into her pristinate splendure and dignity: restored liberty to the Estates: eased the poor people of insupportable tributes, invented by the Italians: delivered the Frenchmen from the servitude & tyrannical infamy whereunto they were subjecteth, not only by their own carelessness and disunion, but by artificial practices of such as would raise the foundations of their greatness, with the blood of the true Princes of France, and of the Nobility, to the great disadvantage and overthrow of the ancient laws and customs of the realm. Whereupon the king having enterprised those wars, the rather because his Estates showed him the reasons, War began about Easter, 1577 necessities and commodities, (although of his own nature he rather desired not to have broken the peace, but only to abridge it of certain particular articles, by the Huguenots esteemed most advantage for them) caused two great armies to be levied: whereof Monsieur was General of the one, that marched towards la charity and Issoire, and the Duke Demain, commanding that which went for Poitou, where he assieged Bar, Taking of la charity and Issoire, Anno. 1577. and took divers Towns. His majesties army encamped at Brovage, and costrained it to yield. And Lansac Governor thereof, would have gone into the Isle of Re, but he could not. And to conclude, the wars were so long and tedious, that the generals well perceived themselves to be too old, to live to see the end thereof. And the king that never had tasted the sweetness of peace, began to dsire it, having first proved so many troubles and vexations of war, thereupon he determined to establish a good and holy peace, Reason to induce peace, and against war, in An. 1577. Great numbers, are not the cause of victories. God is the God of battles. A discourse politic and military. The chance of war uncertain. which should be well observed: to the which end, he heard debated, examined, and considered, divers and all the reasons that could be alleged, both for the establishing and dissolving thereof. Those that desired no peace, devised many arguments which they framed for the purpose: as first they said: That the king ought not to make peace, having means to make war, with more men and advantage then his enemies. But they were answered, that the multitude of men, is not the cause of victory: and that a small handful of desperate soldiers, had overthrown a great army. The king's cause is more just. The Princes shroud themselves under a just enterprise when God is offended: and that the war is not made for the defence of his quarrel, but for particular revenge. The Huguenots have neither money nor credit, for the soldier himself among them, is constrained to contribute money to pay foreign aid, instead of receiving his own wages. With a little, they do much: necessity is their virtue: and the ground of their cause is so dear unto them, that they will rather fight without money or meat, then live without their liberty, or preaching of the Gospel. There needs but one battle to overthrow and destroy them. Victory resteth in the hands of God: it is a both doubtful and uncertain, & battles in these days are prolonged, and never given without advantage of the one side, or the other. And again, it is impossible with an army of 10000 men, to root out a 100000. Huguenots. The K. will never hazard battle, but he is assured to have the victory, & to triumph over his enemies. This is as much to say, as he reckoneth without his Host: for it consists in God: there needeth but a small matter to put all your forces in disorder, and make them a pray to their enemies. For if in times past, 500 Actolians, justin. lib. 24. X●nop. hist. lib. 7. Bap. Egnat. The battle of Poitiers. Lois the last Earl of Flaunders. Froisart li. 2. cap. 95.96.97.98. better shepherds than soldiers, put 900. Lacedæmonians to flight? If Epaminondas with 4000 men, overthrew the Spartans' army, being six times as many? If among the Christians, Baudonin brother to Godfrey of Bullon, with 300. horse and 900. foot, all Frenchmen, caused the Caliphe to yield and leave the field, being environed with 9000. horse, and 20000. foot? If a little troop of English soldiers half in despair before Poitiers, triumphed over a great army of the most puissant & warlike Nation in the world? Is it not a most foolish temerity, to put confidence in the doubtful chance of a battle? It is never good to assail those that hope for nothing but despair. The last Earl of Flaunders having brought the Town of Gaunt to an extremity of victuals, would have them to present themselves before him bareheaded & footed, with halters about their necks: and so to ask pardon for their lives, without any assurance thereof. But 5000. of those miserable people, that had nothing left but their arms, and in despair, He was constrained to hide himself in the straw of a poor woman's bed, where he saved himself, and the next day went out disguised. The peace of the low countries. issued out upon him, & like hungry wolves fought so desperately, that in fine, they overthrew his whole army, composed of more than forty thousand men. There is no peace to be granted to heretics. It is done continually, for it is not yet a year, since the king of Spain granted peace to the Islands of Holland & Zealand, not only giving them the liberty of their religion, but withdrawing the exercise of his own. Peace giveth that to the Huguenots, which war taketh from them. And what? the liberty of conscience. Many politic and wise men, have acknowledged and confessed, that force constraineth not men's consciences: that sword and fire, have not power to extirp the opinions of religion, that are once entered into the minds of men: that such victory over men's consciences, belongeth only to God, the father of light and truth: and that force may well make Hippocrites and Atheists, but not religious or christian people. If the king suffereth this liberty of conscience, 1576. Liberty of conscience. Catholicque religion will be clean consumed under these novelties: and all his Realm will be poisoned with sects, Schisms, & errors. The free exercise of this new religion, will be less advantage to the perticipants thereof, than it would be if it were but secretly used. Religion increaseth more being persecuted and forbidden, then when it is permitted. Read a book touching this point, imprinted at Antwerp. An. 1579. Dialogus do Pace. For the people are light & impatient, with long rest and quietness: and to the contrary, things least permitted, and uneasy, are most pleasant and agreeable. And therefore desire nothing but change, and dislike novelties, with more disdain than ever they had affection or vehment desire to see them advanced. They always fall headlong into that which is forbidden them. The more they presented, tormented, & troubled the hereticques at Prague, and in Ausbourg, and the more they were forbidden to assemble and meet together, so much the more they in creased and had assemblles, and with fires, whip, hanging, and prisons, became innumerable. And when they have the free liberty of that they desire, when rigour is laid aside, the thing becometh so common and discovered, that many refuse it, entering again into the great and broad way which they had left. And therefore divers men have thought, that there is no better means to shake, Apollitike maxim. Unity of the sectaries, in matters of policy. and in the end to overthrow a new religion, then to permit the free exercise thereof. For as a man of great judgement in our time, saith: As much as man loveth his liberty, and yet abuseth it, so much the more he hateth servitude and constraint, wherein notwithstanding he behaveth himself better, then in the enjoying of his freedom. There aught to be but one religion in one Realm. It is well said: but when a king findeth more, it is very hard for him to root them out. Would you have one eye thrust out the other? the greatest Princes in the world are much troubled thereby, and yet constrained to endure it. The Princes of Almain have this diversity in one Town: yea, in one Host, and in one family, without either trouble or division. The interim of the Emperor Charles the fist, 1530. Confirmed 1555. The Emperor Charles the fift, was constrainsd to pass that path, and his brother Ferdinand, a man most affected to the Catholicque religion, consented to the same liberty in his kingdoms of Bohemia, Hungaria, and Austria. Piety is the foundation of all estates, which cannot be in all places where God is diversly served. It is so, and you find many that complain thereof, but few that seek the remedy: we know but two, that is, rigour, and peaceableness, either by a general Council, or by arms. For the first it needeth not, because the truth once known and determined, ought not to be brought in question or disputed of again. The latter is altogether strange, and it was never heard, that men were put to death, to force them to believe. To kill, burn, and massacre, are words never used but in seditious enterprises: those of the new opinion, that live among the Catholicques without preaching or open exercises, are content to seek no further freedom than the liberty of their conscience without being troubled. A King cannot refuse his subjects the liberty of not speaking, for that men's tongues and consciences, are not under the Sovereignty of his Sceptre. Tacere liceat, Nulla libertas minor a rege Petitur Senec. O ed. Lictance li. 5. cap. 14. God is the God of men's souls: Kings may constrain men's bodies, and force them to say that outwardly, which inwardly they deny. For as he (that is called the Cicero of Christians) saith: Who can constrain me not to believe that which I will believe? or to think that credible, which seemeth incredible: there is nothing so voluntary as religion: but if the mind be separated from it, it is no more religion, but hypocrisy and dissimulation: force will do that, purpur cultores efficies non Dei. which should be done only by love, for by it men respect more the penalties of the law, than the law itself: they will reverence the judges scarlet gown, not for the love of the judge, but for fear of the executioner, that attendeth on him: ●ides suadenda non imperanda. Bernard. and when they are gone, their courages are found to be strongerthen their torments, & their constancy greater than their cruelties: peaceableness is more convenient, and hath more force. Faith commandeth not, but is taught: the strongest or roughest bits, are not fit for good horses. Our consciences are the like, for force breaketh sooner, than bendeth them. If the Lute be not well tuned, or if the Mean do not agree with the Base, we must not therefore break it, About the end of june, 1574. the king called him his father. but wind it softly up, and you shall make them accord. The Emperor Maxemilion, that said, that no sin could be greater, then to violate men's consciences, answered the king of France returning out of Polonia, (proposing the ruin of the Huguenots, & the restablishing of the only religion of his forefathers in his realm) that those which seek to rule over men's consciences, supposing to win heaven, do oftentimes lose their possessions on earth. To obey God and serve the king. Two religions cannot command in one Realm. It is true, but that is no consequent why there should not be two: for the subject is not bound to follow the religion of his Prince, as long as he permitteth him the liberty of his own: he must obey and serve: he giveth to God, that which is Gods, and to Caezar, In the time of Clovis a Pagan, there was Christians in France that which is Caezars', and confoundeth not the difference between those two services and duties. He that hath one religion, cannot have two, and hateth and detesteth that which is the contrary. Clovis our first christian King, being a Pagan, tolerated christians in his Realm: and so did our King being in Polonia, permit Latin and Greek Churches, with the confession of Ausbourg, Lutherans, and Caluenists, to live together in Muscovia, and other countries belonging unto the Emperor: the prince of Greece & a great part of his subjects, are different from him touching religion. And although the Turk receiveth not the Crown, yet he constraineth them not to leave their christianity. The Frenchmen could not endure jews in France. They banished them not because of their religion, but for their Barbarous cruelties, wherewith they crucified young children in despite of the son of God: and for their extreme usuries, wherewith they consumed the common people. The king suffering Heretics, doth wrong to the Catholicques. The king is Common-father to them, as well as to the others: jews' banished out of France, and for what cause. as there is no reason to prove the ingratitude of the son towards the father, so all laws detest the inhumanity and impiety of the father against the son. Those whom the king so oftentimes proclaimeth rebels, and his enemies, are his children, his subjects, and his servants. God never prospereth the enterprises of the subject against his Prince, & very seldom have kings had great triumphs by wars over their subjects. It belongeth to a Vittellius, and not to a king of France, to walk along the fields, his garments all died with the blood of his subjects, Vitellius said, that the body of the enemy slain, savoureth well, but that of the citizen being dead, is better. Tacit. lib. 17. Suet in the life of Vitellius. Cap. 10. The people never die. The 5. Edict of peace, An. 1577. made at Poitiers in the month of Septemb. Conference at Nerac, the last of February. 1579. The 6. Edict of peace in An. 1581. and to delight in the savour of their dead bodies lying slain upon the ground. When the Huguenots shall be overthrown and consumed, the king shall live in peace. Suppose he putteth them to death, and that at one time, he cutteth off a hundredth thousand heads. The General seed is immortal by the succession of every particular family, kindred, and several man, which still increaseth one after the other, although every particular man of himself is mortal, the body of the people in general never dieth. The K. may well destroy all the particulars of this new opinion, but they will leave as many children, whose innocency God and nature will not permit to touch, that will succeed not only in their goods, but in the humours, quarrels, and passions of their fathers. In fine, those that persuaded peace by their reason alleged, got the upper hand of those that desired war: and there upon it was concluded, with great concontentment on both both parts, that the Prince of Conde the same night he received it, caused it to be published by torchlight, although with less advantage on his side then the first. For it restored the exercise of the Catholicque religion, in the places where it had been prohibited, continuing and commending it to be used in all places: it suffered men's consciences to be free, yet without public exercise, but only in the Towns and places, where as then it was openly preached, and to Gentlemen of quality & degree, in their own houses: yet there was some difficulty in the execution and observation of this peace, which the conference at Nerac between the Queen-mother and the King of Navarre, soon avoided: but the wound not well healed, did still bleed, by means of the furious disorders of those that were his chief doers: but in the year one thousand five hundredth eighty and one, it was wholly joined and drawn unto a scar. Peace being made, what became of those that desired nothing but war? Monsieurs voyage into Flaunders. The King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde, withdrew themselves. And the Queen-mother caused her title which she pretended to the Crown of Portugal, as only heir of the house of Boulongne, to be decided. And Monsieur the king's brother, after the example of the Archduke Mathias, went into Flaunders, there to make work for the king of Spain, where he made a goodly entry, but an evil retreat. Mean time, what did the king? he to overthrow impiety by godliness, and heresy by truth: and to show by all his actions, that he desired nothing more, than the ending of all divisions in his Realm: and knowing that the Prince is as it were a spring, from whence there issueth either vice or virtue, that the people follow his steps, & that they do more by example then by commandment: he showed himself the mirror of devotion and christian reformation: Institution of the order of the holy ghost 1579. he ordained many holy Congregations, true Schools and Gardens of piety: he built Monasteries: he frequented religious persons: he ware the order: and by the example of Lois the eleventh, to unite great persons in concord and inviolable amity, both for the benefit of the estate and Country: he instituted the order of the holy Ghost, as an authentic declaration, that he neither could love nor do good to hereticques, binding all the knights of the Order by a solemn oath, unto such conditions as only pleased Catholicque minds: he esteemed that by spiritual remedies, he might heal the disease of the spirit, and frenzy of new opinions: that force or man's policy, could not constrain men's consciences: that we must not kill, to make men believe, that the conversion of such as are strayed out of the way, is the only work of the hand of God: and that the wisest Princes had been constrained to give over violence and terror of wars, and have recourse to catechisings, for the reducing of the consciences of their subjects: he bestowed Bishoprics, and spiritual promotions, upon such as he knew to be no less learned than religious: he caused all sorts of books of piety and devotion to be printed: forbidding and defending the impression of heretics writings. And to conclude, he lived more like a Capuc in them a King: he desired no more war: his Diana, was the singing of the Foveilantins: his Campe-royal a Cloister: his armour, Manners & fashions of Henry the third. An Anagramme made of the king. Henticus ter●ius: inte vere Christus. a Penitentiaries sack: he lived continually with a Crucifix in his hand: and if he lived, it was no more he, but jesus Christ that lived in him. Such witness of his actions was given by the Capucins of Paris, such was the commendation he had by Father Bernard Fueillantin, and Father Edmund Anger, that had well searched, tried, sounded and tasted the conscience of this Prince, both publicly and privately, assured and persuade every man, that France in long time before, had not any Prince more religious, nor more humble, as having no other care, then only to keep and maintain his subjects: first, in their obedience to God, and next unto himself. Nevertheless, he that in a little book, entitled Francophile, showeth the greatness of his spirit: & as the common Proverb is, maketh the Lion known by his feet, writeth clean contrary of the actions of this king, while he led that solitary life. Whose proper words I will rehearse, and join them to this treatise: either in truth they are of greater eloquence & copiousness of matter then mine own, which areas followeth. He was soon weary of wars, & as of nature he was soft & delicate, his spirit weak, Francophile imprinted at Chartres. Anno. 1591. F●l. 31. and 32. low, & impatient to endure travel or pain: & all his complexions unequal differing, & too base for a soldier: he sought a peaceable & quiet life. And so he soon turned to delight in weddings, dancings, and all ordinary pastimes, which procured long peace. But the Queen, and those of the house of Guise, perceiving him to take that course, thought to use him as a cipher, and while he busied himself with devising of measures, and concords of dancings, to hold the rule of the Commonwealth, and to dispose the government thereof: but they found themselves soon frustrate of their intent: for as a fore eye desireth shed dow, and cannot endure the light; so the spirit of this Prince already melted, and in a manner mollified in this profound rest and quietness, could not endure the presence of great persons: whether it were because in his delights he feared their checks, or that he more desired the privity of meaner men, in such manner, that finding themselves far out of their accounts, they had recourse to wicked practices and inventions, wherewith in time they filled all the country of France. Mean time, certain years passed over, wherein to furnish the superfluities of the Court, the Commons of France were so strangely oppressed, that they knew not what course to hold, wherein those of Guise were not idle. And as the hunter watcheth in narrow places for the Quails, which the rigour of winter season driveth into more temperate and pleasant countries: so among so many public disorders, they were always watching in the Court, to take up and entertain male contents, where no hour in the day passed over their heads, but they caught a new Pigeon. And this hunting was not only holden in that place, but in all the Towns of France, where the people were so hardly pressed and beaten down with the weight of those burdens, that all the hopes and comforts of better entertainment by the Guises offered, they presently embraced without judgement or discretion. And among all these discontents, of the subjects, oppressed with great taxes, of the Clargies impatience at the increasing of their enemies, and of the Princes of Lorraine, The faith & obedience of the people, began to decline 1582. restrained from the king's favour, it was an easy matter to renew the league of Peronne, and to animate their hearts, that were disposed to revolt, in disobedience, to maintain religion, & the easing of the people. Nor better nor fairer pretence to open the eyes, hearts, and purses of such men to enterprise war, could not be found. At the same time, the king had sent unto the Princes for the restitution of the Towns, which they held for the observation of the last edict of peace, which they were to yield up at the end of 6. years. But because the king of Navarre sent word unto his Majesty, Prolongation of the time, of the towns of assurance. 1582. that the peace having so often been broken by surprises and open wars, the termed of 6. years was too short a time for the execution of the Edict, and abolishing of wars: he agreed to the prolongation thereof. Whereupon all the Princes of the league, took occasion to say, that the king favoured Hereticques, and that he would endure heresy, and considered not that those Towns were inhabited by Huguenots, strong of situation, & hard to be won by force. When the king of Navarre perceived those motions, and that some matter was breeding, he foresaw the tempest would light upon him, what pretence soever was made: thereupon he besought the king, to call to mind the intelligences he had given him, in Anno. 1576. sent expressly by a Gentleman, concerning the treaty and handling of the league in Spain and Italy, & that he should look to the profit of the mine, seeing it was discovered. And perceiving the enterprise every day more and more to proceed, he began to take care of himself, & sent the Lord of Pardillan to the Queen of England, the king of Denmark, and the Princes and Electors of Almain, to renew amity with them: desiring their aids touching the preventing of new troubles, that began to rise in France against the edict of peace: & to appoint a good sum of money to be sent unto some Town in Allemaine, to be employed for the levying of certain forces against the enemy. In the mean time, for the advantage of the league, but to the great trouble and mischief of all the Realm of France: The death of the Duke of Alencon in june, 1584. Monsieur the king's brother (either by his riotousness in the low countries, for grief of the hard success of his affairs, by hazard, or by Salcedas means, that was executed) died at Chasteau Thierry. His death awakened the most drowsy heads, it broke all the bands that stayed the proceed of the league, and caused it presently to roar, at chaalon's, Rheims, Troy, Dyon, and Mezieres. It had already found credit enough in all the other Towns, specially at Paris, wherein they were dissuaded from the yoke of the Huguenots, and the hope of the king of Navarre to rule over them. The first point of the love to the king, was already foundered in her hart: she spoke not of him but with all kind of disdain, & every day presented him with the opinions and censures of Pasquil's indiscreet jests, and libels without names, wherein corrupt minds already stuffed with the disorders of the Court, swallowed up the poison of their mutinies, under what pretence I know not, speaking of the king as of a Sardanapalus, or one that did nothing: The king's devise. Manet ultime Coelo. Qui dedit ante Duas unam abstulit, alcera nutat, Tertia tonsoris nunc facienda manu. of a Prince, drowned in his pleasures and delights, whom already they placed like a Chilperic in a monastery: and in stead of the third Crown, which by his devise was reserved for him in heaven, they promised him one, made with a raisor in a Cloister. But he that would know the first conception, birth and infancy of the league within Paris, he must believe that which Manant saith to Maheustre, that speaketh like a wise man, and by the propositions and answers, representeth all those that deal therein: and for the first, he nameth him that was the secret Minister of the leaguers intent, to make it known to three Preachers, that took seven or eight Coaintors' with them, thereby to make a small Council: which was oftentimes holtors within the College of Forteret, where they began to choose six others of the most faithful, The College of Forteret, was the cradle of the league. The six first confederates of the league. to watch at all the six quarters, to report what was done in those places: to sow this new grain within their heads, to sound the affections of the most fervent Catholicques, and to dispose them to a resolution against the king, the world and death. Those six Archleaguers, in the beginning made a fair and great Harvest, and as with the number, courage increased. The principal leaguers were assured, that those new confederates would engender others, presently thereupon the two pillars that sustain and uphold the Prince, (which are the most faithful Archers of his Court of guard, that is, good will and authority) were thrown down, hatred and despite entering into their places. Of those two plagues, as of a monstruous blood, was conceived and brought forth most disloyal rebellion, and the despising of the law and the authority of the Prince, mixed with the evil mind which the people bore to their king, his Council, and his favourers: hatched this great Erynnis and furious mischief in France, that hath entered into all the veins of our body. But alas poor people, what will you do, what example, what commandment, what just reason, moveth or assureth you to arm yourselves against your king? What law approveth the rebellion of the subject against him whom God hath appointed your king? If there be any imperfection or disorder, are you to correct it? or can the foot ordain a law for the head? It is no more lawful for you to resist against the faults or imperfections of your Governors, then to despite God, and ask him the cause of the frosts and hails, that beat & spoiled your vines. Stay you little snails within your shells, come not forth you torteaux out of the cases, under them you are assured: for you shall no sooner put forth your heads, nor stretch out a foot, but presently be assailed, & lie open to your enemies: ready to receive the first blow that shall be given. Assoon as the league perceived that divers towns had made great fires for joy of her birth, it was presented to the Pope, that he might give it his blessing, avouch it for his, and declare it to be for the Catholic, Apostolic, and Romish Church. But Gregory the 13. desiring to show himself to be the common father of all Christians, and Pastor & not dispearser of his flock, Pope Gregory would never consent to this raising of men. The answer of the Pope unto the league. considering that the raising of arms against a most Christian and Catholicque king, was wholly contrary to the doctrine of the Gospel, the examples of Christ and his Apostles, and the laws of policy and state: certified the leaguers Deputies that he could not approve their inventions: and to conclude, sent them back again without an answer. And not long before he died, said to the Cardinal of Est, that the league should neither have bull, letter, nor commission from him, for he knew not what they meant: and that he would not serve for a firebrand to kindle a war, which he could by no means quench. The impatience of the league, that would by no means stay the resolution of the Court of Rome, publicly manifested her intent, making itself so much more plausible, as the pretences thereof made it seem admirable and fair, in that the name of one of the first Princes of the blood, stood written in the forehead thereof. A Prince in all other respects old and decayed, wholly without hope ever to marry, to have issue, or to survive a king both young and lusty. The people on the other side, were all disposed to rebellion, so that there wanted nothing but the watchword. Mean time, The Cardinal of Bourbon. The Astronomers assured the duke of Guise of the short life of the king. every man looked into the royalty, they reckoned the king's age, they would make him a king like to the King of our Stageplaies, who while he is appareled, is called most noble king. It was openly said & spoken in every man's mouth, that the King dying without issue, he had no other successor, than the Cardinal of Bourbon, and yet in the mean time, the people were covertly put into the heads, of the vaire usurpation of the Capets, upon the heirs of Charlemagne, whereof there was divers books printed: and then the Pasquil's ran about the Court: and I have noted some of the best, which will not be amiss to be set down herein: The King. I desire peace, and for swear war. The Duke of Guise. Peace being made, my hope is clean gone. The Duke de main. By wars we obtain both credit and riches. The Cardinal of Guise. Time offereth itself covertly unto us. The King of Navarre. He that reckoneth without me, thinking I will endure it, let him assure himself to reckon twice. The Cardinal of Bourbon. Every man may reckon that which he thinketh to be his own. The Queen-mother. This disputation is of no force as long as my son liveth. The Duke of Lorraine. Let us nevertheless follow the league & her pretences. The Duke of Savoy. Then the king will lose both France and all his subjects. The King of Spain. If France be lost, I will soon find it. France. Soft and fair, there needeth not so many dogs for one bone, such as by ambition seem to trouble me, did never prove my force. AN ARGUMENT BOTH WITH and against the league. The King he hath no children to succeed, His successor, a Catholicque must be: The Realm is taxed with imposts every day, And people moved do seek for vengeance still. Two, three, or four minions possess the wealth: The Parliament was holden all in vain, The holy league will now redress these wrongs, Thereby for to reduce our hope again. The King he hath no child, but he may have, Rebellion ought not to redress our right: The King can ease our case without constraint: His mignons two or three are not so great, And Parliament will end all difference, Which may cut off the way unto the league. I must, I will, it pleaseth me to think, So many reasons cannot be but good: But such confused minds have no restraint, For thou preferst degree and honour high. It's true, they Princes are most fortunate, Comparisons with them may not be made, But they set fire in their dwelling house, Which is an act both pitiful and strange, They are disdained, but knowest thou wherefore? I dare not speak, I leave that to the King: If he say nought, God knoweth what he thinks, I will not utter word for fear of blame, Only it greaveth me, so many wise And learned men in France, do hold their peace. The victory is for them, each man doth say, Such as have interest will them resist: All is now free with horror and with death, And our afflictions mortal are. Behold the foolish toys of idle brain, To think our wrongs proceed from wicked men, And he that saith our king is fast a sleep, If he a subject be, then let him shout: For me I dare not speak, in thes strange time, Lest that our Courtiers catch me by the back: I am too weak my country for to help, But to destroy the subjects of our King, Orit desire, showeth a want of faith: For he that honoureth not his lawful Prince May well be said, he feareth not the Lord. I am not borne a King, my fate most hard Permitteth not such glory to my race: But if I were a King, such dignity Would cause me make my name for to be feared: I would march forth in arms most terrible, With Majesty most like for to command, And dumpting pride of subjects ●utime, Immort allize my name for ever more: God should me guide, faith should be my shield, The people my support, the law my strength, To die the earth with blood of traitor vile, Opposing strength and force, them to resist. But I am not a King, my heart doth fail, I love to rest, and hate most bloody war. Perceiving in our time the inconstant state, Which giveth cause still to expect a change: We may compare France to a Table square, Whereas four sit, primero for to play: The King, on whom the loss must wholly fall, Saith pass if I can, and yet he hath guard game: Bourbon he saith, this game is tedious, It wearieth me, and throweth off his hat. Not thinking what his l●●ter card might be. Navarre holds play, and likest for to win: But Guise in hope to have some little flush, Ve●●eth at all, Navarre he doubleth it. The Spaniards standing to behold their play, And bearing part with Guisert covertly. Supplies his want with money, that he may In th'end have all the gain unto himself. To flatter, lie, dissemble, and betray, By subtle means the truth for to disguise, To play the fox, pretending holiness, To seem denout, and yet an Hypocrite: To please great ●e●, and follow at their heel, Of earthly ●●ul● to feign a deity, To respect state and now religion: To forge a God of man's in●●●tion: To ask for peace, where peace cannot be had: Ready to run at every little call, Still to be armed, and save the hereticque. In stead of Catholicque, Machiavelli, Not to regard the world that is to come, Are signs of such as live by policy. To speak of God, and yet a devilish mind, To make great show of read, and yet no faith, To play the polliticque, despising law: To promise rest, and seek to tyrannize: To seem an innocent, and yet uniusts To show pity, yet filling all with blood: To seem subject, yet seek the King to spoil: Do you call this a servant Catholicque? If to be holy, we must seek to range, In every place to massacre and spoil, And put both lives and goods in strangers' hand, And to our country furious Tigers seem. If leaguers law hath so ordained it, To drown myself I rather would desire, Then for to live an Vtheist in my heart, And outwardly show a christian. Although this age hath much abridged the liberty and freedom of writing, which appeareth in our ancient Historiographers, Prossart, Monstielet, & Philip de Comines, yet will I neither for fear nor flattery, (two Historical plagues) seem to cover the truth of this discourse. I confess that in such places, as of themselves are discommendable, I have added of mine own, to make them more notorious: and in such actions as are worthy praise, wherein virtue, conscience, & valour consisteth, Ispare no commendation but in things indifferent: I am constrained to suspend my judgement: rather than to enter into many untruths: wherein if I should use partiality, I could not choose but vary from the matter. My squadron is the truth: Plato and Socrates are my friends, but I esteem truth before all things. This History is a plea, neither with not against the league: I will not set roses among thorns, there is never any universal plague, but some escape it: and among so many and divers actions, it is impossible but there must be several colours. I will report the problems debated on both sides: I will show you their propositions, which are neither so clear nor apparent, but there is always some contrariety: I will set forth in open show, the occasions of the league, the king's reasons, and the king of Mavarres defences, which I will declare without choice or difference; and you shall consider of them without partiality, hatred, favour, or self will, and esteem them as a meat rather prepared for your health, then for your taste. Two things gave a hot alarm to the league: one, the assembly at M●●●auban: the other, the voyage of the Duke d'Espernon to the king of Navarre: which it took as brands to kindle her fire, and began to send out commissions in all places in the king's name, who disavouched them, and prohibited the raising of soldiers. The first point of their dislike, The king's Edict of the 28. of march 1585. against the raising of men. showed the reason which moved the Cardinal of Bourbon, the Princes, Lords, Towns, and common people, being Catholicques, to oppose themselves against the Hereticques. Secondly, because they were offended, that the Parliament which they would have had to be holden concerning wars, to be made against the Huguenots had been revoked. Thirdly, to break the Edict of pacification. Fourthly, because they stood in fear, that if the king should die without children, there would rise great trouble for the succession of the Crowns: Revocation of the edict of peace. whereof the king of Navarre had great hope since the death of Monsieur the king's brother, by the practice of his friends and favourers about the king. Fiftly, because of the great preparations for war, made both within and without the Realm, that should be ready by the fifteen of April than next ensuing; Nominating of associates to the crown being in Anno. one thousand five hundredth eighty five, to execute that, which they said had been concluded in an assembly at Magdebourg, the fifteenth of December, one thousand five hundredth eighty four, aghasted religion, the king, and his subjects: by the which it was agreed, that the Queen of England should furnish fifty thousand Rutters, four thousand Swissers, and twelve thousand Englishmen. The Count Palatin, Prince Casimir, and the Duke of Pomeranie, each of them four thousand Rutters. The Langrave of Hesse, two thousand and five hundredth. The Duke of Witemberg two thousand. The Lords of their league, besides the Queen of England's forces, five thousand Swissers. The king's Protector and Council of Scotland, two thousand Scots. The king of Navare, the Prince of Conde and their associates, five and twenty thousand arquebusiers, and four thousand horse, that had sworn never to make peace with the king of France, but with all their consents, to maintain the Prince of Orange in the low Countries, against the king of Spain: to help the Emperor by all the means they could, to get the Domains of the Empire, withholden by the Pope, and to send their deputies from all places in the month of March to Basill, and Switzerland, thereto determine the differences concerning the Lord's Supper. Sixtly, because those of the religion would not yield up the towns by them holden, for the assurance of that execution of the edict of peace. Seventhly, because of 〈◊〉 universal abuse suffered in placing of officers, in levying of moneys, & by invention of excessive oppressions laid upon the common people. And lastly, against such as abusing the K. favour & authority, had in a manner ceased upon his person, impeached the ordinary access of honest men unto him, by that means, to keep from him the knowledge of disorders that are in them: disposed governments to their favourers: consumed the king's treasures: molested the common people: braved the Nobility: cut off the liberty of justice: spoiled the Clergy of their tithes & extraordinary benefits: & persuaded the king, that it was necessary for his service, to weaken & dimininish the authority of the Catholic Princes & Lords. Upon those just occasions, they said they were forced to meet in arms, not having means (by reason of the suddenness of the thing, together with the little credit they had with his Majesty) to stay for his Commission, neither yet to proceed by any other way, to make him know their griefs: assuring him, that the end and purpose of their pretence of raising of arms, was only for to re-establish the Church of God in her true and ancient dignity: under the exercise of one religion throughout all his realm: to restore the Nobility to their honour and franchises: Pretence of the League. to ease the common people of the impositions invented and devised since the reign of Charles the ninth: & not to employ the treasures that shall be levied, but for the king's service: to procure that from thenceforth, the Parliament should be holden every three years: to desire the king to take order touching the differences of the succession of the Crown, to the end his realm should not be divided into as many factions, as their are titles pretended. For the surety & preservation of their own persons, among so many public and private calamities: to banish from the Court, such as abused the favour and authori-of the King: protesting not to do any thing against the service of the king, neither yet to leave arms, before their intents were fully executed: and that his Majesty had procured means to shun the danger: which to avoid, they had taken arms: with promise likewise, that their soldiers should be paid. The king thinking by fair means to retain them in their duties, and to exhort them to an union, The King's letters to the king of Navarre. wrote to the King of Mavarre, that he should not move at those actions, but content himself with patience: the people might perceive and judge the pretences of the league, and know on whom to lay the blame: praying him to assure himself of his good affection, with promise that he would not forget his interest, more than his own, and that he would not be unmindful of him, as being his good brother: withal, discovering unto him the judgement he had conceived touching those new troubles, which was in these words. That he knew, that those of the league, what show soever they made, pretended only against his person and his Crown: minding to rise and become great at his costs, seeking nothing else but the utter ruin and dssipation of his estate. While the flame issued out of this furnace, the league made war against the Huguenots, ceasing upon the best Towns of the Catholicques in all the realm. Religion was preached in Guyenne, and they went to drive it out of Picardy: Marceille taken the 9 of April, 1585. by the league but presently again, reduced to the K. obedience. the Hugnenots were in Rochel, and the leaguers army marched strait to Paris: they are at Montpellier, and the league set upon Marseille: which by means of the second Consul of the Town they took, who afterward was hanged. The taking of it again out of their hands, liked the king so well, that as the messenger brought him news thereof, into the Hall whereas then he was, leaving his company, he went unto them, and commending their resolution, esteemed them for his faithful and good subjects, in that they had hanged the leaguerer Daries, saying unto them: My good friends, I am content to grant to your request, and more if need require, assuring you that my liberality shall never be wanting, to acknowledge your great fidelity. But in the mean time, he took no order for his affairs: he was on foot, and the leaguer spoke on horseback: he ware the penitentiaries sack, and they armour on their backs: and leaving arms, which nature and necessity presented unto him, The K. zeal to religion, cause of the peace, in An. 1577. he had recourse to pen and Ink, and made his declaration, but in such cold manner, that you would say he durst not name his enemies: and seemed like a man, that complained he had been beaten, but showed not by whom. he said, that both before and since his advancement to the Crown, he had sufficiently showed his zeal and affection towards the Catholicque religion, whereof the only conservation was dearer unto him, than his own life or royal Crown. That he had been constrained to make peace, when he perceived that he wanted means to continue the wars: Fruits of peace to all estates. specially when he knew and well perceived, that all his Realm was wearied with their continual calamities. That peace was the ready remedy to bring his subjects to one religion: to establish justice: to correct abuses: reform manners: comfort the Clergy and the people: revive the qualities and horrors of his Nobility, in a manner embased by those divisions. That the peace being well holden and observed, it would procure an entire and full contentment to all estates: And thereby justice would be in force by authority of the laws. The Clergy reform, and that in all places there was no other but learned and godly Prelates. The Nobility reconciled, leaving hatred, distrust, and the people delivered from the insatiable troubles of wars. That divers nevertheless, both impudent and bold, more hypocrites then religious, had taken pleasure to interpret that peace to a secret favour and love he should bear unto the Huguenots, thereby to advance them, a thing which never once entered into his mind. That the fear of troubles the might arise after his death, The disputation of the Prince's succession, is odious while the Prince liveth. was not a sufficient cause to torment & trouble him in his life, and as it were to condemn him, not to be any more the person that God and nature had ordained him. That he never favoured the succession of a king, that should be to the disadvantage of the Catholicque religion: that it was in a manner to constrain nature & time, so much to distrust the goodness of God, as to undertake a quarrel touching the succession of the Crown, during his life, being healthful and strong of body, his Queen the flower of her age, This is spoken for Monsieur de Guise, that was Greatmaister of France. & every man in hope that God would send them issue: that the Princes which complained to be out of his favour, had received as great favour and rather more, than ever they deserved, having honoured them with the greatest and most honourable offices of his Crown, which in times past were not given but to the Princes of the blood. And in fine, having promised to restore the Church to her splendure, the Nobility to their contentment, justice to her authority, and comfort to the people, he prayed, conjured, exhorted, and commanded, all Ecclesiastical persons, Gentlemen, Parliaments, and Towns, to separate themselves from all such means, as might impeach the effect of so holy an intent: and to leave all leagues and assosiations, uniting themselves under his obedience, as by nature, duty, and their own welfare they were bound. The king of Navarre, who to obey the king, had not as yet taken arms, & let pass all the occasions that might excuse him, thought that of all insensible creatures, he should be most insensible, The king of Navarres declaration, made at Bergerac the 10. of june, 1585. & presented to the king, by Monsieur de Clerimont. if he should be so simple as not to perceive the many slanders raised against him: and that if seeing an arm lifted up ready to strike the king, he would not stay it, and show the generosity of the house of Bourbon: under the promise of his Majesty, made a declaration, which he presented and sent to all christian Princes, and chief companies of France, to make them capable of his actions. Wherein he fully discovered his religion and manner of faith, showing that he had been borne during the Schism and permission of two religions in France, that he neither could nor would leave that, wherein he had been brought up and instructed, if by a lawful Council he were not otherwise converted: and that still than they could not hold him for an hereticque, much less as one that had fallen from the church: affirming that he had never been hereticque, nor contrary to his first opinion: and that they thought rather to destroy, then instruct him: and to overthrow, then unite him. That every man knoweth when he yielded to hear Mass, after Saint Bartholomewes' day. That both age, force, and fear, made him consent to that, which in mind he never thought: and that assoon as he was at liberty, he returned to the exercise of his first religion. That in all the wars which he made, he never had any other respect, then only to God, and service to the king. And that assoon as his Majesty by his Edicts, had consented to the liberty of men's consciences, he presently left arms, and countermanded his troops, together with the foreign aids of his friends and confederates. That for that cause, he is not enemy to the Catholicques as the report goeth. That he maintaineth those of Bearn, in the small liberty they had when the Queen his mother died, and so in all places of the kingdom of Navarre then resting unto him, where he found the exercise of Catholicque religion, he never permitted any change. That the consultation in Magdebourg, which the league so much spoke of, that they caused it to be preached openly in the Churches, was an imagination and worthy such reports, for that it would be found, that neither there, nor in any other place, it was ever holden. And that in the extract of forces, by them therein set down, they induce the Ambassadors of the Elector Palatin, & of the Prince of Orange, the one being dead above a year before, and had left a son within years, under the wardship of the Duke Casimir: the other, about four months before that, was slain at Delft, by Balthazard Girad. That the declaration by them made of his incapacity to the succession of the Crown, was the thing that touched him most: yet until then, he had least mind of it, contenting himself with the hope, that God would long time preserve his Majesty, for the good of his Realm and Commonwealth, and would in time give him issue, to the great grief of his enemies: not seeking to judge the king or Queen to be barren in the flower of their ages. That those which in their declaration and protestation, named him to be desirous of the king's death, a perturber of the State, and sworn enemy to all Catholicques, had falsely & wickedly lied, and thereupon besought the king, that the quarrel might be descided between him and the Duke of Guise, one to one, two to two, or ten to ten, without troubling himself, or suffer the people to endure any longer vexation. The Queen-mother, that held with the Duke of Guise, more to cross and trouble him, & to make an entry into the disorder and confusion of all affairs, then to advance him, Prince's favourers of the league. gave the king to understand, what power the league was of, showing him, that therein he had to do with the Pope, the Emperor, the king of Spain, the Duke of Savoy, certain Princes of Germany, the Catholicque Cantons of Swissers, all the house of Lorraine, and all the chief Towns in France that had entered therein, all resolved to expose their persons in the middle of all perils, as the last anchor to preserve religion from shipwreck. And she gave him so hot an alarm with those first assaults, The surprising of the Citadel of Lions, the 2. of May, 1585. and knew so well how to use the occurrence of the taking of the Citadel of Lions, (whereof the Captain had been driven out) unto her purpose, that the more the king thought upon it, the more he perceived himself to be weakened, and the leaguers advanced. He thought that the ramparts & defences of his Estate, were already abated: he believed that already, the Duke of Guise held him by the colour: it seemed unto him, that his Palace of Lowre was besieged, with great pain they could hardly make him come forth of the Capucins sell: it was no more he that won the battles of jarnac and Moncontour, generosity wanted, and his heart began to fail. Herein divers Politicians noted a great fault in the Estate, which after produced great accidents. Many embarked themselves with the league, being made believe it was for the king's person, but perceiving the contrary, left it. Caezar only opposed but the authority of his face against his mutinous legions, but it was with a lively and bold assurance, not doubtful nor trembling. If the king had showed himself to the league, not covered with a Penitents garment, or habit of an Hermit: not by fair and plausible means, but with constancy, courage, and resolution worthy a Majesty royal, he had well made them know him to be king, the true and only Image of God, that had thunder ready in his hand to consume and confound such as rose up against him: the war would be ended. The army of the Duke de Guise, which at his first rising and in the flower thereof, was but a thousand horse, and four thousand foot, had been dispersed in less than a month: and the Cardinal de Bourbon had confessed to the Queen-mother, that if the king had banded his authorithie against him, all his attempts had been clean overthrown. Fear is a plague to valiant minds, but when the heart of the chief commander is possessed therewith, his authority is abated, it dimisheth, falleth, and undermineth itself: for fear in flameth the courage, and causeth men so much more boldly to enterprise their wicked actions, as that they are assured they shall not be punished. Also the king letting slip this revolt, rather speaking fair, then commanding: and yielding, rather than opposing: thereby drew all the mischief of those toubles upon his own head. He desired the Queen-mother to bear some of his blows, This is the opinion of the Author that made the tiberal and excellent discourse. fol. 22. The last request of the Princes of the league. The Edict published in Parliament, the king being present, the 18. of july, 1585. The K. fearful, disarmeth himself, to cause the league to disarm themselves. and to procure the Duke of Guise to leave off his arms, and to assure him of his favour, and that he would give him what part of his Realm soever he would ask, to let him live in peace. This Prince of great hope, wise, and valorous, and one of the greatest Captains that France in long time had bred, perceiving that so hardy an enterprise had already taken so good effect, and made so great a change, pursued it, and perceiving the king to yield unto him, hoped more than he either thought or aught to do. And there upon presented the king with another request, wherein very wisely he motioned his own interest, together with the common cause, signed by himself and the Cardinal of Bourbon, tending to this end. To desire him to make and swear an unrevocable edict for the extirpation of heresies. To take by force the Towns holden by those of the new religion. To revowne the protection of Geneve: to authorize their wars: to reconcile them unto him: to be of their league: and of a king to become a participant. Thereupon with all speed the peace was made, and cast into a mould, the king suffering himself by that fear to be so much carried away. And by the edict, he prohibited the exercise of the new religion, revoked all other edicts that favoured it: commanded the Ministers out of the land: and all his subjects within six months after, to make profession of the Catholicque religion, or to departed out of the Realm: dispersed the tripartite chambers of Parliaments: ordained that the Towns given in hostage to those of the religion, should be yielded up: and not only commended, but approved the war by the Princes begun, acknowledging it to be done for his service. This edict authorised them, Articles drawn at Nemours, the 7. of july, 1581. but the articles that were secretly drawn at Nemours, were not altogether for their advantage, and yet there was nothing in them, that displeased them, but only the condition, that bound them presently to leave the league. And although they demanded no other sureties than his majesties word, yet they asked the Towns of Chaalon, Thoul, Verdun, Saint Disier, Reims, Soissons, the Castle of Dyon, the Town and Castle of Beaune, Rue in Picardy, Towns given in assurance to the League. Dinan and Conq in Britain, to be delivered unto them. And the king paid 2001006. Crowns, and two thirds, for the strannge forces levied by them, discharged them of one million, six thousand three hundredth & forty eight Crowns, three deniers, which they had taken up of the king's receivers, and 100000. Crowns to build a Citadel in Verdun, besides the wages of their guards of arquebusiers on horseback, which he gave to all the princes of the league. Consider now I beseech you, if these great comfortors of the people, these Timoleon's, and these Arates, that caused their defence of the Commonwealth, to be published in all places, that detested the great increase of tallages and inventions of imposts, in these affairs did once think upon the people. See how in three months they made the people so lean, that they left them neither flesh, blood, nor bone, and oppressed them more in that time, then ever they were in three whole years before, by ordinary charges, besides the violences, pillings, burnings, and many other insolences incident to wars. For the poor Peasant, that knew not what the league ment, that never came at Peronne, nor at Nancy, where it was first devised, was forced to pay the millions of gold, which that three months' war had prodigiously spent, and to support the seven and twenty Edicts, that by that means sprung up, to the great disturbance of polliticque government and justice, and to confirmation of the king's treasures. And yet in the mean time, all their Orations, and their great and long discourses made unto the king, tended to no other end, but to renew the wars. But I would to God, that most christian kings had answered them, with the same words that Cleomenes used to the Ambassadors of Samos, who by along and vehement Oration, exhorted him to make war against Polycrates. After they had made him weary to hear them, and their own tongues to speak, he answered them in few words, which made them much abashed, saying: I remember not what you said at the beginning of your Oration, much less in the middle: and as for your conclusion, I will not grant unto it: there needeth not so many words: I can do nothing touching your demand: I will have peace, and never make war, but against those that refuse peace. Thus should a king of France have said unto his French subjects, and not suffer himself to be consumed by them, in such sort as you shall hereafter hear. Hear endeth the first Book. THE SECOND BOOK OF THE last troubles of France, containing that which passed from the beginning of the wars, after the Edict made in july, 1585. until the Barricadoes of Paris, and the King's retreat to Chartres, in the Month of May. 1588. There are degrees to ascend unto the royalty, and not to descend without falling. NO man can mount and descend both at one time. There are some high places where you cannot descend, without falling. The king's authority never faileth without his ruin and decay. Assoon as the king bended himself and the honour of his Majesty to the leaguers desires, he perceived his authority, engaged to the pleasure and will of another, by the edict of julie: which of a king as he was, made him a participant: and in estate like a scipher, which of itself is nothing, without it be joined to other figures. And to the contrary, caused the league to be of more account than before: so that the light he gave unto it, was the loss of his own. From that time, his respect, power, and fear, vanished, he spoke no more to the league, but as equal to equal, and received the law of those that aught to receive it of him. The league did not any thing without the King. This peace made a great & unreparable breach in his honour, by the which, all the impunities of the league passed with great assurance: and her bold enterprises, (which of themselves would have been overthrown, became more assured. For assoon as the favourites thereof, perceived themselves to be feared, that their first sailie had gotten credit in the hearts of good Towns, put fear into the king's mind, procured favour with his Council, that the zeal of religion kindled the most cold minds, and that the thing which deserved punishment, had obtained recompense. They determined from thence to undertake their first enterprise: but knowing well, that in a manner having pulled it forcibly out of the king's hands, it hatched but a rotten egg, who by that levy of men at arms being much offended, would never cease until he were revenged, that so great a wound would never be so well healed, It was impossible that the king should forget the leaguers enterprise. but there would be a scar: specially because it was in a manner but three or four days since, that by so many Edicts he had declared them rebels, and manifest traitors, they determined not to assure themselves, but in and by their arms. But arms are nothing without money, and money cannot be had but by levying it upon the common people, to whom there rested nothing but their tongues and voices to complain: to constrain them, was the means to bring upon the league the same furies & imprecations, wherewith the Husband man, the Merchant, and the Artisicer, detested the enterprise and pretence of the first troubles, and make their quarrels most fearful and odious, for no other reason then only because of the griefs & oppressions which they received, to send into Spain, the spring was not stopped: but that liked them not so well, so that there rested no other means, then only to serve their turns with the king's commissions, and to make him chief author of the wars, & the means of entertaining thereof. Therefore presently they caused him to determine wars in all places of the Realm against the Huguenots: he was not only advised of the importance, but of the facility thereof, affirming it to be but three days works, and that the strongest places would parley for a peace, assoon as he sounded up the drumbe, and the king of Navarre would yield at the only report of their enterprise. They brought this poor king a sleep with many chimers, foresaying he should have foreign aid: which was as true as the sea burneth. It was told him, that all Christian Princes would help him: that the Queen of England should have so many Chastillian forces against her, Many chimeres. that she should find enough to do, to defend herself: that the Princes of Germany would never stir for the king of N. being a Prince poor, both without money and credit: and that all would in a manner melt at the appearance of those new sons. An army by sea prepared in Portugal of 30000. men, against England. An. 1587. So that the war was sworn to be made in all places of the Realm: and as then there wanted nothing but money. To the which end, the king in his Palace of Loviene, caused the principal of the Clergy, the Parliament and the Citizens of Paris, to be assembled, showing them, that as by their advise he had broken the peace, so he desired to be helped by their means to the maintenance of his wars: the charges whereof (he said) amounted to the sum of four hundredth thousand Crowns a month, The King's Oration to those of Paris, the eleveth of August, 1585. for the entertaining of three armies, one in Guyenne: the second, about his own person: and the third, to impeach the entry of strangers. And speaking to the principal Precedent: he said: that having perceived so much zeal and affection in him, to have the last edict of peace revoked, he doubted not but he would be able by sufficient arguments, to persuade his equals, that as long as the wars endured, they should not look for any stipends. To the Provost of Merchants in Paris, he said: that seeing the Town He commanded him presently to call the Town together, to leme upon them, the sum of 200000. Crowns. was so much affected to the breach of peace, it ought to be as well disposed to contribute to the wars. And then turning to the Cardinal of Guise, he said: that as the heads of the Clergy were those that had most stirred and provoked him to wars, which could not be made without great expenses, they ought not to spare their arms to help him, considering it was not reasonable, that his Majesty should only bear the charge of that which would redound to the benefit of the Commonwealth. But when they made certain difficulties, and that already every one confessed, that there is no peace how little advantage soever it bringeth, but is much better than any war, how triumphant and victorious soever it be: Pax vel iniusta whor ius●●ssimo bello. Cic ad Artic. that the apprehensions of public calamities, opened the eyes, and moved the senses of the most insencible: that every man would gladly have war without feeling the discommodities it bringeth with it. With an angry countenance he said unto them: Then I think it had been better to believe me. I am in doubt, that in seeking to be rid of preaching, Speeches of K. Henry the third. we do not greatly hazard the war. But the Clergy, whose hearts more than their purses, were opened to that war, and considering that all the aids which the kings of France at other times had from the spirituality, Read the oration made by the Cardinal of Lorraine to Charles the 6. at Fontainebleau the 28. of May. 1573. The Clergy in less than 15. years furnished 60. million of Frankes. The Clergies declaration made unto the King the 19 of November, 1585. in their greatest and most urgent affairs, was out of the tithes of their revenues, that since it had engaged in the townhouse of Paris, the one hundredth thousand Frankes of yearly rent, and thereby consented to the alienation of the free farm thereof. That at the kings return from Pologne, it had already contributed 60000000. Frankes, that since that, it was bound for the space of six years, to pay yearly the sum of one million and three hundredth thousand Frankes, for his service, with condition not to be charged with other tithes. That now the king having declared that this war, moved by the solicitation of the Clergy, aught to be followed and supplied at the charges of the Church, the ruin thereof was most evident: they thought good to show the king their impossibility to satisfy the same: the just complaint of the great charges it had borne in the last levying of arms, besides the losing of their rights and franchises. To the which end, the Bishop of Brien spoke for all them unto the king, showing that until that time, the Clergy had not spared the riches of the Altar, to maintain the honour of the sacrifice: but now that their means were so drawn out, their rents engaged, and their free farms alienated, that they could do no more: That it would be a most erreligious thing, that religion should be defended by people without religion: and that the Church nourisheth and entertaineth such as committed so many rapines, sacrileges, blasphemies, pollutions, and unreverent dealings towards it. They besought his Majesty, by the memory of his father, by the honourable name of most christian king, the goodness of his nature, and the lively commiseration of his spirit, to be protector of her privileges, and for a time permit her to breath. Mean time, he animateth him to the execration of the Edict of july, which could not be done without war: the war not without money: and the money could not be levied but by suppression of the Church, or of the common people. But that served not, the league would have wars, and of force the four elements, whereof the Monarchy consisteth: that is, the king and the 3. Estates, must be reduced into the ancient confusion of a Chaos, and that they whose fathers used to have wars in Africa, Asia, and in the furthest parts of all the world, must entertain and hatch it among themselves. Mean time, the King of Navarre being advertised that preparation was made, Letters of the King of Navarre to the King. to war against those of the religion, complaineth unto the king, touching the peace he had made with the league: showing him, that upon commandment received from his Majesty, to be patiented, and not to stir against those that had risen against him: he to show duty, had so much bridled his nature, that in a manner it stained his reputation: and according to his majesties pleasure, rejected the occasions, which from day to day presented themselves unto him, whereby he might revenge the leaguers attempts: and that notwithstanding his Majesty forgetting the consideration of the particular interest which he had in his last raising of arms, had made peace with his enemies, and armed them with his forces and authority, against the Estate, his blood, and his own person. And having repeated his offer in all his declarations, for the ceasing of troubles (touching the difference of religion, if there were no other passion that touched his enemies at the heart) he added, that if the king would not accept his fidelity, he can do no more, but content himself with his own innocency and affection towards his Majesty and the State. Declaration & protestation of the King of Navarre, & the Prince of Conde. In his declaration, having deciphered the cause of leaguers taking arms, the vanity of their pretences, and the fruits that all the Estates of France may reap by the conclusion of the treaty of Nemours, by breaking the peace, and beginning war. He protesteth, and with him the Prince of Conde his Cousin, the Duke de Mommorency, the Lords, Gentlemen, Provinces, Towns, and common people, as well of the one, as of the other religion, to oppose themselves against the Authors of those troubles, in a lawful and necessary defence, thereby to conserve the laws, which are the foundations of all families, and to maintain the estate and liberty of the King, and of the Queen his mother. Sixtus 5. excommunicateth the king of Navarre & the prince of Conde, in September, 1585. This Prince had need to be a strong Bulwark, thereby to defend himself against so many assaults, on all sides made upon him. For having both the king and the league, as enemies on the one side: on the other side cometh the Pope, with his thunderboults of excommunication, declaring him incapable to the succession of the Crown of France: abandoning his person and his countries for a pray, to such as could obtain it. Touching this Bull, many whole books both with it and against it, were written and set forth: to the which I refer the curiosity of such as desire to know whether the Pope hath any authority over the estate of France: for which consideration, The King of Navarres letters to the States. the Court of Parliament would not allow it. Thereupon the king of Navarre complained to all the Estates of France, in that they had caused the succession of a king being yet alive, to be decided in the Court of Rome: made the title of a Prince of the blood, to be judged by the Pope: and suffered the Consistory to give that which belonged not unto them. And having particularly represented unto them the mischiefs which thereby might arise, together with the shame and perpetual reproach unto this Nation, in having To the Clergy. produced monsters into the world, and rebels among a most obedient people: he endeth his letters, with rejecting the mischiefs of those miseries, upon those that are the authors. In his letter to the Clergy, he said: If war be so acceptable unto you, if a battle liketh you better than a disputation, a bloody conspiracy, more than a Council: I will wash my hands, and the blood that thereby shall be spilled, be upon your own heads. I am assured that the maledictions of such as shall thereby endure great misery, will not fall upon me, so that my patience, my reasons, and obedience, are sufficiently known. Mean time, I hope God will bless my just quarrel, to whom I commend you. To the Nobility. To the Nobility he writeth, and saith: The Princes of France are the keys of the Nobility: I love you all: I feel myself perished and become weak in your blood. The stranger hath no interest in this loss: I have good cause to complain of some, but I rather bewail them: I am ready to embrace them all. That which most displeaseth me, is, that those which I most esteem of, whom I know have been circumvented: I cannot distinguish them being in arms: but God knoweth my thought: their blood be upon the authors of these miseries, to whom we pray, etc. To the Commons, after he had deplored their wounds, and scars, and assured them of his readiness to shed his blood, if his enemies would by a combat of two and two, end the war, To the Commons. which would be the death of so many thousands of men. He saith: I am a Frenchman borne, I will be partner of your miseries: I have assayed all means to exempt you from civil discords: and will never spare my life, that they may be abridged: I will not impute the fault upon you: you are Frenchmen, but rather esteem of your good wills: I demand nothing else of all you (that according to your vocations are most subject to endure mischief, then to do it) but only your vows, prayers and goodwills. But because he feared the sword of Saint Paul, more than the keys of Saint Peter: and that the Gold of Spain is more dangerous, than the Lead of Rome, he sent his Ambassadors to the protestant Princes of Germany, to crave their aids. Which the king perceiving, sent the Cardinal of Lenoncourt, and the Precedent Brulart, unto him, to assure him of his majesties goodwill, of the great desire he had to see him united to the Catholic Church, not only for the safety of his conscience, but also for the easier establishing of his succession to the Crown, to declare the causes that had moved him to break the peace, and to desire him to yield up the Towns which he held for his security. The king of N. having yielded most humble thanks unto them, for his majesties good will in his behalf, answered, that without instruction he could not change his religion, for the which so much time and blood had been shed. And that those of his side, were so far from yielding up the Towns, given to them for their security, that following the example of the leaguers, they had cause rather to ask for more. The Ambassadors perceiving that neither the one, nor the other point of their embassage took effect, ended their commission by desiring the king of Navarre to enter into a treaty, wherein the Queen-mother would labour to his contentment, Conference agreed upon. and travel as far as to Champigny, if in the mean time it pleased him to stay the foreign army. He willingly accepted of the conference: but to the other point he said, that he neither could nor ought in any sort, to stay or withdraw the good wills of those who in so much important an occasion, yea and in so extreme necessity had entered into the field, that by restoring the authority of the king, trodden underfoot by the breach of his edicts, they might defend him from the foreign invation of the league. The Electors, Palatin, the Duke of Saxe, the M. of Brandenburg, the D. of Brunswick the Landgrave of Hessen, sent Ambassadors to the king in Paris. The King's answer to the Protestant Ambassadors. The Princes of Germainie, that sought to aid such as were of their religion, perceiving France to be a body in a manner wounded to death, thought good to procure the remedy thereof, rather than to help to give the mortal blow, and to prove if by entreaty and fair means, they might cease the causes of their division, and procure the tranquility of the commonwealth, by the observation of the edict of peace. To the which, end they sent their Ambassadors to the king, to desire him to open his eyes to the tears, and his ears to the complaints of his poor subjects, and to vouchsafe the hearing of the humble requests of his neighbours, for his own good, and the quietness and honour of his faith, his Crown, and reputation. But the king thinking it strange that foreign Princes should deal with his affairs, answered them, that he knew what was necessary for his subjects, and that according to the cause, for their good and tranquility, he had made and changed his ordinances, as all sovereign Princes in Christendom use to do, to whom he referred the care and charge to govern their subjects, as they think good: and that for his part, having the fear of God, and the love of his subjects lively engraven in his heart, he would do nothing against the honour of his conscience, nor the fatherly care he had unto his people. With which answer, the Ambassadors returned not well pleased: and the king that had given six months respite to those of the new religion, either to leave it or departed out of the realm, perceiving that by delays they had means to arm and put themselves in defence, thereby at the end of the said term, to rise up against him, under the assurance of foreign aid, sent to the Governors of his Provinces, and the Ministers of justice to execute the edict. The king of N. for his part, declareth them enemies, in whose towns the said Edict was published, causing the goods, rents, revenues, and debts, to be ceased upon and sold. He lost no time, all his friends were ready, and the Sieur de S. Mesmes with standeth the Marshal de Matignon. The Sieur de Laval had the charge of Xaintonge, & raised the siege of Taillebourg, where the Ladies de la Trimoville, both mother and daughter were assieged. The Viscount of Thurenes, with three or four thousand arquebusiers marched in Limosin, and there had taken the Bishop of Tulles. The D. of Guise being advertised of the dislike the Ambassadors of the princes of Germany had, touching their answer, counseled the king to set upon the Huguenots, before the Rutters entered into France. So that in less than eighteen months, the king of Navarre saw himself assailed by five camps royal, under five several Generals: The Duke de Mercure in Poictou. where the Duke de Mercure thinking that the conquest of the Huguenots in Poitou, would be as easily executed as enterprised, left Britain, not considering the common maxim: that he that will break, must be stronger than the thing which he mindeth to break, and that there must be a proportion between him that enforceth, and him that is enforced: for if the weaker part be his that will force, his own violence overthroweth him, and spoileth itself. He thought with two thousand men to do a great act. But the Prince of Conde meeting with him, caused him to remove, not only from Fontenay, but clean out of Poitou. And from thence, the Prince besieged Brovage, and having reduced it to such necessity, that he weakened the most hardy, he received news of the taking of the Castle of Angers, The taking of the Castle of Angers. upon the Sieur de Brissac, by three Captains: one named du Halot, Parrisan to the king: the second, Fresne, enemy to the Count de Brissac: and Rochemorte, affectioned to the king of Navarre, that agreed together to take the Castle of Angers, one of the strongest places in France. Brissac therein had a Lieutenant called Captain Grec, with twelve soldiers, whither Fresne went to visit him, and being invited by him to dinner, in company of Rochemort & others, went thither, who wrought so bravely, that as they entered, they slew all the soldiers that were not of their faction: at which noise Grec coming forth, was met by Fresne, that stabbed him with a Poniard. Du Halot beginning to enter into the Castle, and perceiving the execution, stepped back into the Town, and protested that he had caused the place to be taken for the king, notwithstanding he was kept prisoner. Rochemort presently advertised the Sieur de Clermont, who by post sent word to the Prince of Conde, to certify him thereof. Those of the Town besieged the Castle, and all the country ran thither: in the evening they desired to speak with Fresne, who minding to issue, and being upon the Drawe-bridge among divers arquebusiers, one began to discharge his piece, and seeking to re-enter, Rochemort and his fellows perceiving the danger, drew up the bridge, and Fresne being shut out, hung upon the chains, where the Townsmen cut of his hands: in such manner, that he fell into the ditches: where a Hart that was bred up in the Town, with his horns made an end of his life, by tearing his body in pieces. Du Halot was presently executed in the Town: and Rochemort being demanded for whom he held, answered that he held for the king of Navarre: at which answer there was no need to bid them make trenches, and to keep watch, attending the coming of the Duke de joyeuse, that not long after arrived in the Town. Certain days passing in that order, one day after dinner, Rochemort leaning in a window of the Castle, and falling a sleep, was shot with a arqebus, wherein there was two bullets, the one cut his throat, and the other his tongue, and so was slain. Whereupon 16. soldiers that were therein, being divided, because there were but seven Huguenots, began to parley, which endured certain weeks. The Prince that lay before Brovage, having about the beginning of October, Anno. 1585. received news of the surprising of the Castle, and of Rochemorts answer, not knowing what had happened since that time, determined with all speed to draw thither, because that service would be a stay to the leaguers forces: and a great means of advantage for them against the league. And having considered how it might be possible for him to make that voyage, being in those earnest affairs, which as then held him, in the end he ventured with 700. or 800. foot, and 1000 or 1200. arquebusiers on horseback, wherewith (not without great discommodities) he passed by boats over the river of Loire to Rosiers, between Saumur & Angers, being as bold an enterprise as ever was in our time. For the voyage in truth, was enterprised with too much courage, & little consideration, to pass over a great river between two armies, and to run into a strait, not knowing on which side to issue, without any boats that stayed for him, for that those wherewith he passed, lay ready by chance: nevertheless, he entered into the Subburbes of Angers, and within the Barricadoes, where he spent a whole day in skirmishing, and having proved if he could have any news from the Castle, he understood it was no place for him, for they made him no signs, although his trumpets sounded for the purpose: for the composition was agreed, whereupon there was no need to bid him stir, and as than it was a great victory to save himself, and a great pray to bring the rest of his troop to Rochel, and not to Paris. The overthrow of his army, and the doubt of the safety of the Prince of Conde, bred great fear to the Huguenots, and elevated the leaguers buildings, at the least two or three brases higher. For presently thereupon, the king caused his second edict to be published, full of confiscations of goods, banishments, and corporal punishments of such as abjured not their errors, declared them traitors: and the term of six months, which the first edict granted unto them, to withdraw themselves out of the Realm, already reduced to three months, was limited to fifteen days, after the publication of the second edict. A great cause of extreme desolation unto divers families, and of strange murmuring and mutiny in the Towns, wherein those poor people remained in covert after so many broils. The edict of the seventh of October, 1585. The Prince having past the river of Loire at Lude, not without great difficulty, three days after, he understood that the Duke de main had passed towards Orleans, with fifteen hundredth horse, both Frenchmen and Rutters, to stop his way, if he repassed by the river of Loire. The Duke d'Espernon, and the Marshal Byron, with divers Cornets of horse, and certain Regiments of foot, were about Bonneval in Beausse, to meet him: and the Sieur de la Chastre, had the charge to let him of having bridge, mill, boat, or passage over Loire. The Duke joyeuse was at his back, and all the Peasants held watch, ready to rise at the first call: and the Prince's troops were so wearied, as they could not possible be more. The means whereby he thought to pass the Loire, in two or three places between Blois and Amborse being cut off, his fear increased, and his troops being but small began to diminish. And yet there happened two difficulties more in his camp: the one, that such as had friends in Beausse, perch, Vendosme, and main, stolen away from him, in such manner, that in some of his Cornets he had not twenty strong: the other was, that the Sieur de Rohan, and divers Lords of his troops, being of advise not to pass any further forward, & that if they did, it would be a means to run head long into evident danger, took leave of him, & turned towards Brittaigne, where they escaped many dangers: nevertheless, in time they passed courageously over Loire, and entered safely into Rochel. This separation was the cause that the Prince had no more but his own Cornet, the company of the Sieurs de la Trimoville, & d'Auantigny, certain light-horse, and arquebusiers on horseback, belonging to the Sieurs de Clermont, and five and twenty or thirty Gentlemen of Poicton, that marched before, with the Sieur de S. Gelais. About the end of October, 1585. the Prince being advertised that he should presently have so many several forces of his enemies upon him, that he could not escape if speedily he provided not for himself, being always of a good courage, at his departure he provided for the retreat of his companies, as also for his servants and household, leaving the principal charge to Monsieurs de Clermont, and de S. Gelais, and so about eleven of the clock at night he departed, accompanied of the Steurs de Trimoville, d'Auantigny, certain Gentlemen, and some of his principal officers, but very few, and passed many and strange ways, which he was constrained to make, to recover the I slay of Greneze: and from thence he was got into England, where the Queen received him with great honour, and with certain Noble men: and vessels well furnished for the wars, conveyed him to Rochel. The Sieurs de Saint Gelais, de Bois Duly, d'Aubigny, de Tifardiere, & other Gentlemen, saved the rest of the troops, hard-by the Forest of Marchenoir, where they received divers several advises of the dangers like to ensue. For they were of advise to separate themselves into small troops, of twelve or fifteen in a company, the easilier to save themselves, for it was not possible for them being all together, to endure above an hour, perceiving their enemies to make towards them so fast: therefore having left their carriage, discharged their booties, and for the most part became better Christians, than they were at their departure from the siege of Bronage, they saved themselves, and although the Towns of Orleans, Blois, Ambuse, and Tours, were straightly guarded: nevertheless, divers of them being armed, passed the bridges of the same Towns, each man saving himself as well as he could. Saint Gelais being so escaped, made towards Orleans, and traversing by januille, by the great way to Paris, he passed through many companies dispersed in Beausse, and then entered into the Foreest of Orleans, where having traversed the Forest, in the end with great pain he got to Loire hard by Gien: and having stayed some time in Berry, repassing Creusa, Vienne, and le Clain, he got to Rochel, where he found the Prince and all the heads and principal Captains of the army. As touching the siege of Brovages, the Sieur de Saint Mesmes, having stayed there about a month after the Prince's departure, was constrained to retire, and to separate his troops. The Prince of Conde began the war so fresh again, by the Sieurs de La●al and Saint Gelais, that the new conquests made them forget the grief of their last misfortunes, he took the Castle of Dompierrie, hard by Saint john's, belonging to the Marshal de Rez, where the soldiers refreshed and paid themselves for their former losses: therein finding a most rich booty. Plassac Governor of Ponts for the king of Navarre, in the nighttime by scaling lathers, upon the three and twentieth of February, 1586. took Royan, a very strong place hard by Brovage: and the sixteenth day of March following, the Prince of Conde being in Taillebourg, married the sister of the Sieur de Trimoville, by whom he had a son: but he lived not long after his second marriage, as hereafter you shall read. Mean time, the Sieur de Laval took Soubize, and drove out the leaguers: and after that, Mornax, and Allevart. S. Gelais for the Prince's part, took Mondevis, and Chizay, upon Boutonne. Ranques drove the Albanois out of the Castle of Sasay, which afterward was taken again, by composition made with the Sieur de: Malicorne Governor of Nirot. About the beginning of April, the Sieur de Saint Luc, Governor of Brovage, having a certain enterprise to make upon the Isle of Oleron, sent for aid: and among the rest, Tiercelin with his Regiment, composed of four hundredth arquebusiers, fifty muskeeteers, and about two hundredth pikes, all resolute soldiers, having but one colours, which was the Colonels Ensign. Which the Prince understanding, determined to visit them, but finding them not where he thought they had been, he withdrew himself to Taillebourg, with the Sieurs de Laval, Boulaye and others: who presently after, having received intelligence that Tiercelin was come from Oleron, to go to Marennes, and so to return to Saints, he went to watch him on the way, very near to the plain, where certain horsemen would have issued out of Saints, but they were set upon and dispersed by Cargrois, that led the Argolitiers of Monsieur de Laval. After this skirmish, the Prince returned to Taillebourg. As for Tiercelin, although he knew that his enemies watched his return, he made no account thereof, trusting in the strength of his Regiment, and so resolved to fight with them wheresoever they should assail him: and upon the seventeenth of April, he marched towards Saints in very good order. Which the Prince understanding, mounted on horse bocke, with his brother in law the Sieur de Trimoville, la Boulaye, Auantigny and others, to the number of thirty persons, with as many arquebusiers, & so made towards Tiercelin, whom he found about a thousand paces from the suburbs of Saints, where he set upon his rearward, and slew about thirty or forty of them: the rest of the Regiment, ranged themselves in order of battle under the hedges, and in the highway. In that first charge, the Sieur de Trimoville had his horse slain between his legs, and without speedy succour had, been in great danger. La Batarderaye, ensign-baerer to Boulaye, was there slain: Chanterelles and Captiane Navarre wounded to death: Auantigny hurt both in the hand & the knee: and notwithstanding the Prince perceiving the Sieur de Lanal to be gone to fetch his company not far from thence, and that in great haste came golloping with about five and thirty horse, commanded him to set upon the enemy, where that young Lord readier to execute the charge, than the Prince to command, leaping over hedges and ditches, made right upon the Colnelles Ensign, being as then guarded with a battle of pikes, which he burst, fight with him that bore the Ensign, and put him with all the pikes to flight: whereof there were slain to the number of sixty men, and took the Ensign with him. Tiercelin being hurt in the arm, saved himself, with a great number of hurt men. There the Sieur de Laval lost Sailli called Tanlay, (because the other died not long before at Saint john's) and Rieux his two brethren grievously wounded, one in the head, the other in his groin, whereof they died within two days after. Cargrois was shot into the knee, and the Prince himself gave two brave charges to the horsemen of Saints, that thought to aid Tiercelin, and put them twice in disorder, bearing with him their arms, and other furnitures, together with the Colonels Ensign, but it grieved him much for the mortal wounds of those two young Lords, that were followed by the Sieur de Lanal their brother, that died within eight days after. The army of the Duke de main in Poitou. The Duke de main minding to make his profit at other men's costs, and thought by the overthrow of the Prince of Condes army, to spoil the rest of the forces that were in Guienne, departed from Poitiers with a fair and goodly company of men. This Prince valiant and wise, that hath always holden his reputation, by keeping promises both with his enemies and friends, never knew what is meant by joining a piece of a Fox skin, to the skin of a Lion, not being large enough. But as there are many, who not withstanding they have contrary winds, yet do arrive in safety at their desired port: so divers men receive so many crosses in their enterprises, that fortune never favoureth neither their valour, nor their virtues. In times past, he had done many valiant acts in Dauphine, and now he employed time, money, and great labour, to do no great matter in Guienne. His army was of five hundredth French horsemen, eight hundredth Rutters, four hundredth lancers Albanois, and about five thousand foot, with divers pieces of artillery. He made his account, to force Towns not so much by fight, as by famine, whereunto the season of itself was sufficiently disposed, which should sooner be overthrown, then fought withal, and sooner fought withal, then assailed. At his arrival, Xaintonge and Poitou trembled, being as then afflicted with three points of Gods horrible punishments, plague, famine, & war: where the soldiers found no other booties, but famished rats. He employed them first in the taking of Montignac, Beaulieu, and Gaignac, small Towns, and then to the impeaching of the passage of the river of Garonne, where he thought to surprise the king of Navarre, and already had written unto him, that he could not shun his nets. Saint Bazeille lying upon the same river, was taken by force and spoiled: and Montsegur taken by composition. The Duke de Manes sickness at that time bred great disorder in his camp, and want of money weakened the courages of the resolute: nevertheless he took Chastillon, a place fortified, by the valour of the Baron de Savignac Governor thereof, and after that, Normand in Perigueux. But their want was so great in the army, and the extremity so much, that it fluttered but with one whing. And the chief General, that looked for nothing but a revolt, and perceiving that where he thought to win in Guienne, he had lost Aussonne in Bourgongne, gave the king to understand, that it was more than a year since his soldiers were forced to march on foot, always fight in the enemy's country, with men and with the air, the difficulty of the passages, the overflowings of rivers, the coldness of the weather, and the long rains, without being once succoured, neither with new forces, money, nor ammunition for the wars: and said that of seventeen hundredth and three score thousand crowns, whereunto the wages of the army amounted unto, Read the declaration of the Duke de main, touching his exploits in Guyenne. he had received but three hundredth and four thousand Crowns. From that voyage he brought with him the daughter of Madame de Chaumont, being of the age of twelve years, to marry her to one of his children. Behold the triumphs of the league in Guyenne: in an other place I have said something touching the king of N. voyage out of Gascongne into Poitou: which requireth a larger discourse: which is, that in the month of Febr. 1000 five hundredth eighty six, the Marshal de Matignon having besieged Chastelles, the king of Mavarre accompanied with two or three hundredth Gentlemen, & about eighteen hundredth arquebusiers raised the siege, What the K. of Navarre did to impeach 4. armies of the league. and determined to dive within the Castle. Then he made a voyage into Bearn, there to take order for his affairs: which done, he returned towards Nerac, and passing at Lanse, a Town belonging to himself, he had intelligence that the Duke de main marched forward to impeach his passage over Garonne. Notwithstanding he went to Nerac to fortify the place: and issuing out, he marched to Barbaste, and held on his way towards Chastel-Ialoux, and being about two miles near the middle of the lands, he showed his company what he purposed to do, and with twenty Gentlemen well mounted, and ten soldiers for his guard, he road towards Chaumont, leaving the conduction of the rest of his troops, being about four hundredth Argo litiers badly mounted and disarmed, and about fifteen arquebusiers of his guard to the Suur de la Raque, to pass at S. Bazeille, which he did without resistance, although the army of Matignon lay not above three miles from thence. The king of Navarre being at Chaumont, dined there at his ease, and yet the Duke de main was not above two miles from the place where he pasted: and after dinner he went over, without impeachment or loss of any of his men. Arrived at Poictou, under marshal Byron. The next day going to Saint Foy, with all his company, where he continued for the space of three weeks, hunting at his pleasure: and from thence he retired into Poitou, where the Marshal Byron with a thousand or twelve hundredth horse, and three or four thousand foot, besieged Marans: but the agreement made between the king of Navarre and him, made him raise his siege, and Marans continued quiet, using both the one and the other religion: the Duke joyeuse brother in law to the king, brought a new army, and with it besieged Mexeut, which he constrained to compound. And from thence went to Niort, Exploits of the Duke joyeuse in Poictou. battered Tonnay-Charente, and set upon the Rocheliers heels, but as then his army was so afflicted with the plague, that having made a little troop, under the conduction of Laverdin, he retired in great post unto Paris, ●o provide a new army: at the overthrow whereof, he was despatched at Coutras, as hereafter I will show you. The Marshal joyeuse took Montesquiou in Lauragois, and lost thirty two Captains, and five hundredth arquebusiers at the siege of Master Saint Puelles. The Marshal de Mommorancy caused the league to fly in many encounters in Languedoc: as at Lodeve, and Saint Pons: the Sieur de la Valette advanced the king's affairs in Province. The Duke de Espernon General of the army, by the king sent thither, arrived at Lions, with about eight hundredth horse, to cause his foot to pass through the Town: but the Lord of Mandelot, who from the first movings of the league, had always been upon his guard, to show himself rather neuter then participant, fearing least with these troops, the D. of Pernon should take occasion to remember the throwing down of the Citadel: was counseled by the Bishop of Lions to look unto himself, having both security and advantage. The Town of Lions being surprised in the first troubles, by the Earl of Saux than Governor, and yielded up again by the Edict of peace. The last of April. 1562 Peace, in an. 1593. K. Charles the 9 at Lions 1564. A Citadel in Lions. After that, the Duke de Nemours had used all the means he could, both by practice and arms to get it again. The king went thither, and by his Enguiniers, drew out a goodly and strong Citadel, by that bridle to restrain the over prompt and ready affections of the City, to those new alterations, and would not departed from thence, before he had seen a great part thereof finished. It being accomplished with all convenient things belonging to such a Fortress, both for form, greatness, Bulwarks, trenches, munitions, and commodities. He made it the terror of the Huguenots, while those that commanded it, affected the defence and protection of the Catholicques: but after that, in the said king's time, the favour of the Duke d'Espernon withdrew la Mante, The taking of the Cuadell in Lions. therein to place le Passage. Mandelot not being able to dissemble the disliking he had to the great advancement he had of that Duke, devised the means to cease upon it, and so thrust out the Gascons, by him placed therein. The news of this surprising in so dangerous and suspicious a time, abashed the king, thinking it to be one of the first effects of the league, but being assured of the inviolable affections and fidelity of the Citizens of Lions, that would never yield as long as his Majesty lived, Fortress, generally, are more hurtful than necessary. he agreed to the throwing down of the Citadel, for the sum of fifty thousand Crowns to him offered for the same. But his Council found that throwing down of the Fort to be very dangerous, saying: that a Town composed of so many humours and several motions, inhabited by people of both religions, stirring and desirous of change, the key and rampart of the Realm, ought not to be without a Citadel. Whereunto the wisest Politician answered, that such fortifications served only, either for the defence of the subjects, or offending of enemies, and that in the one they were dangerous, and in the other not necessary. Mean time, the king desired his mother to be a means and instrument, of a good and continual peace in his Realm: and she being grieved that she could not warm herself but with embers, and sorry that the misery thereof, surmounted the means that she could use therein, undertook a voyage into Poitou, there to parley with the king of Navarre, who of his own nature, and by the advise of his friends, was more disposed to a good peace, then to a simpletruce. Meeting of the K. of Navarre, with the Queen-mother, the 13. of December, at S. Bris. And after they had both freely passed all the doubtful scruples that could be alleged unto them, thereby to reverse their good intents, the place of meeting was appointed at Saint Bris, and truce agreed for fifteen days, whereat the Swissers and Almains were much offended. The first and second interviews, were passed over only in complaints, excuses and goodly reasons. The Queen-mother bathing them with her tears, reproached the disobedience of the subject to his Prince, detested the stubbornness of new opinions, represented the necessity that constrained the king to make peace, and undertake wars, sweetly excusing the burning affection of the house of Guise, that had raised the same, thereby to prevent the mischief, which the succession of an heretic Prince would bring into the estate: besought & charged the king, to yield to the Catholicque Church and faith of his Majesty, to leave his errors, and not be condemned. 'Cause of the troubles. Whereunto he answered, that in his soul he felt a most great torment of impatience, in that the league made him the only argument of those tragedies: that his Majesty esteemed him the subject of his divisions: that all the mischief, by the Realm of France endured, and which in the end would overthrow it, proceeded only from the breach of the Edicts of peace, wherein depended all the welfare and felicity of this estate. He complained of the wrong, that he himself in particular, his house & all France in general, received by that bastard peace made at Nemours, with the heads of the league, & of the good entertainment they received, after they had been proclaimed rebels and traitors to his Majesty. He said, that to strengthen the league, the king had commanded him not to stir, nor prepare himself to war, that the people might evidently see who were the first perturbers of the peace. That the permission by him given to them, to in croch so much upon his authority, was the only continual fever of this estate. That he saw no more but by the leaguers eyes, nor understood any thing, but only by the ears of his enemies. Exhortation to the king of N. to become Catholicque. And as the Queen sought to assure him of the kings and her favour, and that both of them had more desire to see him converted, and protected under so fair and assured hope, of the chief Crown of all Christian Princes, rather than any longer to shroud himself under protections of wars, despised of the greatest part of France, & to be the principal occasion of his friends, grief. He said again, that by the king's commandment, not to arm himself against those the sought to fight with him, he had hazarded his life to keep his promise, to satisfy those that sought to reduce himto extremities, & neglected the care of his own preservation, saying: Madam, you cannot accuse me but of too much fidelity, I complain not of your faith, but of your age, that (doing wrong to your memory) hath made you forget what you promised me. The sharpness of words, was somewhat assuaged at the third meeting, wherein the Queen-mother strained the cord, that broke both the accord and harmony of their conference: for she told him, that the last and only resolution of the king, was, never to make peace, nor take truce with him, if he became not a Catholicque. Whereunto he answered, that he would never have thought, that a Princess of so good judgement, would have taken so much pain, to come unto him only to propound that, wherewith his ears were continually filled, being means of more honourable troubles, if it were not ended in manner by him required, which was by a general Council, to whose judgement he submitted himself: promising also to cause all the rest of his friends to do the like. As they continued in this proposition, every man giving his censure, there passed many words, whereby to persuade him happily to return to the Church of God. The Queen-mother showed him how much that change would make his estate more free, more assured, and more convenient for his It is said that the Duke de Nemours said unto him, that there he could not raise any impost, It is true said he, and so there are no Italians among us. degree, that his conversion would draw him into his majesties savour, without longer seeking to court the Majors of Rochel, where he could not do as he would. Whereunto he answered, that the consideration of his particular contentment, yea and the winning of thirty Crowns, should never cause him shamefully to leave the religion, which for the space of thirty years he had professed: and that he did what pleased him in Rochel, because that therein he did nothing but what he ought to do. In the end, their discourse changed to the propounding of a truce, that stayed unresolved for divers difficulties therein found, as also because of the advise the Queen had received, that her presence was necessary in Paris, to quench the fires, which the Archleaguers (whereof we spoke in the first book) began to kindle, grounding the alarm upon conference had with the king of Navarre. Both of them agreed to a peace, confessing that both the Catholicques, and Huguenots, were wet with the ship wrack they had endured: that it was not convenient to draw them into it again: that their wounds were not as yet healed: that they ought not to be set together by the ears: and that it was requisite to have a peace. The Queen-mother would have a truce, the King of N. a peace. The Queen-mother would have no truce that should promise a peace, unless the king of Navarre would assure them of his conversion. The king of Navarre would have no truce, that produced not the effects of a peace, and the ruling of his conscience by a national Council. She would no truce, if the king of Navarre did not countermand his foreign army. He would not agree to the second point of a truce, if he were not assured of a good peace. In respect whereof, he offered that great assembly and raising of Rutters and Swissers unto the king, to help him to recover the obedience and authority due unto him. In this manner their interview ended, without any resolution: and the Queen-mother in all haste took her way to Paris, upon the advise given unto her concerning the last point of despair, that was to be executed therein. For the Duke de main, being advertised that she went to the king of Navarre to make peace, made haste to Paris, to showeth king that her travel to that end was against his edict: that such peace could not be good: engendering in religion the effects that are contrary to the tranquility of Catholicque consciences. He found the Parrisians more moved then ever they were, to rise up in arms: he saw the secret articles of the six Archleaguers, to fight against heresy, These secret articles were sworn in the house of Reims near the Augustins. to reform the Court & the insolency of the king's minions. They enterprise, they sap, they mine, they beat down, but all in words: their counsels are evil grounded: their dangerous attempts are more difficult to execute, then to resolve. The Rats found it expedient, that to preserve themselves from the Cat, they must hang a bell at her ear, but none of them durst undertake to do it: they must cease upon the king, but who would be so bold? Read the Dialogue of Manant & Maheutre. Fol. 104. They sent unto the Towns some of their consort, who under certain secret pretences, went from Town to Town, to see the leaders of the league, and to decipher the secret meanings of his intents. Manant saith, that at that time among them, they spoke not of that enterprise, but only tending to their defence, if in case they were assailed: and that the invention of Barricadoes was resolved upon, above a year before they The first resolution of Barticadoes, about Easter. 1587. took effect. But he that wrote the treaty of the causes of the troubles of the month of januarie, 1589. saith, that the league perceiving, that if the Huguenots were driven out of France, and the only Catholicque religion maintained therein, it should have no more cloaks to cover her shame: they thought it good to let the Huguenots remain on the one side, and on the other, to torment the king. For (said they) if our ground be the royalty, we must have the place voided, and such as would place themselves therein before us, must be removed. If wars be continued against the Huguenots, the end cannot be but to our ruin, it will in the end produce a peace, which will send us naked without arms unto our governments: living between fear and despair, that the oppressed oppose not themselves against the oppressors, that the offence return not upon the authors, and that the king call not to mind the treaties of Peronne, Nancy, and Chalon. If they be vanquishers, their victory is our loss: their life, our death: their greatness, our embasing: and their rest, our torment. The strongest support of their enterprise is upon a pillar of Castille, old and rotten: that is, not sustained but by hope of our ruin: that feareth no other shaking, but the ceasing of our civil wars, which will not be ended but by strangers, from whence they are derived. This Prince knoweth well, that as long as the diversity of religions parteth our minds, there will never be peace among us, although the zeal of religion doth much trouble him, that he is the son of the great scourge of the Almain Protestant's: and that he hath drowned heresy in his own blood, yet he desireth to invade us, either by one means or other. The Ram desireth to eat the Bat, whether it be because it is a bird, or because it is a mouse. If the Edict of july be put in execution, if heresy be pursued in so many places, it will be very hard for it to resist: the king will always be Master, he will always stand upright, he will resume the authority and power that he seemeth to have left, to retain us: and perceiving himself (like Lewis the eleventh) untangled from so many leagues and parties, he would live like a commander, destroying both Huguenots and Leaguers, take the raisor in hand to both their beards, and drive all partake out of the Realm, only his own. The fires made for joy of his victories, would be the obsecquys and funerals of our partakers. The king of Navarre shall die, or else he must convert, or be clean spoiled and overthrown. His death will strengthen the first article of our league, and the fear of altering of religion shall vanish away. His conversion, will pull the weapons out of our hands, and the words of faction and disorder, (Huguenots and Navarrois) will no more be heard among us. His overthrow shall not be so much advantage unto us, as to the king, he will have the flowers and the fruits of this victory, and we nothing but the leaves. A great army ●●dermineth itself, and there is too gr●●●●●●ger to fight. But to overthrow him will be no small labour, arms are not continual. We think to constrain them to fight, & they will not but defend themselves: they will shut themselves within their Towns, that brave all our forces, and make us mad, as if we stood barking at the moon, and fight with the clouds. Many times men hazard all they have in the strength of a battle, and when it is lost, to get a thing of no moment, there is no means to raise it again. To look for it out of Spain, is to reckon men's charges of another man's purse. Promises are feminine, and effects are masculine, this nation is used not to say what it will do, nor to do, that it saith it will do. And further, we have to do with a Prince, that is always first at giving blows, and last in retiring: it is not a hart that leadeth Lions. He sayeth not go thither, but he goeth himself, like unto Caezar: he heareth assoon of our discipation, as of our coming: he hath learned to be a Captain at our costs: he holdeth thirty Towns in France, which to overcome, we had need to have the forces of thirty leagues such as ours is: and when he should have nothing left but his sword, it is very much with the lawful right he hath to the succession of this Realm. Aut Caesar aut nihil. Therefore seeing the die is cast, that we have embarked ourselves in this rough sea, that the end of our league is either to make us a king, or else nothing, let us take the shortest course. There is no appearance to attain to the royal seat, before so many Princes of the house of Bourbon, we should never have done: he that would rule over them all, must first pull the king out of his chair: when it is empty, there will be means to sit down: if he reign longer, our winter is come, the servants of our hopes will withdraw themselves, being deceived. The king is lusty and gallant of body, if he have any children, our suit is ended, and not having any, we are likelier to die before him: we must play open play, let us deal with him, as his father dealt with our Grandfathers: and let us do the like to the Capets, as they did to the heirs of Charle-Maine. Of this ensued the conspiracy made at Paris about Easter, in Anno. 1587. which was not executed by the uncertain resolution of the heads, that left the parisians in the middle of so dangerous an enterprise, whereof the K. was advertised, and from that time determined to punish them. But his authority was already so much weakened, and his Majesty so much despised, that but for fear to be reproved, the hooker had taken & drawn him through the mire of his infamous slanders and mockeries. The Preachers tongues served for rules to these seditions, they detested the life, pleasure, and dissolution of the Court, and spoke not of the King but in derision, publicly condemning his actions, he caused them to be counseled and diverted from those passions, and of a chair of truth, not to make a place of babbling: but the more he sought to turn that choler into phlegm, the more it increased and rose up: in the end he was constrained to threaten them with imprisonment. Whereof grew the meeting of Saint Severin, where certain excommunications were pronounced in S. Benet's Church, against the Commissaries and Sergeants, that would have laid hands upon certain Preachers. Wedensday the second of September. 1587. The books that were published at the beginning of these disorders, were the wood, straw, and brimstone, that long time maintained the embers of those rebellions: there was not any mean fiddlers boy, but that like a crow upon a steeple, pronounced the tempests and calamities of those furious mutinies. Infamous libels. There was nothing seen in the Hall of the Palace, but only discourses, answers, advertisements, and Apologies. He failed to surprise Mets the 26 of May. And in the mean time, that war was made with pen and ink within the Towns, the Duke of Guise made it with Iron and steel in open field, he held his army in the frontiers of Lorraine, and made war upon those of jamets', which he had begun against the Duke de Bovillon, from the first day of the birth of the league. And perceiving himself to be Master of Douzy and Rocroy, and by that means of the passage of the river of Meuze, he caused his troops to enter upon the lands of the sovereignty of Sedan, vexing the poor countrymen that dwelled in the villages, with all kinds of warlike cruelties. Mean time, that famine plagued them within the towns, the D. de Bovillon, to divert him from thence, sent the Lord de Schelandre Governor of jamets', to make an attempt against Verdun, which is the first town lying in the frontiers of champaign, and most tumulteously entered into the coniulation of the leaguers pretences. The Duke of Guise followed him, with the most part of his forces, which his departure gave time and leisure to the Duke de Bovillon to victual Sedan: and the Queen-mother in the mean time, disposed the two Dukes to make a truce, first for fifteen days: in the which time, the Duke of Guise practised certain soldiers, (more for gain then for conscience) to surprise the Castle of jamets', but the enterprise failed, and the instruments thereof were punished: and from that time, they began again to renew their courses and spoilings, more than they did before. The Queen laid an other plaster upon this sore, by a second truce of a month, which the Duke de Bovillon employed in Alsace, with four hundredth horse, and eight hundredth arquebusiers, thereby to advance the army of Germans, that were to meet in the plains of Strausbourg, there to be mustered. And the Duke of Guise had leisure to go unto the King, to receive his instructions and commandments, upon so great and urgent an occasion. He found him at Meaux, where he showed him, that since the Edict of july, and the resolution taken by his Majesty, to make war against the Huguenots, it had been so coldly begun, and pursued with so many wants, that it was not to be found strange, if the issue had been as unfortunate, as the cause just and worthy to be done by a king of France: that contrary to the edict, they had let their hereticques continue in their houses, enjoy as in a public peace their lands and goods, that aught to be employed for their destruction, and to the taking away of the means that continued their crimes towards god, and their rebellion against the estate. That in stead of selling and confiscating thereof, Born in France, and spaniolized in Rome. the revenues of the Cardinal of Pelleve were ceased upon, because in open consistory he had most virtuously sustained the just occasion of the levying of arms, by the Catholic Princes against Hereticques. That in those wars the Clergy had endured most, and received least profit or advantage, having continued more for the advancement of Mignons, then for the ruin of Hereticques, and that so great sums of money cut off from the possessions of the Clergy, from the nourishing of the poor, from the relief of Pilgrims, from the ransom of captives, and other necessities of the Church, had served to no other end, then only for the entertaining of the enemies of the Clergy. He complained of the contradictions of the edict, and among other things, in that the king's Council, the Court of Parliament in Paris, the justices, nor the Provost in Paris, had not sworn to the edict. Of the hard measure showed to the Towns that had desired the exterpation of heresies, and the revocation of the last edict of peace. Of the overthrowing of the citadel of Mascon, of surprising the of Valemce, of the disgrace of the Sieurs de Brissac, Crusilles, Gessan, and Antragues, and of the countermaunding of the assignations given unto him, for the restoring of the charges by him made in that last raising of soldiers. The king to the contrary, had well considered how the insolent passion of the league, could not find a firmer footing within all the articles contained in the treaty of Nemours, and that it aspired to some greater matter. He knew well it had demanded Towns for assurance against the Huguenots, in the Provinces where they had no cause to fear them, neither in soul nor body. That the surprise made by the D. d'Aumalle of the towns of Dourlan & Pontdormy, and the intelligence discovered at Bollogne, were some of the operations of the medicine which they had taken to avoid this monarchy of vigour & strength. That for to fortify themselves with numbers of Towns and participants, it had caused a Citadel to be erected at Vitry le Francois, therein to place an Italian, in whose country a Frenchman cannot so much as obtain the base office of a Sergeant. That the Duke of Guise would not receive the government of Raucroy, until his Majesty had promised him they should hold it in his own name. That it had prodigally spent the 100000. crowns, raised for the building of the Citadel in Verdun, not desiring other fortress thererein but the hearts of the people, abused with pretences and goodly appearances of the intents of this conspiracy. The contrarieties of the edict being well weighed and debated on both parts, the Duke of Guise turned his pursuits upon the means to assail the Huguenots, in the same places where they had received the foil, in Poitou, Dauphine, and in the countries of the Duke de Bovillon, desired the king to cast his eyes upon decaying religion, if the army of strangers should bear the triumph into Allemaigne, both of France and of the Catholic Church, and to embrace the conservation thereof, without esteeming any thing to be difficult or dangerous for so memorable a victory, calling to mind, that he was a king of a people, that never feared any thing but the falling of heaven, and assured themselves to overcome all whatsoever that durst assail or set upon them here on earth. The King, whose intent was only to live and reign, could not consent to war, The King's oath the 10. of january. 1587. notwithstanding the oath he made when he instituted the order of the holy Ghost, nor the last resolution sent to the king of Navarre, by Monsieur de Rambovillet, that he would not permit or suffer other religion in his Realm, than the ancient Catholieque faith, and abolish that which they called reform: yet he desired most earnestly to have had a good peace, thereby to divert the miseries which the army of strangers would bring with it, but when he perceived himself not strong enough, The king's resolution. to make the King of Nanarre and the Duke of Guise to consent, by reason of their differences, and that he could not sustain the one, without oppressing the other, that he had not the courage to be indifferent between both, without leaning to the one or to the other, and to be short, that he durst not use the authority of a King, he was constrained to suffer all the heads of the league to counterfeit with him. If he consented to the liberty of reformed religion, and restored them the Edict of peace, he thought he heard all the mutinous leaguers continually about his ears, if he made war against the King of Mavarre, he had fifty thousand strangers upon his back, that would constrain him to overthrow the league. Whereupon he desired the Duke of Guise to yield to a peace, not to abandon the Estate of the Realm for a pray unto strangers, to procure the ease and contentment of his king, the comfort of the people, the freedom of the Clergy, and the dignity of the Nobility, by other means then by such as would overthrow the honour of his sovereignty, bring his subjects in despair, rob Churches, and suck the blood of those few Gentlemen, which foreign wars had left within the Realm, to descend it from civil wars. To the which peace, he moved him by honourable promises and advantages both to his house and partakers, but he found his heart altogether resolved unto wars, rather desiring a battle, than a disputation, and neither minded to endure misery, nor yet to procure the remedies thereof. So that to conclude, the Duke of Guise would have wars, and answered the king resolutely, that he was not in the mind to have any peace: adding further, The Duke of Guise would have war. that if he were constrained thereunto, it should always be done with exception of the religion, and the assurance of him and his. Whereby peace for that time was utterly banished, yet Priam for all that, issued not out of Ilium, before he saw the Grecians under his walls, and then he began to stir himself, and to resume the generous courage which he had lost among the pleasures of Vincennes, The state of the Court in An. 1586. and 1587. at the marriage of Monsieur de joyeuse: since which time, the Courtier had not stricken one blow with his sword, but only in quarrel of Arioste, and had rather spend one hundredth Crowns in dancings and in Masks, than one one hundredth solz in powder and in flasks. The long rest, had made the most valiant like unto a horse, whose warlike courage abateth by lying long upon the litter, but necessity founded them an alarm, and made them perceive the black cloud that began to fall upon the state. For the King, that should have been very insensible, if he had not had some feeling, marched in proper person, & divided his war into three parts: that is, to Chaumont in Bassigny, to Saint florentin's hard by Troy, and to Guienne. Four hundredth lanciers, & two hundredth foot, all Italians. The first army being composed of five and twenty companies of men at arms, twelve Ensigns of footmen of the Regiment of Escluzeaux, six of joannes, and six of Gie, with divers blanks for commissions at the Duke of Guise's pleasure: troops of strangers sent unto him by the Duke of Parma. The second was led by the Duke de Montpensier: and in the third that went for Guienne, the king himself was in person, which three armies in all, might comprehend the number of sixty eight companies of men at arms, ten thousand foot, twelve thousand Swissers, and four thousand Rutters. The Duke de joyeuse led an other army into Guyenne, against the King of Navarre: and the Duke of Lorraine had brave and goodly forces upon the frontiers. The Duke de Bovillon was Lieutenant for the King of Navarre, in the army of Rutters and Almains, Duke Cazemire excuseth himself. that were conducted by the Baron of Othna, and composed of nine and twenty Cornets of Rutters, three and twenty Ensigns of Swissers, and five thousand Lansquenets, armed with corselet and pike: besides eleven Cornets of French lancers, and ten companies of arquebusiers on horseback, so that the army might be in all, about thirty thousand men, not accounting the fifteen hundredth arquebusiers, & four hundredth horse brought by the Lord of Chastillon. Behold poor and miserable France, covered with the hair of afflictions, and charged with a heavy burden, Miseries of France. under the which it must either languishor die. Behold it ready to be a prey to a people different both in manners and speech: all the furies of hell ranged in her fields. and horror, confusion, and impunity, thundered and battered in all places, which every man judged to be a scourge, for the great and horrible crimes committed therein. He that seethe France troubled and vexed in that sort, may well say, that the just judgement of God, hath brought it to so great desolation, through the abundance of sins that fill up the measure of her iniquities, for which causes the scourge of God hath discipated and seduced into ashes, many more flourishing estates then ever it was. Lust and desolateness overthrew the first Monarchy of the world: prodigality took away the life and force of the second: ambition and discord dismembered the third: The ruin of the 4. monarchs, Assiria, Asia, Persia, & Rome. impiety and injustice unfeathered the fourth: and impiety, injustice, and desolation, will reduce France into a fatal and certain destruction. The Ministers of piety are no more chosen as they ought to be, and it is no marvel why there are no more Athanasians and Hillarians therein, seeing that the spiritual livings, which are the Schools and fountains from whence godliness should spring, and examples of the true service of God, are holden by men of arms or Courtiers, and which is worse, by women & children. This impiety which hath slidden into religion, hath form many Atheists, that speak disdainfully of godly providence, that flatly deny it, that by believing overmuch, believe nothing at all, whereby the souleresteth in their bodies without any apprehension, either of the second life, or of the latter death. Others serve God but for a fashion, and by manner of acquittance, and curiously forge divers sorts of errors, and under I know not what kind of hypocrisy and dissimulation, suffer themselves to be borne away by superstitions, which traungely abuse and offend the most holy Majesty of God: it is the monster with six horns, that hath gotten so much credit among the common people, and that thrusteth itself into the Palaces of Kings: it is the means to traffic and deal with the devil, to give us the detestable fruit of the Cupidits: which torment those miserable Sorcerers, who most easily deface the divine carrack out of their souls, & prostrate the same at the pleasure of the stinking gate of hell. This vermin that remaineth free without looking into, in the time of Charles the 9 had attained to the number of 30000. as their chief leader confessed, but since that time it hath had so great ascope, that such as deal with it in great houses, are called Philosophers and Astrologiers: and now Almanacs serve as rules and cannons for men's actions. To this impiety we must add the most execrable blasphemies, which proceed from the mouths of great men, yea and from the poorest Peasants in France, that have every day new words to spit out against the heavens, and to despite the justice and providence of God. The Pagan sweareth very seldom, the Sarazin knoweth not what it meaneth, the Turk abstaineth from it, and the Huguenot detesteth it: but our Catholicques are Masters of the Art, and make account to ride upon divinity. The second branch of our mischiefs is injustice. The first foundation of an estate and authority of a Realm: yea, that which giveth it form and being, is justice. Virtue which maketh kings, and without it they would change their royalties, Injustice is the root of miseries in France. into tyrannies. It is the fear of the wicked, and the encouragement of the good, & because it is the principal office of aching, when the Hebrieux desired Samuel to give them a king, among other points of their request, they added these words, to judgeus, and to do justice as among other people. All the world complaineth of the perverting thereof: estates are no more given by Geometrical proportion: France maketh laws of wax, to be tempered with men's hands, and subject to melt at the warm favours of great persons. There are laws enough to governal Europe, yea and all the plurality of epicures, but they have their virtue only in paper, and some seethe them both published and violated. Now there is no conscience made to sell that which is bought of the king, and most commonly justice is divided to such as have no money, but this injustice is much more to be deplored, for the heavy and insupportable burdens it layeth upon the poor people, and maketh them not only a meadow which is cut thrice a year, but a body that is fleane, or rather an anaotomie. Theking which hath ten millions of gold for his revenue, liveth by impositions and new dances, wherewith he devoureth his people, he bloweth their noses so often that he maketh them bleed, pulleth up both herb and root, cuts the feathers so near, that they can grow no more, putteth his subjects out of breath, and constraineth them to hate and detest the Authors of these miseries. Injustice is yet more seen in the disorder and cruelty of soldiers, that are without discipline, rule, fear of God, respect of the good, compassion to the miserable, and that afflict & torment the friend as much as the enemy: persecute both mass and religion, kill Priests assoon as Ministers, rob Churches, burn Temples, spoil Merchants, torment old men, violate virgins, cause women with child to bring forth untimely fruit, ransom Peasants by cruelties, which in times past were never known but of Scythians, Lestrigons, and Turks, but none unworthily practised among us, to the great dishonour of the courtesy and favour that hath so much beautified our nation. But the desolation which entereth into all the members of France, maketh it another Babylon, a puddle of filthiness, and a sink of all sorts of corruptions, whereof the wounds are so old, that they are in a manner become natural, desperate, and incurable. The Court of our kings, which in times past were wont to be the seed of the virtues of French Nobility, did never abound in more disorders, lusts, & excess, then under the reign of Henry the third, specially in the years 1586. and 1587. So that it may be said of some Towns, as it is reported by strangers, that all things are printed therein, only not to be virtuous. The king's Court is like a Theatre, which the people stand to behold, it is a fire which transformeth such as approach it into her nature: the most modest come forth insolent: the most chaste Lucrece, becometh Faustina. From the disorder of great persons, proceedeth the misbehaviour of the meaner sort, and there hath been carters, that have been so superfluous in their vanities, that there wanted nothing in their houses but a chapel of music, and to serve them by quarters, to counterfeit little kings. I must confess the truth, & not make you believe that a man with a crook shoulder is of goodly proportion. The K. gave a great furtherance to these desolations, his example was a direction to all his subjects: as the influction of the head runneth into all the members. Men do not only imitate, but approve the actions of great men, and according to their humours, voluptuousness, disorder, superstition, molestation and cruelty, enter into credit. The people suffer their minds to be cut and cautherised at Prince's pleasures, as the greater the authority is, the more affectionate is their immutation: every man taketh that colour, men perfume themselves with those drugues, and the example of the Prince is so contagious to the subjects, that they receive it, entereth sooner into their eyes then their ears. Alexander cast his head a side, and all the Court held their necks awry: Denis was purblind, and his Courtiers stumbled at every step, and justled each other, as if they had been evil sighted. Plutarch telleth, that Courtiers put away their wives, following the king's example that loved not his wife. Lewis the eleventh, would have Charles his son to learn but one word of Latin, and all the Court despised learning. King Francis established learning, and all the Nobility caused their children to be instructed. Henry she third loved riots and pleasures, and all the Court abounded in desolation. He considered not, that the vices which ranged in his Realm, are the same that caused the whole world to be drowned, overthrew five Towns, caused the tribe of Benjamin to be slain, destroyed Sparta, Carthage, and Athens, spoiled Troy, and procured the Cicilian evening prayer. He considered not, that this voluptuousness which maketh him swallow poison in his milk and Ippocras, maketh him fit to be a woman then a man, that to maintain it, all France is rend in pieces. The treasures that Caligula found after the death of Tibera, being 1800. horse load, nor the nineteen millions of Crowns that the Vitellius spent in one year in making of banquets, will not suffice, that from thence spring the new impositions, wherereof the moneys proceeding, are died and tempered in the blood and tears of the poor people, that ask vengeance of God, and that in the end, deal to ease their oppressions, and overthrow the oppressors. Prodigious sights seen in the reign of Henry the third. If the complaints of the people, cannot pierce the ears of the king, yet let him look unto the effects of God's judgement: as strange signs, monsters, comers, and earthquakes, which are the messengers thereof, let him consider, that these leagues and partialities, are the winds that rise before a tempest, and the shipwreck of this estate. And that with a little push this edifice which hath been built so many hundredth years, will in a moment be overthrown. But not to prolong our History with many tedious words, let us return to the army of Protestants which were left in Lorraine. And there we shall see great wants, which soon produce many infallible faults, without remedy and reparations that are presently made, to the ruin and confusion of such as commit them. It was destitute of a General, capable of so dangerous a journey. The Duke de Bovillon was therein but a learner, and those that assisted him, were more fit to go of an embassage, then to give a charge upon the enemy. The Baron of Othna had less experience than courage, all his sufficiency consisted only in the report and commendation, given of him by the D. Casimir. For about the beginning of the month of August, Neither the Rutters nor Swissers would fight with so fair an occasion. consusion & necessity (too dangerous plagues to a great multitude) entered among them. There was division in their intents, some of them would spoil the country of Lorraine, others would stay their vengeance and fury, until they were in the heart of France. The Duke de Bovillon by means of that army would refresh his Towns, that as then were unfurnished: the General of the Almains would not do any thing before he had a Prince of the blood to direct him. The Frenchmen said, they must go strait forward to pass the river of Loire: the Almains would march along by the river of Seine, & from thence into Picardy. But the passage of the river of Loire was resolved upon, after they had let slip a goodly encounter at Pont Saint Vincent, where all the troops of the league made show to set upon them, but the necessity of victuals procured by the Duke of Lorraine, by throwing down mills, and ovens, made them leave that bone, and pass further forward in this manner. The Duke de Bovillon, Liestenant General, the Count de la March his brother, led the Vanguard: Cleruant the Swissers: the Baron of Othna the Rutters: Guitry Marshal of the camp, and Movy led the French footmen. And as they passed le Barrois and leinuillois, news came of the arrival of Monsieur de Chastillon, at Gresille, near to la Mottes in Lorraine, both the armies made thither: that of the Duke of Guise to entrap him: and that of the Duke de Bovillon to defend him: in which effort, they traveled so much, that both the one and the other, wearied and weakened themselves. The Earl of March fell sick and died, leaving his charge to Nonsieur de Chastillon, whom he had engaged. That done, long rains, want of victuals and sicknesses, began to torment the army: which notwithstanding all discommodities, made right to Chaumont in Bassigny: passed the river of Marne: placed their artilllerie, (but to no purpose) against the Abbey of Clernaux: burnt the corn upon the ground about the country: crossed l'Aube a● Montigny, and Seine above Chastillon, where Monsieur de la Chastre lay, passed hard by the Duke de main, and the troops of Bourgongne lodged at Leignes, and Ansile Franc, passed Cure above Vermenton, and Yonne hard by Crevant, and so made a halt towards the river of Loire. The cause of the overthrow of the Swissers. There began the complaints of the Swissers, and the mutinies of the Rutters, because the King of Navarre came not to them, and that the King was at the side of the river of Loire, either to fight with them, or to stay their passage. A stratagem worthy of a King and Council, no less commendable than admirable, being the true and only cause of the victory. For he considered that the only means to break this army, was to impeach their joining with the king of Navarre, and so to let them consume of themselves, as not having victuals to suffice their wants, nor retreat for their advantage. That the necessity of their belly would cause the head to rebel. That famine would cause diseases among them, and lessen their troops. From this Council proceeded two great effects, but different in execution: he commanded the Duke joyeuse, The battle of Coutras. to keep the King of Navarre in Poitou, and rather to hazard battle, then suffer him to pass the river of Loire, as he determined to do at the head thereof: assuring him, that the ruin of the foreign army depended there upon: to the which end, the Duke de joyeuse that had anarmie fortified both with men, munition, artillery, and means, marched towards Coutras, to pass la Drongne at Gue: and upon Tuesday the twentieth of October, stayed with all his forces, between la Roche, Chalais, and Coutras, the king of Navarre made towards him, fully resolved to fight. And his troops, not mercenary but chosen soldiers, not constrained but free, that desired rather to sweat in a skirmish, than heat themselves in a Tennis-court: rather to pursue a flying enemy, then stay to drink sweet and pleasant maluesie at a banquet, that feared nothing but the loss of their reputation, stayed only but till they had the word to give the onset. And after they had been long encouraged to fight, and grieved with outrages and threatenings, they sell to blows. And about eight of the clock in the morning, the king of Navarres artillery began to play, and that of the Duke de joyeuse to answer them, but not very luckily, for that either the ignorance or the malice of the Cannonier had placed it so low, that the mouth of the cannon shot right upon a little hill of earth, wherein the bullet stayed without piercing further. The battle was so soon descided, that in ten hours this great army of the king (that had the advantage, both for place and number, began to retire) was sooner broken than fought withal. The king of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, and the Earl of Sotssons, behaved themselves most valiantly, executing the offices both of Captains and soldiers, and gave thanks to God in open field, all died with blood, and hilled and covered with dead bodies: and among the rest, with the bodies of Duke de joyeuse, Monsieur de Saint Saweur his brother, and five and twentieth other Gentlemen of name. All their Cornets were taken, with the artillery and baggage, and fourteen Gentlemen of account taken and put to ransom. That done, the king of Navarre being eased of so many nets that were set up to catch him, marched forward to join with the foreign army, and to pass the river of Loire: but the king lay encamped at a little Village called Lere, between Cosne and Neusuy, impeached him by the advise of Monsieur de Nevers, causing the guets between Povilly and Dony to be broken down, filling them with thousands of trees, stones, and chains, to entangle the feet of the Rutters horses that should pass. And intrueth, the letting of that passage, next to the help of God, was the second cause of the advantage the king had of the victory. For the Duke of Guise that followed the army, durst not set upon it, nor hinder it from spoiling villages, therewith to refresh itself. But assoon as it perceived itself to be in that enclosure, and that they must of force recoil, to take the left hand, and enter into a country wherein the Rutter had never hunted the Hart, and considering the situation, it began to be abashed and fall into a mutiny, and lose courage: and having failed of their enterprise at la charity, it entered into the way of Beauce, drawing towards Montargis, and so stayed at Vimori, or thereabouts. Where the Duke of Guise that followed, determined to dislodge them, and took them so suddenly, about seven of the clock in the evening, that they sooner heard the cries of the dying & hurt men, than the Qui va la of the Sentinels. The 27. of Octobr. The Rutters were readier to place themselves in order of battle, then to save their baggages, or impeach the spoil made by the soldiers. There the Baron of Othna shot two pistol bullets into the Castle of the Duke de main: and for exchange, he got a great blow with a courtlasse in the forehead. The Rutters in that skirmish lost 50. good soldiers, 100 Pages, 300. horses for wagons, 2. Chaumeaux, & the two Attabales, which are drumbes of leather for the generals Cornet, being a Turkish invention: and the Duke of Guise, 40. Gentlemen and 200. Soldiers. I call not that a victory which costeth the blood of so many brave Gentlemen, but rather an unrecoverable loss. And the Duke of Guise might say as the K. sayeth▪ of those whom at this day we call Albanists, (after he dispersed the army of the Romans) were utterly spoiled if we obtain such another victories against the Romans. From thence the Duke de Bovillon marched to Chasteau-landon, which he battereth and taketh by force, and by the Rutters peeled and spoiled, being moved with impatience, to have neither money, nor the sight of the King of Navarre, which mutiny had been much more greater, if the assurance of the arrival of the Prince of Conde had not ceased it, that met them about Chartres, where the Duke de Bovillon yielded him his charge, together with the white Ancient. The king being at Bonneval, had intelligence of the division and mutiny, that hatched and began to breed in the strangers army, and thereupon used all the means he could, by wise and polliticque practices, to sound the hearts of the Swissers, to see if he could procure their separation from the army, and so to persuade them (by the remembrance of the fidelity and alliance of their nation unto the Crown of France) to leave their arms and retire. Those that confessed themselves not to be borne but with the mark of a flower deluce, and not to be entered into France, but to restore it to the pristinate splendure, obeyed the king, and upon agreement of four hundredth thousand Crowns, paid them in ready money, he sent them back again into their country. Surprising of the Rittersat Auneau. The Duke de Guise perceiving the army of Rutters to be as a body dispersed, having nothing left but the legs and the arms, executed upon them, that which he had determined from the first day of their entry, which was vpon' the generals lodging, and so by striking the Shepherd, divided the flock: as Caezar did at the battle of Pharsale. He showed therein, that there is nothing more necessary for a great Captain, Fortioribus Superatis aliis concidit animus. then speedily to take occasion when it is offered: I say speedily, for that in celereity and vigilant care, the art of war consisteth. And having espied the enemy's camp at Auneau, he entered into it with all his forces, and chose his field near to the Town, to sustain such as issued forth, or those that should come to aid them within: his footmen entered the streets about the time that the Cartes and baggage were ready in the morning to issue out. And so surprised the Rutters at their breakfast, when the trumpetres began to sound a chival, and set so bravely upon them, that having not the means to issue forth, they were constrained to retire into their lodgings at the pleasure of the assailants. The booty was great, being eight hundredth Chariots, jewels, and Chains of Gold, and two thousand horse, both for the field and wagons, so that in one night, all the footmen of the Duke of Guise's army were on horseback, and rich of spoils and prisoners. For the Gates being ceased upon, and the streets chained, there was no means to save themselves, but by the walls: which the General leapt over, passing by night through a marish ground. Those that know the manner of the Rutters form and order used in the wars, may well suppose how easily the Duke of Guise obtained his purpose, for horsemen are of no force, being in a street that is chained: but of force they must light off their horses to come to handblowes, This is contrary to the opinion of Monsieur de la Nove. but in that case the Rutter hath put a Pistol against the hails of the bullet, of musket and caliver shot, and whensoever they should meet in open field, one Cornet of French horsemen would be strong enough for two Cornets of Rutters. The Frenchman is very expert in his lance, and the Almain in his pistol: the force of the lance is furious and striketh far off: the pistol hurteth not but being near, and yet there is no assurance to hit right, when men drawn suddenly and without foresight, it is composed of many pieces, and often times either the stone, powder, wheel, or bullet, maketh them lose their shot. The sword is the best weapon of a soldier. The force and strength of the great horse, maketh a marvelous encounter, but the weakness of the Almains horse is nothing like. The Frenchman setteth furiously upon the head of his enemy's squadrons, and when his lance is broken, he taketh his sword, which is the most assured weapon a soldier can bear. The Rutter never fighteth with his face forward, not knowing whether his blow took effect or not. And when he shot, and that one rank thrusteth forward upon the other, he goeth no further, but turneth to the right or the left hand, as the place serveth, until he hath charged again, and so cometh to shoot. The launcier passeth forward, followeth on his course, breaketh & scattereth all whatsoever he meeteth, with certain petrinelles, that are mixed among the lances, the fear and scattering abroad assureth not the Rutters hand to charge readily again, & while he doth it, half dead and trembling, there needeth no great labour to break and enter the ranks that are disordered. Whereby it happeneth, that the Rutters did never obtain any great victories against the Frenchmen, although they brag and say they will soon unsaddle a launcier, that cometh to assail them, and take his horse. Such as are expert in the effects of nature, affirm, that there is not any passion which sooner maketh the livelenesse of our senses to fail, then fear and disorder, which so much troubled the army of Rutters, that it nailed their feet form passing forward, and gave them whings in their heels, to make the more speed. Nevertheless it was in such estate, that by reason of some small assurance they had of the King of N. arrival, that it was likely to have overunne the Duke of Guise's forces: and as it was at the point to retire back again, the Prince of Conde, the Duke de Bovillon, and the Lords of Chastillon, and Cleruant, promised to pay them all their wages, so they would pass forward. The hope of their pay, made them to march in a time not much convenient, towards the forest of Orleans. The King perceived that the longer their army kept the field, the greater would be the ruin of his country, and that being joined to the King of Navarre, it would do much hurt, caused the Sieurs of the Isle of Cormont, to certify the Colonels, that if they would yield up their colours, and swear to bear no arms in France, without the express commandment of his Majesty, he would give them assurance to retire in safety: they perceiving themselves far from the king of Navarre, hardly handled by the Frenchmen, beaten by the league, pursued by the king, Capitul ati● the 20. of December. 1587.▪ and forsaken of the Swissers, assembled themselves together at Marsigni, and accepted his Maisties' offers, sent by Monsieur d'Espernon, that feasted them, and made them drink new muscat their bellies full. Monsieur de Chastillon laying hold upon the occasion of a safe retreat, and for his purpose, protested not to yield up his colours but to the King of Navarre, & so took his way towards Roan, to retire with a hundredth good horse, and certain arquebusiers. The Governor of Lions, entered into the field to impeach his passage, but the little children of Coindrieu, easily judged of his fortune, & the effect of that expedition, which they called not the journey of spurs, but the battle showing the back, and bring news thereof before it was fully done. For there they fought like the Scythians, & they that had their heels best armed, were most valiant. The Scitheans fight flying. The consideration of this encounter, and the inequality of the forces and leaders, maketh me believe, that which many have persuaded themselves to be true: which is, that wisdom in war is of little force. For fools commonly beat wise men. Behold an old Captain armed with so many examples, Old Captains commit young faults. Paradox. and glorious exploits of war, that had sharpened his judgement by so many practices, findeth himself contrained to yield the place to a small handful of men, half wearied. It is said, that good wines are best in the latter part of the year, when time hath purged them of their fire and made them milder, but regard must be had that they become not sour. Age causeth strange Metamorphoses in us, it breedeth evil favoured wrinkles in our hearts, and always there is somewhat that tasteth sharp and musty, and beginneth to be faint or rank. Old men should sit in Council, and young march in the field: old men fear blows. The boiling and courageous heat of youth (mother of brave exploits) is extinguished in them, there it is too hot for them. They never sleep without curtains and fire: I make more account of a young Captain, whose virtue and valour groweth up with his age, and such (as without dissimulation) France hath found in Monsieur de Chastillon, who in less than 4▪ months, compassed a great part of France, traversed a hundredth dangers, passed many places, where he found any thing either before, behind, or on his sides, but that opposed itself against him. And like a brave Gentleman, having separated himself from the mutiny of the Rutters and the leaguers forces, although the Count de Tournon, and the Lord of Mandelot, bereaved him of all means to pass away, but only by arms, yet he passed through them, like thunder that teareth and scattereth all whatsoever lieth before it, and made them know, that the valour of a courageous heart, is not subject to long and tedious resolutions, which are not executed but in words. This place hath somewhat separarated me from the banquet made by Monsieur d'Espernon to the Rutters, and of the treaty that followed, which gave them liberty and assurance to retire. They went unto Geneva, where divers of the heads (whether it were for grief, with languishing, or by blows of musket) yielded up the ghost. There the Duke de Bovillon being in the five & twenty year of his age, died upon the eleventh of january, having made his heir the Lady Charlotte de la Mark his sister, charging her to alter nothing in the state, nor the religion of the soveranties of Sedan & jamets': nor to marry without the advises of the king of N. the Prince of Conde, and Monsieur de Monpensier, whom he appointed his heir with his son, the heir dying without children: with the same charge not to alter any thing in his lands, in the which case he substituted the king of Navarre, and after him the Prince of Conde. Assoon as the Duke of Lorraine understood of this Prince's death, he sent his armies into his countries, in defence whereof, lafoy Nove his executor entered into arms, with protestation, that the promise he had made (for his delivery) unto the king of Spain, not to bear arms against him, bound him not to refuse his aid in defence of a young child, against the usurpation of the Lorraines. The marquess du Pont, eldest son to the Duke of Lorraine, and the Duke of Guise, against their faith given, they followed not the army, but the miserable troop of Rutters, to the Mountain of Saint claud, where they gave thanks for the good success of their company: and from thence to please their hungry troops, they traversed the Count of Bourgongne, entering into the Countess of Mombeliard, & Hericourt, where his men used divers great cruelties, and spared not the lands of the Bishop of Basle, the example and ornament of the good Prelates of Germany. After the bloody ceasing of so lamentable vengeance, upon a poor innocent people, which as yet do feel the losses and destructions of two hundredth Villages, the violence used to a number of women and maids, the massacre of so many old men, the furious and beastly inhumanities' of the league, they bore the signs of their spoils into Lorraine, where they erected the great confusion that dispersed itself, through all the veins of the estate, nevertheless it was the glory of the league, & the last point that ambition hath learned. Time and humours are marvelously disposed thereunto. All France showed itself much bound unto it, that had delivered them from the furies of strangers, and assured all Catholicque minds. The victory of Auneau, Marvel that a king should be tealous of his vassal. is an ordinary song among the people, the rejoicing of the Clergy, the bravery of the Gentlemen. Of the league, the jealousy of the king, that knew well that this Laurel was not given to the league, but to disgrace his Majesty, although it was common in the mouth of honest men, that his Majesty had constrained his enemies to yield. There was no Preacher but spoke openly in the pulpit, and said: that Saul had killed two thousand, but David six thousand: the friends of Marcus Crassus could not endure that Caezar should be beloved of the people: this jealousy sought to eternise the Dictator's office, with his reputation in the opinions of the commons, made it to be proclaimed in all places, that the Rutter had been raised, paid, and sent away by the King, and that without the prowess and constancy of the Duke of Guise, the Ark had fallen into the hands of the Philistines, that heresy had triumphed over Catholicque religion. The Pope, the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoye, made fires of joy, and pronounced the praises of the Duke of Guise: It is said that the Pope sent the Duke of Guise a sword, engraven with burning flames. All estates shook and wavered. the Prince of Parma had sent him his arms, saying: that among all the Princes of Europe, it belonged only to Henry of Lorraine, to bear arms, and to be a commander in the wars. The league by this means being in so great appparance and likelihood of advancement, pushed forward rather by insolency of good fortune, then of judgement, sailed in the main sea of her pertences, and embraced the occasion for the which long since it had always had the nostrils open, the eyes watchful, the ears hearkening, and the foot stirring. And to conclude, it became very fair. The Clergy with full sail pushed forward the intent of the Duke of Guise, to band against the Huguenots, divers Gentlemen wondering at his fortune, under vain hopes that he would once be king, ranged themselves to his will, believing that most dangerous attempts and easiest to be achieved, is under a Prince full of valour and courage. The people that are not nourished but with the praises of the house of Guise, and the disorders of the king: held on that side which they esteemed most sure and strong. The Town of Paris, that perceived the king to have forgotten the Edict of july, that he had returned to his first humours of penance, that he is judged by joubert and Miron, never to be a father: that his favour, his liberty, her heart, and his soul, depended but upon two of his creatures, and that the charges and impositions renewed and redoubled, began to dislike of things present, and to embrace all whatsoever offered itself unto them, how little appearance soever it had, not to change or decay. Some of the busiest, which after that time were named the sixteen, began to utter their devices, and secretly to vent their false moneys, filling the hearts and ears of the common people with fears, by consideration of the unrecoverable fall of the Church: of secret favours and intelligences with the King of Navarre: of despising the Catholicque Princes: of advancement of Migrons: Murmurati on against disorders. of desolation of lusts & pleasures: of hypocrisy in the Court: and of the resolution of the parisians, to revenge the conspiracy of the year past. This moved the most assured, dimmed the eyes of the most clear sighted, and heated the courages of the most lukewarm. These consciences trembling more for fear to lose the bell, than the steeple, suffered themselves to be led away without conduction or thread into his labyrinth, and most foolishly ran one after the other, into the press of this fury. The Duke of Guise, that thought not of any tempest, the ship being yet in the haven, and feared not when he perceived it to be in the middle of the raging seas, embarked himself therein, in hope of those popular winds, and built upon the quicksands of Paris. And if you would know what parts were in him, to undertake so haughty an enterprise, harken what a great parsonage of our time writeth thereof. He only is all the league, the rest of his house are not like him, and all of them together cannot furnish the least part of that which by him is taken in hand: The Duke of Guise's nature in the liberal discourse. a great dissembler well advised: very wise, and wiser than all his faction, which all the world well perceiveth by his actions. I have seen by writings under his own hand, in an enterprise of great importance, where the greatest person of his house, next after him, without his advise went about to commit a great and notorious fault. He is endued with much virtue, certain effects take good success, and with the name and memory of his father: by civil war, he presently became the chief commanmaunder of the Catholicque faction, specially seeking to get the favour of those towns, that feared a Prince of the religion, whom he flattered by many private means, chief and cettaine signs of a mind aspiring unto tyranny. He is divers, and corrupted without measure, secret, close, crafty, patiented, (even to the point of being blasoned) dissembling, proceeding in his intents, with long detraction. Seeing far off, and not enterprising any thing, but he is well assured to effect it. His father and his Grandfather withstood the King of Spain in Italy, and he will do it in France. He saith it is the zeal of religion that provoked him. And God knoweth, there are yet so many Turks and Sarrasins in the world, that withhold his inheritance of the kingdom of jerusalem, why doth he not rather turn his pretences upon them, then against France? When he perceive the greatness of the sovereign Majesty decreased and imbased: that his enemies were retired unto Rochel: that England had a proud Spaniard upon her back, (meaning the great Spanish army by sea) he assured himself to take the king without danger: he leaned his ear to the advise of the sixteenth Archleaguer of Paris: he advertised the Cardinal of Bourbon, (that went not but as he was led) not to refuse so good an occasion, and pass so fair a time without some exercise, gathered an assembly of his principal friends at Nancy, there to advise the means to pass forward: constrain the king to make his will: banish his Minion's, and to be content to be ruled by his house. And so that assembly concluded, that he should be summoned to join his forces unto the enterprises of the league: his authority, to her pretences: his favour, to their will: leave and refuse the counsel and amity, of such as should be named unto him: drive and bereave them of their offices: establish the Inquisition in every Town, to publish the Council of Trent, The effect of the articles made in the assembly of of Nancy, in Febr. 1588. touching the ordering of things that derogated the privileges of the French Church. To consent to the restitution of the rents and goods, that it had been alienated and sold for the charges of his wars. To give them Towns wherein they might place men of war, and to make such fortifications, as the necessity of time and affairs would permit. Ordain the sale and confiscation of Huguenots goods, also the disabling of their persons, and entertain an army upon the frontiers of Lorraine, against the return of the Germans, that would come to have some recompense, for the cruelties by the league committed in the Count of Mombeliard. These articles were sent unto the king, mean time, This war continued till May 158●. the forces of Lorraine continued wars against the Princes of Sedan, a war that raised a thousand curses against the league, the thing not being so well justified, as the consideration of an innocents case, made it seem execrable, and detested such as enterprised the same, for entering upon other men's bounds. The king stayed for a time, to resolve himself upon the intentions of the Princes of the league, and made show to consent unto them. And to say the truth, he was not in estate to oppose himself against them, for that in the beginning of the league, having permitted them to strike their hatchet into the flourishing tree of Saint Lois, the blow entered, and made so great an overture, that all fell in pieces. He acknowledged the perilous consequence of his first fault. And that he agreed to the treaty of Nemours, and to the breach of peace, so to approve the league. Prognostications of de Mesnil Aubri, 1560. He verified that which the Cassandrian Huguenots had so often sung: he saw that the great credit which the Duke of Guise had gotten among his subjects, to the great diminishing of his own, did more increase, that since he had left disobedience unpunished, rebellion was avouched, and that from it would proceed some strange change, to shake the estate. As many syllables as he pronounced in reading those articles, so many times his heart beat, and moved in his body with an extraordinary fear, saying in himself: Considerations by the King had, touching the articles of Nancy. The league will have me to banish my servants, that are most affected unto me. So the wolves desired the sheep to drive away the dogs, that they might work their wills. That I should bind myself to their devices: and why? to serve them for a bridge to enter upon the royalty: that I should hatch the vipers within my bosom, that should gnaw my enteralles, and under the flower deluce, I should cover the crosses of Lorraine: that of a king, I become General of an army: that the people may know, that seeing I have not the courage to be a Master, it is reason I should be a servant: that if I have not the stomach to punish such as enterprise upon me, they neither have shame nor fear to proceed therein: it will have me overthrow and destroy those great persons that I love, and that belong unto me: which being done, what advancement would it be either to me or to the Commonwealth? what is a forest when the fairest trees be cut down, but only a place full of fushes? what is a Realm when the greatest houses are overthrown and impoverished? only a desert. That I should agree and consent with them to make war against such as are not of their league. Who ever heard that any estate could long endure when it is divided in two parts, that have weapon in hand? and what will become of mine, enduring three or four? and that these two words of leaguers and Politicians, shall be as contagious therein, as those of Guelphe and Gibelin, that first sprang out a little Town between two brethren, and spread all over Italy, among all the Princes? Who shall defend me under his partialities, from the same slanders that our neighbours of England and Germany have received? I will have no other part but mine own, and find there is no better nor fairer, then to be a king, I mean a king of France. That I should cause the Council of Trent to be published, I am content: but this publication must not be made by sound of trumpet, or noise of Cannon-shotte. Hitherto my sovereign Courts of Parliament never counseled me unto it, for the prejudice I might induce into, the liberties of my Crown, and franchises of the Clergy of this Realm: and fortaine Princes have not received it, but as far as it was conformable to their wills, and have taken out of it the thorns that pricked them. That I should establish the Inquisition at the least in all my Towns: this word breedeth a fear in every man. The Inquisition was not invented but against Infidels, for that after my ancestors had reduced Spain to the Christian faith, and that Pelages King of Castille, perceived himself not strong enough to constrain Infidels in their consciences, he permitted them the liberty thereof, for certain yearly tribute. Long after, Ferdinand of Arragon, perceiving that by the patching of so many superstitions, both of the Synagogue, and the Koran of Christian religion began to be corrupted, he determined to constrain them to be Baptized, or to leave the country, such as to stay & that made more account of their livings then their consciences, purged not themselves so well of their errors, but that there rested some dregs of their first opinions, which they held by succession from their ancestors, and desired rather like the Duke of Friezland, to go to hell with their sects, then to Paradise without them. For men do hardly forego the religion by them learned from their cradles, & the more they are afflicted to make them leave it, so much the more they harden their minds against torments: the more the exercise is forbidden them, the more they seek it: and the more they are moved, the more they stir: they began to inform against them, whereof the jacobins as than newly produced into the Church by Saint Domenicke (full of doctrine and religion) had the charge, who employed prayers and exhortations, and would not use violent purgations, thereby not to stir up an abundance of humours, that might stop the heart or the liver, this peaceableness and toleration being dangerous in the Church, they began to use rigour against those miserable Marian's, under the name of Inquisition: and since that, it hath been exercised against such as are not sound in Catholicque religion. The forms since that time added thereunto are very strange, as the length of proceeding to answers, the voluntary confessions of those that are accused: the slanders and boldness of their officers called Flies: the prison under ground, soul, obscure, and fearful: the punishment with trochelles and wheels, the sinews, the water, and the from, the yellow Casocke without sleeves painted full of devils, which they call Saubenite, the mitre, gag, and the cord, and that which is the last part of this pitiful tragedy, the fire have made this inquisition (which I think necessary in Spain) so strange unto the Flemings, and so detestable to the Frenchmen, that the Frenchmen will rather a thousand times endure that which the Flemings have suffered, than subject themselves unto it, to establish this inquisition, among the light toys of the Frenchmen, the liberties we possess within these thirty years, and the curiosities that are naturally in us, there would not be wood enough to burn my subjects. I will not do it, I had rather have a sick then a dead body, I will not make religion a Butchery, or the altar of a sacrifice which is not bloody, a pillory or place of execution: no, the king of France will no more cause his subjects to be slain, to make them believe he will never undertake to constrain men's souls, as long as their bodies are obedient unto him. It belongeth unto God to accord these false notes, that are heard in the harmony of his Church. They would likewise that I should consent unto the Clergy, that they may purchase in fee farm such goods as heretofore have been aliened from their Churches, and constrain the possessors thereof to sell them again: that is as much to say, that I should fight for the Church, & the Clergy shall keep their temporal goods, while the people play the Alkamists with their teeth. They will give the alarm, and never come to battle. All the rest of their articles touching the sale of Huguenots goods, and of their disabling, are already ordained, men are employed therein, all my parliaments are troubled therewith. What do they demand of me, which I have not agreed unto not being able to refuse it? and how many things have I graun-unto them, which I could refuse, because I ought not so to do it? There is no sinew in his politic body, but it is wrested, nor any member which doth not languish. They have constrained me to play and hazard my estate by chance of wars: I have already lost the half, let them suffer me to withdraw myself into the other half and live in peace. Such were the objections of this Prince, at the motions of the leaguers articles, but because of nature he was fearful, feeble, and light, he never had firm resolution within his mind. Prince's most commonly do fail by not believing counsel, but he deceived himself by too much crediting. The first point of this mischief was, that truth was kept from him, and that men followed his humours. He was persuaded the strongest part to be that of the Duke of Guise, that all the Towns and Provinces had their minds set on him, that if he entered not into it, he would be left alone, at the mercy both of the League and the Huguenot. Yet he firmly resolved to be Master, and to range both the one and the other under his obedience: but it was by a weak means, embracing the Duke of Guise's part, and made himself principal of the one side, with all severity to make war against the Herereticque, speaking of nothing but of a voyage into Poitou, to besiege Rochel, and to take the Isle of Rhie. And that which most favoured this enterprise, was, that the Huguenots had lost the Prince of Conde, under whose valour and generosity, they conceived great hopes, and without doubt, as being endowed with all the qualities convenient for a valiant Captain, and otherwise an unrecoverable enemy of their enemies. His disease was violent, procured by a nosegay given him by some of his household servants, for that upon Thursday being the third day of March, half an hour after he had supped, a great pain in the stomach, shortness of breath, hardness of the belly, and continual vomiting, with extreme pain and thirst, took him. And the Saturday after, when his Physicians and Surgeons had employed all Art, experience, and fidelity to heal him, growing sicker, a general sufforation of all the powers of his body ceased upon him, whereof within an hour after he died. His body was opened, wherein they found all the neither part of his belly black, and burnt, the guts full of reddish water, the stomach above the orifice, The death of the Prince of Conde, saturday the 5. of March. pierced clean through and round about, and the vital powers (that of themselves were very helpeful and well composed) by reason of the great quantity of poison were all ulcered. The king of Navarre at his return out of Gascongne, commanded expressly, that all those that were suspected to be necessary to the poisoning of the Prince, should be punished, for the which some were executed. Mean time, the King that had the enterprise of the League rather than that of the Huguenots, more imprinted in his mind, knowing that all their demands tended only to this end, to make a perpetual war, prepared himself to prevent it, and caused certain forces to be assembled under the conduct of the Duke d'Espernon, against whom all the league discharged their choler, making him the only argument of the confusion and disorder of all his affairs, their jealousy more increasing by the succession of the place of the Admiral, and of the government of Normandy, which he had newly received after the death of the Duke de joyeuse. This point deserveth to pass two steps out of my matter, the Admiral in France is the name of one of the chief Magistrates in the Realm, General and Prince of the seas belonging to the country: as Eghinard called Ruthland, that was Admiral in the time of Charles the great. The like authority the Marshal of France beareth in an army by land: the same doth the Admiral in a Navy of ships on the sea: but these offices are distinguished, for that the subject is different and divers. There is pain and diligence to be used to place an army by land in order of battle. The like must be used to conduct a Navy of ships upon the sea. At all times the most warlike country of France, (both by sea & land) hath had her Admiralles, and the Frenchmen of Britain, Narbonne, and Provence, are much commended for their practices and great dexterities in wars Voyages to the holy land, under Lewis the 7. and Philip Augustus, and Philip le Bel. upon the sea: never thelesse this office was never in so great glory and estimation, as it hath been since the third line of our kings, being that which brought policy and government into this Monarchy (as the first had established, and the second increased it, by victorious conquests) than it was, that the names of Constable, Greatmaister, Marshal, Admiral, and other such like dignities were ordained, but that of the Admiral remained unprofitable, while our kings traveled into the Levant seas, to fight against the Infidels, for in those expeditions they supplied their wants with vessels which they found nearest to the country of judea, and many times with their Admiralles, which they had from Genes, Pise, Venice, and Luques. But the Frenchman that never continueth long under the yoke of any stranger, would no more be governed by strange Admiralles, if they bore not the name of Admiral of France, although for the most part they were no Frenchmen. As in the time of Francis the first, Andrew, and Philip Dorie Genevois, were made Admirals of the Levant seas, and after left him to serve the Emperor Charles the fift. There hath been divers brave and expert Admiralles issued out of France, as Enguerrand de Coucy, and Hugue Quieret, Lewis of Spain, under Philip le Bel, A●ory Viscount de Narbonne, and john de Vienne under King john: & Charles the sixth, in whose time the Admiral of France furnished the great army of twelve hundredth sail of ships against the Englishmen, Cliret of Brabant, Lewis de Coulant under Charles the seventh, and Lewis Bastard of Bourbon, john of Vienne Admiral, and since Constable. 1586. Anne de joyeuse, Admiral, 1582. The Duke d'Espernon, made Admiral of France, by Parliament, the 11. of januarie, 1588. The Duke d'Espernon Governor of Normandy, entered Roan● the fourth of May. Earl of Rossillon, under Lewis the eleventh, and under king Frances the Lord of Brion, d'Anebaut and la Trimoville, for whom the Admiralles of Britain and Guyenne, were joined and made one. Gaspart de Coligny was Admiral under the same king, and confirmed by Henry the second and his children. Honorat de Savoye, marquess de Villars succeeded him, and caused it to be given to Charles de Lorraine Duke of Mayenne, that resigned it to Anne de joyeuse, and after his death, the king gave it to the Duke d'Espernon. And to establish him therein, presented him in the Court of Parliament, and putting off his sword, bareheaded, and kneeling on his knee, he took his oath before the chief Precedent, where the eloquence of Monsicur d'Espesses the king's Attorney much commended and set forth the praises of the Duke. He succeeded likewise in the government of Normandy, and made his entry into Roan, nine days before the Barricadoes at Parrs. Not long before that, he had sent the Regiment of Picardy to lie about Bullen, and caused certain small English boats to descend before the Town, so to impeach the enterprise of the Duke d'Aumale, and to prevent that which the said Duke intended against the Town. When the Duke of Guise understood of those troubles in Picardy, he thought the time as then to be fit for him, to constrain the king either to bow or break, to confirm the articles drawn & devised at Nancy and Dyon, and to help the weakness of the parisians, that without him would have lost courage. And for the same cause he arrived at Soissons, where his Majesty by Monsieur de Bellieure gave him to understand, that he should do him apleasure if he would abstain from coming to Paris, in so troublesome a time, wherein so many factions reigned, & that if he came thither against his will, he would lay the cause The arrival of the Duke of Guise, at Soissons: The king prayeth him not to come to Paris until the distrusts were laid. of the troubles (that might arise by his presence) upon him. Monsieur de Bellieure, who by reason of greatness and soundness of his judgement, concerning matters of estate, and the execution of wise and notable charges to him committed, held one of the chief places of Councillor about the king, used many and great reasons to restrain the impetuosity of that prince: and to conclude, departed from him, assuring himself that he had fully dissuaded him. But his heart attainted with a burning Fever, could find neither appetite nor pleasure, but in that which liked his stomach: believed that nothing could hinder him: that the heavens ought to give him place: that striking with his foot upon the ground, he would make a 100 legions of men to rise: & that without fear of jupiters' thunderbolts, he could rule the chariot of the sun. The Parissians had sent for him. Left no means between the two extremities of his firm resolution, but whatsoever fell out, he would see the Lowre, or die in the way. And thereupon mounted on horseback, with eight Gentlemen, about nine of the clock at night, leaving his brother, the Cardinal of Guise, and the Prince de juinuille his son at Soissons, desiring the Archbishop of Lions to follow him in the morning. And so within three hours after the arrival of Monsieur de Bellieure, and about Monday at noon, being the 9 of May, he entered into Paris, Sunday the 8. of May 1588. and lighted at the Queen-mothers' lodging, the Fills Repenties, where in great fear half trembling she received him, & led him to the Lowre. If the streets of Paris had been as broad, as the way of Appien. they would hardly have contained half the quantity of the people that followed this Prince: every man thought himself happy, that might put off his hat, and kneel on his knee for to salute him, The Duke of Guise arrived the Kings not knowing onit. all being full of joyful cries, clapping of hands, pleasures, and wishes, to welcome him. He for his part, holding his hat in hand, answering by his countenance to those popular rejoicings, marked the most prompt affections to his desire, they striving among themselves, who should begin to cry: Vive Guise, Vive le Pillier del'Eglise. Which being heard into the street called S. Honnore, where a Gentlewoman sat in a shop, she pulled down her mask, and spoke aloud unto him, utterring these words: Good Prince, now you are here we are all safe. That done, he entered into the king's chamber, where he did his duty to the king, but with less assurance then ordinary, knowing the King would not like well of his coming: and in truth, he showed him no great countenance, answering him (unto the reasons he made touching his journey to Paris) that by M. de Bellieure he had desired him not to come. But dinner time approaching, they left off, & the D. of Guise departed to his lodging. After dinner he went to visit the Q. in her garden: where the king finding him, as well as he could dissembled the exterier appearance of y● suspicion he had conceived in his heart: & the D. of Guise justified his actions with a brave and bold courage, He went to visit the Queen-mother. by so much the more as he perceived thesecret fear of the King's trembling mind, his servant & followers, one after the other still entered into Paris: for the Archbishop of Lions being the principal Agent of his Council, arrived upon Tuesday about dinner time, and came not out of the house of Guise, until the next day, that he went to see the Queen-mother being at Mass, & from thence went with her to her garden, where the K. found them: he stepped forward to kiss the King's hand, who received him with pleasant and cheerful countenance, having always discovered a certain inclination that he had to love him, as knowing him to be one of the worthiest Prelates of his order, of a prompt and ready wit, and wonderful eloquent, and withal, remembering that at all times when the storms of words and reasons were used in any matter of estate, he surprised all his Council. Whereupon he willingly desired, he had been as much affected to his service, as to the league wherein he had entered, as al-also in an assured enmity towards the Duke de Espernon. While the king, the Queen-mother, and the Duke of Guise, were speaking together, the people spoke among themselves, every man gave him his judgement, what would grow thereof, whispering each other secretly in the care. But secrets, love, and wine, are nothing worth when they are opened and perceived. The king caused four thousand Swissers to enter at four of the clock in the morning, the eleveuth of May, 1588. The Duke of Guise feared to be prevented, and the King's ears were filled with nothing but with the pretences of the parisians against him, he knew the practices that would trouble the brains of the ambitious head of the Duke of Guise, the manner of his arrival, and the favour of the people increased his distrust, so that he resolved to prevent the time of his enterprise, and commanded the Marshal Biran, to cause the Swissers and Frenchmen to enter into the Town, and to lodge them in divers quarters thereof, thereby to restrain the people, that prepared themselves to the execution of that whereof a year before they had failed. The fear of the Persian. Captain Gast with his company, ceased upon the little bridge hard by Nostre Dame: Captain Grillon lodged at Pont Saint Michael: the Marshal d'Aumont placed a rank of arquebusiers on each side of Pont Nostre Dame. Whereat the people being abashed, shut up their shops, which they had begun to open, expecting a fury, wherein Monsieur de Villequier used all the means he could to dissuade them, praying them not to stir, or fear any thing. But all in vain, they had no ears, they would not hear, the artificer left his tools, the Merchant his traffic, the university their books, the Councillors their pleas, and the Precedents themselves take halberds in hand, whereby nothing was heard but fearful cries, strange complaints, mournings, and despite. The fearful day of Barricadoes in Paris. And God knoweth if in that public rising, such as would take upon them to exhort & set the rest together by the ears, might not easily do what they list. Among the which, one of those audacious, mutinous fellows, spoke unto them and said: How now companions, shall not we this day shroud ourselves from the showers of rain, and pull our heads from under the axe, which the king's arm lifteth up against us, thereby to preserve us from thunderclaps and furies of evil counsel, that seeketh the means to make pray of us, our wives & children? Perceive you not that the King seethe only outwardly, understandeth but with his outward ears, and stirreth not but by the means of such as support heresies, Seditious words to move the people. & that fill their chests with the treasures that are exacted from the Clergy, and the common people? Shall we stay till they come to bind our hands and feet, & draw us to the grieve, there to serve for tapistry to the gibbets, that are prepared in the Townhouse? What further advise needeth to be had, to put ourselves in a just and natural defence? Have we not already heard Courtesans in the street making partitions of our goods? Did they not say, that from henceforth the K. shall no more be a Page, that he should command like a Master, and that he would be revenged for the attempts made against him by the league. Shall we abuse ourselves? shall we not think upon neighbours, our wives, our children, and ourselves? These words were presently carried and approved with common consent. And although the Duke of Guise, knew by the report of the Archbishop of Lions, (whom he had sent unto the king) that the placing of men of war in the quarters of the Town of Paris, was not against him, yet he would not trust in any thing but his sword. And with that, the Barricadoes (a fatal and seditious invention of the league; and the only instrument to overthrow her tyranny, in such Towns where the people are of courage) were made distant each from other thirty foot, and reached almost to the Sentinels of the Lowre. The Swissers were set upon, and they yielded, crying: Vive Guise, and Monsieur de Brissac caused them to be disarmed, and lodged in the Butchery or new market. The Sieur de Saint Paul, caused the king's guard to retire, holding down their arms, with their hats in hand. The Queen-mother got into her Coach in great fear, and went to seek the Duke of Guise: and after her, Monsieur de Bellieure, thereby to appease the commotion. But this burning Fever being but in his prime, and like to be much more violent, the Duke of Guise said he could not hold those Bulls that had burst forth. Meantime, the King was advertised that the enterprise would proceed further. That the Duke of Guise had not pretended so haughty an enterprise, to faint in the middle thereof. That to make his victory full and accomplished, he must of necessity cease upon the person of him, that might either impeach it, or make it infamous to the victors. Advise given to the King, concerning the Duke of Guise's intent. Upon these considerations, there arrived a Gentleman, a familiar and domestical attendant upon the Duke of Guise, that assured him of the resolution that was taken to enter into the Lowre, and to cease upon his Majesty, which was confirmed by three other, and very true. For that seeing the Duke of Guise had proceeded so far, the time served not as then to dissemble, as likewise his Council found no better, more assured, nor expedienter means. And to conclude, he bragged seeing he had him there, to hold him fast: where upon a certain Author hath written, and saith: How now! what sayest thou stranger? In the liberal discourse. to slay a King of France, it is more than all Europe can do: it is an enterprise (and yet very dangerous) for an Emperor, if thy Grandfather had thought, thou wouldst ever have uttered such proud speeches, he would surely have strangled thy father, thereby to impeach thy entrance into the world. In a peaceable estate, in a quiet Realm, this only would have cost thee thy head, but because it is in such estate, therefore thou troublest it. The King, that could hardly believe it would proceed to that point, assured himself, and made no account of that advise, thinking the people would always range themselves under the clemency of their king. But those of his Council that desired to be far from Paris, and that knew the mutinies of the people, showed his Majesty, that there was nothing more unconstant than that multitude, which in times past had constrained Philip le Bel, in great haste to save himself in the house of the Templiers, and the Duke of Normandy, son to King john, prisoner in England, to wear a hood half red, half russet, thereby to defend himself from their insolency. And desired him to remember the revolt of the Maillotins, Caboches, and of those of Saint Andrew's cross, of the disposition of Salcede, the letters of the King of Navarre, the conspiracies made the last year about Easter, and the many advises and prognostications he had received, by the singes he had seen. The Queen-mother was not of that mind, The 13. of May. 1588. and promised to persuade the Duke of Guise, and for the same cause went to find him out, desiring him to quench so many fires already kindled, & to come & speak with the King, of whom he should have contentment at his pleasure: and thereby let him see, that in so urgent an occasion, he had greater desire to serve, then to overthrow his Crown: to repair, rather than throw down the edifice of the estate, which that commotion had most mischievously shaken. The Duke of Guise between hope and fear, that never esteemed man to be greater than himself, as long as he held his sword in hand, making show of innocency, and laying the fault upon the people: said, that he suffered himself to be borne in that sort by them, rather by force and necessity, then that he had any desire so to do. That touching the Lowre, it was but athing falsely devised against him, that it should be a great folly for him to go thither, things being in such hateful estate, and so to cast himself weak and in his doublet, into the mercy of his enemies. The Queen-mother advertised the King by Secretary Pin●rt. The Queen marking the stubbornness and resolution of the Duke of Guise, concerning her requests, caused the King to be advertised, who desiring not to stay any longer in that trance, issued out of Paris by the new gate, and that night lodged at Traps. It is said, that being at Monmartre, he turned towards the Town, and cursing it for the infidelity, ingratitude, and disloyalty thereof, in respect of all the benefits it had received at his hands, he swore he would never enter into it again but by a breach: his servants, the companies of his guard, and men of war, with the Swissers, followed him, and left their lodgings to those new Kings of Paris. The Duke of Guise that had written to the Governor of Orleans, The Duke of Guise's letters to the Governor of Orleans. that he held the Lowre so close shut up, that he would give good account of that which was within it, knew well the victory was not performed, and that his reputation would be stained, if the news of the King's retreat were carried out of the Realm, by other means then by himself, he considered that whatsoever is attempted against the King's person, toucheth and concerneth all his equals, that as the Prelates, the Officers, the Senators, and Knights, and all Kings are brethren: that one blood royal calleth the other: that all sovereign Rulers, do blazon rebels and disturbers of estate, although they help themselves by the same means. He thought it good, to send Monsieur de Brissac, to the Ambassador of England, to show him the cause of the erecting the Barricadoes. I make no difficulty to write whole leaves of a discourse, when it is not out of purpose, neither any disgrace to the matter propounded: therefore I have set down the same words, that passed between the Ambassador of England, and the Count de Brissac, which were faithfully reported unto me. The Count de Brissac accompanied with certain Gentlemen, went to visit the Ambassador of England at his lodging (in those commotions and popular insolences) to offer him a safeguard or protection, and to desire him not to be abashed, nor to stir, as being assured of the protection of Mensieur de Guise. The Ambassador made him answer, that if he had been in Paris, as a particular person, he would fall down at the feet of Monsieur de Guise, and give him humble thanks for his great and courteous offers, but being there hard by the King, and for the Queen his Mistress (that had peace and amity with the King) he neither would nor could receive any protection but from the king himself. Monsieur de Brissac showed him, that the Duke of Guise was not come to Paris, to enterprise any thing against the king or his service, but that he had only put himself in defence, that there was a great conspiracy made against him, and the City of Paris, that the Townhouse, and other places, were full of gibbets, whereon the king had determined to hang divers of the Town and others: and that the Duke of Guise desired him, to advertise the Queen his Mistress thereof, to the end it might be known. The Ambassador answered, that he believed the Duke had willed him to say so, that the highest and hardiest enterprises often times lie hidden and secret in the minds of those that undertake them, and that (when they think good) they make them known with such colour and show, as they think best for their purpose, that he could not choose but tell him plainly, that that which passed in Paris, would be found very strange, and evil thought of by all christian Princes having interest therein. That no cloak or cover, how fair soever it might be, could cause it to be liked of, it being the duty of a subject to continue in the just obedience of his Prince. That if there were so many gibbets prepared, it would be the easilier believed, if the Duke of Guise would cause them openly to be showed. And again, if it were so, it is a most odious and intolerable thing, that a subject by force should seek to impeach the justice that his Sovereign would execute against offenders. That he would promise him, that most willingly and with all speed, he would advertise the Queen his Mistress of that had passed, but to be his Interpteter unto her, of Monsieur de Guise's intents, and those of his confederacy, it was no part of his charge, the Queen his Mistress being wiser than himself, both to believe and judge what she thought good. Hear endeth the second Book. THE third BOOK OF THE LAST troubles of France, containing that which passed after the Barricadoes in Paris, and there trait of the king to Chartres, until the Edict of pacification, and assembly of the general estates at Blois, in the month of September. Barricadoes the 12. of May. 1588. O Accursed and fatal day, that haste defaced the beauty and pleasure of the twelfth day of May, which every year used to put us in mind of the solemn and triumphant entry of Charles the eight, into the Realm of Naples, what coal can be black enough, to note thee in our Ephemerideses, and so leave to our posterity the remembrance of the shame and reproach of the rebellion which thou breedest up, by driving the king out of Paris, and making known the hideous spectacles of the tyranny of the League. There is no memory that forgetteth the remembrance of thy ingratitude: no abolition, that defaceth thy felony: nor any defence to be sought, that might hide thy shame: and there is not sufficient water in the river of Seine, to wash away the filthiness of thy villainy: nor wood enough to burn the Registers and memories of this sedition. But can we speak of the Barricadoes, without remembering this incomprehensible motions of God's providence, which doth equally shine and appear as well in the establishing, as pulling down of Empires, & dealetha swell with their fall, as with their continuance? And who will not say, Read a notable discourse upon this matter, in the 2. Book, entitled the constancy and consolation of public calamities. Henry the third, a most religious Prince. He led rather the life of a Monk, then of a K. He hated the Huguenots. that this great motion (the spring of all the miseries ensuing) was not a blow of the hand of the inscrutable wisdom of God, to punish the king and his Realm? He that would debate this proposition by the circumstances of the king's person, needeth not to seek the causes thereof, neither in the East nor in the West, but only to ground them upon the eternal wheel of God's judgements. What appearance was there, for subjects to arm themselves and revolt against a king? what pretence could be so close, but in the end it would open and be discovered? The cause of religion, which is one of the most violent passions of the people, and the most assured means to alter an estate, was so clear and pure in him, that many judged his life to be religious, blamed his actions, which was fit for an Hermit than a Prince. He kept more in a Monastery then with his Council, he spoke oftener with jesuits, Capucins, and Fueillantins, then to his Secretaries. He detested nothing more than Huguenots, and there was not any Huguenot in France, that had received any commandment at his hands, he was more spoken and disliked of among them, than any of the house of Lorraine: they beheld him not, but as the comet of their miseries, and never remembered him, but when they spoke of S. Bartholomewes' day: that which they had endured at the hands of the duke of Guise, was but roses, in respect of that they had suffered at jarnac, And the Huguenots declared his life. Moncontour, Rochel, and Paris, in such manner, that it were an extreme absurdity, to believe that he favoured Hereticques, and that he would overthrow that religion, whereof he made so open profession. He was assisted by the Princes of his house. Therefore he had no cause to fear any thing to be done against him by the Catholicques: and yet those are they that in the Capital Town of his Realms, Barricadoed themselves against him. He had all the Princes of the blood for the defence of his Crown: for when the King of Navarre, for the liberty of his conscience had taken arms, it was no longer but while they would constrain him, and break the decrees of peace, that permitted him to be free of conscience, not to oppose himself against the Monarchy, nor to an anarchical confusion of this estate. The rest of the Princes, that knew well that the reasons of the league, were not so much to reform the Realm, as to overthrow it, and therewith to bring them within the compass of those ruins, held themselves near unto his Majesty, all the Nobility of France, at the least nine of ten parts, more particularly bound unto his service, for their honours, dignities, offices, and benefits, as also the justices of the Realm, not being of the mind to accommodate themselves to the humours of the Princes of the league, and esteemed the essential form thereof to be opposite, and an overthrowing to the estate. The Gentlemen of France foreseeing that the royalty cannot be overthrown, but that the Nobility must likewise bear the same burden: and that the subject that refuse the obedience and faieltie of his Prince, will not be long before he seeketh to free himself of the rents and revenues he oweth unto the Lord of the soil. The greatest persons of the Clergy, consented not to those new mutinies, acknowledging that their profession is more honoured and beautified under a King, The chief of the Clergy. then by the confusions of a democration estate. The king likewise had named and chosen them at his pleasure, so that the obligation of his favour, retained them in his service. Learned men published his praises, and in his reign there were more books printed and dedicated to his Majesty, Learned men. then in the reign of the great King Francis and his successors, although most justly he was named the father and restorer of learning. Some Preacher only flattered sedition, thereby to win estimation among the common people desirous of a change. In all the towns & throughout every Province there were officers, who besides their natural subjection, were more bound to him by oath that he had taken of them, giving them charge of his treasures, the power of his laws, and administration of his justice, with the order of policy, & they desired nothing more than the greatness of their King, his rest and quietness being their only preferment, for that without liberty and peaceableness, with his long life and prosperity, their offices were of little force, as having exposed their fortunes to the hazard of the term of his life. I And yet he was not well assured in Paris. n such manner, that his Majesty had not any thing more at his commandment, than men of that quality, that only feared the peril of his holy and sacred person, and the changing of this Monarchy. Who would then believe, that a king, yea and a king of France, in the middle of so many assurances, in the bravest time of his reign, in the Capital City of his Kingdom, among so many Princes, Knights of the Order, in the face of a Parliament, (the thunder against sedition) and colony of justice and royalty, having in his power the Bastille and the Arsenal: at his devotion, the Provost of Merchants, the Sheriffs, and the Colonnelles, and six thousand men of war, placed in the streets and quarters of the Town, where he desired should be besieged in his Palace of Lowre, by a people whom he had so much cherished and enriched with the spoils of his other subjects, and by himself stirred up, under the false alarm of a Garrison, sacking and spoiling, constrained to save himself by flight from the fury of his mutinous subjects. Incluctabilis fatorum vis cuius fortunam mutare constituit, consilia corrumpit. Velleius lib. 2. de Caesar es varo. And can we that have seen and beheld it, remember it, without considering that the eternal power of him that ruleth all the world, made the Spirits, judgements, counsels, and conductions of those that might divert the mischiefs, proper and fit to advance them, and suffered them to take effect, to show his wrath, striking the head, to make members languish. O fatal, and once again accursed day of Barricadoes, the birth day of our miseries, and funerals of our joys, that unloosed the winds to those storms of blood, that have drowned our companions, that made liberty captive, truth criminal, rapine, just: and tyranny and invasion lawful: See here the first beginning of the troubles of France, 47. slain by Brisson, the Precedent. that pulled the Crown from the head of the King, and the laws from the heart of the Realm: that put the weapon in the hand of a Precedent, to raise the people in his quarter: that kindled the courage of the most coward, to fall upon the king's guard: that lifted up the chin of most vile persons, and caused the League to triumph in the strees of Paris, as an Image accomplished with all wickedness: that put pen in hand of the sixteenth, therewith to publish this wicked commotion, and to qualify that with a just defence against the kings advertising all the Towns of their conspiracy: that God had preserved that holy and religious City from a great massacre and fearful spoil: that the Duke of Guise had turned the counsel of Politicians, specially the Duke d'Espernon, that had won so much favour in the king's heart, that it caused him to determine the ruin and overthrow of the principal and most Catholicque Sedition called the image of all evil. families in Paris, to restrain their liberty, and despoil them of their religion, esteeming no better nor readier means to make his people to obey him, then to weaken, beat down, and spoil them of that corpulent fatness, which made them insolent, mutinous, and rebels, and that they should not believe the History of their tragedy, from any but their own lying mouths. Assoon as the King's servants knew that his Majesty was gone, The Court dislodgeth from Paris. The Duke of Guise is sorry for the king's retreat. the Huguenots never dislodged with more haste out of the suburbs of Saint German de Prez, at the dolorous day of S. Bartholomewe, than they did to save themselves, some on foot, some on horseback, out of Paris, flying in great haste: many had no leisure to put on their boots, the fury of the people being such, and so strait, moved against them, that it was a great escape made, to return from the house of Guise to the Lowre, and no man might pass if he held not for the Duke of Guise. Illia cos intra muros peccatut & extra. Horatius. His Lackeys served for Pilots and conductors of the King's chief councillors, to bring them safe to their lodgings. That this accident procured not most strange corrosives to the king's heart, it is not to be doubted. His Majesty having assembled his men at Saint Glaude, he went to Chartres, where the league had already sounded so many men's hearts, that there they spoke not of the king but in disdain, that his Majesty was grieved at the hart, to see himself in a manner banished in the middle of his estate, and spoiled of his authority. The Duke of Guise was much more grieved, when he knew the king was gone, that sudden blow so much abashed him, that he would willingly have taken post to follow after him, imputing it a great imperfection of nature: The Duke of Guise repenteth his hardiness, but faults are never known until they be done, and then we may look into the cause, and attribute it either to our own opinion that opposeth us against the rules of reason, or to our weakness, which abateth both our courage and resolution. Both of them (although too late) giving us wisdom and means to repent. It is very hard in these commotions that are sooner seen then conceived, and where we must take counsel and arms both at one time, to retain consideration, respect, and necessary wisdom, or that a man's mind can continue firm in one resolution. This commotion of Paris was followed with great imperfections, both within and without, as well on the kings, as on the Duke of Guise's part: he failed by letting the king escape, for that holding him, the tragedy of Chilperic had been acted, and the instructions of the Advocate David accomplished: he failed likewise herein, that having passed the bounds of duty and fidelity, and used his Master in that sort, he believed that playing the part of a diligent servant, he should win favour again: that his boldness would be forgotten: that a Lion roused in that sort, & so cruelly, would become tame or meek at the first morsel of respect, service, and obedience, that should be offered unto him: that he should have his will of the king sooner by flattery and service, then by pursuing and forcing him: for that not knowing how to use his advantage, nor in what sort to behave himself in the highest step of the lather of his enterprises, whereunto he had mounted with so long and secret pretences, he fell down all the steps at one time. When he saw all France disliked the king's departure in that forcecible manner out of Paris, he began to protest his innocency, and the duty he had showed to restrain the fury of the people, traveling in the king's behalf to save his honour, so strangely blemished. Fault in the King. The king for his part failed, and his fault was so much the greater, then that of the Duke of Guise, as there was inequality between them. The form, order, & means he found to rebate the credit of his enemy, and the reputation he had gotten among his subjects, was as unadvisedly pursued as begun. He sought to purge the body, before he had well disposed the humours: some of his Council said, it was best for him to let the Duke of Guise rest, as being already mounted so high, that he could not be brought down, but that it would be good to break down the steps whereby he mounted, and withdraw those that served him for footestooles. Counsel to abate the greatness of the Duke of Guise. The magnanimous resolution which the King should hold. Wholesome Council to reduce the people strayed, into the right path of obedience, love, and fear, which they own unto their king, and win so many hearts again by the same means, that the League had used to seduce them: that is, by peaceableness, by a universal reformation, and by relief of miseries. The king should have said: I will do as the League desireth, I will perform that which it promiseth you, I will perform deeds and not words: wherewith she abuseth you: she taketh the disorders of times, for the subject of her mutinies: I will establish order in policy, in my treasures, and in my Court, the shortest way had been so to prevent him, by little and littled iminishing the universal favour of the parisians towards him, but to do it upon the sudden, at one blow, and in one hour to repair the destruction and ruins, so long bred and invented, it was a great folly, and seeing by so many signs and distrusts, he feared the coming of the Duke of Guise to Paris, and that he had discovered his pretence. Why did he not cause him to go out again assoon as he came? he aught to have spoken unto him like a king. Francis the second his brother, Francis the second cast the Prince of Conde into prison. being younger than he, used the like speech to the Princes of his blood: if he had commanded him to departed, without doubt he had gone, because as then he would not have begun his tragedy, and thereby have borne the report of so manifest disobedience. And in truth assoon as the king spoke unto him and said: Cousin, wherefore do you come? his answer was given in faintness and trembling, his visage pale, and the Majesty that God imprinteth in his Samoris, his Lieutenants, and his lively Images, ceased and changed, as if from that time he had feared that the king would dislike the breach that he had made of his commandment, and say: And it liketh your grace, I am here present, to answer to the slanders that are raised against me, thereby to bring me in hatred to your Majesty. But (said the king) I sent you express word, not to come hither in this time so full of troubles and distrusts, and that you should stay for a time. My Lord (said the Duke) I was not so advertised, The Indians call their king's Samories: that is to say, god on earth. Speeches between the King and the Duke of Guise at Lowre. that thereby I did in any sort believe, that my coming hither would be offensive to your Grace. Whereupon the king turning to Monsieur de Bellieure, asked him and said: Did not I command you to tell him, that he should not come hither at this time? But as Monsieur de Bellieure begins to certify the king of his message, the Duke of Guise entered between them, wherewith the Queen-mother drew the king aside, and so mitigated that first quarrel. They ought not to have moved this contention, and leave despite and disdain in Monsieur de Guise's mind: nor leave the knife in the vain which he had opened, he ought to have given fear and punishment both at one time, or to have done neither the one nor the other, but it is a most strange thing, that men do always fail in doing their authorities, and in the principal point which is the cause thereof. It was vainly done of the king, to cause himself to be esteemed a good penitent, a good Hermit, a good versefier, a good discourser, and a good Orator, if he remembered not himself to be as he was, and to be known for king, and speak like a king: I say like a king, for this word of King, containeth all whatsoever belongeth to his charge. Senec. Epist. 77. Id in quoque optimum est cui cascitur cui con setur. Maximoimperio maxima cura in est. Sallu. He ought to have spoken to the Duke of Guise like a king, and have made him departed out of Paris, with his adherents, and he ought to have stayed therein like a king, for if his actions be not performed like a king, they are of no account. Every thing (saith Seneca) is commended for that which is proper unto it, and for the principal part that giveth it the form & being. A Vine is praised for the fertility: the wine for the liquor, & the Hart for his swiftness. In a dog we commend a good nose, to smell, find out, and follow the beast, his lighnesse for running, both to approach and assail, and his heart and courage. And to conclude, the special utility & proper use of every thing belongeth to itself. The Kings of the Sabans publicly durst not come abroad because of an oracle that forbade them. The ship is called good, not because she is painted with divers fair and costly colours, his stern all gilt, her boards inlaid with ivory, or that it is laden with treasures and Princely riches: but because the seams of the planks are well closed and calked, that it leaketh not, that it is strong and firm against the force of the waves, easy to stir, and swift of sail. Likewise you will not say, that a sword is good, because the hilts and handle are gilded, and the sheath of velvet, set with precious stones: but you say it is good if it hath a good edge, and the point sharp to enter well. So the king should not make himself known by the Crown and Sceptre which he beareth, but by the actions that depend upon his royalty, and that make him to be esteemed for a king, always remembering, that great offices require great wisdom. Among the carters and wagoners he is esteemed most unfit for the charge, that knoweth not how to behave himself therein. If your grace will take away the pendants that trouble your ears, you are a king, and not king of Denmark, or of Arragon, to be both Master and servant all at one time: nor king of Saba, not daring to be seen publicly, but king of France and of Frenchmen, a people gentle, tractable, and obedient, that did not disobey nor retire from you, but when they knew you would not be King: and that there was one of your subjects that prescribed you a law: in this case, the sun rising, is always fairer than descending. And as a wise politician once said unto you, when a king maketh it known, that he feareth some one man within his Realm, that there is one that may be greater than he, there is no more Majesty, he is no more that he was, but all the world runneth to the other. The nature of Henry the third. If we cannot be free, yet will we have but one Master: if that Master have an other Master above him, we presently leave the first to run to the last: it is the nature of man. There is this fault in you, that if you find no resistance, if you be in peace, you command absolutely, and you speak like a king, but if you find never so small difficulty, you always prefer a gentle and fearful, before a bold and severe remedy: God grant that in the end you seek earnestly and effectually to be that which you are, that is, Master and the greatest Lord in your Realm, which cannot be, if you be not king. Behold the opinion that the wisest Politicians had of the king, see how they lamented the fall of his authority, the spawn of his forces, & the dazzling or rather astonishing of his senses: I shall never be no more a king to counsel nor dissuade him, my ambition climbeth not to that degree, yet I will never counsel them unto mildness, and to simplicity without wisdom, that pardoneth and suffereth all. There is nothing so royal as Clemency, and nothing that more winneth the hearts of men, or that maketh a Prince more reverenced and beloved, then affable and courteous nature. Antonius, surnamed the courteous It is that (said the Emperor Antonius to Faustina his wife) that placed julius Caezar among the number of the Gods, that consecrated Augustus, and that gave the title of Pius to thy father. But when this Clemency is superfluous, that it changeth into a soft and peaceable nature: that this softness is not mixed with vigour, nor this peaceableness with austerity: I esteem it a point of mere carelessness, which although it be not to be blamed, yet it is not found to be good in a Prince. For it provoketh men to enterprise against a Prince, that is so ready to pardon, and the suffering of one fault that is miserable, draweth on another, (saith the Consul Fronto) to live under a Prince that will remit no part of the tigor of his laws. But it is much more miserable to live under a Prince, where all things are lawful, and that by a kind of faintness or carelessness, without discretion, pardoneth all whatsoever is done, both against law and reason. Clemency is commendable to an enemy that is overcome and submitteth himself, but while he shaketh and feareth in our presence, this weakness, this disquietness, and this fear, is a sign of doubting, and he will revenge himself. But some will say, this severity is odious in a king, intolerable to the people, and cause of rebellions: and in truth it is to be used with moderation, and then when we see that mildness and mercifulness is not prejudicial unto us. If it be called fury or rage, what need we care, so that fury maketh fools and rebels to become wise. We must do as Sabaque king of Egypt, and Antigonus king of Macedonia did, the first caused the gown and not the shoulders of the criminal to be beaten and punished: the hat for the head: the other hearing the soldiers speak hardly of him, hard by his tent, he contented himself with saying unto them: What? can you go no further but under my nose to speak evil of me? The king's letters at Chartres 17. of May, 1588. The king saw the pranks the leaguers had played with him, he heard them rend both his name and his authority: he saw that the Lowre was not safe enough for him against their violences: in steed of saying to these ungrateful wretches: get you from hence, or to strike such as served them for gowns or covertures: he excused the authors of the mischief, desireth their reconsiliation, and dareth not say, that he had been constrained to go out of Paris, remitteth the pacification of his troubles to the Queen his mother, because he knew his own weakness, and disinherited the affection and fidelity of his subjects. He advertised the Lieutenants and Governors of his Provinces, of the occasions that had moved him to departed out of Paris, and writeth unto the Capital Towns, not to form their hearts in the moulds of those of Paris, and to believe that he desired no other Garrison, nor fortress among them, but public good will and confidence from them. He caused his letters to be made and framed not like a Prince or Captain, but like a man that fled and trembled, that defended himself more with his holds then his arms, that durst no more command, but entreated his subjects, and a Prince that had forgotten himself to be a Prince, that he was God's Lieutenant, arbitrator of the life and death of his subjects, just distributer of the greatness of estates, that of some can make vessels of no valour nor substance: and of others, vessels to honour, and serve in a rich and goodly Palace: that he is not only the sinew that giveth moving to the commonwealth, but the heart and the head, that maketh it live, and the vital spirit, that quickeneth so many spirits. I must confess a truth, the King committed a great fault: but because mine eyes have too many lets to mark it, and that it belongeth not to mean persons to mount upon the Theaters whereon great persons play their tragical actions, I will set down the King's letter to the judgement of the Reader, yet will I add something of mine own upon the backside, and in the margin, leaving place nevertheless for such as will write after me, and believe that such men of judgement as will undertake this most sharp and bitter Theme to write upon, shall yet find something therein, whereof they may make honey. By the King. Trusty and well beloved, being in our Town of Paris, where we thought an intent was, to cease all kinds of jealousies a The first fault, and one of the oldest, partialities are fatal to estates, and Prince never endureth them, but they make him endure the disipation of his Provinces, and despising of his authority. The King not desiring to stop them when they began, but to peep out of the earth, could not abate them being grown great and high branches. The simple jealousy of two Noblemen, is the spark that finding the disposition of the matter, maketh great fire, the factions of Princes draw the people unto them. and impeachments, as well in Picardy as else where, which made us reiourne our travel into our country of Poiton, there to pursue the wars begun against the Huguenots, according to our determination. Our Cousin the Duke of Guise arrived unlooked for, upon the ninth of this month, whose coming in that sort, did in such manner increase the said distrusts, that we found our person in great perplexity, b The Duke of Guise's coming to Paris deceived the King, and with so small a company it made the King's mind to be diversly. His sudden arrival caused him to remember the effects of the advises given him, and the small number of his company withdrew him from it, and made him judge well of that Prince's meaning and intent. But he deceived him, for that ought to have made his coming more suspicious, for if it had been simple without deceit, the participants would not have stirred so soon, Publica expectatio magni secreti impatients. because not long before, we had been advertised from divers places, that he would arrive in that sort, and that certain of the Inhabitants of the said town, such as were suspected to be the causes of the said distrusts, stayed and daily attended his coming, and for the same cause having him to be certified c Oftentimes a man thinketh to withdraw and stay a conspiracy, that advanceth it, it is dangerous to dissemble it, and more to discover it, we must never make show of any distrust that we have in our enemy, but then when we are upon the point to be revenged. There are some bodies so weak, that if you give them any Physic, they will be sick, and if you tell them they are sick, they will presently fall into a fever. Herein you must use the prudence of dissimulation: that served for advise to King Lewis the eleventh: for counsel to Sigismond: for a law to Frederic the Emperor: for a virtue to the virtues of Tiberius. Also it is no danger to dissemble, so far forth (as Plato saith) that this subtlety do redound to the profit of the subjects. that we would not have him to come thither, before we had taken order for the affairs in Picardy, and revoked all occasions of distrusts: nevertheless knowing him to be come only with 14. or 16. horse, we refused not to admit him to our presence, to prove if with him we could end and cease those causes of distrusts and troubles in Picardy. Wherein perceiving that we could not prevail, and that our said Town every day more and more increased and was filled with strangers, that followed and attended on e The king had given too much liberty to secret assemblies, wherein under pretence of re-establishing good order, rest and quietness to the people, and of grieving at public calamities, that notable devise of Barricadoes, was determined in their heads and hearts, capable of all liquors wherein they distilled the despising and disdaining of the Prince, contrary to the respect and duty to a Magistrate. Periculum est si coetus & consilia & secretas consultationes esse sinas. Tit. Livius. the said Duke, that the searches we had commanded to be made through our said Town by the Magistrates & Officers of the same, were in a manner but half done, for the fear they were in, as also that the hearts and minds of some of them, were more altered and hardened, d The king did all by halves, he commandeth the D. of Guise not to come, and yet he cometh: he is offended at his coming, and yet he letteth him stay: and the Duke of Guise perceiving that the king commandeth him no more like a king, obeyeth him no more like a subject: he enterpriseth his pretences, because sufferance giveth courage unto his enterprises. Quis eum metuat, qui per segnitiem patitur hebescere aciem suae authoritatis. and the ordinary advertisements day lie brought us, that there would be some great matter effected in that Town. We determined to cause the said searches f Those searches were necessary, but they were not made in time, seeing things had proceeded so far, that a king of France had his hart free of jealousy & distrust in his Capital town, against a Duke of Guise, he ought to have dissembled or discovered the mischief. This search discovered the fire covered under the ashes of desire of peace, and when those wounded hearts knew the my to be discovered, that the kings distrust suspected their pretences, they judged that he which first began the mutiny should be master, and therefore it had been better for the king to have dissembled and withheld his severity. Res enim monebat cavere magis quam quod in illos statueret consultare. Salustius. to be more exactly done in all the quarters of the same, then before they had been, to the end we might be truly certified of the true estate thereof, & cause the said strangers to avoid, that were not avouched as they ought to be: which to effect, we were determined to make certain Courts of guard of the Citizens and Inhabitants thereof, which we appointed to be erected in four or five places of the Town, with certain companies of Swissers, and those of the Regiment of our guard, that were lodged in the subburbes of the City. And also to command certain Lords of our Council, and knights of the order of the holy ghost, g The King being advertised that at the noise of the Duke of Guise's arrival at Paris, that divers soldiers and men of factions came thither to be ready at the sound of the basin, that the name of that Prince was the Loadstone that drew the Iron hearts of the league unto it, caused his guards to be strengthened, and searches to be made. But as if he had not been assured without the advise of the Duke of Guise, he advertised him thereof, who fearing to be prevented, took that search as a prick to hasten his pretence, he spoke but the word, and presently Paris bended itself against the Lowre, as if it had been against the fort of an enemy, and they went with their heads bended against the king's forces, as in times they did against the Englishmen and Bourguinions. Quô quô scelesti ruitis? Furôrne caecus, an rapit, vis acrior? An culpa? Horat. to go into each quarter, with the Quarter-maisters and other Officers of the said Town, by whom the common custom is, to make such searches, the better to aid, authorize, and assist them therein, as it hath been done divers times heretofore, whereof we advertised the said Duke, and all the Inhabitants of the City, to the end they should not sound alarm, and so doubt of our meaning therein: which in the beginning the Inhabitants and Townsmen made show not to dislike. Nevertheless not long after, things fell out in such sort, by the provocation of certain persons h The king esteemed not of the conspiraty, pretended the year before within Paris and those that perceived their boldness as then used to be without censure, and their crime without punishment, began to kindle the fire that hatched under the ashes of their rebellion, and first cried in the streets, Say hold on the Tyrant, the Huguenot and the Politician, words sufficient to move the most modest, and stir the slowest unto fury in such attempts: where the respect of the Prince or the uncertainty of the event, retain the general, there must always be some seditious fellow, that crieth & beginneth the play: for the people are like a sea, that never stirreth without wind, and therefore in their commotions there must be men purposely appoined, Qui imperitos animos impellant, libertatem ac speciosa nomina praetexantur. Tacitus. that sowed & put into the hearts & minds of the said Inhabitants, that we had caused the said forces to enter into the Town, there to establish a Garrison of strangers, and to do them further wrong, in such manner, that in short space they had so animated and moved them against our said Soldiers, that if we had not expressly commanded their Leaders, not to attempt any thing against the said Inhabitants, and rather to endure and suffer all the extremities of the world, them to commit any trespass in that behalf: we are certainly persuaded, that it had been unpossible to have shunned a general spoil of the said Town, with a most great effusion of blood. i The king's meaning was to distribute his forces in the town, not to hurt it, but to hold it in obedience, and to hinder the pretences that began to be practised under the conduction and favour of the Duke of Guise. But the distribution was not well ordered, and the places of most importance were not speedily ceased upon by the king's forces. Maubert one of the most important places in the Town, able to command the rest, and that ought to have been first entered into, stood void, and served the Townsmen as a camp, therein to raise the most beastly troops of their mutiny, both to defend & assail, in such manner, that assoon as certain of the rebels had entered into it, they were presently followed by those that respected nothing but the present time, not considering the miserable end of their sedition, so that unde plures erant omnes sure. Tacitus. Which we perceiving, determined not to proceed any further with those common searches, and presently to with draw our said forces, which we had caused to enter only for that purpose, it being very likely, that if we had had any other intent, we had attempted, and it may be fully executed the same at our pleasures, before the raising of the said Inhabitants, & that they had drawn chains or set upon their Barricadoes in the streets, which they began presently after noon: at the which time, there being in all the streets of the said towns certain Gentelemen, Captains or other strangers, sent by the said Duke of Guise, & appointed for the purpose, that in short time had dispersed themselves in every quarter, l The Swissers were charged, they not once seeming to resist, to avoid danger, for that finding themselves strangely compassed, by that multitude of furious people, without head, conduct, or assurance of the King's intent, they turned their backs, persuading themselves, that to be over valiant, it may be thought they were too rash, so that they rather chose to leave their pikes, than once to use them in so violent an occasion. A little more urgent courage & resistance, had sent the parisians back to the deepest places of their houses, every man would have remembered his wife, his children, and his shop, for that arms used by Citizens in Towns, commonly beginneth with more boldness than it is performed, & causeth more noise than mischief. Ferocior ad rebellandum quam ad bellandum. Tit. Liu. and forcing the said companies of Swissers and French men to retire: to our great grief there was certain calivers shot, and some blows given by the said Inhabitants, that hurt some of the said Swissers, whom we caused to retire, and that evening to be lodged about our Palace of Lowre, to attend the end of the commotion made by the said Inhabitants, doing all we might to pacithe same; the next day causing them to issue out of the Town, reserving those that before their coming we had placed for a guard about our castle m of Lowre, it being showed us, that it would be the means to pacify the said Inhabitants. We caused likewise to be stayed certain foot companies of the Regiment of Picardy, that were at the least seven or eight miles from thence, as also certain Lords and Gentlemen our servants that came unto us, perceiving their coming to be put into the people's heads, & made a shadow of the said Inhabitants, rising nevertheless, m At all times kings have great guards, not so much for the assurance of their persons, for that in an estate well governed, and obedient, they are not necessary, but to show the dignity of that excellent Majesty which separateth them from the company of other people: Solomon had thirty thousand soldiers for his guard: Romulus three hundredth Celeres: the kings of Persia 365. Gentlemen of one livery: the Princes of Greece were served by the Scytes and Danes: julius Caezar had Spaniards: Caracalle, Almains: the kings of France, in the beginning had their subjects, that watched at the gates of their Palace, & the Captains were called Magistri Ostiariorum: after that, Scots & Swissers, and since, they have added one hundredth Gentlemen, and to them the forty five. But all they could not assure the king in his town, his Palace of Lowre, nor in his house, but he was constrained to double his forces, against the mutiny of his subjects. Three things make a Prince pass through the middle of all mutinies and conspiracies. Virtues and the constant resolution of friends: The government of subjects: And the providence and foresight of the Prince. in steed of seeing it take effect as need required, for their good & our contentment, they ceased not to make more Barricadoes, and to strengthen their watches both day & night, approaching them nearer our said Castle of Lowre, so far forth as that they seemed to set upon our ordinary Sentinelles, & likewise to cease upon the keys of the Town house, and of n It is a folly to look for respect, reason, and obedience, in seditious persons, and to believe that the people will be appeased by flattery: such burning fevers are not healed by plasters, but they must have purgations and letting of blood: the credit of the Queen-mother, the valour of the Marshals of France, the prudence and long experience of Monsieur de Bellieure, the fair speeches of M. de Villequier, nor all the king's Council could do nothing therein. The mad man rejecteth his medicines, & driveth his Physicians from him, Superfluum suadere quid fieri oporteat cum audientium assensus in deteriora rapitur. Egesippus. Saint Anthony's, and other Gates of the City, in such manner, k The people followeth the first, that assureth them it is a vessel that suffereth itself to be stirred by him that first layeth hand upon the rurther. Without a head, it was Princeps, pavidus socors. Tacitus. that upon the thirteenth of this month proceeded so far, that it seemed not in the power of man, to impeach their great and violent commotion, which began to proceed even to the walls of our Castle, which we perceiving, o The king counseled by certain fearful minds, not to fall violently upon that mutinous company, commanded his soldiers not to stir. A council most sit for the debonaritie and goodness of his nature, but contrary to the necessity & importance of those affairs, for that as we must first threaten, and then arm: so there is danger in wholly withdrawing our arms. He himself ought to have mounted on horseback, with all the Noble men of his train, and entered into the Townhouse, a refuge for the most seditious, & when the people had seen that the cloud had burst out on that side, and that the king would not deal but with the first authors of the faction, their choler would have consumed into smoke, & they would have withdrawn themselves peaceably without stroke stricken, and the boldest of them would have been well content to bear the news of their dispersion unto their own houses, Ex ferocibus universis singuli metu suo obedientes fuissent. It was necessary in that great tempest to unlade the ships to keep them from sinking, and prefer a general before a particular, for that all is of greater moment than a part, & the City more than the Citizens. desiring not to employ our said forces against the said Inhabitants, the conservation of the said Town and good Citizens thereof, having always been as dear unto us, as our own lives, as they in many sorts have well tried, we determined the same day to departed, and rather to absent our person from the thing we so much have & as yet do effect, then see it run into greater hazard, and thereby receive further displeasure, having desired the Queen our dear Lady and mother to stay there, to see if by her wisdom and authority in our absence, she could pacify the same tumult, which we being present shen could not do, what means soever she used. p The king should not have gone out of Paris: a great light dimmeth the less, those little facts had never shined in the darkness of Paris, if the sun of the royal Majesty had not been eclipsed. He ought to have showed himself among those mad people, like ablazing star, like thundering Mars, like him that obtained the victories at 16. years of age, before jarnac, Moncontour, & at Rochel, at the only word of king: those strayed souls had yielded themselves to the point of obedience, the apprehension of the pain that followeth those mutinies, the consideration of the Majesty of the king, the confidence of his mildness, and the proof of his piety, had dispersed those disorders. And the good Frenchmen that were in no small number, that in their minds lamented the injury done unto the king, the Realm of France, and their posterity, would have risen up to maintain his authority. Those great blows are not given without hazard, and where necessity presseth a great courage, death is more acceptable than a shameful flight. And we arrived in this town of Chartres, from whence we thought it meet presently to certify you by these our letters, to desire you to consider of this action, & to judge how much it preiudiseth & disaduantageth the Commonwealth, specially our holy Catholicque, Apostolicque, and Roman religion, if it should pass further, seeing that those which rose to fight for the advancement thereof by this accident, if it be not repaired, will be separated to use their arms, one against the other, wherein we desire you to be persuaded, that for our part, we will use all means we can, not to fall into that inconvenience, so much power hath the zeal we bear (to our religion) over us, which until this time we have always showed, q The many words that end this letter, issue from a trembling voice, upon the which, a great Politician in his discourse, maketh this Apostrophe unto the king: Great Prince, what hast thou done with thy wisdom? who hath persuaded thee that those people that only desire thy death, or rather thy Crown, will lay down their arms, conjured and raised against thee, only to make thee more sharp, and to deal the hardlyer against those of the religion? They have driven thee out of Paris, which the Englishmen, Spaniards, nor Almains, never did unto thy ancestors: and by thy letters patents thou showest to thy people, that in steed of being revenged, thou seemest to think the time long until they pardon thee: thou commandest that they should pray unto God for that reconciliation: them there is no danger to lift up the hand against the Prince. Believe therefore, that seeing it is so, he which hath this day made thee fly, will to morrow boldly undertake to make thee die. And is not this great king, a hazarding of thyself, to show unto thy subjects, that it is easy to attempt against thy person, when in steed of revenging thyself, thou prayest that thy subjects would appease those, whom thou oughtest to punish? Who persuaded thee that the remedy of thy mischief is civil wars, that by that means thou shalt recover thy authority over thy subjects? Alas, how thou art deceived? There is nothing worse for a house, than fire: for a man's body, than a continual fever: nor for an estate, then civil wars. If thou wilt remedy these mischiefs, quench the fire that burneth thy house: drive away the continual fever from the body of thy estate, and give it peace: for it is is the only means to preserve thy Realm. praying and exhorting you, as much as possible we may, to pray in your Churches for this union, and that the obedience due unto us, may be observed as it ought to be: and suffer not that the Inhabitants of our town, etc. to stray out of the right way of the same, but admonish & confirm them to remain constant and firm in their loyalties towards their king, and in union and concord to maintain & preserve themselves under our obedience, and not to fall into the inconveniences prepared for them, if they hold on their course. And further, if you do any other thing, therein showing your wisdoms, fidelities & duties, for examples to all our subjects, we will not be unthankful for it, but have it in remembrance. Given at Chartres, the day of May, 1587. The phrase of the letters the Duke of of Guise wrote unto the King, is much braver, haughtier, and bolder, showing the affection of a man, that hath not faintly thrust his body into a press to save his life: but that will stand in the view and face of all the world: he likewise sent his declarations throughout all the Realm of France, to justify himself concerning the commotion in Paris, which I will orderly set down, and in the end show you the common advise, leaving the Readers judgement to himself. The Copy of a Letter written unto the King, by the Duke of Guise, the seventeenth of May, 1588. SIr, I am very unfortunate, that those who of long time, by many devices have sought to separate me from your presence and great favour, have had sufficient means wholly to frustrate all my good endeavours, used to win your liking, and by my services make myself agreeable to your Majesty: which not long since, I have well proved, to my no little grief. For that being weary of so many false reports used, thereby to make your Majesty continually to distrust me, I determined with the hazard, wherewith I was threatened, to justify my life, having resolved to come unto you with so small a troop, and with free trust and confidence, as I hoped by that means to let all the world see, that I was far from that, whereof my evil willers sought by so many devices to yield me culpable. But the enemies of public quietness, not being able to endure my admission to your presence, esteeming that in short time it would soon discover the impostures used to make me odious, and by little and little give me place in your good favour, rather wished by their pernicious counsels, to bring all things into confusion, & your estate and town of Paris in hazard, them to endure me near unto your person. Their evil wills is manifestly known in the resolution, (that without the Queen your mother's knowledge, & against the advise of your wisest Councillors) they causedyour Majesty to take by an unaccustomed means, and in a time full of suspicion and partialities, to place forces in your Town of Paris, to keep the public places thereof, and the common speech given forth, that they hoped being Masters thereof, they should bring you to many other things, whollycontrary to your good nature, and such as at this time I had rather keep silent, then once to utter. The fear thereof, constrained your good and loyal subjects to arm themselves, by reason of the just fear they had that by such means the thing was intended to be executed, wherewith long before they had been threatened. God by his grace hath held things in better stay than we could wish, and hath as it were miraculously preserved your Town from a most perilous hazard. And the beginning, pursuit, and effect of those affairs hath in such manner justified my intents, that I esteem your Majesty and all the world, doth thereby clearly perceive how far my actions are separated from slanders, the pretences whereof my slanderous enemies would accuse me. The manet how is thus: First, I came voluntary unto your Majesty, and put myself into your power, I showed the confidence and trust I had in your good nature, and the sincerity of my service. The estate wherein I was found when I received the first news of that enterprise, which divers of your servants can witness, showeth that I doubted not any injury, nor have any desire of enterprise, being with less company, more disarmed, and in my house, than one of my quality either may or aught to be. The respect then that I have used, containing myself within the simple bounds of a just defence, are witnesses sufficient unto you, that no occasion can make me fall from the duty of a most humble subject. The pain I take to restrain the people, and hinder them that they might not proceed to the effects, which oftentimes such accidents do breed, dischargeth me from the slanders heretofore imposed upon me, that I would trouble your town of Paris: the care I should have taken to preserve them, whom I knew by the crafty means of my enemies, had given me bad report unto your Majesty, maketh it evident unto all men, that I never intended to attempt any thing against your servants and officers, as I am falsely accused. The manner of my behaviour to your Swissers, and the Captains and soldiers of your guard, are sufficient assurance that I feared nothing more, then to displease you: if your Majesty knew all the particularities, as I think the greatest part of your good servitors loving public peace, that are witnesses, have not hidden them from you: I am persuaded it remaineth cleared by that means. That I never had the least of the mischievous intents, for the which my enemies by false reports would make me odious. I hope the end will yet give more assured testimony, having received one of the greatest displeasures that could happen unto me, when I understood your Majesty had determined to departed, because your sudden departure bereaved me of the means, as I pretended, to pacify and effect all things to your liking, and saw them well disposed thereunto, at such time as the Queen your mother, vouchsafed me the honour to come unto me: whereof I gave her so good liking, that I think she might be assured thereof. And although I could not as then show it, I will not cease to continue the same good will, and doubt not but to behave myself in such sort, that your Majesty shall think me a most faithful subject and servant, and one that desireth nothing so much, then that in doing service, and purchasing the benefit of your Realm, I may obtain the good fortune of your favour, which I will never cease to purchase, until it pleaseth God to grant meethe means: whom I beseech to give your Majesty, etc. from Paris this 17. of May, 1588. An extract of other letters written by the said Duke of Guise. WE have sufficient labour to withstand the devices that are day lie invented against us, to find means to let us from going into Guyenne against the Huguenots: we sought to please the King touching his Garrisons in Picardy, & although that Regiment had not marched, but only to renew old quarrels, and seek new contradictions, yet we constrained our friends for the space of a month, to endure Espernons' forces against them. As touching new matter of impeachment, the said Espernon sought to make some controverfie in Normandy, which he had found hard enough, if for the desire we had, to see wars begun against the hereticques, we had not dealt in his affairs, and procured our friends to content themselves, and not once to trouble or molest him, but the more to entangle us, both by those superfluous Garrisons, and lost voyage, wholly to break the course of war, and to turn it against us, they devised a means to impeach our honour, causing certain levies to be raised, thereby to cause us to be more feared than the hereticques, which are, that we desire a massacre in Paris, that we would take the king, and sack the town, thereby to procure money, wherewith to make wars against whom we think good: with other such like things put into his majesties head, with the greatest shows of sincerity in his behalf that may be devised, thereby to procure them more credit, which hath been the devise that hath most put us in despair, thereby perceiving the king more bend to provide for his own defence, then to continue wars against the hereticques: and that we are so unfortunate, as to be so hardly esteemed of by some, and so far, that his holiness himself hath by his letter seemed to persuade us unto fidelity to the king our Sovereign. This despair lastly procured (I say) did cease so much the more upon me, when as I understood that the king would strengthen his guard with source companies of French men, and three of Swissers, in such manner, that not desiring to stay longer in suspicion of so vile actions, within 12. hours after, I arrived in Paris, accompanied with 8. Gentlemen, and in the middle of all the guards aforesaid, I went to kiss the king's hands, having no other safe conduct but my services, and the confidence that a good subject aught to put in his king. This free access, sincerity, & open heart, me thinketh aught to be a clear justification of me touching all false reports. And in truth, there was no horest man but rejoiced in his heart, as every man well perceived. The next day, being always assured in my conscience, I stayed all day with the king, sometimes in one place, sometimes in an other, devising of the voyage into Guyenne, and touching that war which I so much affect. Mean time, (as I presume) the king made inquiry in all places, if I were not followed by greater troops, then that where with I entered. And having known (as true it was) that I came with so few, and not one soldier near me by 40. miles, the next day being the 12. of May, very early in the morning, there entered into the Town at S. Honours' gate, 12. companies of Swissers, & 8. companies of Frenchmen, besides the companies of the guard, the king & all his Court being on horseback to receive them. The Master of the field, and regiment of the guard, and the colonels of the Swissers, having commandment to cease upon all the places of the City, but the Inhabitants of one part of the Town fearing some matter, were appointed to keep their quarters, minding to withstand them, for the care they had of their wives and children in such an accident: while that was done, I being a sleep in my chamber with so small a company, for that my household was not as then come from Scissons, as God would, when the said forces were dividing in that manner about the city, I was advertised by certain Gentlemen my friends, that as then werein Paris about their affairs: and which is more, God most miraculously stirred up the people, with one consent to enter into arms, and without any conference, being assured of my presence, and of certain order that I presently took among them, of themselves they began to make Barricadoes in all places within ten paces of those fortaine forces, & that with such dexterity and vehemency, that in less than 2. hours they certified the said troops, that they would presently have them departed out of the City and subburbes, at the which time, some one of the Swissers hurt an Inhabitant of the town, whereupon they charged the Swissers, and slew 12. or 15, hurt 20. or 25, and disarmed the rest. On the other side, certain companies of the king's guard were likewise disarmed & sent into houses, where with their Captains they were forced to save themselves: which caused me to enter into the streets of the City, and presentlv delivered 900. Swissers, that were holden prisoners, & many of the guard, which I sent safely into the Lowre, this day shining with that infallible protection of god, being ended, I went through all the streets, until 2. of the clock after midnight, praying, desiring, and threatening the people in such sort, that by the grace of God, theresollowed not any murder, massacre, spoil, nor loss of any penny or drop of blood, more than I spoke of before, although the people were most extremely animated, because (as they said) they understood that there were 20. gibbets, with certain scaffolds prepared, and the executioners ready to execute and put to death 100 persons nominated by them, whose names I had rather let guess then set them down. You will not believe, what great contentment this gracious goodness of God procured in my mind: first, in that I saw mine honour so clearly discharged of the suspicions of spoil and massacre, that had been put into the heads of many honest men against me, for that having seen all the proceed, and so happily impeached the same, I made all mine enemies mute. Secondly, having given proof of my zeal to the service and honour of my king, so far, as to restore the arms that had been borne against me, with the drumbs and fyfes conducting the prisoners sending them their colours, delivering the besieged, and not omitting any respect, which the most constant would have done. But they did so much, that they persuaded the king to departed out of Paris, 24. hovers after, that I would he should have stayed: But Cod defend that ever I should think it. Since his departure, his Majesty hath had some other sharper counsel, I have received the Arsenal, the Bastille, and other strong places, into my custody, I have caused the coffers of his treasures to be sealed, to deliver them safely and peaceably into his majesties hands, as we hope likewise to procure him unto peace, by prayers to God, intercession to his holiness, and all other Christian Princes, for the special & not common proof of fidelity, he hath always had of me, but if the mischief continued, I hope by the same means to preserve religion and the Catholicques, and defend them from persecution: which the confederates, with hereticques about the king, had prepared for them. Another letter of the said Duke of Guise, to the Lord of Bassompierre. I Writ a letterunto his highness, which I pray you look upon, although the Bailie of S. michael's (an eye witness) will justify all my actions, whose presence, until this time, hath hindered me from oftener sending, being assured he will not forget any thing: the terms whereon we stand, are, that this morning we present our request: which is directly against Espernon, wherein all his perfections are well set down, not omitting any thing. Yesterday I was in the townhouse, to admit la Chapelle, that hath been chosen Provost of Merchants, and the General Rolland, Compan, and other persons and good Catholicques for Sherisfes, the Provost of Merchants, Perreuze being in the Bastille, and the traitorous Sheriffs fled, there was never seen so great an obedience of the people in such a commotion: for it cannot be said that there happened any disorder or wrong, even to the swords, morions, pikes, calivers, of 1200. Swissers or Frenchmen taken away, which I caused to berestored. You never saw stranger accident, we were most wrongfully assailed, and that by pernicious counsel covertly devised by hereticques. God of his grace hath preserved us, by the resolution, obedience, and courage of those of Paris, which they continue more than ever they did, with most brave resolution, to show all duty and obedience to the King: but above all, to preserve their zeal to religion, and the surety of their Town. The king raiseth forces, and we also, he his at Chartres, and we at Paris, thus stand our affairs: the Governor of Haure C'est bravely withstood Espernon, and would not allow him: the Governor of Caen would not receive him, specially into his Castle. This is that which he hath done in Normandy, from whence he is come without establishment of himself, or any of his, being yesterday come to the king, although he had sent four Posts to will him to stay, as being abhorred of all the Princes and officers. Those of Orleans, Amiens, Abbeville, Bourges, and manygreat towns, have driven the Pollititans out, and taken divers prisoners. All the little Towns send hither to crave the aid of us and the Town. justice is peaceable, and no man can speak hardly of all these things. You must make a voyage hitherto see your friends, whom God be thanked you shall not find unprovided of means nor resolution: we must be well advertised out of Almain, lest we be prevented: we want neither force, courage, friends, nor means, nor less honour, respect, and fidelity to the king, wherein we will inviolably continue, showing the duties of men of honour, and good Catholicques. These are the terms wherein your friends remain, that commend themselves unto you, this 12. of May. L'Amy de Coeur. Monsieur the Count, shall find his most affectionate commendations. His Highnesseshall see this word. L'Amy de Coeur. Come with speed. If truth be always found in fair words, we need not seek it in any other place then in these three letters, but if we take a sponge to wipe them clean, that we may see the bottom, we shall find that the exposition followeth not the text: he beginneth the letter to the king with an unfortunate clause, saying: (Sir, I am very unfortunate) and truly if the felicity of this life consisteth in contentment, contentment in quietness, and quietness in a good conscience, how can we call a Prince fortunate or happy, that is not content with his estate, The misery of great men. that findeth no peace but in troubles? assailed with the violence of passions, like a tree blown with two contrary winds, tormented by so many strange accidents, that abounoeth in the excess of greatness of courage, that hath no other life, than the miserable death of his quietness, that nourisheth the brimstone, which will consume him in his veins, that penetrateth his bones, & sucketh out the moist humour that giveth him life. Unfortunate, and thrice unfortunate, to live in this sort between fear and distrust, and then to have an account to make to that great God, that revengeth the injury of Kings, and of the people, and that throweth down such attempts as pass beyond reason. Misfortune always haileth upon such proud heads, as desire to climb up to the Moon, and with their feet to touch the very entrails and bottom of the earth: that seek to administer laws to heaven, earth, and hell. It is most infallible truth, that such as seek their own glory and profit, by the hurt and damage of their country, and the subversion of public peace, The miserable end of disturbers of an estate. This doth show, that it was printed without the Author's name, in the year, 1562. will be mischieved by the mischiefs that they themselves procure, and overthrow themselves in the storm of their outrageous passions. All our Histories are full of the violent deaths of those that sought to thrust their nails into the wounds of the Commonwealth, to make themselves great, for that God, which embraceth the quarrels of an innocent people, that detesteth rebellions, that hath particular care of kings and their estates, disperseth the scourges, and casteth away the rods wherewith he whipped the shoulders of those that shake off the yoke of his commandments. It is holden, that the trouble of Vassy kindled the fires of the first civil wars. And therefore Ronsard in his Demonstration directed to the people of France, desireth that the authors of those new troubles, may perish with the spring time of the year next ensuing after he wrote: and in truth the Duke of Guise died not long after, in the same season: his verses are these. O God most high, that dwellest in the clouds, And knowest well the authors of our wars, God that all scest, behold and understand, Grant I thee pray, that with the next sweet spring, Which shall bring forth the pleasant blooming flower, The author of our troubles manifold, May die in combat, and his life yield up, By force of pike, or bullet fatally. Also there is no sin, which God doth less dissemble with, nor wherein his wisdom doth use shorter toleration, or his fury greater and sharper to punish it, than the sin of great men, which disperse, overthrow, and trouble the laws of a Realm: he addeth, that to quench the false reports that ran of him, that with the peril wherewith he was threatened, he would justify his life, coming unto his Majesty with so small a company, A great person o●●ht to purge himself. it is a point of generosity to put innocency out of hazard. A great man is blamed for dissembling the slanders made against him, and the haughtier the heart is, the greater is the feeling. Nicyas was despised, as being so timorous, that he gave money to such as accused him falsely, to leave off their accusations. Lucius Posthumius fled by reason of an embassage, and for that he would not be at an assignation made by Marcus Cantius Tribun unto him, to appear before the people. To the contrary, they are commended, He disposeth of their offices. that offered to purge themselves before their enemies, as Caius Menenius Dictator, and Marcus Follius his Constable. The Duke of Guise perceiving himself so near the King, and being advertised of the accusations made against him, touching his pretences, had reason to go to Paris in that manner, and with so small a company, The life of an honest man, aught to be seen of all men. for that the subject ought not to approach the presence of his Prince with any forces, nor in that sort to present himself unto his Majesty, for the interest he had to be once justified, for that a man of honour, and careful of his credit, that respecteth not the common brute, but the integrity of his conscience, that maketh his house (like that of julius Drusus) in such sort, that his neighbours on all fides may see into it, never suffereth himself to be so wholly born away, for the conservation of his proper life, that he neglecteth his reputation. And so he assureth the king, that nothing but that, made him come to Paris: desiring rather to disobey, then languish in such distrust. His goodly reasons are not without reply: gardiner's are of opinion, that they make roses and violets of a sweeter savour, if they sow or plant them hard by onions or garlic. Let us see, if whether that, whereof the Duke of Guise is reproached, or his allegations be most savoury. I will herein set down a piece of the Apostrophe of the most excellent and liberal discourse, and the intent of the author was, that such as would write the Histories of our time, should serve themselves therewith. Gold is good in all places, this gild will beautify our workmanship: Thou complainest saith he, that evil reports were made against thee, and thy honour, which God be thanked thou hast defaced by this last act: thou art a marvelous Rhetorician, certainly it is true: thou art well purged: thou art accused to have caused the people of certain towns in this Realm, to have risen against the Governors that the K. would have placed therein: & thou hast defaced that blot, by causing Paris to rise against the K. himself: thou art accused, that at chaalon's, Reims, Soissons, and other places where thou camest, thou didst cease upon the king's treasures: and thou hast purged thyself by taking those he had spared & kept in his capital city: thou wert suspected to enterprise against the estate, & to aspire unto the crown, & that for the same purpose, thou hadst already ceased upon certain good towns held by thee & thy partners, wherein the K. is not obeyed: thou hast made this false report to vanish, coming in person to make thyself Master of Paris, & in driving the K. out, after thou hadst forced, slain, & disarmed his guard, & made the common people of the town to rise up against him, in which sort thou dost most wisely cover a theft with a sacrilege: a murder, with an homedice: and a sin with a crime: thy simplicity is too gross: thou triumphest that thou wast so hardy to enter into Paris, with no more than 8. Gentlemen, a sign of thy simple innocency. A great matter surely, but go thou into Rochel with all thy new Courtiers, thy followers & thy guard: the king of N. will enter therein but with 4. men only: & if at thy going out, thou runnest not away-he will make thee be shrew thyself. It is easy to be said in base Britain, but those that know that all the king's Council are on thy side: that his mother favoureth thee: that all the mutineers and crocheters of Paris, and all the common inhabitants thereof, are at thy devotion. We say that thy simplicity was very subtle, and thy innocency much to be suspected. How wilt thou have us believe, that thou didst put so much trust & confidence in the king, seeing that after the league, and the capitulation of Saint Maur, thou wouldst never come thither, unless thou wert as strong as he: yet during his being in his army against the Rutters, thou never settest foot within it, only once by surprising it, and that for the space of a quarter of an hour: No, believe me, it is thy exercise to play these feats, and not to excuse them, thou art better acquainted with the one, than the other. He saith that the distrust which ceased upon the people of Paris, when the king's forces entered into the public places of the Town, constrained his good and faithful subjects to arm themselves, and without conference, together, assured of his presence, and of certain order by him suddenly taken among them, they Barricadoed themselves on all sides. Barricadoes, the invention of the Duke of Guise. Then the Barricadoes are the invention of the Duke of Guise, and without his presence the people had not stirred, taken arms, not banded against the thunder that descended from heaven. This is confirmed by the declaration made by the Parrisians, the words whereof are these: Advice was given, that the Regiment of Picardy was sent for in great haste, as also the Sieurs de Mer● and de Thore, bringing more than three hundredth horse, which could not be prepared, unless that matter had been purposed long before. The occasions of the Barricadoes. The news of those troops made the parisians to suspect, and the insolences of those already established, made us as then to inquire of the preparation made by the Duke de Guise, and understanding that neither he nor his were armed, every man thought to aid himself, so that as it were by one general consent, every one in less than an hour, united & placed them in the streets for their defence, which is a thing natural to all living creatures: so the parisians moved not, but for fear of a Garrison, this foundation is not well laid, for that all sedition and rebellion is evil and pernicious in kingdoms, although the cause be good and commendable. As the Prince should cut off the means to the first motions of those troubles, and quench the fires, that being hatched in a particular house, would enter into the Churches, Palaces, and public houses: so the people ought to suffer and endure all extremities, rather than to rise against their sovereign, although he were a Tyrant, cruel, inhuman: for like as all that pleaseth a Prince, is not permitted to be done by him, so all the is permitted unto the people, is not profitable: and oftentimes it happeneth, that the remedy is more cruel than the disease itself, and that seeking to shun one calamity, we entangle ourselves in an infinite of miseries. Experience setteth before our eyes, the enterprises and success of conjurations: Defence is not permitted to subjects against their King. the beginnings have been impiteous, and the ends miserable. The tyranny of one man is evil, that of many is worse, but the worst of all is an unbridled power, and an absolute liberty that hath cast off the yoke of laws. When a people arm themselves against a Tyrant, it must take heed, that of one, it maketh not fifteen, or that in seeking to shun tyranny, The words of K. Francis. it endureth not confusion and disorder, which from the royalty proceedeth to the popular estate. You my Masters of Paris, allege, that the arms you bear, are not to offend any man, but only to defend themselves that is good against a strange Prince, but against the king and your Sovereign, it is most execrable: God detesteth and forbiddeth it, and whatsoever he doth, be it right or wrong, it is no more lawful for you to stir against him, then for a child to move against his Parents. Causes of sedition. The life of man is the union of the body and the soul: the life of a Realm, is commandment and obedience, if the one be separated from the other, that the soul tyrannizeth the body, and that the body will not receive the law of the soul, that is of reason, it is a death. When the Prince commandeth unjustly, and when the subjects will not obey, the Realm falleth to ruin, her temperature altereth & resolveth into the first matter, losing her form. It was to that end, that wise King Francis the first said, that every estate of Commonwealth, or Monarchy, consisteth but in two points, in the just commandment of a Prince, and the loyal obedience of the subjects. Let us now see why so many evils and disobediences have issued from this pandor: all commotions such as that of Paris, do commonly grow upon one of these points. When the people are charged with supportable exactions, by the avarice of the Princes that raiseth them upon the people by inhuman and infamous ways and impositions: as Calig●le raised impositions upon common Stews, Heliogabalus upon men's urine, and Alexander Severus upon Hothouses, there is always mutiny. And therefore the parisians under Charles the sixth, took occasion to mutin, because the Gabelliers asked a halfpenny of a poor woman that sold Cresson. When the King giveth estates and dignities to vicious, rather than virtuous, and unworthy, rather than worthy men. For as in a consort of music, the different voices are ruled by one tune, from the which they cannot once so little vary, but they make a discord in the ears of the musicans: Likewise the Commonwealth composed of men of high, mean, and base qualities, that are united by Harmonical proportion, according to the which proportion, in the distinction of persons, and their merits, public charges ought to be supplied. And when honours (which is the most dainty morsel of virtue) is conferred to cold and raw stomachs, it becometh contemptible. The estate of Baron was renowned in France, but it was afterward embased, when Charles the sixth, at the siege of Bourdeaux, created 500 at on time. The order of S. Michael. instituted by King Lewis the 11. The order of Saint Michael continued in his glory, until such time as our Kings gave it indifferently to all degrees, without exception of persons, or qualities, & that they bestowed it upon such as were rather Knights than Noblemen. The Queen-mother showed herself therein to be a woman, when she called all sorts of people to that degree, without discretion, making one colour for every man's head, receiving into that order (of the greatest monarchs in the world) such as mean Princes, would not have bestowed better places in their houses, then to make them Grooms of their stables, what order soever they wear about their necks. The first article of the institution, containeth, that the number of knights shall be of six and thirty Gentlemen, both of name & arms, without reproach, whereof the King shall be one, that should be called brethren and companions of the Order. In the 48. article it is ordained, that at the disease of any of the brethren of the said Order, there shall be an election made of another knight, of the same conditions as aforesaid, and that by the greatest numbers of the voices, of the Sovereign and brethren of the Order, and that the Sovereign's voice should be counted for two. When Princes are too much addicted to such as they favour, that they thrust their means over liberally into their own pleasures, those that perceive themselves elevated into such authorities not to descend, but therein to maintain themselves, do willingly conspire against the Prince himself, raising the subjects, & seeking to get all that, Ambition & jealousy, two plagues among great men. whereof already they have obtained great part, thinking they can have no better nor sufficienter lodging, than the place of those by whom they were preferred. The advancement of the Majors of the Palace, caused great mutations in the estate of France, about the end of the first genealogy of our Kings. Seian perceiving himself so strong, enterprised against Tiberius, Perennius against Commodus, Eutropus against Theodosius, Belissairius against justinien, and Artaban against Xerxes: desire to command is an over dainty morsel, which to taste, we tread underfoot and suppress, both respect, duty, honour, and conscience, such disorders arm men's hearts to resolution, their weapons to mutinies, and their arms with Iron. Lastly, when a king without reason, putteth great Princes and Noblemen of his Realm to death, bannisheth the honest and wise men of his Council, nourisheth partialities and divisions, favoureth wars, to impoverish his people, loveth none but strangers, and distrusteth his subjects, suffereth the perversion of his laws, the corruption of justice, the invention of new subsidies against the ancient form & equality, without doubt he giveth the first shaking & overthrow to his estate, & provoketh his subjects to conspire, rise, and mutin, but whatsoever may be said, the principal motive to sedition, is injustice, which is a great crime. When kings or their Lieutenants convert their Sovereign's authorities into injuries, insolences, & injustices, and reward the good wills of their subjects with outrage & violences. The Swissers rose up & slew Grisler, & Landberg their Governors, The sure guard of Princes. in the house of Austria, for their violent behaviour, wherein they were esteemed the first scourges of Tyrants. When the K. despiseth great personages, to favour men of base condition, or when he oppresseth & altogether overthroweth the meaner sort, to elevate the greater, it is a fault both in the one & the other, the remedy is equality, the mother of peace & nurse of concord, not that which maketh a platonical communion of all things, but that which justly considereth & balanceth the merits & qualities of every man. The K. should cause himself to be beloved of all, without despising or hatred of any man, if it be possible. Such as perceive kings to be like figtrees, that grow upon the top of an unaccessable hill, and that the fruits thereof serve only for food unto crows, kites, and other fowls of the air, and that they are put from public charges, by such as are not capable thereof, do willingly rise, and such as have great authorities to command, despise the meaner sort, in such manner, that the despite of the first, and the insolency of the last, stirreth up seditions. But tell me, if it pleaseth you, my Masters of Paris, upon which of these causes do you begin your rebellion, or whether it be of pride, that you raised your revolt? Tarquin. Neron. Demetrius. Ptolomee. Lucullus. Muleasses. Phocas. Heliogabal. Vitellius. Gallus. Gallien. Roboan. Cofroas. jul. Apostate. Chilperic. Thomas. Lewis. 11. Poptelking of Polonia. Maximin. Caracalla. Perseus. Lewis de Baviere. Pertinax. Isaac. Frotho. Ferdinand King of Naples. Berot a Span yard, Mayor of the Palace. jean. Constance. Ladislaus. Lewis. Plaints of the Parrisians. Disorder in justice and promises. Hath the king ravished your wives, like Tarquinus? hath he burnt your houses, like Nero? have you seen in his apparel, the superfluities of Demetrius king of Macedonia: in his recreations, the pleasures of Ptolomee: at his table, the disorders of Lucullus: & in his pastimes the luxuriousness of Muleasses king of Tons? have you marked in him the miserableness of Maurice and Phocas, the confusion and monstrous prodigality of Heliogabalus and Vitellius, or the toys of your Emperors, Gallus and Gallien. Hath he ransomed his subjects, like Roboam? despised the service of God, like Cofroas? renounced Christianity, like julien the Apostate? peeled Churches, like Chilperic? abolished holy ceremonies of divince service, like Thomas Emperor of Constantinople? Hath he driven away and displaced his father's servants, like Lewis the eleventh? hath he tormented his subjects and the Suffregans, like Popiel, that was eaten with rats? Hath he put any of his subjects to death without justice, like Maximin? hath he falsified his faith, like Bassianus Caracala? hath he broken the treaties of peace, like Perseus? Hath he despised learning, like Lewis de Baviere? or men of war, like Pertinax? Hath he raised Subsidies and impositions upon the fruits of gardens, like Isaac Emperor of Constantinople? upon beasts and members of men, like Frotho King of Denmark? or upon urines, like Ferdinand, King of Naples? Hath he given great offices unto strangers, like Ochozias King of juda, who to please Athalie his mother, being a Samaritane, filled his Court with Samaritans'? or like Lewis le debonair, that made a Spaniard Maior of his Palace? And among so many examples of a just distrust, to move your commotions, hath he built a Tower for his dwelling place, environed with profound ditches, full of water, not to enter therein but by a Draw-bridge, like Denis the Tyrant of Sicily? Hath he done nothing worthy memory, no more than the two last kings of Constantinople and Hungary? And if he hath done nothing proportionable to so strange defections, tell me you Parrissians, wherein hath he so much displeased and moved you? I understand you well, he hath made intolerable levies of moneys, and strange subsidies: he hath placed men of ignorance and anarice in the seat of justice: he hath oppressed his subjects by a thousand means, to enrich his minion's: he hath subverted the order of his treasures, and invented the practice of present receipt, thereby freelier to exercise his prodigallities: he hath given the honourable offices of the Realm unto the minion's, and hath desired nothing more, then to throw down and lop the foundation of the holy League. Is there no other thing? tell all: show forth your publication: let reason rather than words be wanting with you: for that in popular commotions, feigned things set out with fair words, are holden for truth. Now I will plainly let you see, that your complaints are without reason, and your Civil wars breedeth necessity and redoubleth it. More fools than states men. A small grief. reasons without sense: and yet to please you, say that your dreams were true, that the king in his new levying of moneys, his new Edicts, and his new creations of officers, doth oppress his people. Necessity constraineth him, but from whence proceedeth that necessity? from civil wars: who maketh this war? the League. The cause then of these disorders, proceedeth from the graft of our miseries, and from such as upon the firm land, expect the shipwreck of our French vessels. I advouch the great levyings, the excess of impositions, the Edicts, the offices, the spend of treasures, and the rapine of receivers, and am assured, that there cometh not one crown out of the peasants hands, that is worth a Teston, when it is paid into the king's coffers, it is so much shortened by passing through so many hands. The people have been strangely oppressed by new inventions, there was somewhat to say to the Edict of Courtiers, the ten Sellers of fish, the 12. sellers of beasts within Paris, the receivers appointed for spices, the commissions sent to all Courts royal, to collect great treasures in every place of the Realm, the making of so many Gentlemen, the alienation of demands, with many other corruptions to get money, the numbering whereof would be more odious, than the charge hath been excessive: but upon whom may the fault be laid, whether upon the king that granted, or those that first invented them, thereby to find means to fill their purses, whose avarice resembleth the dog, that swalloweth a morsel of meat cast into his mouth without chawing, hoping presently to have another: for that all whatsoever proceedeth of a new imposition, was devoured, the sooner to swallow another. But if a great part thereof hath passed into the great and gaping throat of the insatiable avarice of the league itself: if many, to have a part therein, have given their consents: if the relieving of the poor people hath not been so much considered, as religiously it ought to be: if the importunity of those that say, there is always more fools than estates, have had it, wherefore do they charge the king, that only receiveth the grief at his heart, the ruin upon his shoulders, and hair upon his rains, that since these disorders, never hath had good day, sweet slumber, nor joyful repast? The displeasure he received at the continuance of such new charges, caused him to desire Monsieur de Birague his Chancellor, to deliver up his seals, which he bestowed over liberally upon the approbation of his Edicts, and caused a roll of the most pernicious to be showed him, which he toare, detested the authors, and lamented the oppression that his people endured: and as yet we may see the edict that was made for the suppression of the wicked devices of new Edicts. The same incrochers put into his head, the invention of Petite Espargne, of commanding his treasures under an acquittance of his hand, to deliver as much money as they would have, without knowledge to the Secretaries or Receivers, what he gave, to the end, that being ignorant of the disorder, and the instruments of that devise, no man should be blasoned but the king: and that their impudencies in ask such excessive sums of money, should not be discovered. Whatsoever it be, content yourselves you Parrissians, that all the profit of their exactions and subsides, hath entered into your coffers, that your own is enriched, that it was neverricher, then under the reign Alienation of admonition. Means to maintain the greatness of the Prince. Tributes. Traffics. Foreign treatises. Sale of offices. Duke d'Alua. King Lewis the 12. of him whom you have driven out, that all the great ponds of royal favours are fallen into your mills, his liberalities are returned into your purses, and the minion's have been but the conducts, whereby those great provisions were transported into your fountains, as touching the doubling of the charges, much more than ever they were heretofore, in the reigns of Lewis the eleventh, Charles the eight, and Lewis the 12. and the multitude of offices: it is well known that the domains which only maintained the honour and royal estate of his Realm, is nothing like as it was in their times. The continuance of wars hath engaged it into many hands, the increase of our divisions hath scattered, alienated, and dispersed it in such sort, that there must be had at the least fifteen or sixteen millions of Frankes, to redeem that which is worth above fifty millions. The kings of Europe have six ways and means to maintain the greatness of their estates. The king of France hath nothing thereof: he hath no more domains, the sacred Patrimony of his ancestors is gone, he maketh no more conquests nor spoils upon strangers, all the booty he hath is of his own, and all the loss of his subjects falleth upon him: he hath none that payeth him tribute, as the Prince of Asia doth to the King of Persia, the Indies to the King of Calicut, and he of Calicut Malach, Cambarre and Canor, to the King of Portugal. There is no traffic, negotiation, under the name of his Majesty by factors, as Alphonsus K. of Naples, the King of Portugal, all the Commonwealth, and most part of the Italian Princes: as the Duke of Florence for silks: and the Duke of Sa●oy for books, ordinarily use. The two last which are the refuges and foreign passages and the aids of his subjects, have of long time been converted by his ancestors, into charges, impositions, & ordinary tallages. These six means failing, and not being proportioned to the charges of the crown, the King hath been constrained to find a seventh extraordinary in deed, of great consequence, and most dangerous, but covered with necessity: which is the creation of new offices, and the practice to draw money, a means fit and to the purpose, to supply the king's wants, to fill the pipes of the springs of treasures almost dried, to ease the people oppressed with wars, and with the sterility of times and seasons, for that such as had to deal with receipts of the moneys proceeding thereof, make account that in twenty years, the king hath received 139. millions, a certain means whereby money from all places is brought into the king's Coffers, without constraint, violence, & as it were by degrees, a hundredth times more tolerable than impositions & other inventions, to charge the poor Peasants, and wherein there is much more conscience, then in that which Philip le Long demanded of all his subjects, of what estate soever, being the fift part of their revenue, and more reason than that tyrannical extortion of the tenth part of all the expenses of seventeen great Provinces, whereof the Author boasted to have found a fountain, that would yield gold in pieces as big as a man's arm. This sale of offices is not so new, but that it hath been used long since, in those estates that are thought to be most polliticque, the Venetians having so great & enemy as the king of France, made a great breach in their treasures to resist him, his entrance into Italy, cost him above fift millions of ducats, which to recover again, they invented the means of selling the offices of their Commonwealth, whereby they pursed one hundredth millions. Offices for the employment of the youth of France. And the French king perceiving it to be a continual spring into their coffers, brought it into his Realm, to support the necessity of the most oppressed, and the same necessity hath constrained his successors to continue the means to resist the same, and to honour the best families among his subjects: who without this splendure would be hidden among the rest, and youth without employment, would fall into those vices that are incident to that age: but let us now return again to your complaints. When you are forced to confess, that other causes made you to enter into the course and savour of these rebellions, you say, that the king did never approve nor advance your league. He hath loved it too much. If he had choked this Monster of division, if he had not by his authority strengthened the furious temerity of the Leaguers pretences, he would live like a king, command like a king, and be in the Lowre like a king, and had not gone out of Paris like a Governor of a country, that issueth out at one gate, when his enemies entereth at the other. Did you never hear, that a king that had two factions in his Realm, bending more to the one then to the other, hath in the end been a prey to one of them? What overthrew Carthage? two factions, Barchinienne, Ruin of estates by civil wars. and Hannonienne. What nourished wars in France of sixty years long, and made it a pray to the Englishmen? the quarrel of the house of Bourgongne and Orleans. What troubled England with so many mischiefs of seven great battles, wherein above sixty or eighty Princes of the blood royal of England were slain? the factions of the house of Lancaster and York. What impeached the Empire of Constantinople, but the great faction of Prusins and Venitiens, which at one blow spoiled forty thousand men? What overthrew the policy and tranquility of Florence, but the faction of white and black? To the contrary, what maintaineth the Empire of the Turks? their concord enemy of civil descension: they make their profit of our losses, they advance themselves under the coverture of our wars, grounded for the most part upon the foot of a fly, and there is nothing that hath so much increased, nor as yet doth more increase their alcaron, than our division, which every day giveth them sufficient christians heads to triumph upon, in stead of stones or other spoils: as Thuracan did with the heads of the Albanois. League a continual fever to an estate. To be short, that hurt which a continual fever is to a man's body, the same are Leaguers unto a Realm: the Prince that nourisheth and entertaineth them, is no less odious than the Physician, that hatcheth and covereth a disease. The Commonwealth is a ship, the Leagues and factions are the holes and leaks, by the which, while those that are in the ship are at strife, the water entereth in such abundance, that it causeth the ship to finke, and all that are within her. A wise Pilot should calk & stop those leaks and divisions, reserving the rurther for himself, without trusting to any other, never being factious, nor head of any parties, but all king, and always Master of the ship: and doubt not but these drone Bees, that eat up the honey of all the rest, and these composers of the league, which make so great a ruin for two or three months of spring-time, had overthrown themselves, if the king had not nourished them, Machiaville chap. 20. of the Princes. with the fairest flowers of his authority. And who ever counseled a Prince, common father of his subjects (unless Machiavelli chap. 20. of the Prince. it were Machiavelli) to entertain partialities among them? You are sorry that the king doth not as willingly embrace the pretences of your League, as you do, and that he hath not suffered you to make a table of his back, whereon to play at dice for his Crown. You have somewhat to say to those whom the king hath advanced: so the heels murmured because they had not the place of the head: the Ass would climb upon a cushion of velvet, to faun upon his Master like a Spaniel: puppets would play upon king's cabins. Know you not, that they are like counters in the king's hand, whereof he maketh one to be a hundredth, some a thousand, and others ten thousand? Do you not show more favour and credit in your banks town of your servants, then to an other? and use you not to say, that you may do with your own as pleaseth you? is the king countable to your humours? If he holdeth the Crown of God and the ancient laws of this Realm, wherefore seek you to be his Tutors, and to hinder him from distributing the honours and recompenses thereof, at his pleasure? It is no reason to prescribe or limit him, whom or what he shall cherish, love, and advance: if you confer things present, with those that are past, you shall find no Prince but hath had some whom he specially favoured, and that the jealousy nor envy of others farther from his favour, hath not been strong enough to erect Barricadoes against them, as you have done. The League hath no just cause to take arms. But seeing all your complaints are ridiculous, your reasons without foundation, and your discourses without assurance: what enchantment hath made you to rebel? Say that this great disorder known to be in the Court of your king, hath put that wild fire into your heads, which hath moved and told you, therefore to remedy it, you must drive him our, you must assail the Lowre, or torment his servants to revenge yourselves against the Duke of Espernon, being at Roan. I will not so much excuse the king, or think that he hath not committed some faults, nor say as the Parasite Anaxarchus, that Alexander had reason to kill Clitus, or that the two Goddesses Dice and Themis, are always at their sides, to keep them from committing injustice: certainly there were many fair and shining virtues in this Prince, Optimum est pati quod emendare non possis. and many humane imbisilities, yet tolerable. And seeing we must endure that mischief which is not to beeremedied, the people ought never to have recourse to arms, but to petitions and humble requests: as during the excessive exactions in the time of Paillip de Valois, they sued to the estates. If duty, reason, and love, move not your brazen hearts, the apprehension of the pains and punishments which god prepareth to discharge against your rebellions, Punishments of rebellion. Bodin. lib. 3. of his Commonwealth. aught to restrain you. God will never leave those injuries unpunished, that are done to his anointed: your fathers have repent it in the other world: and you, before you die, shall pay the useries, besides the principal of your commotions. Turn over your old registers, and you shall know what profit rebellion will procure you: inquire of those of Milan, Gand, Bourdeaux, 4. Of kings, chap. 25. Qu. Curt. lib. 9 Poli. lib. 10. Liu. dec. li. 3. Poitiers, and Rochel, if they remember it. And to the end you shall not think that the pains are new, Sedechia because he seduced the people to revolt against Nabuchodonosor, had his eyes put out, and cast into perpetual prison: after that, for his last spectacle, he had seen his children slain and murdered at his feet, and so lost the use of their light. Look upon the great multitude of the jews, that were made slaves by that means. Behold what rigour Alexander used against the Musicans, a people of India. And the Romans against those of Rheggio, and of Capove: how the Authors of those mutinies were tied to a Cross: how the Senators were publicly whipped, the Gentlemen sold like flaves. Our Kings, that let your first rebellion to pass by sufferance, have presently after, seen a second. And yet would not use those vengeances that appertain only to Barbarians. Zonar. in the third tomb of his Annals. Basil Emperor of Constantinople, caused the eyes of fifteen thousand Bulgariens to be put out, and left one eye to each of their Captains, that they might lead them. Amurat taking the Town of Dymothicon, that had rebelled against him by force, caused the Inhabitants to be bound two and two together, and so threw them over the wall into the river that ran at the foot thereof, commanding the fathers, or for default of them, the nearest kinsmen of those that had rebelled against him, to massacre them in his presence. Our Princes contented themselves with milder punishments, by drowning the pains of a multitude, in the blood of the Authors of the evil. Sometimes they have appointed the defacing of Towns that have rebelled, taken away their bells, and revoked their privileges: but always the punishment hath been much less than the mischief: those great crimes, have always found great clemency. So likewise in that day of your Barricadoes, there was nothing that preserved you from the pain due to so terrible rebellion, but the bounty and mercy of your king: and when I remember your strange dealing, you put me in doubt whether you be the sons of those, that so bravely and valiantly exposed themselves for the service of their kings, and that delivered Lewis the eight, father to Saint Lewis, out of the danger wherein the disloyalty of his enemies had brought him, between Paris and Monmartre. But let us seek for the end of our spindle, when those great Physicians that sought to remedy the sicknesses of this estate, perceived that they had not used such medicines as were convenient for the diseases, that their plasters were too little for the greatness of that wound, that to bring those humours down, they had rather have applied Iron & fire, than any ointments, that to save the members they had beaten the head, they were much abashed to see that body without a head: that royal authority was turned into the distaff: the royalty into an estate democrature: that none but the Qneen mother was present in their assemblies, and that the Duke of Guise held the sovereignty of all affairs. The king for remedy of the disorder, employed the Queen his mother, a spirit loving trouble & seeking disquietness, unreconcilable, as touching the hatred she bore to the Princes of the blood, and carried away with the love she had to the children of her daughter, Duchess of Lorraine: It sufficeth, the king sent a woman with tears and complaints against the arms and bravadoes of a Prince of courage, resolute, courageous in his resolutions. And it was not likely she would undo that which she had done, nor having counseled the K. to endure the boldness of the league, and end those differences by peaceable means, that she would more desire the advantage and quietness of her son, than the increasing of the hopes of the Nulla diu faemina pontus habit. Proper. marquess du Pont. I perceive to what end it will come, they will make such an other treaty as was made at Nemours, the Elixir of the Queen-mother: women should never meddle with any thing, but only to know their husband's shirt from his doublet. Francis Duke of Britain used to say, following (the advise of an Emperor) that it is dangerous to refer the deciding of great affairs unto the judgement of a woman, & that how great experience soever they have, they never attain to the soundness of a firm wit. That fantastical appetite, which maketh them have more pleasure in coals and sand, then in Grayhounds and Partridges, that sick and unbridled taste which they have at such time as they are great with child, remaineth continually in their minds: their breasts are stuffed with subtleties and craft, but strength and courage wanteth: they have neither constancy nor steadfastness, and their counsel is always worse. Plerumque muliebre consilium deterius Tacit. The next day after the king's departure, the first Senate of this new commonwealth, was holden by the Queen, wherein she that with her eyes could do what she list, lamented the mischief of the day of the Barricadoes, conjured the most busied heads to show their duties, promising all the effects of a more peaceable and assured life in the fruits of the religion, distribution of offices, moderation of taxes & tallages, suppression of offices, and to the contentment of those that dealt therein, a universal reformation. She exhorted them to leave their animosity, and not mingle their particular revenges with public offences: for it is a vain thing to be angry with the sea and the waves, after a man hath passed the storms and shipwrecks thereof: she besought them to preserve that fair and laudable reputation, The Queen mother traveleth to appease the Parrisians. which their long and constant fidelity had gotten them, to reconcile themselves to the king, that could not be without some boiling motion or feeling, to have seen so sudden a rising in the Town that he most loved, and where he thought to have most assurance, and that his most affectioned subjects, (the rule and example to others) are proceeded within two fingers near to an infamous and worthy rebellion. The Duke of Guise protesting his innocency, and imputing all those mischiefs not to the will of the king, but to the force and violence of his evil Council, saith that he was extremely sorry, that the king by his departure out of Paris, had made him lose so good and happy an occasion, The Duke of Guise his protestation. thereby to let him see, what his zeal and will was for the service of his Majesty, that he was ready to make proof thereof in his absence, resolved with his life to redeem the authority which his Council had taken from him, with the quietness and comfort of the Town, for the surety whereof, he besought the Queen-mother to be a mean. The election of the provost, for the merchants. That done, they proceeded to the election of a Provost of Merchants, and Sheriffs, in places of those that are less affected to the intents of the League, then to the advancement of the king's affairs: and their oaths were taken by the Queen-mother, against whose will they discharged divers Collonelles, Captains and Quarter-maisters, the little troop of zealous Catholicques, called the sixteen, busied themselves much in those public actions, either to show the excess of their over boiling love, or violent hatred. They took order for the assistance of the places adjoining to Paris, and among others, Meux and Melun, they advertised foreign Princes, and the good Towns of all that had passed, still justifying themselves: they made searches in Paris against all those that were not of their conspiracy, the Politicians & good Frenchmen, such as foresaw the inconveniences that threatened this Monarchy, by the impetuosity of her mutinies, were sifted and cast into the ashes of their hatred. This monster with sixteen heads, that should tear the authority of laws, began to cause itself to be feared, nevertheless, the least advised, that knew that Paris without the king, is a body without strength, lamented his departure. The Capueins find the King in their processions. They sent the Capucins in procession to Chartres, thereby to defend the blows of the king's choler, to put water into the fire that others had kindled, & to reclaim the tempests of his just indignation. And therewith they sent some of the most account of all the Orders in the City, to desire him with all humility, not to remit the innocency of the Citizens of Paris, to the judgement of their enemies: to consider the just causes that had constrained the people to defend themselves: to banish from his ears all contrary reports and advises: not to defer his return to Paris, wherein he should be received with as many applaudings and rejoicings, as his subjects had griefs when they understood of his departure, and where he should find better servants, than those that had counseled him to destroy them and so to departed. The Queen-mother present deputies to the King. The Queen-mother was the head of this message, and when the Deputies arrived at Chartres, she presented them to the king, that heard their Oration, wherein they acknowledged their fault. And falling down at his majesties feet, spoke as followeth. An Oration of the Deputies of Paris made to the King at Chartres. SIr, the duty, honour, respect, fear, and obedience, that we own unto your Majesty, maketh us desire not to come before your presence, but only in all humility & submission, to crave the happy continuance of your Graces good favour, without being so bold as once to open our mouths to utter any complaint, or daring (although in a just cause) to hazard the using of free speeches, that might never so little be offensive unto your Majesty: and for this cause, those that sent us, had determined, that we intercession for us, and for more dignity and reverence, to interpose herself between us and your Grace. But it hath pleased you, to will her to send us unto you, promising to give us peaceable audience: which hath caused us not only to continue the submissions due unto your Majesty, but to satisfy your commandment, to appear before your presence. Than one speaking for all, said: Sir, I will not rehearse the protestations by the Princes made unto you, as well of the honour, which they do bear you, as of their grief for your Grace's absence: neither will I prevent those which the Deputies of Paris here present will show you, but only certify your Majesty, that we are the bearers of the memorial which it hath pleased you to send for, chosen to that end, not that we esteem of our own sufficiencies (specially myself) or for other considerations, but only as being men notoriously exempted from any suspicions of particular passions, in that which concerneth the principal points of this request. Where, if in the general & common grief, your Majesty findeth any proposition somewhat freer and bolder than ordinary, we beseech you most humbly to remember your commandment, the proper interest of your service, and the sorrows of your poor subjects: your clemency permitteth us to show our grief, and that which most oppresseth us, is the damage and prejudice that these last accidents (among others) have procured to the service of your Majesty: in such sort, that if we speak otherwise then becometh us, we shall resemble him that having been dumb all his life, beginneth not to speak, but when he seethe the sword drawn to his father, and his king. For than nature breaketh the obstacles, and crieth out, saying: Hurt not the king. The passion and desire we have to your service, as our father, our King, our Master, and our Lord, causeth us for that purpose to break our long silence, and to use the like cry, saying: Hurt not the king: separate him not from his good subjects, his Nobility, the Officers of his Crown, his Princes, his Courts sovereign, his treasures, not his greatness. Take not from him the honour of his zeal, his piety, his justice, his Clemency, his mildness, his goodness, and his humanity, so much renowned, experimented, and commmeded. For if at any time heretofore it hath been done, surely by this last accident of Paris, it was in more danger than ever it was, which causeth us to speak with much such affection, in that it threatened us with the like danger: And in such manner, that if your Majesty had known the sequel thereof, you might have seen sufficient, whereby to discern what cause we have to mourn: but for that you know it not, we are in greater hope your Majesty will the better accept the humble petitions of your poor innocent subjects, which appeal and invoke your aid, in this world, only next after God, against those who abusing your authority, would so shamefully destroy and massacre us. The thing I have in charge to present unto your Majesty, in the behalf of the Princes, is so true, that they offer to justify the same, when it pleaseth you to command. In this concurrence of so many just complaints, we most humbly beseech your Majesty, to accept our declarations in good part, and believe, so that we may live assuredly under your protection, in the religion whereof you give us so good examples, that there is nothing heretofore happened, that can take away the devotion which is in us, for the executing of all your pleasures, and the entire obedience of your Grace's commandments: and that there is not any kind of humility, submission, or satisfaction, that we are not ready to yield unto you, not only in word, but indeed, protesting in truth, both before God and man, that in that which is past, we have not sought to offend your Majesty, or any of your subjects, and that our only desire is, to seek all the means we can, to live in your gracious favour, and to please you. A request presented to the king at Chartres. Wherein when you shall have satisfied the expectation of all the world, yet we shall not satisfy ourselves, by reason of the insatiable desire that burneth in our hearts, to continue still more and more agreeable unto you. The Oration ended, they presented their petition to the king, containing five specipall points: that is, the extirpation of heresy, by levying of arms both by the king and the League, giving it the name of the holy union, the banishment and proscription of the Duke d'Espernon, and Monsieur de la Valette, the performance of the king's voyage to Guyenne, and a voyage to be made by the Duke de main into Dauphine: the forgetting of the commotions of Paris: the confirmation of officers chosen for the managing of the affairs of the said Town since the Barricadoes: the re-establishing of the good and ancient ordinances of the Realm, leaving the verification of the new edicts, and the declarations made upon the same to the Court of Parliament, abolishing the pernicious use of parties, defending the acquitting of gifts, but only in the end of the year, wholly abolishing and that upon grievous punishment, the supposition of names, that had been practised the easilier to ratify gifts, made contrary to the ancient laws of the Realm, altogether forbidding the practice of Receivers, and all the abuses endured by means of the Duke d'Espernon, and Monsieur de la Valette. The longest articles of their request, tending only to that end. Now let us see how the allegations made by the League against them, are confuted by their answers: and first you shall hear what it saith to the King against them, and what they answer against it. Sir, (faith the League) the Duke of Espernon, & Monsieur de Vallette his brother, whom your Majesty hath elevated and invested with the greatest offices and dignities of this Realm, are known not only throughout France, but in all Christendom, to be the principal favourers and supporters of hereticques in this Realm. The answer of the Duke de Espernon. Your Majesty may now well perceive, Apology of the Duke d'Espernon to his enemies. that at this present the league (pretending their quarrel against us) doth begin their process against you, and having failed in their last enterprise at Paris, to bereave your grace both of your authority & liberty, (which God grant may never be effected) they would now spoil your most faithful and bounden servants, and make them the excuse and whole pretence of their so late commotion, but the thing is so evident, that this their devise deserveth not any answer, seeing your Majesty and all the world have manifestly seen it. What parance should they have to begin an enterprise in Paris, to take the Duke d'Espernon, who as then was resident in Normandy? And what cause moved them to erect Barricadoes, even to the Gates of the Lounre, to arm and raise the people in a mutiny, and to cease upon all the keys of the City, thereby to drive Monsieur de Valette out of Valence and Dauphine, where as then he continued? These are the effects of the confession of Salcede, which only are pretended against your Majesty, and not against the Duke d'Espernon, nor Monsieur de la Valette his brother, who since it pleased your Majesty to give them any charge within this Realm, Confession of Salcede. have most faithfully and worthily acquitted themselves, therein imitating the steps of their deceased father, The house of the Nogarets' hath well deserved in the Realm. Monsieur de la Valette, one of the greatest Captains in our time, whose services done for the advantage of this crown and dignity, are yet so fresh, and imprinted in the hearts of all Frenchmen, that their enemies cannot choose but confess, that he hath deserved a recompense therein towards his children, whom it hath pleased your Majesty to choose (as children worthy of such a father) and in them to acknowledge the deserts of his service & victories against the heriticques of this Realm. An example whereof, the Duke of Espernon in less than six months, An explort done by the Duke d'Espernon in Provence. hath cleansed all Provence (which it pleased your Majesty to commit unto their charge) of all whatsoever the Hereticques for the space of twenty years hath holden therein, and from whence they had not been driven, by all their predecessors Governors of the same: and having banished the Ministers and principal Leaders from Seine, they have so well pacified and governed that Provence, that ever since it hath remained in the entire obedience to your Majesty. The taking of Sorgues. The Duke d'espernons' voyage to Guyenne. His fanour to the enemies of the league. His enterprise upon Cambray. His deeds in Dauphine. The reason for which the league doth band themselves against the Duke d'Espernon. The taking of Sorgues in Dauphine in winter reason, by those two brethren, witnesseth what minds they bear. And since the overthrow of Huguenot Swissers, spoiled by Monsieur de la Valette, showeth the intelligence and conference they are likely to have with hereticques. The League specifieth the places where they showed those favours, as the Duke of Espernons' voyage into Guyenne, the treaties there by him made, the counsels that he gave, the favour he showed to such as he knew to bear them affection, the hatred he showed towards all good Catholicques, (specially such as he esteemed to hold with the League) the intelligence he had with the affairs that Cleruant followed for the Huguenots in Metz. The enterprises he made upon Cambray, a town belonging to the Queen. The suspicion he hath given to all honest men. The aid he gave to the Rutters (being overthrown) concerning their return serving them for a guard. The counsel by him given touching the last troubles happened in Paris. The secret conferences he hath had with Chastillon, the actions of his brother, as the taking of Valence, Tallard, Guillestre, and other places which he hath taken from the Catholicques of Dauphine, the means he hath used therein, to advance the power of the hereticques, by the destruction of that Provence, and the subtleties he used, to impeach the reducing of Ausonne, do sufficiently discover their pretences. And when it pleaseth your Majesty to have further declaration hereof, with the general consent of all your subjects, we will bring divers sufficient proofs, which at this present would be over long to set down, and which for divers good causes we will now omit. This common opinion of the intelligence that the said Duke de Espernon and Mousieur de la Valette, have with the Hugunots, and the high estate whereunto it hath pleased your Majesty to advance them, maketh your good subjects to fear (specially the Catholicques) that if your favour should once be withdrawn from them, (as it is impossible that their insolent behaviours can long time be endured by so great and wise a King) not finding any entertainment among the Catholicques, they will take part with Hereticques, and thereby deliver all the Provinces and strong places that are in their possessions, into their hands, whom already they have so great intelligence, in such manner, that France (that may shortly be delivered of heresy) should become more subject to their tyrannical dominion then ever it was. The Duke's answer Upon the taking of Dauphine. The Duke de Espernon replieth by his Council, and saith, that he took Valence and other places in Dauphine, and put out those of the league, (that had no authority therein) to place his majesties soldiers: if that deserve not an excuse, I refer it to the judgement of all honest men. I would to God he had also taken chaalon's, Dyon, Montrevil, and all that acknowledgeth not your Majesty, within the heart of the Realm: and yet he hath not done it without cause and lawful excuse, which hath been often debated before your Majesty and your Council. The favour which he bore to hereticques. As touching the other points of their accusation, touching the favour which the League saith the Duke d'Espernon beareth unto Hereticques, your Majesty knoweth, and can disprove their untruths: if they be so in this, that as touching the overthrow of the Rutiters, there was not any man that traveled so much therein, as the said Duke d'Espernon, who only by your majesties good pleasure and authority, having effected the disunion of the Swissers, The King of Navarres complaint against the Duke de Espernon. caused their confusion, and by that means gave the Duke of Guise occasion to set upon them at Auneau, for the which he is so much commended, to the disgracing of your Majesty, and the honour of that victory that is due unto you. By this your Majesty may judge the truth of all their accusations, that knoweth the particularities of the voyage to Guyenne, what was done by the Duke d'Espernon, and what followed, all contrary to their declarations. Whereby I dare say, the King of N. was so much displeased at the said D. of Espernon, that there is not any man in France, with whom he is more offended. The League addeth, that the D. of Espernon & his brother, are the authors of the disorders in all the good governments and policy of France: that they have gotten into their Coffers, all the treasures of the Realm: that they have aspired to the principal offices of the Crown, separated from it, divers of those that would serve it both well and wisely: and besought the King, seeing he knew them to be the cause and original of the mischief, that it would please him to banish them both of his Court and favour, and discharge them of all the governments and offices that they hold within this Realm, without any desert. The Duke d'Espernon saith, that all whatsoever they say, are but chimeres and inventions, maliciously devised: for the justification whereof, The Duke's offer, to testify the truth of his innocencis. he will gauge his head to be laid at the king's sere, if it be found that he once so much as dreamt thereof. And to the contrary, he reputeth all the causes of miseries upon the heads of the house of Guise. Who hath brought disorder (saith he) in the treasures (whereof you make so great a matter) but your predecessors, & you that follow their steps? Who constrained the king to exact upon his people, but only the wars, which the unmeasurable ambition hath renewed, & put them upon the King's charges? let the chamber of accounts be examined, & there it shall be seen: who without contradiction hath handled and governed the treasures of the late kings, Henry and Francis the second: let the most ancient Histories be perused, to see what house in France hath risen from a most mean beginning, to a high and great estate. I will name no man, every man knoweth sufficiently what house it is, that would thrust his head into the clouds, Gifts of the king, without importunity, and with his foot spurn off the king's Crown: we most humbly call his Majesty to witness, as our king, the author of our being, our Protector, and our good Master, if we ever were importunate with him, for any benefit we have received at his Grace's hands, and whether all whatsoever we have both riches and honour, have not proceeded from him of his free and voluntary liberty. We praise God, that we cannot be accused to be Pensionaries to the king of Spain, or to have received money from him, to make war against our king, and impeached him from taking into his protection, the government of the low Countries, nor by force to have taken the moneys of his general receipts, rob the wagon of Bourges, and in time of open peace, constrained the money of Normandy, to be conducted by a hundredth men of arms, even to the Gates of Paris. It shall not be long of us, that this reformation should not be performed in France, we will absent ourselves from the Court, and from the presence of the king. Now my Masters the reformers, let us see some goodly beginning of your policy: Is your ambition, devices, practices, or inventions, The Duke d'Espernon is forbidden the Court. to attain to the highest dignity, thereby any thing ceased? Have you left Paris, & restored it into the hands of her natural king and Princes? No: but to the contrary, you have made Melun and Corbeil, to revolt in the very sight of his Majesty, and all the best towns in this Realm, which by false persuasions you have led out of the right way. And to conclude, we will refuse no condition, that may restore and establish this Realm to peace and tranquility, and as we do most willingly crave your majesties presence (in a time wherein we ought not to do it) thereby to give no cause of dissiking to our enemies: so will we be always ready to yield unto your majesties hands, both lives: and goods, The King's answer to the request of the league. with all estates, charges, governments, places, and Castles, that it hath pleased you to commit unto us, upon condition that our accusers will do the like. And if any man find this proposition and reciprocal submission between persons, which they may term unequal to be strange, let them remember, and receive this for satisfaction, that all whatsoever the one and the other hath, is by your Grace, and which they cannot justly hold, longer than it pleaseth you. The king that sat as umpeir in this contention, by their answers and replies still received some blows, yet he knew that their declarations were not so smooth, but that the accusations in his behalf, would easily be aunsered: and being pressed by the League to yield to their request, he giveth the Cardinal of Bourbon, and all the rest of the Princes (in whose name it was presented) to understand, that both in peace and war, he had sufficiently showed the proof of his good will, to the preservation of the only Catholicque religion in his Realm, and to the extirpation of contrary sects, without sparing his own person, even at the last overthrow of the Protestant Rutters entered into this Realm, The victory of the Rutters. which had not happened without the presence and good conduction of his said Majesty, that stayed them upon the side of the river of Lowre, which they had gotten with little loss and weaking, as every man knoweth. That jealousies & distrust had hindered him from reaping the profit of the advantage which he had against the Hereticques, having sought all means he could, to impeach the motions of those divisions, as namely to forget that which had happened at Paris, as long as the Citizens behaved themselves like good and faithful subjects, trusting in the bounty and clemency of their Prince, whereof they have so many times had sufficient proof, that they need not doubt thereof. That he lamented the disorders that have crept into the affairs of this estate, as also the contentions that broke the last peace: that he desired nothing so much, as speedily to see a present reformation, and that to the same effect, he would assemble the third estates of France, as the most assured remedy, which his predecessors in such occasions have always used. That he was resolved presently to revoke divers edicts and impositions wherewith his people were charged. That in the assembly of the estates, his Majesty would take order for the doubt the Catholieques have to fall into the government of hereticques: and that touching the particular complaint made by the said Princes against the Duke d'Espernon & his brother, he would make it known, that both in that, and all other things, he is a Prince both equal and just, having special regard not to do injury or wrong to any man. And withal, that he preferred the public utility of his Realm, before all other things. The Court of Parliament, who by their wisdom that knew that the absence of the sun which giveth it light, would from thence forward make it become obscure and without light, by reason of the thick clouds of divisions, would not withdraw their helps from that trouble and disquietness of the estate, nor turn their back to the king, neither bring upon themselves the infamous marks or rebellion, or permit that his councillors should be termed overthrowers of their Princes: The Court of Parliament sent the Deputies to the King. but sent their Deputies to his Majesty, to show him of the grief they had conceived at that accident, and at the mischief that had constrained him to go out of Paris, to reclaim his bounty and clemency, to divert his just vengeance from the heads of his subjects, excuse his officers, if in so great a commotion, imbisilitie and fear, had made them bend their necks, to desire him to come thither again, to restore quietness and contentment to his Majesty, order in his affairs, credit to their purple robes, authority to their estate, & by his presence to disperse mutinies, which by division had been raised. The King's answer to the Court of Parliament. The king answered thereunto, that he never doubted but that they would continue in the fidelity and affection, which they had always showed to his ancestors, that if it had been in their powers, to have taken order touching the disorders in Paris, he was fully persuaded they would have done it: that he had conceived a most extreme grief thereat, although he said he had not been the first that had fallen into such misfortunes: that notwithstanding all that, he would always be a good father, to such as showed themselves good children: that in the quality of a father, he would use the Parrisians as his sons, that had failed in their duties: and not as servants, that conspired against their Master: he commanded them to continue in their charges, according to their duties, and from the mouth of the Queen-mother, to receive the commandments and executions of his will and pleasure. The King sends for the Deputies of the Court. Wherewith the Deputies of the Parliament withdrew themselves, & when after dinner they were ready to departed, the king sent for them, and said unto them: I have once again sent for you, that before you go, I might let you understand, (besides that I said unto you in the morning) that I have been advertised of the allegation used in my behalf, that I would place a Garrison in my town of Paris: I am much abashed how that entered into their heads. I know what Garrisons mean, they are either placed to destroy a Town, or else because of some distrust that is had in the Inhabitants: they ought not to think that I would overthrow or destroy a Town, to the which, I have showed so many signs of great good will, and which I have enriched by my long continuance therein, as having stayed there more than ten others of my predecessors ever did, which hath procured, yea even to the meanest Artificers therein, that great traffic which at this day they have: and so much, that it might have benefited ten or twelve other Towns, which would have been glad thereof: and where my officers have had cause to use my help, as likewise Merchants and others: I have not denied it unto them, so that they may justly say, I have always showed myself a good king in their behalfs: less cause should I likewise have, to enter into distrust of those whom I loved, and of whom I might have assured myself, as I verily thought. So that the amity I bore unto them, aught to have bereaved them of this fond opinion, that I would place a Garrison among them: and it is well known, that not one soldier set foot or entered into any house, to look either bread or provision whatsoever: but to the contrary, I sent them money and other necessaries, and they had not stayed there above four and twenty hours at the furthest, which had been till the next day, but they should have lodge else where. I determined to have made an exact search, for divers strangers that as then were in my Town of Paris, and not desiring to offend any man. I sent to the Lords of my Court, namely to the D. of Guise, to the end they should give me a roll of their domestical servants, and to send the rest away, whom I understood to be in great numbers, at the least fifteen thousand, which I did for the preservation of my good Town of Paris, with sureties of my subjects. And therefore I will have them to acknowledge their faults with grief and true contrition: I know well that they are put in mind, and made believe, that having offended me in that sort, my indignation is unreconcilable: but I would have you to let them know, that I am not so disposed to lose them, and as God (whose Image although unworthy I bear here upon earth) will not the death of a sinner: so I desire not their overthrow. I will try the gentillest means, and when they shall confess their fault, and show by effect what sorrow they have, I will receive and embrace them as my subjects, showing myself like a father to his children: yea a friend to his friend: I will have them to acknowledge me for their good King and Master, which if they do not, but rather feed me with delays, withdrawing my hands, as I can well do, I will make them know their offences, whereof the memory shall remain to all posterities: for it being the chief and principal Town, honoured with the Supreme Court of my Realm, and other Courts, Privileges, honours, and Universities, I can as you know, revoke my Court of Parliament, Chambers of accounts, aids and other Courts and universities, which would turn to their great decay. For that ceasing, their trafficques and other commodities would decrease: yea, and wholly decay, as it happened in the year 1579. during the great plague, by reason of my absence, and the discontinuance of the Parliament, a great number of my councillors being retired, so that the same year, many of the ships stood shut up, and the people lived idle, spending their time in playing and walking in the streets. I know there are many honest men within my Town of Paris, and that of four, three parts are of that number, which are grieved for the mischief that is happened: then let them with speed procure my just contentment, that I be not constrained to use rigour, which to my great grief I would be loath to do. You know, that patience once moved, turneth into fury, and what a king that is displeased may do. For surely I will employ all my power, not leaving any means unsought, to revenge myself on them, although my mind be not revengetive, but I would that they would know, that both my hart and courage, is as great as any of my predecessors ever was: I have not as yet, since my advancement to the Crown, after my brother's death, nor my return out of Polonia, used rigour to any man, which you both know, and can well witness: neither I will that any man should abuse my clemency and long suffering. I am no usurper, I am lawful king by succession, as you all can testify, and of a race that hath always commanded with benignity. It is in vain to speak of religion: I must take another course, there is no Prince living in the world, more Catholicque and desirous of the extirpation of heresies, than I am, which both mine actions and life hath showed unto my people. I would it had cost me an arm, that the picture of the last Hereticque, were painted here upon my chamber wall. Now you may return to execute your charges, and always be of good courage, for you need to fear nothing, if I stand by you, and I command you to let them understand what I have said. Not long after, the K. determined to go to Roan, where the Inhabitants received him with great joy, showing so many signs of their great desires to live in his obedience, that their fidelity and love, mitigated the grief of the revolt and murenie of others: The king goeth to Roan and not long before, the Town of Lions had expressly sent unto the king, to desire his Majesty to come thither, & to acknowledge that their long and continual fidelity, should appear so much the firmer, as by how much the more it was continually sought to be detected. When the Duke of Guise perceived that Paris in great haste returned under the king's obedience, from the which it had so suddenly revolted, that the shame to be without him, made the boldest of them hold down their heads, that the violence of rebellion began to lessen, by means of natural reason, that the son of the king's authority began to wax hot, and that there was not any desperate leaguer, but acknowledged that the absence of the Court would be a hindrance to his purse, his shop, and his affairs: he determined to win the king's favour, The Nobles of the league finds the day of the Barricadoes very grievous. thereby not to lose the aid of those that found the action within Paris to be over hardy. All his servants (himself beginning) returned to the wearing of their old cloaks of the K. authority, which by their Barricadoes they had wholly trodden under foot: the third word that issued out of their feigned and dissembling mouths, was, the service of the king, the obedience of his Majesty, the preservation of the The Nobles of the league finds the day of the Barricadoes very grievous. estate, there formations of disorders, and the relief of the people, believing that this second enterprise would succeed with as much contentment and impunity as the first, and in steed of maintaining himself in the degree whereunto by so many pains, dangers, and troubles he had as then attained, he descended of a sudden, and went to find the Queen-mother, and with her to make some evil shapen coat, the king reapeth more profit by his enemies than he looked for. plutarch saith, there was one, that giving a thrust with his sword into his enemy's body, by chance pierced an imposthume therein, which without doubt had killed him shortly after, if that new Surgeon had not broken it. And so if the great mutiny of Paris had not suppressed the great abundance of cold and heavy humours, that long rest and pleasure had bred, and constrained the king to rise and bestir himself, he had returned to his solitary life, and so most certanly had lost his Crown, before he could perceive it. The boldness of this enterprise filled his courage, and from that time forward, he determined either to live like a victorious king, The profit which he hath of his enemies. ordie vanquished. But he perceived himself to be reduced into two extremities, both very dangerous, in the middle whereof, there stood a deep and profound pit, the anchor of his safety is peace, he could not make it both with the league and Huguenots together: if he turned to the one side, he was assailed by the other: if he stayed in the middle, he was charged by them both, that of force he was constrained to take part with the one, The king resolveth to be revenged of the Duke of Guise. because he had been so imprudent to suffer them both: and that of a King he must become the General of a faction. And in this manner, being driven here and there, by the incertitude of his conceptions, feeble, unresolved, and environed with so many distrusts, by the apprehension of the mischief, he suffered his mind to be led away from the bounds of his nature: And began to be very choleric against the Huguenots, to have the League on his side, so to aid himself with their forces against them. But those in whom he ought to put most credit, that lamented the diminishing of his authority, and the weakening of his forces, and that perceived him bend to procure his own destruction, counseled him to make peace with the king of Navarre, Counsels of peace. An edict of peace, 1576. and not to break the edict of pacification, which he had (worn, not in the field by force or imbecility of infancy (as king Charles his bother did) but after so many victories, in the flower of his years, in the strength of his wit, & in presence of all the Realm of France, putting his faith into the hands of God, who is a just revenger of such as break it, although it be given unto their enemies. They propounded the same reasons wherewith in the year 1577. they defended the liberty of consciences, enforcing them with divers examples & most certain arguments. Others, that for the most part are creatures of the league, condemned the counsel, at every word they spoke, crying: Set upon the Huguenot: religion, the church, & the truth, will always remain: The league will have war. they braved in their discourses, they persuaded the K. to continue wars, & to acknowledge that God had sent him those Macchabees of Lorraine, to resist Infidels: those Herculese, against monsters: that race of Monfort, against the relicques of Albigios. Sir, (said they) you shall lose the name of most christian king, if you yield unto these heresies, that draw the sap out of religion. You shall be the only king among 60. of your predecessors, that hath so faintly permitted & suffered so pernicious & detestable a mixstur of truth & lies: & it will be said, that under your reign, Temples were without Altars: Altars without sacrifices: Churches without Ministers, and God without service. The gainsaying of those of the league. Godliness desireth not wars. The others knowing well, that those fair and goodly covertures, hide and keep close most infamours rebellions: and to put both fire and sword into the deep wounds of the League, said: That as than it was no more requisite to decide religion by arms: piety is not joined to weapous, men speak not of God but in blasphemy and cursing, they worshipped him not but in vanities, entered not into Churches but to profane them, lay hand assoon upon the Priest and religious persons, as upon the Minister or Deacon, and the fury and blindness of the soldier, doth not distinguish that in his eye, which in heart he well discerneth. And to be short, war undermineth religion, as worms consume trees, rust eateth Iron, and a fever weakeneth man's body, it engendereth Atheists, Libertines, and Epicurians, it maketh Citizens of one Town, such as drink of one fountain, and that live under one air, to become so wild and uncourteous each to other, that of men they become wolves & Tigers, such as desired that the leaguers sword should drive away the Huguenots, as the Englishmen were driven out of France: Zozomen lib. 3. Hist. tripart. chap. 11. say to the contrary, that there is no war more just, holy, nor necessary, then that which is undertaken only to procure the service of God by one religion, saying: that Constantine with weapon in hand overthrew the Paganism of his Empire, extirped the assemblies of hereticques, Novaciens, Valentiens, Marchionists, and Paulianists, not leaving them any means whereby they might offend the liberty of the religion that he held. Theodozius the elder, made war against the Arrians: Theodozius his son, against the Nestorians, Marcians, and Manicheens. And that our kings had not attained the name of christrian Princes, but by most virtuously sacrificing their lives for the defence of religion. You take not the History (said the defendants) as it is to be understood: War was not made against heretics, till after they were condemned of heresy. you read not, that wars were made against the Arrians, Novatians, Manicheens, and other hereticques, until the Counsels of Nice, Ephese, and Calcedonia, had confuted their errors, and condemned their opinions. We have not to do with such people, they are called members of one church like us: they confess one redemption with us, hoping for their salvation therein, as we do: there is neither Infidelity, nor Idolatry in their manner of serving God: they blaspheme his name less than we do: punishing such as offend his laws, more than we: and there is nothing in their doctrine, that shaketh the foundations of our faith. You call them heretics, it is long since they affirm this word not to be agreeable to their doctrine: there is no sentence nor judgement pronounced against them: such as er, are not therefore to be accounted heriticques: heresy is the folly of an opinious mind, so that false opinion and obstinacy, are the two points that make an hereticque: the one dependeth of the understanding carried away with errors and falsehoods: the other of the obstinate mind, persevering in those errors. If the Huguenots knew they erred, or if they were wilful in their ignorance, why would they have suffered themselves to be slain and massacred in that hot canicular month of August, in the year 1572. If they were obstinate, would they so often ask Counsels, either general, or national, to instruct them? as for us that have this blessing of God, to be christians, instructed in the Catholicque Church, which we believe to be Roman, we know that Huguenots have more need of piety, than pain: of doctrine, than destruction: and of Catechising, than imprisonment. We take compassion upon such as we perceive to be out of their wits, and that run headlong into mischief: and why should not we have the like feeling towards those that are mortally wounded with those errors, that in a whole and lively body, bear a weak and passed soul, lanquishing and spoiled by the poison that hath so long consumed it. The Catholicque calleth the Huguenot an hereticque, because he believeth not enough: the Huguenot calleth the Catholicque hereticque, because he believeth too much. The Hoguenot believeth not evil, in that wherein he agreeth with us, but he believeth not enough, and wanteth in that which he believeth not: he hath nothing but it cometh from us, but there is a fault committed in the alteration, and not in the essence: and I say following our instructors, that heresy is rather a want of good, than possession of evil. The difference in religion, should mildly be agreed upon. He is not evil instructed in the principals of faith, but he is not sufficiently informed touching the Ceremonies: he believeth constantly in the only word of God, contained in the book called cannonicall: the Catholicque taketh the interpretations of the word of God made by the Church, for an infallible rule of his salvation, and not like the Huguenot, by the particular sense, but by the universal consent of the Church assembled together, under a legitimate head, which is the Pope: accord these two tunes, & make them believe in the traditions that since the time of the Apostles have been brought into the Church, our Ceremonies in the administration of our Sacrament, and in the election of Ministers, and they are pleased, and we shall have no more need of wars. If they say they will have no other judges to determine their differences but the holy Scriptures, which of itself is easy enough without interpretations or Commentaries, and that if it be dark in one place, it is opened in another, tell them, that it is not so easy, plain, nor open, but that divers men do stumble in the understanding thereof: that it is not so clear, as that without interpretation it can decide all the controversies of our faith: that as God in the old laws would have a Moses to judge the law, so he would have Ministers his successors, that they shall determine difficulties of the doctrine of the Gospel. Make them to agree with us therein, your difference will soon be ended: and you shall banish wars & schisms in France. To those reasons the league opposed theirs, and said: Your arguments are of no consequent: you say, that the Huguenot is not to be pursued by arms, because he is not declared hereticque by cannonicall proceed: that he is no hereticque because he is not stubborn: that he is not stubborn, because he desireth instruction: turn over the lease, and you shall find that the Huguenot ought to be pursued by arms, in that he hath been condemned for an heretic by all the councils, specially of that of Trent: that all novelties are odious to the Church: that he is an heretic, for that knowing, & as it were with his finger touching his error, he standeth stubbornly in defence. Obstinacy & sense reproved, is the punishment of his infidelity: it is then to no end that he should ask instruction, when there is no hope of amendment: it is a tree without fruit, and good for nothing but to be cast into the fire. To this point, those that loved peace, The wars for religion, consists of a great number of Catholics. how dear soever it were, cried out and said: Will you then have a new recourse to fires, punishments, and remedies, which we have already tried to be more proper to kindle and spread abroad, then to quench and stop the evil? Do you not as yet perceive, that God detesteth the terrible persecutions used against them in all the Courts of Paris, that the Princes, Governors of Towns, Magistrates, and officers of justice, have with their own bloods paid usury for the unmeasurable shedding of Christians blood, that since the Magistrate left punishing, and that the Prince hath pursued them by arms, there hath died at the least a thousand Catholicques, to kill a hundredth Huguenots. The king is become a Captain at his own costs in the battles of jarnac and Moncontour, he hath continued for the space of ten or twelve years together, to make wars against them, and in the end, after he had used all means, and attempted all extremities, he perceived it was in vain for him to kill, to make men believe, that the Gospel is not planted with other tools, than the word and peaceableness, that it increaseth by suffering, and not by persecution. jesus Christ planted his Church by miracles. Mahomet by force and violence. Religion is not the cause but the pretext of the war. The Talmud with her toys, and the Koran with her impostures, detest the Christians fury, that kill each other: the first saith, that jesus Christ increased the Church by virtue of miracles: and Machomet, by force of arms. We know well, and if we confess it not, we are traitors to our country, and of all others, the most incencible: that religion is not to be preached by drumb and fife: and that of a hundredth that bear arms, there is not ten but have an other intent then only religion. We know that this war is a mere war against the estate, that nothing was said touching the king of Navarres conscience, until it was evidently seen, that by the death of Monsieur the king's brother, he was the next in succession to the Crown: and that it is most certain, that the League buildeth the assurance of things present, by those that are to come: that upon the imaginative fear and of the succession of a Prince of an other religion, (the king being in the flower and strength of his age) they dispute of the right possession, and establish their usurpation. The Monarchy passeth to an other branch of the blood royal, The Cardinal of Bourbon. because the king hath no children, & because we should have some, they present us an old Prince, an old tree without fruit, a hollow oak, which serveth but for a support to the juice of the League, and to the hopes of the Duke of Guise, that climbeth unto the royalty by his means. Duke of Guise, who under colour to power water upon those flames, to place order in disorder, and reformation inabuse, suffereth men to burn in flame, and overthrow all things. Wherefore from henceforth, the king must look unto that which as yet resteth whole and entire within his Realm: that he should make peace with the Huguenots: that he should help himself with their forces which are Frenchmen, against those Hispaniolized minds, that will either usurp the Sovereignty of this estate, or else convert it into cantons like the Swissers. To give peace to the Huguenots, to aid himself with their forces, to overthrow the Catholics, to stir up the Pope, the king of Spain, and all Italy, and in a word, to constrain France to revolt. The king ought not to do it, and it is too much peril for himself, Objections against the League. too much misery for his people, & too much injury to the Church, whereof he is the eldest son: he should call wolves to help, which in the end would devour the sheep: he should serve himself with foxes, that in fine, would kill thee geese: the king should be Lent, and the king of Navarre the entrance into Lent: or as we say, Caresme prenant: and then Huguenots would be led in triumphs through the Realm. If the king should do it, it would be openly said, that he supporteth and advanceth hereticques, that seeking to do for himself, he doth for them: he will put Catholicques in despair, and his crown in hazard. Venceslaus King of Bohemia and Emperor, was exposed only because he suffered the Hussites to have the free exercise of their religion. Defence for the Edicts of peace. The league was devised only to break the Edict of pacification: which done, it left arms: when it saw it should have been subdued, it rose up again, and made that commotion in Paris. The King's Edicts of pacification concerning the liberty of conscience, are not made but with proviso, this age is so full of all corruptions, that whosoever seeketh to purge them, the healing would be more dangerous by the remedies that should be ministered, Medici plus interdu quiet, quàm moriendo atque agendo prosiciunt. Tit. Liu. than the pains and langures of the disease itself. God will raise some great Monarch, that will use remedies altogether different from those, which passion, vengeance, and choler, putteth into our hands. We must let this fistula remain for a time within the body, if you stop it, the vicious humours that abound therein, will sufferate & choke it up. The disease must have her course, and in the end it will cease: this heresy will vanish away as all the rest have done, whereof by the grace of God, there resteth nothing but the memory: the question is, to think upon those that seek to suck the sap of this estate, and under the ruins thereof, to overthrow the piety and the Monarchy. The leagues answer. In the affairs of the K. & of religion, all delay is dangerous. To fear the mischiefs and chances that may fall out on both sides, or to stand with arms crossed, attending till God dareth aid from heaven, is temerity, foolishness, and crime. In rebus fide periculosa cunctatio. Catholicque religion is sick, it is in great extremity, and the Physician stayeth to consult of her disease, and to apply the remedies, while she is ready to die: it is great foolishness not to cut off inconveniences at the beginning, but much more folly to neglect the mischief, under pretence of having taken too deep root: it is better late than never: it is a kind of desperation not to know the disease, and a franzie, knowing it, not to seek a remedy. You have been so oftentimes told, that two religions cannot be suffered in one Realm, that this diversity causeth quarrels in particulars, & then seditions, mutinies, and civil wars, which never end but with the subversion of the estate. This diversity never suffereth the estate to live in peace, and always furnisheth sufficient courage, to the most busy and troublesome, under that large pretence to move their ambitions. Religio & timor dei solus est, qui custodit hominum inter se socie, tatem, Lactant. Alcibiade served his turn there within Grecia, Sertorius in Rome, Ennus in Syria, and Selurus in Italy. The tranquility of the Commonwealth, consisteth in the union and accord of the Citizens, take away this concord, and it is but a piracy, and a retreat of robbers and thieves: the strongest band that uniteth men's minds, is religion: it is an adamant that draweth a ring, and that ring draweth an other, until at last your chain is fully accomplished: it is the wood that entertaineth the fire of our amities: it is the cement that joineth the pieces of the building of our estate: it is the heart of the Commonwealth: take the brands out of the fire, and it will be quenched: the mortar and stones from a house, and it will fall: unloose the boards of a ship, and it will sink into the water: take the heart out of this body, and it dieth. And God who is truth itself, saith: that kingdoms divided, shall be desolate, dispersed and overthrown. This civil life will sooner leave the most necessary elements, fire and air: and live rather without life, then void of religion. Thr first foundation of the estate and civil societis, hath been religion inviolably observed. We find people that never had kings, and can well live without them: there are some that have lived without laws, without wars, and without learning, but there is not any people that can maintain or continue their estate, without a certain rule of the service of the God whom they adore: the first foundations of Towns were placad upon this rock of religion, and the Pagans with it had not had one foot of land therein to establish their laws, if religion had not first been harboured among them. In vain Deucalion had planted his ordinances among the Grecians, Lycurgus among the Lacedæmonians, Yon and Solon among the Athenians, and Romulus and Numa, among the Romans, if they had not made the people believe, that they came from heaven, and that the Gods had written them: and Moses had never retained the people in their duties, among so many traverses and changes, if he had not spoken of Ego Dominus: and therefore Princes that desire to live in peace, and cause their estates to flourish, never feared any thing so much, as that their people should leave their opinion once conceived of the service of God. He that removeth this stone, shaketh all the building. An answer to the reasons of the league. This is good before the people have entered into a doubt of the religion which they followed, but after they have taken more liking in the new then in the old, what will you do? There are certain things that never go without shame and disorder, that is naturally in them: there are others, which nevertheless are tolerable and reputed for just, because of the miserable utilive they breed to the Commonwealth, adulteries, perjuries, thefts, and oppressions, are things that are always evil. These evils causeth common bordels to be permitted within Towns, to obey tyrants, to contribute to the enemy, to receive such law as pleaseth them, to suffer injuries, and consent to robbings & ransoming, and yet either not to falsify our oaths & promises, under the which those things are permitted, or to shun and avoid greater dangers and inconveniences, men allow, commend, and authorize them. It is well known why the Courtesans under the Pope's nose, are so great profit to the City of Rome, sin or the nature and fragility of our senses, doth push us forward, and that it is not so execrable as their brutish horror that filled the hospital of Saint jaques with incurable people, at such time as the Pope Pius Quintus sought to put down the bordello in Rome. To shun the renewing of massacres, whererin pell-mell, the fury killeth & destroyeth both Priest & Minister, and to restore quietness to France, which after two or three drops of cold sweat, which she is ready to yield with her last effects for a peace for a Commonwealth: a Prince may permit the diversity of religion, which without these considerations, would not be tolerable. justin drove the Arians out of Constantinople, and all the East parts, but Theodoric king of Italy, sent Ambassadors unto him, to show him, that if he restored them not unto their liberty, he would destroy and overthrow all the Catholicque Churches in Italy. The fear of this mischief caused him to tolerate an evil, otherwise untolerable & pernicious: necessity to have peace, is the most strait band of human commodities, thereby to shun wars, that maketh fathers without childen: children Orphans; women widows, Churches without exercise of religion or godliness, and the world without God, without law, or without faith: to banish wars, that change a most christian Realm into a Commonwealth of Atheists: Frenchmen that are peaceable and tractable, into Scythians and Cannibals, living only by blood: this bloody civil war, that maketh the earth a hell, and men the devils: it is most just and reasonable to appease the differences of religion by peace, seeing war cannot effect it. That ancient world of the church, which in respect of ours being of Iron and brass, might justly be called golden, permitteth this liberty. Peace accorded such false concord's, and made good music: divers Princes and Estates which at this day flourish in great honour, suffer every man to live according to his conscience and manner of religion, without any alteration of their estates by such discipline. Detestation of massacres. They consider that the schism is begun, that the greatest part of Europe is divided, that divers good Towns in France, make profession of this religion, there is no more remedy, that we must leave this conversion to the providence of God. They content themselves, that their subjects obey them, and that they use their religion according to their minds: they do not therefore make a barbarous galemawfre of the members of their subjects, they massacre them not, they kill them not, and believe that whatsoever we have done heretofore, is not less horrible to the mind, then cruel to the will: the League replieth and said. Trouble not yourself so much with tying these examples together, they serve for nothing, there is no proportion of one Realm with the other in this point: that which is good for the Frenchmen, is not good for others. We must not so much stand upon the consideration of things that are already done, as of those we should do. France never had two religions, she could never endure them: Arians could not dwell therein: the Alligers were not tolerated with them: and the Lutherians and Caluinists would not long continue among them, if the League be in force. Let your Grace remember what a Chrisostome of France said unto you at the last Parliament holden in Blois, and now give the like authority to his arguments that they then had, when they made you take arms, to purge the heart of Europe of the poison of heresy. France (said he) hath been such, that after it had publicquely received the Christian faith under Clovis, it hath always maintained it in one course immutable & iwiolable: France never endured the perverse opinions of faith within her breast: France while all Christendom was moved by the pernicious divisions of so divers opinions, and with so many and different sorts of heresies, that until this time have reigned, hath always continued constant and upright, not once bending itself to any false doctrine: France hath been the succour and defence of christian faith, and the terror of the enemies thereof. And to conclude, France hath been like a rock, or unexprignable sort of christianity. And how much should it now be fallen from his ancient honour, how much reputation should it lose? how much should it want of her first fidelity towards God, if changing her firmity & constancy touching faith, it should live long in such division, and endure before her eyes, (in times past) so jealous of the union of christian beleese and liberty, but rather an intolerable liberty, to live under divers religions. Your Majesty looking into the memory of things past, may sufficiently perceive, that as long as France hath been united under one christian religion, she hath made her glory and renown spread through all countries: she hath caused her valour in arms to be proved & felt in all places of the world: she hath always been victorious over all the enemies of Catholicque religion, and hath done so many honourable actions, & achieved so great and happy conquests against Insidels, that it wan such glory among the Asians, Africans, Indians, Persians, Tartarians, Moors, Sarrazins, and others, that all the christians in Europe, are by them called Frenchmen: for that because those strange nations have only felt the arms of Frenchmen, they have also comprehended all the Latin churches, under the name of France & Frenchmen. But since France hath been divided & rend with two religions, let us see how much it hath fit of her ancient renown: she that commanded a great part of Europe, that conquered countries far distant from her: that at her only name, made divers warlike nations to tremble, is found since this unhappy and unfortunate division, to be reduced into such extremity, that in the middle of her breast, she hath received foreign powers: she hath in a manner received the law of her neighbours, and of her enemies, and that cruel, turning her sword against her own entrails: and although she was invincible in respect of all other nations, she is now herself so embased, vanquished, and overthrown: which is the fruit that this venomous plant of new opinion hath induced, which seemeth to be at the point ready to give more dangerous thrusts, if according to the expectation which your obedient people have conceived of your wisdom & piety, it pleaseth not your Majesty speedily to take order therein. Remember that your Grace beareth the Sceptre of the great king Clovis, that first ruled this Monarchy under the public profession of this religion, which at this present is put in question within this Realm. Remember that you are successor to that great Childeberg, that being able to endure such persons about him, that had any wrong opinion of christian religion, made wars upon the Visigots, that were infected with the heresy of the Arrians, and in the end, constrained them to join and unite themselves to the holy and Catholicque Church. Remember that you bear upon your head, the crown of that Charles, who for the greatness and valour of his actions, deserved the name of great, and by the virtue of his arms advanced christian religion, and defended the authority of the Apostolicque sea, against such as persecuted the same. Remember that you hold the place of that most woorthieking Philip august, who with so much zeal & affection, employed his arms against Albigeois hereticques, that had sequestered themselves from the Catholicque union. Remember that you sit in the seat of that renowned Prince Saint Lewis, that spared not his treasures, his forces, nor his own person, for his defence and advancement of the faith of Christ, and by his christian actions, deserved the crown and surname of Saint, and without prolonging time, to rehearse them all. Remember that you are Nephew to that great king Francis, the light of the piety of France, son of that victorious Henry, whose memory shall live for for ever: and brother to those two Catholicque Princes, Francis the second, and Charles the ninth, whom God hath taken to his mercy. (But But yet again, that which toucheth you nearest, remember that you are that renowned Henry, that being but Duke of Anjou, and brother to the king, did so valiant an act in the defence of the Church: won so many great battles, and so many times daunted the enemies of the Catholicque faith, that you have filled all Christendom with the wonders of your victorious name. And we think (if that like your Grace) that your M. hath not so soon forggotten, that great and solemn oath, that you made at your coronation, not only to maintain christian and Catholicque religion, but to advance it as much as possible you might, without tolerating any other. And if ever any oath lid bind a Prince to maintain & keep his faith, this hath so straightly bound you, to the defence of this religion, that you cannot permit any other, without breach of conscience: and peradventure make a doubt of the right you have unto the Crown. For you know well, that you have agreed and contracted with jesus Christ, that you accepted the Sceptre upon this condition, to be defender of his Catholicque religion, and in that solemn oath as a gage and earnest-penny, you received his holy body, and drank his precious blood. And now failing in this religious oath, think you he hath not good cause to be offended against you? know you not, that all the evils we have suffered, proceeded only from his just wrath? and see you not, that having given you this Sceptre upon such conditions, he threateneth to take it from you, if you keep not the holy promise you made so solemnly unto him? And even as God summoneth you to the observation of the faith that you have given him, your subjects by the same means, solicit and invite you to observe the conditions whereupon you were made king, and which you cannot infringe, (breaking your oath) but if you must also lose the title of most christian King: and we doubt not, that setting these things before your eyes, that reviving the memory of your predecessors, & continuing the first prudence and virtue, but you shall have that great good fortune in your time, to see your people reduced to the sheepfold of the holy and Catholicque Church, whereof you are as a father and protector. By this means, those great Kings of jerusalem, David, Solomon, Abis', losaphat, Ezechias, and josias, obtained the blessings of God, and a happy success in all their affairs: having with so great care & diligence, restored the purity of religion, and reeftablished divine service that was neglected. And we also hope, that following their steps, you will reduce all France to the Catholicque religion: and for the recompense of your holy intent, you shall have that blessing of God in your time, to behold your Realm as flourishing as ever it was. And as it shall be most acceptable unto God, so will it be most honourable to you and to your Crown: and you shall sufficiently perceive, that at this day there is no King, Prince, Potentate, or Commonwealth, I except certain Barbarians and the Turk, (whose detestable manners and customs ought to be so odious, that the only name should be a horror unto us) that suffereth their subjects to live in any other religion, then that which the Magistrate by the disunion of the Church, holdeth for only good and holy. And surely such are not worthy to be heard, that will so much restrain the power of the Prince or Magistrate, to say that he cannot constrain his subjects to the faith, but that he ought to suffer them to live in liberty of conscience (as they say) for this opinion hath always generally been condemned and reproved by all Christians, but only by the Manickiens and Donatists, that were of opinion that we must not constrain any man for his religion, but suffer every man to live in liberty, and after his own santasie: and those which at this day, in a manner by force, pull from you this liberty of their religion, permit it not to others. For in the places of Christendom, where God permitteth that they should be Masters, and having the authority in their hands, they are so far from permitting Catholicques, freely to live in the liberty of their consciences, that to the contrary, the divers sects that are among them (for that already they are banded and divided among themselves, an evident sign of their ruin at hand) cannot endure each other. And there where the Caluenist is Master, the Lutheriau dareth not live freely: yea, and when they change Magistrates of divers opinions, religion changeth according to his pleasure: as we have seen sufficient of such changes in England, and in many places in Germany. And what? should not this be a shame and too great a slander to a good christian and faithful Catholicque, to be found less affected in his religion, that is approved by so long and continual succession, than these new christians in their opinions, that are as it were but one night old? It is then a general and certain maxim, and approved by the Church, and by all Commonwealths, that the Magistrate ought and may continue his people under one faith, as it is sufficiently seen by so many godly laws and constitutions of Christian and Catholicque Empires: and by the kings your predecessors: whose examples ought to be holy and inviolate, unto your Majesty. Such were the reasons of the League, by the vehemency whereof, the king disposed himself to war, reserving always a continual thought, to rid himself thereof. But the Queen, that saw so many accidents to hang like lead over his head, that thought the great and proud Spanish army would land in Britain, and that all the territories of Italy would fall upon him, to defend the Catholicqueleague, did so much, that the king dissembled the wound in his heart, and said: that he had no more remembrance of the hard dealings that had past: that he had no other intent but that of the League, which was to extirp heresy. Upon this assurance, the Duke of Guise caused his merchandises to be liked, and to be more esteemed than they were worth, or then he hoped. Whereupon he entered into a treaty with the Queen-mother, and with her resolved upon certain articles, upon the fifteenth of july, which the king approved, received, and signed, within three days after, which were as followeth. THe Articles agreed upon and signed at Nemours, the seventeenth of july, 1585.: the king's edicts made touching them, and the declarations his Majesty hath since made upon the edict, shall inviolably be kept and observed according to their form and tenor. And to cease, and for ever to take away the distrusts, partialities, and divisions, between the Catholicques and the Realm, there shall be a perpetual and unrevocable Edict made, whereby the king shall ordain an entire and general reunion of the same with his Majesty, where he shall be and remain the head, for the defence & conservation of the Catholicque, Apostolicque, and Roman religion, by his said majesties authority. To the which end, by the said Edict it shall be promised and sworn, as well by his said Majesty, as by his said united subjects, to employ their treasures and persons: yea, and their proper lives, wholly to extirp the heresies of this Realm, and of the countries under the obedience of his said Majesty. Not to receive nor show obedience after his majesties descease without children, to any Prince whatsoever, that is an hereticque or favourer of heresies, what right or pretence soever he may have. To defend and conserve the person of his Majesty, his estate, crown, and authority, and of the children which it shall please God to send him, with and against all men, none excepted. To protect, defend, and conserve, all those that shall enter into the said union, and namely the Princes, Lords, and other Catholicques, heretofore associated from all violence and oppression, which the hereticques with their fateurs and adherents would use against them. To leave all other unions, practices, and intelligences, leagues, and associations, as well within as without the Realm, contrary and preindiciall to this present union, and to the person and authority of his Majesty, his estate and crown, and the children that it shall please God to send him. His Majesty shall promise and swear the observations of the said Edict, and cause it to be sworn and observed by the Princes, Cardinals, Prelates, and others of the Clergy, Peers of France, Officers of the Crown, Knights of the holy Ghost, councillors of his Majesty, Governors, Lieutenants, General of Provinces, Precedents, councillors of Sovereign Courts, Bailiffs, Stewards, and other his Officers, Majors, Sheriffs, and bodies and commonalties of Towns, of whom oaths, acts, and verbal processes, shall be taken, made, and registered by the Clerks of the said Courts, Baliages, and bodies of Towns, that when need requireth, they may be seen. And to execute the said Edict, and proceed to the extirpation of the said heresies, his Majesty with all convenient speed, shall raise two great and strong armies, to send against the said hereticques, one into Poitou and Xainctonge, that shall be led and commanded by whom soever it shall please his said Majesty: the other into Dauphine, which he shall commit to the charge of Monsieur de main. The Council of Trent shall be published with all speed, without prejudice nevertheless, to rights and authority of the king, and the liberties of the French Churches, which within three months shall be more amply specified and laid open, by certain Prelates and Officers of his Court of Parliament, and others whom his Majesty shall appoint thereunto. It shall be agreed (for the surety of these present articles) that the keeping of the Towns granted by the Edict of Nemours, unto the said League, shall yet continue for the space of four years longer, and more than the two years that rest to be expired of the time agreed upon before, and likewise of the Town of dourlan's. The said Lords, Princes, and others, that shall have the custody of the said Towns, shall promise upon their faiths, honours, and loss of all their goods altogether, and every one in particular, to deliver into the hands of his said Majesty, or to whom he shall appoint, within six years, without delay or excuse, staying ordifficultie whatsoever, for what cause or pretence soever it may be, the said towns and places that are given in keeping for the surety aforesaid. Further his said Majesty (for the said security of these present articles, and the said time of six years) that if the Captains and Governors of the Towns of Orleans, Bourges, and Monstrevil, die during the said time, his Majesty during the said time of six years, shall commit the government of the said towns, to those that the said Princes shall appoint. But the said time being expired, the said towns shall no more remain engaged for the said security, but shall be left off and maintained in the same sort and manner as they were before. The Town and Citadel of Valence, shall be delivered into the hands of the Sieurs de Gessans, therein to command for the service of his Majesty, as it did before. The Sieur de Belloy shall also berestored to his charge and Captain's place of Crottoy, to enjoy it as he did at other times. His Majesty shall cause le Bernet to issue out of Bullen, & give the charge to a Gentlemen of Picardy, such as he thinketh good: which being done, the said Princes will cause their forces to withdraw themselves from about the Town, and wholly disperse their soldiers that are there: and as touching the Towns that are declared, and shall declare themselves before this present conclusion, to be united with the said Princes, they shall continue in the protection and safeguard of the king, as other towns, and left in that estate wherein they are, without any innovation nor putting of Garrisons or surcharges, in considerations of things forepast. The Captains and Governors of the places that have been dispossessed of their places since the twelfth of May, shall be reftored to the same on all parts, and the Towns shall be discharged of men of war, that have been placed in Garrison therein since the said day. Process shall be made and executed touching the sale of hereticques goods, and of those that bear arms with them against his Majesty, by the best, readiest, and certain means that may be devised: to the end, that his majesties meaning and intent, may in that point be executed, according to the edicts and declarations aforesaid: and that he may be better aided with the moneys that shall proceed thereof, to make war against the hereticques, than it hath been heretofore. The Regiment of footmen of Saint Paul, and of Sacremore late deceased being in arms, shall be paid like others that shall serve, and when they are in Garrison within the Provinces, assignation shall be given to the Treasurer of the wars, from the beginning of the year, to pay them for four months at the least, which may not be denied. The Garrisons of Thoul, Verdun, and Marsal, when they are employed for the king's service, shall be used as well for musters, as for leadings, in the same sort, and like to those of Metz. When the king shall employ his companies of horsemen, he shall employ those whom the said Princes have required, to be used and paid as others are. Those who at this present execute the charges of Provost of Merchants and Sheriffs of the Town of Paris, shall presently remit their said charges into the hands of the king: who having regard to the declaration made unto him, touching the necessity the said Town hath of their continuance in the service of the same, shall ordain, that they shall be re-established and placed therein, not only till our Lady day in Harvest next ensuing, but for the space of two years after. And as touching Brigard, that hath been chosen to the office of the king's Attorney, they shall likewise put it into the king's hands, who shall ordain, that he shall use it till the middle of August next, being in Anno. 1590. Mean time, Perrot shall receive the ordinary stipend given by the Town, and the pensions it hath pleased the king to grant unto the said office. And then there shall be paid unto him, by him that shall be chosen to execute the said office, after the said middle of August, 1590. the sum of 4000 crowns: if it be the king's pleasure to continue the said office and pension, unto the said new elected officer, and if his Majesty will continuie the said pensions, the said Perrot shall have but three thousand crowns. The Castle of the Bastille shall be remissed in to his majesties hands, to dispose thereof as pleaseth him. His Majesty shall make election of some man whom it shall please him, within the said Town, to have the office of knight of the watch. The Magistrates, councillors, Captains, and other officers of the bodies of towns, that have charges in the Towns within this Realm, that have followed the part of the said Princes, shall likewise put them into the king's hands, which shall presently be restored to them again, for the good and tranquility of the same. All prisoners that have been taken since the twelfth of May, by reason of the present troubles, shall be set at liberty on both sides, without paying ransom. The artillery taken in the Arcenac, shall be restored into the same place again, and remain as it was: if after the conclusion of this present agreement any man of what estate or condition soever he be, do enterprise any thing against the Towns and places of his said Majesty, they shall be holden for infringers of the peace, and for such taken and punished, without favour or assistance by the said Princes, or any other under any pretence whatsoever. Likewise, if any of the towns or places, that are given for security, shall be taken by any man, those that shall have taken them, shall be punished as aforesaid: and the said towns being recovered again, shall be redelivered into the said Princes hands, for the time granted unto them. The taking of Marrans. Upon these articles the king's Edict was published, not so much against the king of Navarres religion, as against his interest, and to debar him from all that, which none but God could take from him: who while they were agreeing upon these articles, and that in less than four days, the declaration and execution were both proclaimed, touching him, he made himself Master of the Isles of Charron and Marrans. The Edict was ratified in the Parliament at Paris, upon the 21. of july, the substance thereof being, that his Majesty would renew the oath made at his sacrying and anointing, The second edict in july for the league. to live and die in the Catholicque religion: to employ his life & forces for the conservation thereof: to extirp heresy: never to make peace nor truce with the hereticque, nor to favour or advance the succession of any Prince that is an hereticque or favourer of them: to embrace and receive all those that are joined in league against them: not to place in any office of justice or estate, any other than men that are of the Catolicque, Apostlicque, and Roman religion: that his subjects so united, should swear to leave all sorts of association and intelligences, as well without as within the Realm, and to defend each other against the oppression and violence of hereticques: freely to expose both their bodies and goods, The subjects oath to their King. for the conservation of his authority, and of the children which it should please God to send him: he abolished, and as it were wholly buried in silence, the fury and ingratitude of his subects, declaring them guilty of treason, that should refuse to sign to that union, or that having signed, should leave it: in respect and favour whereof, he remitted the disorders of the league since the Barricadoes, which he declared in the end of the edict in these words: The king's declaration against the disorders of the league since the 12. of May. We declare that no inquiry or search shall be made, of any the intelligences, associations, and other things, which our said Catholicque subjects may have done together, as well without as within our realm, for that they have informed us, that whatsoever they have done, was only but by reason of the zeal that they have borne to the conservation & maintenance of Catholicque religion. All which things shall remain extinguished & quenched, & by these presents we declare them, and all whatsoever is happened & passed since the 12. and 13. of May last: and since that time by reason thereof, until the publication of these presents, in our Court of Parliament of Paris, extinguished and void, as well in our said Town of Paris, as in other Towns and places of our Realm, as also all acts of hostility, that may have been committed, as taking of our treasures, in our receipt general, particulars, or elsewhere, victuals, ammunition, and artilleries, bearing of arms, or mustering of men, and generally all other things done & executed during the said time, and that since the said time have ensued by the occasion, & for the affecting of the troubles, without pursuit, inquiry, or search, directly, or indirectly, in any sort whatsoever, against our said subjects. All the which, we do once again cease and delay, as things that never happened, without any exception: assoon as the edict was published, and the king's lightness therein once perceived, those that looked into it, presently judged, that such peace covered a dangerous war. The leaguers to the contrary, took that as a miraculous effect of their Barricadoes, yet they feared much the last act of the tragedy, & although the advancement of their enterprise transported their senses, yet the most courageous among them, trembled with fear, when they remembered the violent breach of their fidelity unto the K. The only remembrance of the twelfth day of May, caused their fairest days to become cloudy, they put in oblivion the forgetfulness of their duties, and esteemed not the Prince so insensible, but that in the end he would be revenged. Two things abashed them, the one the fatal destiny and overthrow of the great army of Spaniards, consisting of one hundredth and fifty ships, that were destroyed in a manner without fight upon the coast of Ireland, which should have led all English slaves into the mountains of Granado, and the mines of Peru: the other the king's resolution not to return to Paris, The overthrow of the Spaniards army. although he had been desired and importunately sought unto for the same: excusing himself by the preparations of his army for Poitou, and the assembling of the 3. estates. In the first, they saw that their great hopes on the West side, were well weakened: in the second, they knew that there rested some sparks of choler in the King's heart touching the Barricadoes, but they armed themselves with courage and resolution against all things whatsoever: esteeming it not time as then, to keep the oath which they had taken, The king will not go to Paris. to leave all foreign leagues and intelligences, and that they must not so soon pull down the scaffold, but rather let it stay till the building were fully finished. And thereupon they held new councils in Paris, from the which was drawn the resolutions which the author of the treaty made (touching the causes of taking arms by the league) rehearseth: which are, to preserve and hold their authority and credit, gotten by so many traverses, The discourse of the troubles of France, to the year 1589. and to further the decreasing of the kings and of the ancient order of France: to hold the king in such sort besieged, and to make his will so even & united with theirs, that he should not see any more but by the leaguers eyes, nor speak, nor stir, but by the tongue and sinews of their intents. To take order that those that should be sent unto the estates, should be some of the paste which they had moulded, and their instruments furnished with the instructions of their Agents, or rather extracted out of the fine flower of the Articles of Nancy & Peronne, to move things unto the king, that neither time nor necessity of affairs did once permit, as wars against the Huquenots, and the ease of their people, by unburthening them of tallages, to the end they might make his Majesty odious if he refused that first fruit promised to the creatures of their league, and he could not consent to wars, and release the means to maintain the same. To be the stronger party duting the assembly of the estates at Bloys, & to the same end, they should send into all places, for the Gentlemen of their faction, to meet them there in arms. Not to leave their good intelligence with the duke of Parma, to confirm the treaty of Ginuille, & to advertise the king of Spain, that the agreement made with the king, stretched only to the means of the execution of secret purposes. To send to the Colonel Phiffer into Suisse, and to Monsieur de Balagny in Cambray, to retain them in the particular assemblies among them. To hinder Monsieur de Nevers from going into Picardy, to pacify the mutinies of the League, not to seek after more confident minds than they have. To cause the Citizens of Paris to become bound, yearly to pay thirty thousand Crowns to Monsieur de Villars, Governor of Haure, thereby to hold him in confederacy with the League. The king was well informed of those enterprises, and had made that last The King wept when he sealed the Edict in july Edict as much against his heart, as he did the first, for he was seen to weep when he signed them, lamenting his misfortune, that to assure his own person, it constrained him to hazard his estate, he knew that the Edict would not be observed but by himself, and yet his mildness so much impeached him, & the apprehension of a good war, so much retained him, that he would not take order therein, rejecting the advise of those that counseled him to make peace with the Huguenots, and let them stir against the mutiny of the League. He said there was less danger to dwell with those that continue in the unity of his religion, then with them that had separated themselves, and become heads of new opinions, although he well knew the causes and pretences of the raising of the League. The Duke of Guise, made Lieutenant general of the king's armies. After that, either in good faith, or purposely, he bestowed his liberalities and favours upon all the principal heads of the League. To Monsieur de Guise he gave the office of Lieutenant general, over all the forces throughout the Realm of France: if not of the execution thereof, yet he had the name and title of Constable: he gave him a beam of his brightness, an arm of his power, and a lively image of his Majesty: his letters patents being sealed at Chartres upon the fourth of August: The Cardinal of Guise, Legate of avignon. The Duke de main in Dauphine. The Duke de Nemours Governor of Lions. he promised the Cardinal of Guise his brother, to procure the Pope to give him the office of Legate of avignon: he sent Monsieur de main with a fair and great army into Dauphine, wherewith he passed at Lions, and there his voyage ended: he gave the Duke of Nemours the government of Lions, which his father had enjoyed: his letters patents were read, published, and registered in the Court of Parliament, upon Thursday the 22. of December, in the same year, upon charge that he should not meddle with any sort, which the execution of justice, ordinary, nor for matters proceeding in trial of law, but only to aid and assist it: he forgot not the Archbishop of Lions, whom he desired to withdraw from the League, and to keep him for his Council, for some special cause that moved him to be addicted unto him: he was jealous that the League should have a primate of France in it, of so good credit, reputation, and desert in the Church. I except Peter of Savoy, which revolted against Lewis Hutin. And surely his jealousy was not without reason, for never before that time, any Archbishop of Lions, did ever conspire with those that in times past troubled the quiet estate of France: they continued constant to the Colonel of the royalty, united themselves to the Sceptre of France, to maintain the franchises of the French Church: they have been arbitrators of great controversies, in: he affairs that maintain the order of the Monachie, which is called the estate: they never leaned but on the king's side. It is true, that Paul Emille reporteth, that Agabardus Archbishop of Lions, was Precedent in the Council that was holden for the deposing of Lewis debonair, & the raising of his children, and whether the descent is inserted in the person, or that there is some other heavy destiny incident to the seat, the Bishopric of Lions hath at all times had Pretates, that were most worthy instruments both for estate and religion, most affected and faithful servants to the King, and chief Precedents of their Council: Eucherius under Clodion le Chevelu: Patient under Clovis: Sacerdos under King Childebert, Nisier and Priseus: Gontran under Etherius: & Anemond under Clotaire: Asterius under Lewis & Carloman. And in the 2. & 3. family of our kings, there were Archbishops of Lions chosen out of the greatest houses and purest blood in France: or of the neighbour Princes, as Philippe and Pierce de Savoye, Countess of Savoy, and Innocent the fift. james Archbishop of Lions. of Bourgongne, Reinold Earl of Forest. Peter of Tarentaise, that after was Pope of Rome: Henry and Lewis, Eales of Villars & Montluel, Charles d'Alencon, Am, john and Hugh de Talaru: two Charles de Bourbon Cardinals: Andre Cardinal of Espinac: Francis de Roven, son of a Marshal of France: Anthony of the ancient house of the Earls of Albon, that were Dauphins de Viennois, and Earls of Awergne. Pieces of money quoyned by the Archbishop of Lions, with this devise on the one side, Prima sedes, And on the other, Galiarum. And in truth it is the principal sea of France, the most famous and most ancient, and in times past, the Archbishop had a privilege to quoin money: there are yet certain pieces of money to be seen with their stamp, and in the time that the kings of Bourgongne had that authority over the sea, which the kings of France now have, the archbishops were the first, and most worthy instruments of their king's Council. Frideric Barbarousse in the time of Lewis le jeune, amplified their privileges, by his letters writing to the exarchs or Lieutenants, or chief councillors of his Palace of Bourgongne, because that part of the Realm of Bourgongne, that lieth on this side the Mont jura, was as then Emperor of Rome. The king seeking to withdraw the Archbishop of Lions out of the league, promised him the custody of the seal of France, made him one of his privy Council, before being only of the Council of estate, recommended him unto Pope Sixtus the fift, and made him believe that the Lord of Gondy was sent expressly to fetch him the Cardinals Hat. The King's favours showed to the chief of the League. He continued his favours, he renewed and amplified them to all those that had any credit in the League, thinking that by the signs of his good favour, those Salmonees that would counterfeit jupiters' thunderboults, would acknowledge and withdraw themselves out of the confusion of their pretences. He did nothing without them, he disclosed his secrets unto them, thrust his soul into the deepest part of their passions: yea, and seemed to be as much moved as they, to the advancement of treaties, most liberally thrusting all his favours and authorities upon them and their participants, so that there was none of them, how far soever in degree among them, The Cardinal of Bourbon declared to be chief Prince of the blood. See the treatise of january. 1589. but felt some part of his benignity: He proclaimed the Cardinal of Bourbon to be the first Prince of the blood royal: that is, he ratified the first Article of Ginuille, made in Anno. 1585. which was wholly to exclude the king of Navarre from the Crown: and avoided that great disputation and argument of the Uncle and the Nephew, so much written and disputed of both with tooth & nail, thereby to trouble the ancient order of the succession, and make the good Cardinal of Bourbon to serve the League on both sides. This point deserveth some small view of their process. Those that sustain the right and title of the Cardinal, alleged all these reasons, first, that the law of the Realm, or the Salicque law, that referreth the succession to the heirs Masles, referreth also the prerogative to rain & to enjoy the Crown, to the next of the blood to the king, that dieth without children. Francis de Valois Duke of Alencon, died with this prerogative of first Prince of the blood, and first of the succession, & at his decease, had no nearer kinsman than the Cardinal of Bourbon, that was in the tenth degree of consanguinity from him, & by consequent, succeeded in the prerogative of the Duke of Anjou: & as one cannot be heir to a man, if he be not his heir by law, so he ought to have that quality at his death, at the which time, the hope of succession was joined thereunto. And as the succession & inheritance of the Realm, permitteth but one only heir, so this prerogative permitteth but one lawful heir. Quoniam sororem, c. De iure de lib. This right of prerogative never rested but in the person of one of the Princes of Valois, by the privilege of first begotten: & those of the house of Bourbon never had it, because they could not represent the chief branch of a house, from whence it did not issue, the colaterall engendering, not the colaterall. In such manner, that Anthony de Bourbon, although he had all the right of the house of Bourbon, having not, nor by any means would have the right of elder: the ancienter house being Valios yet living, could not obtain the prerogative of the first Prince, or any hope to attain unto it, nor yet to transfer it to Henry his son. To say it cometh to the house of Bourban, there being no other family of the Masses but that house living, and by consequent, to him that hath all the pre-eminence of the right therein by virtue of succession, and so to Henry son of Anthony, as being the head of that house, and representing his father, eldest and first Prince of all that family: it is most certain, that this prerogative did not fall from the person of Francis Duke of Anjou, Jus suitatis. Eghinar din ●ita caroli. to the family of Bourbon, for if it were so, it would follow, that all the Princes of that house, should succeed in the same prerogative, and that he which dieth, should cease the whole revenue of that family, and not the nearest. So you cannot say, that Anthony king of Navarre, being descended of the eldest house, the right falleth to him, seeing it is a thing clear and without difficulty, that the family of the eldest is preferred before the family of the youngest, for in colaterall successors, they consider the nearness of the Parents, to the last that died ceased, and the nearest in degree always excludeth him that is further distant in Consanguinity: so Charlemagne comforming himself to the law of the Realm, after the death of Charles his eldest son, and Pepin the youngest, judged the Crown to Lewis his middle son (that after was called le debonair) as brother and next heir to Charles his eldest son, and not to Bernard son to Pepin the youngest son, that was but in the second degree unto him, although in paternal inheritance, he represented the person of his father. Like case, the prerogative that Francis Duke of Anjou had, fell and proceeded to the Cardinal of Bourbon, not because he is of the house of Bourbon, but next kin to the Duke of Anjou, because he descendeth of the Capets, and of the blood royal of Hugh Capet. And as the house of Bourbon at this day is reputed to have this right, because the said Cardinal of Bourbon, that is issued from the same, obtained it, so if the said Cardinal were issued out of an other house, so it were royal, the family of Bourbon should not be admitted to this prerogative, but that from whence the said Cardinal of Bourbon were so issued, because of the nearness of his person. The Genealogy of Heary of Bourbon, King of Navarre. S. Lewis. Robert. Lewis. james. john. Lewis. john. The king of Navarre alleged for his reasons, the genealogy and descent of the house of Bourbon, saying: Saint Lewis king of France had two sons, the eldest Philip the third, surnamed the Hardy, and Robert the youngest, Earl of Clerimont: of this Robert & of Beatrix daughter of Archambaut of Bourbon, was borne Lewis Earl of Clermont, and first Duke of Bourbon, created by king Philip de Vallois, which Lewis espoused Marie Countess of Hainaut, and had two sons, Peter and james, the Masculine kind of Peter, is wholly extinct, & there resteth none of his side but the houses of Lorraine & of Savoy by the females. Of james de Bourbon younger son to Lewis, and of jane de S. Paul his wife, issued Francis. Charles. Anthony. Henry. The Duchy of Bourbon. 1327. john de Bourbon Earl of March: of john de Bourbon & Catherine Count esse of Vendosme, issued Lewis de Bourbon Earl of Vendosme: of Lewis de Bourbon and jeane de Laval his Wife, issued john de Bourbon: of john de Bourbon and Isabeau his wife, issued Francis Earl of Vendosme: of Francis Earl of Vendosme, and Marie of Luxembourg Countess of Saint Paul, issued Charles de Bourbon: of Charles de Bourbon and Francis d'Alencon his wife, issued Anthony de Bourbon, king of Navarre the eldest son, Francis Duke of Anguien, Charles Cardinal of Bourbon, john Durke of Anguin: Margaret married to the Duke de Nevers, and Lewis de Bourbon Prince of Conde. Of Anthony de Bourbon the eldest, issued Henry de Bourbon now king of Navarre, and Catherine Princess of Navarre his sister. Wherefore it is evidently seen, that the king of Navarre is a degree behind the Cardinal of Bourbon, for he is in the tenth, and the king in the eleventh degree, but it is seen that he is son of the eldest house of Bourbon, and therefore by consequent, preferred to all the rights, of the house royal. Paul Aemil. in pud Crasso. Anno. 11110. ●olidin. Hist. Angl. By a statute in the Court, in the year 1341. By a statute in the year 1517. Filius Fratris Fratri aequiparatur & ita succedit atque parter si viverer. All the Doctors concluded in favour of the Nephew against the Uncle, that saith he is the eldest by the disease of his father, whether it be in the direct or colaterall line, in successions undivided, as Realms, Empires, Duchess, & Earldoms, and that is observed in France, England, Spain, Portugal, Almain, and Sicily. So Archambaut had the Duche of Bourbon from his uncle Hannon: Artus Duchy of Normandy, from king john his Uncle, third son to Henry the second, king of England. Lewis Earl of Nevers, the Earldom of Flaun●ers from his Uncle, the daughter of Guy Viscount of Lymoges, the Duchy of Britain, from john Earl of Montfort his brother, Henry d'Albert son of Catherine: the Earldom of Foix, from john Viscount of Narbonne and his heirs: Richard son of Edward Prince of Wales, was crowned without contradiction, and York. Henry de Bourbon succeeded in the right that Anthony de Bourbon his father had in the house of Bourbon, by the succession of his ancestors, the title of eldest son not being lost nor extinct in the father, but continueth and is transported to the son. The right of eldest, is perfectly engrafted in the eldest, assoon as he entereth into the world, & is made a man, which right being in him, hath continued in his postery by the custom and common observation of the Realm. The reason that some allege, to prove that this right was never gotten in the father, is not to be respected: for although there were but only (and sometimes) hope, his son is permitted to claim it, and to seek the possession as it falleth out, & although the son of the eldest, is a degree further than the Uncle, nevertheless being entered into the place of his father, he ought to be preferred: further, the right of preferment is not gotten by ourselves only, but by the right and person of others, so that as long as there testeth any thing of this elder house, an other cannot take place in any sort whatsoever. The king of Navarre hath another reason, against the which, there can be no argument that may prevail: which is, that the Cardinal of Bourbon his Uncle, at the contract of marriage between the said king of Navarre, and the Lady Margaret of France, acquitted, remissed, yielded and transported unto to the said king, all and every right, name, voice, and action, present or to come, that in any case might appertain unto him, as being issued out of the house of Bourbon, expressly acknowledging the king of Navarre his Nephew for the true son, heir, successor, and representation in all respects, of the eldest house. And so to think by denying his own deed, to attain to the vain hope of the succession of the Realm, comprehended under the general declaration of the elder house of the said deceased king of Navarre, there is no likelihood. So the king not to displease the League, that occupied the principal places of his thoughts, declared the Cardinal of Bourbon the first Prince of the blood, although he knew that by justice, and the laws, not only of this Realm, but of all the best governed estates that ever was, the king of Navarre was only capable of that prerogative: and the good Prelate perceived not, that under that quality of first Prince, & successive heir to the crown, which the league procured unto him, it pushed forward her tyranny with all the force she might, thereby to usurp the royalty, giving to a king of six and thirty years of age, a succession that hath past the climaticall year of sixty three. To be brief, it may be said of the League, as Cicero said of Caezar and Pompey, it presenteth unto us the picture of the Cardinal of Bourbon, but will erect the Image of a stranger. The League took away the King's Council. The affairs of the League having had in her poop, the wind, the authority of the king, and favour of all the people, floating most proudly in the main seas, without fear of winds or waves: fearing that the kings great goodness would not long continue, & that the wise Councillors that were about the king, would give him advise, and withdraw him from the shipwreck, wherein they would reduce his authority, ceased not to blow in his ears, that his Council set a dark cloud before his eyes, thereby to impeach him from seeing what is the duty of a good king, hiding the truth from him, and staying at nothing, but that which might content either passion or avarice. The king to please them, is constrained to pull his eyes out of his head, to deprive himself of the light that he received by the wisdom of his councillors, M. de Chiverny. M. de Beliure. M. de Villeroy. Ad consilium de rep. dandume capite est nosse rem public. in that cloudenesse of his affairs, and whereof he had most need. In the middle of those treasons of the league, he dismissed those that never gave peace to any passion against the course of public utility: that had nothing in their minds which age had not made rich, grave, constant, and quiet, that could yield firm and infallible resolutions, that knew the present estate, that foresaw what would happen, that followed not opinions, but reason, and that have stayed long in the stern of the French ship, had fought against the waves, winds, and first troubles of the torment of the League. Then the seals were left in the hands of Monsieur de Monthelon, Advocate of the Court of Parliament, an honest man, and one that had no other passion, that drove him forward, but only religion. The Duke d'Espernon although he stayed so long from the Court, that it could not be said, The Duke d'Espernon, Governor of Anjou and Poitou. that he rule the voluptuous mind of the king his Master, could not so much absent himself, but that the conspiracies of the league made him apprehend the greater mischiefs they would breed in a contented estate, and having received the power from his Majesty, to command in the Provinces of Anjou, Thouraine, Poitou, Angoumois, and Xaintonge, road from Loches to Angoulesme, upon advise given him, that the League had conferated with certain of the Inhabitants thereof, to deliver the town unto them: there he was received with all the honour that the people might give to the Lieutenant of a King, and with as much joy, as if the King himself had been there: but those fair days continued not long without clouds, this goodness was soon followed with a terrible torment, & this public rejoicing, with a strange trouble: for although he showed sufficiently both in words and effects, that he had nothing so dear, as the conservation of Catholicque religion, and the execution of the Edict of union, which he had caused to be published, the people nevertheless were persuaded by the impostures of certain leaguers, that his intent was, to cause certain troops of Huguenots to enter into the Castle, and to surprise the Town. A tumult in the presence Chamber of the Duke d'Espernon. The Mayor of the Town being altogether a Leaguer, conspired upon Saint Laurence day, to take the Duke of Espernon and to kill him, and for that purpose, upon the same day they entered into the Castle, under pretence to present certain Posts unto him that came from the Court, and therewith entered into the high chamber, where discharging two Pistols, they cried, kill, kill: but the Gentlemen of his train put themselves in defence, and presently drove the traitors back: their leader being hurt with a pistol, that gave him but seven hours respite to take order for his affairs: with that an alarm was given in the Town, and presently the people made Barricadoes, rose in a mutiny, raged and stormed, but they were like prisoners kept in a strong Tower, for the Duke d'Espernon held the Castle, and had the Citadel at his commandment, whereby both through the one and the other, he could let as many forces enter to relieve him as he should need. A vainte mutiny made by the people. Captains for the league, summons the Duke d'Espernon. The people perceiving that he held the Castle, and that the Lord of Tagens came in all haste to help him, that the Lord of Boards their prisoner, Captain of the Citadel, would not redeem his liberty at the price of his place, that the Sieurs de Mere, dela Messeliere, de Marquerolle, Desbouchaux, summoning them, had found them resolute rather to diethens yield, they determined to fall to an agreement. Which Nonsieur de Tagens, Cousin to the duke d'Espernon agreed upon, which appeased their strife, and therewith they laid down their arms: the dead bodies were honourably buried, and the prisoners on both parts released. The Duchess of Espernon, who before the commotion was gone out of the Castleto hear Mass in the jacobins Church, had been stayed in the friars Covent, and threatened to serve for a Gabion, if she caused not her husband to yield up the Castle: was by the Lieutenant general of the Town, Tumults appeased. led to the said Castle, & because the gate was as yet rampired with stones, she was constrained to go up by a lather, and to creep in at the window. The second day after this revolt, being the twelsth of August, one thousand five hundredth eighty and eight, they proceeded to the election of a new Mayor, who with the Sheriffs presented himself unto the Duke d'Espernon, to excuse the folly of the people, and he as if he had not been offended thereat, received them with the best countenance he could, and sent them away well pleased, only that he would not suffer the body of the Mayor (principal of the rebellion) to be buried with the state that belonged to his office. The History of Gaverston printed at Paris, in the year 1588. About the time that the Mayor made the first tumult in his utter chamber, he was in his own chamber, staying the time to go to Mass, & showing the Abbot of Elbene, and Monsieur de Marimon, a most infamous libel printed, not so much against him, as against the honour of the Ma. of the king. Which was the History of Pierce Gaverston, whose life and fortune was therein, compared to the life of the Duke of Espernon: and the conclusion thereof was, that as the Gascon Pierce Gaverston, loved and only favoured by Edward the second, king of England, preferred to all offices in the Court, enriched with the treasures both of the king, and of his subjects, at the people's request was banished and exiled out of England, and after that beheaded: so the Duke of Espernon would play the like tragedy in France, under Henry the third, king of France. This libel was answered by a discourse imprinted at Paris, which the Lord of Mandelot would not suffer to be sold in Lions, because it did lively describe the tragical actions of estates, & made a most odious comparison of a good and religious Prince, with a bloody hypocrite, and tyrannical Prince, saying: that Edward and Henry were all one. He said, that Edward, a man of no government, Hist. Angl. subject to his pleasures, of a wild mind, little caring for the affairs of his Realm, spent and profaned the treasures of his country, appointed for the preservation of religion, and gave them to Gaverstone his Minion: oppressed his subjects with great and excessive exactions: sold and engaged part of his lands and domains: used his Nobles unworthily, not caring for men of good reputation, being a great hypocrite, thinking to cover a great number of enormities, by building and erecting a Covent of jacobius: his Barons constrained him divers times to hold a Parliament to reform the abuses of his Court, which he caused to be assembled, making show to redress the malady of his Realm, but it was to entrap his Princes and Lords, and put them to death, which he did, apprehending the number of two and twenty, whose heads he caused to be stricken off. He was degraded and deposed of his royal dignity, and the Lords of his Realm caused him to die, by thrusting a red hot spit into his fondament. The Duke d'Espernon complained of the wretchedness of that time, and of the infamous liberty of Erenchmen, in dishonouring their Prince, and abhorred that manner of writing, wishing a severe punishment might be executed both upon the composers and readers thereof, for example to others. The League having dispatched the king's councillors from his presence, and established their tyranny in his affections, desired nothing more but the overthrow of the Huguenots, for that thorn sticking still in their foot, they could not march with good assurance, so that they ceased not, till they saw them assailed in two places, The Duke de Nevers General of the army at Poiton. that is, Poitou and Dauphine. His Majesty gave the conduction of the army into Poitou to the D. de Nevers, a Prince full of zeal in religion, and fidelity to the king, and valorous in arms, who The Duke de Nevers General of the army at Poiton. perceiving that the war stayed but only for want of money, lent the king forty thousand Crowns, proceeding from his part of the partage of the goods of his father's house. The Duke of Guise knowing that the army would not be so soon prepared, and that while it was providing, the king of Navarre might take the field, and get the advantage, sent the Regiment of Saint Paul, to Monsieur de Mercury, and desired him to begin to prepare the way for the army of Monsieur de Nevers, which marched forward, and to give the enemy as much as he could, thereby not to give him liberty to march upon them. The coming of the Duke de Mercury in Poitou. The Duke de Mercury with his troops, marched along by the river of Loire, to enter into base Poitou, and because the town of Montagu, (although not long before spoiled and unwalled) had been repaired and fortified, by Monsieur de Colombiers', that held it for the king of Navarre) and that the Garrison thereof, continually molested and hindered those of Nantes, he determined to besiege it, and so take that retreat from the Huguenots, and to the same end, caused three cannons to be laid at Pontrousseau to batter it, but being advertised that the king of Navarre had issued out of Rochel upon the ninth of August, minding to aid Montagu, he left it and retired to Nantes, leaving the Regiment of Gersey, to make his retreat, which was surprised and overthrown within two miles of Pillemil, being the subburbes of Nantes. This Prince of so generous nature, that he gloried not in vanquishing those he had overcome, perceiving that Regiment to yield unto his mercy, Victory without bloodshed. contented himself with eight Ensigns, and four hundredth and fifty prisoners, and giving thanks to God in open field, dined under a tree: and there forgetting the great way he had marched the night before, not to lose occasion of entrapping that Regiment, the same day he hunted the Partridge, and in the evening entered into Montagu, to take order for the fortification and Garrison thereof. It is said that Caezars' tongue did him great service in many enterprises, his eloquence did in such sort stir up the courages of his soldiers, that bending their heads forward, they passed on whether fortune and his commandment would push them. Promptness and celerity crowned all the enterprises of the king of Navarre with laurel & triumphs, esteeming that long discourses are to no effect, where it is more necessary to do then to speak. The action which is not done with speed, can never take any notable effect. Pompey was blasoned, and Hannibal likewise, as being too slack in taking occasions offered. And most part of our armies are broken & overthrown, more by delays, than speediness, we must have so long preparation for our men before they be ready, while they are preparing, the advantage is lost: An army from Spain. while the king prepared and appointed the two armies for Poitou and Dauphine, that the king of Navarre returned victorious unto Rochel, and that the Duke d'Espernon told how he had escaped the fury of the people of Augoulesme, The estate of the army. and remained eight and twenty hours besieged without meat or drink: news was spread in all places of France, Their Commanders & Captains. of the approaching of the great and horrible Spanish army, that had cast anchor before Calais, on Dunkirk side, staying the aid of the Prince of Parma, that was to join with the Fleet, with great forces and numbers of horses, to make their descent in England more easy to be performed. The army was called invincible, and of a most admirable preparation▪ which might be seen by the description thereof, printed at Lisbon, and after that, translated into French, Dutch, and Italian. It contained one hundredth and thirty ships, one hundredth nine and twenty men of quality, that went voluntary at their own charges, and with them four hundredth fifty & six servants to attend on them, The number of the Regiments. two hundredth six and twenty Lords, Gentlemen, Captains, Ensign-bearers, Lieutenants, and other principal officers of companies, with one hundredth sixty and three servants: one hundredth and thirty regiments, having one hundredth seventy two Ensigns, and twenty thousand fight men: among the which many were appointed to be horsemen, according to the preparations made in the Prince of Parmaes' ships, that prepared divers furnitures for horses, which they expected to be ready for them in England. Every Vessel and Regiment had his visitor, farrier, treasurer, Commissary for provissions, Their Officers & Commissaries. and his Surgeon. The Officers of justice were an Auditor general, his Lieutenant an Alquazil for the king, and his Lieutenant, four other Alquazils, four Secretaries, six Ushers, and one Geolier. The Marshal of the field. The great Master of the Artillery The Master of the field, Alphonse de Cepede, assisted with twenty Gentlemen, to provide both by land and sea, for all difficulties that might happen, with two Ingenieurs. The chief Master of the ordinances and artillery, had his Lieutenants, being fifty nine Master Gunners, with a General of the carriages and carts prepared for the land: and a General for all the instruments of Iron, that were to be used about them: and for the entertaining and conduction thereof, a Commissary of the Mulets, and twenty two Grooms to lead them. In the Hospital of the sick, there was a General overseer and his Lieutenant, five Physicians, The Hospital. five Surgeons, five Assistants to them: four binder's up of wounds, one Overseer of them: a Greatmaister or Steward of the Hospital, and sixty two servants. There were religious persons proportional to that great number, first, eight observants of Castille: 20. observants of Portugal: nine and twenty Friars of Castille: Their Clergy men. ten Friars of Portugal: 9 Augustins of Castille: 14. Augustins of Portugal: six Friars of Portugal of the Order called del Pagna: twelve Carmes of Castille: nine Carmes of Portugal: eight Friars of the third order of S. Francis in Portugal: two and twenty jacobins: fifteen jesuits of Castille: and eight jesuits of Portugal: so that besides the number of fight men, there was almost ten thousand that had nothing to do with arms. An army, how great soever it be, and well conducted, if it hath not provisions and amunitions accordingly, it receiveth but blasone, shame, and dishonour: but the king of Spain took not that great enterprise in hand, without providing as great furniture as should be requisite, whereby the General had no cause to fear any want, to put the army out of courage. Munitions and provisions. For they had eleven thousand Quintals of Biscat: fourteen thousand one hundredth and seventy Pipes of Wine: six thousand five hundredth Quintals of Bacon: three thousand four hundredth thirty three Quintalles of cheese: eight thousand Quintals of dried fishes of all sorts: Rice to furnish every vessel with three Quintals for six months: six thousand three hundredth and twenty vessels of beans and pease, eleven thousand three hundredth ninety eight roves or measures of oil, twenty three thousand, eight hundredth and seventy roves of vinegar, and eleven thousand eight hundredth and fifty Pipes of fresh water: besides the victuals and the necessaries of household, that were in great number, and of all sorts: as platters, goblets, pots, funnels, and vessels of wood, candlesticks, lanterns, lamps, falots, candles of wax and tallow, plates of lead and Ox hides, to stop holes made with great shot, bags of leather, canuaffe, and buckram, hoops for pipes and barrels, eight thousand saddles of leather, five thousand pair of common shoes, eleven thousand pair of shoes with strings, cords, nails, horses, wagons, wheels, mills, apple trees, and all whatsoever belongeth either by water or by land, twelve great pieces for battery, and twelve field pieces, with bags of calves skins for powder and bullets. The arms reserved for store, were seven thousand calivers, and their furnitures, one thousand muskets, ten thousand lances, one thousand partisans and halbards, six thousand pikes, more pickaxes, pails, Their arms and other instruments, than would serve for seven hundredth pioneers. With this number, and in this manner being prepared, the army departed out of Lisbon, under the conduct of the Duke de Medina Sidonia, assisted with two and twenty Lords of Estate, Council, and experience: eighty pages, and ten young Gentlemen or knights, and servants in great number. But it had scarce entered into the sea, sailing towards the Grongnes in Gallicia, but there rose a storm with so great force, that it was constrained to put to land, and there stay, till wind and weather served: having lost in that storm, three Galleys of Portugals, and many of them so scattered and bruised, that they were not serviceable for that voyage. The storm being ceased, and the wind bettering, about the two and twentieth day of the month of july, the General caused them to set sail, so fortunately, that in less than five days after, they discovered the point or end of Cornwall, and at the same time, they were seen from Plymouth, by the Admiral of England, and Sir Francis Drake Viceadmiral, that made them turn their faces, and gave them such a skirmish, and that so near, that the ships were in disorder, and a great gallion lost, wherein was found a part of the treasures that the army brought with it, & all the instructions that the Duke of Medina had what he should do, having conquered England. At the last, it got as far as Calais, where it should have joined with the Duke of Parma, but the army of England, that sought to impeach it, followed it, and that so near, that it was forced to leave her ankerhold and confusedly to fly away. Their principal Galleass among other vessels, was by the stream cast upon the sands hard by the Haven of Calais, and there with her ordinances was left for the Governors of Calais, the rest of the ships were strongly beaten with cannon shot, and by the English ships scattered abroad, in such sort, that in those skirmishes, the army was lessened of twelve ships, and above five thousand men. Which done, it made towards the North seas, passing between Norway The scattering of the Spanish army. & Scotland, & so towards Ireland, where those Northern seas (being as the risen, according to the time of the year, were very tempestuous) used the rest of the army very hardly, for it drowned and sunk seventeen great vessels upon the coast of Ireland, and spoiled, broke, and overthrew divers others, in such manner, that of one hundredth and thirty ships, there were scarce thirty that returned into Spain. The copy of a Letter sent to Deep, touching the encoumer of the English and Spanish army, and how the Spaniards had won the victory. The report of the success of this Fleet, was given out clean contrary to that which happened unto it, or then was truth, and the innocency of divers men was so great, that they assured and affirmed for certain, that the Spaniards had the victory, for the which, they made fires of joy, and printed whole discourses, thereby to cover the shameful flight of the Duke de Medina, that could make no other excuse unto the king his Master, of that overthrow, but the infidelity and ignorance of the Sailors, and the little experience they had of those Northern Seas: the want of aid from the Prince of Parma: and the great storms and tempests upon the seas. This great overthrow abashed not the league, that more unpatiently than ever it did, pursued the execution of the Edict of union, it saw that the king by words and oaths, not common but solemn, had sworn in the Cathedral Church of Roan, in presence of the Clergy, Princes, and Lords of the Court, that he had sent unto the bishops touching those affairs: that their Priests in every Diocese should cause their parisioners to make profession of their faith, that the Huguenots should abjure their errors in open Courts of Parliaments, Courts royal, and public places, to make them observe it, but not contenting themselves therewith, they would have the Edict christened with the special name of a fondamentall law: and because it could not be done but by the third estates of France, they besought the king to hold Parliament, as by the said articles of peace he had promised. De Commines lib. 5. cap. 4. The authority which the Senate had among the Romans, the same authority hath the Parliament devised by the first family of the kings of France, which is of the third estates of the land, which represent the whole Realm. Although since that time, the name of Parliament is applied to the companies of Sovereign Courts, that have the ordering of causes both criminal and civil. That first age of our Monarchy, although rude and simple, that held our kings like puples under the Majors of the Palace, assembled the Parliament as often as the public affairs of the Realm required: The kings of France were not seen but once a year. Aymon lib. 4. cap. 30. and the kings that as then retained the gross vapours of the Da●ubian air, and of the Oriental France, were never seen but once every year, upon the first day of May in their Parliaments: that is, in the assembly of the third orders or estates of their Realm, in a place called the field of Mars, where the king was borne in a Chariot of flowers, Aymon li. 4. cap 30. drawn by four oxen after the rustical manner, and there placed in a royal throne, assisted with his Nobility: he heard the complaints of his subjects: gave order for all things that were to be done that year, and dispatched the Ambassadors of foreign Princes. Under the second line of the kings of France, The estate of France in the second line of the kings of France. the Empire enlarging it by force, and the kings leaving that severe greatness, to have conversation with their subjects, the estates assembled more commonly, not at a certain and fixed day, but according to the opportunity and necessity of their affairs: & therefore Pepin that had caused Childeric to be shorn & put into a Cloister, desiring to establish his usurpation by the universal consent of the people, caused the States to be assembled at Soissons, that confirmed it, and another time at Compiegne: since that time, the divisions and jealousies of the Princes, made those assembles to be more difficult: the kings contented themselves with the Parliament, as an abridgement of the three estates, wherein there was Prelates, Noblemen, and Deputies, of all towns, with the Council of Paris, to determine all things that belonged to justice: the Bailiffs and Stewards, every man in his jurisdiction, administering the causes of the Commonwealth, but when ignorance, avarice, and cupidity, entered into that first order, that an everlasting and continual obscurity, had enfolded the beauty of laws, men waxing more malicious, and thereby fell into divers deceits and frauds, brabblings and quarrelings took place, Bailiffs and Stewards not administering justice with such integrity and severity, as was convenient, and our kings having not means in their Parliaments, that always held about them, to be still employed in hearing particular men's suits, & the affairs of estate that daily increased, as the Monarchy augmented, King Philiple Bel caused the Palace to be made, where sovereign judgements should be given. Since that, Philip surnamed the Long, ordained that it should be composed of a certain number of persons, Controversies under the reign of Philip le Bel. Upon this Precedent, he took the order of knighthood. one or two Precedents, the first Precedent being the Count of Bourgongne, a Prince of the blood, eight Clerks, and twelve Laymen, four Masters of Request, & two chambers of Requests, wherein were eight Laymen, eight Clerks as judges, and four and twenty Attorneys: he called Clerks men with long gowns, married and unmarried, and the rest Layemen, Noblemen, or Gentlemen. The Parliament that served only for justice, hindered not the assembly of the estates, for the benefit of the Commonwealth, not at a certain or ordinary time, as in England, every three years, This is a false surmise of the Author. Reasons and necessittes, urging the assembly of the Estates. but as often as it pleased the king, and no other to summon them, for one of these three occasions. The first, when the succession or right of the Crown, was doubtful and in controversy, or that it was necessary to provide for the ruling and governing of the Realm, during the captivity or minority of the kings, or when they were troubled and wanted the right use of their memories and senses. The second, when it was necessary to reform the Realm, to correct the abuse of Officers & Magistrates, by troubles and seditions, and to reduce things to their first order and integrity. The third, for the necessities of the kings and their Realms, in those assemblies of the Deputies of all the parts of the Realm, they showed the people in what estate the king's affairs were, and they were courteously moved, entreated, and exhorted, to grant subsidies, aids, and assistances unto their kings, which otherwise would have contented themselves with their rents and revenues, to maintain the glory of royal dignity, they never used to impose any subsidies or tallages without the consent thereof: and said not as Lewis the eleventh said, that Frunce was a meadow that used to be mowed thrice a year: so for one of these three causes, the estates have been seen to assemble in divers places and times. The year 1327.1380. Frosard. li. 2. chap. 58.60. In the year 1484. In the year 1356. In the year 1412. Philip Earl of Vertus. They assembled in Paris to choose a Regent during the minority of S. Lewis, an other time in the same place, to provide for the government of king Charles the sixth in his minority, and at Tours for Charles the eight, that Lewis the eleventh had left in infancy. They assembled in Paris for the liberty of king john prisoner in England, and for the frenzy of Charles the sixth, whose government was referred to his two Uncles, the Dukes of Berry and Bourgongne. They assembled at Auxerre, to swear a peace between the children of the houses of Orleans, and Bourgongne, and by their advice, the marriage of the Count of Vertus, brother to the Duke of Orleans, with the daughter of the Duke of Bourgongne, was made among the joys of this peace: the Dukes of Orleans and Bourgongne, were seen booth upon a horse, sporting themselves with the other Princes, to witness their amity and reconciliation: yet it was but a feigned peace. Monstrelet, lib. 1. chap. 59 They were again assembled in the reign of Charles the sixth at Paris, under Francis the second at Orleans, and under Henry the third at Bloys, to appease the difference of the new religion, abuses, desolations, & excess, to take order for the administering of justice, to rate the moneys, and to institute the offices for the government of the treasures: in the two last, the Deputies required two things, one the extirpation of heresies, but without wars, by a free & legitimate Council: the second, the easing of the poor people, by taking accounts of such as abusing the favour and liberty of the king, had enriched themselves by the oppression of his subjects, to the end, that the blood being drawn into an other part, might be brought into the empty veins, to quicken the head, and animate the most noble parts of the body. In the first, the wicked councillors and administrators of the public treasures, were examined and openly named, with a most shameful defamation. King Henry the third, perceiving this remedy to be necessary, that over much practising and devices, was seen to be in all estates of the Realm, and that he could not defer the purgation thereof, he consented to the convocation of all the estates of the Realm, and declareth what had always been his fatherly care towards his subjects, how he had respected their good, rest, and tranquility, with all affection that might be found in a Prince, that hath nothing dearer nor in more special recommendation: that he knew well, to to his great grief, that the effects had not been correspondent to his desire, by the renewing of troubles happened in the middle of a peace well established, under the which, he had begun to provide for reformation and re-establishment of many things, which the miseries of wars had brought out of order. This, if for the small time that the peace did endure, the people had already begun to taste some acceptable fruit, it was easy to judge, that i● would have been much more felt, without so sudden an alteration. That we must must impute it to the just punishment of God, that ceased not to lay his scourges upon this Realm, that it might be known to be unworthy of the benefit of a peace, wherewith he useth to endue and bless those to whom he will show any special favour. That the more men proceed forward, the more they perceive all things to fall into such disorder and confusion, that in short time if order be not taken therein, there will not be any more steps of the ancient force and greatness of this Realm, seen or perceived, which in times past were so admired by foreign nations. That for the same cause, his Majesty thought it convenient, for the love and fatherly affection that he beareth to his subjects, to think upon the means that might be devised, to find a remedy for the same. That after he had ripely considered thereupon, he esteemed no better means could be used, than the same that had been practised by his predecessors, who among the great disorders happened during their reigns, they were not comparable to those of his time, because they surpass them. They had recourse to an assembly of the estates general of the Realm, which at this day would be more necessary and requisite then ever it was. For that cause therefore he commanded, that the principal personages of every Province, Baliage, and Stewardship, should by the fifteenth day of September, assemble the Town of Bloys, there in open assembly to make their petitions, and to show their griefs: to speak freely, without meddling with any practices, thereby to favour the particular passions of any man whatsoever, which will be most fit and convenient means, to quench and abolish such divisions as are among his subjects, specially among the Catholicques, and to attain to a good and an assured quietness, whereby Catholicque religion shall be so well established, and all heresies purged and extirped out of his Realm: that his subjects should have no more cause to fear a change, neither while he lived, nor afer his disease. The king's commissions being sent and published in every Province, the third orders, that is the clergy, the Nobility, and the deputies of the people, assembled in the principal Town of every Province and Corporation, to confer of their declarations, complaints, griefs, and of the means they should use to propound them in the assembly, & to choose their Deputies that might speak for all the Province. When the king sent his commissions, the league likewise, and it may be by the same means, caused their memorial and articles to be given to every Baliage and Stewardship, most affected to their factions, that they might set them down with the rest of their requests. Whereupon the author of the treaty made, touching the causes and reasons of bearing arms, by the league made in january 1589. saith, that those memorial were sent to the most passionate leaguers. The names of the Deputies is to be seen in a discourse imprinted upon this matter following, by jamet Mettayer. That they might procure to be appointed Deputies by the Bailiffs, so that in a manner, all the Deputies of the third orders, were altogether participants with the league, and their remembrances form to require that which they had been certified of before, and that the credit of the league was such, that the Marshals & Harbingers for the king, durst not refuse lodging to such as were marked with their Pater nosters. I would set down the names of the Deputies, to give the Reader free choice & distinction, of such as were found to be sent by special procurement, & others that had no other intent but only the zeal of the augmentation of the Catholicque and Roman religion, the honour & service of the king: the reformation of disorder: and the comfort of the poor people: but that is to be seen in a particular discourse printed to the same end: whereunto I refer the Reader. Mean time, we will go before to mark out the lodgings for this assembly, for all the Deputies are on horseback to meet at Lewis, where the king would be. Hear endeth the third Book. THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE History of the last troubles of France, from the assembly of the estates, and the peace of Chartres, till the breaking up thereof, being the sixteenth of january, 1589. And the troubles that began in the same month at Paris and in other Towns. WHen folly ravisheth and usurpeth the ordering & conduction of a great & serious matter, it is a hazard if ever it fall out to the contentment of him that taketh it in hand. It is a point of folly in the Duke of Guise, to seek the kings good will, seeing that of a proud mind he had separated himself from it by an unreconcilable offence: Folly to suppose that the peace of Chartres had healed the continual bleeding wounds of the Barricadoes: folly likewise to come to Blois, seeing the king would not go to Paris: therefore it was the assembly at Bloys that must make the bridge between the extremities of their desires. There they played subtlety one with the other, he that should be deceived, thought upon nothing else, but to deceive the party that deceived him. The Duke of Guise was glad of the meeting of the estates, because he was assured, that among so many Deputies, he should find a sufficient number to authorize his cause, and give a hard plunge, or rather overthrow to the King's power. And the king thought that with his royal authority, he should have credit sufficient with the three Estates of his Realm, and courage enough in his heart, there to punish the Duke of Guise for all his vain and glorious enterprises: each of them traveled for the advancement of their desires: the Duke of Guise for his part, wrought the hearts and minds of his Adherents by fair promises, and most artificial subtleties, to procure the more strength on his side, and to cause all the Deputies to have no other desire and memorial in their remembrances, than the advancement and triumph of the league. The king that would not return to Paris, excusing himself by the preparation for the estates, went first to Bloys, to take order for their place of assembly, partition of chambers, and lodgings for the Deputies. He gave the charge of the preparation to the Lord of Marle, one of the ordinary controwlers of his house, in the absence of the Lord of Roddez, Greatmaister of the ceremonies of France, to take order for the commodious placings of so great a company, & commanded him to bring the deputies one after the other as they arrived into his chamber, that he might see, hear, & know them. And because the number of those that made most haste, were not sufficient in the the king's mind, to debate such weighty affairs, he prolonged their meeting till the last day of the same month, and in the meantime, all the Deputies arrived out of every place. So that in less than ten days, Bloys was as it were the receptacle of all the Realm of France. This most religious Prince desiring to begin this assembly, with a public invocation upon the name of God, commanded a solemn procession from the Church of Saint Saveor, in the great Court of the Castle at Blois, unto the Church of our Lady des Aids, in the subburbes of Vienne. It was a general show of the French pomp and magnificence, and specially of the beauty of the Court of so great a king. Their order was in this manner, first there went the commonalties of the Churches: after them, the Deputies of the people four in a rank: then followed the Nobility, seconded by Ecclesiastical persons: after them came Albon Bishops, Archbishops, and Cardinals: four knights of the Order of the holy Ghost carried the Canape. the Archbishop of Aix bearing the holy Sacrament. Then followed his Maieftic on foot with the Queens, Princes, and Princesses. Monsieur de saints Bishop of Eureux made the Sermon, and the Archbishop of Bourges said the Mass in our Lady Church, all hanged with the king's richest hangings: his Majesty sat in the Quire upon a seat covered with velvet. This procession was made upon Sunday the second of October, and the next day they were to buy their meeting, but as then all the Deputies were not come, therefore that day there was nothing done, but appointing of places and chambers for conference. The spirituality met in the jacobins, the Nobility in the Palace, the Deputies for the people in the townhouse, the Precedents and officers of every Order were chosen the Cardinals of Bourbon & Guise for the clergy, & in their absence the Archbishop of Bourges: for the Nobility, the Earls of Brissac, & the Lord of Marrignac. For the third estate or people, Michael Marteau Provost of Merchants of the town of Paris: the Secretaries of the Clergy, were Master jews le Tartier, Dean of S. Stenens church in Troy, & john Martin Cannon of Perigueux, Deputies for the Clergy of the same places: For the Nobility, Florimond de Dorne, Lord of that place, & Bailiff of S. Prerrele Monstier, claud de Moniournal, Sieur de Sindre, Deputies the Bourbonnois, & Francis d'Alonuille, Sieur d'Oisonuille, Deputy of the Baliage and Duchy of Estampes. The Secretary of the chamber of the third estate, was john Courtin, Sieur de Nantevil, Deputy for the 3. estate of the Baliage of Boys. The first sitting was put off till the 17. day of the same month, for two causes: the first, because they stayed the coming of the Princes of the blood, that as then were not arrived in the Town, and the rest of the Deputies. The other, to have time to avoid the differences and jealousies that happened, because of the preventations and delays made, touching the elections and procurations of Deputies. The king at that same time caused a fast to be published, and an abstinence from flesh for the space of three whole days, that men might prepare themselves to the holy communion, which was received by the king in the Church of Saint Saveor, within the Castle, the Princes and Lords of the Court in divers Churches, all the other Deputies of the third Estate, in the Covent of jacobins, where the Cardinal of Bourbon celebrated the Mass, and communicated unto them. The sixteenth of October, the Hall where the States should sit, was opened, which was in this manner: It is in length five & twenty paces, and nine in breadth, with six great stone Pillars in the middle, hanged with rich cloth of Arras, wrought with gold, the Pillars covered with hangings of purple velvet, embroidered with flower deluces of gold: the top of the Hall, covered with tapistry: between the third and fourth pillar, was placed a great seat in manner of a scaffold, rising with three steps, about eleven or twelve inches high: five paces long, and four broad: in the middle whereof, stood a great footstool about four or five inches high, four foot long, and eight foot broad: and upon that, an other little footstool of six foot square, whereon stood the king's chair: on the right side upon the great footstool, was the Queene-mothers' chair: on the other side, the Queen the king's wife: behind their chairs, stood the Captains of the guard: and all along the scaffold, the two hundredth Gentlemen with their hatchets or pole-axes: on the right hand of the king upon the great scaffold, there were two banks together, covered with purple velvet, embroidered with flower deluces of gold: upon one of thenrnearest & towads the king, sat the princes of the blood, the Cardinal of Vendosme, the Earl of Soissons, and the D. de Monpeslier: on the other bank somewhat further, sat the Dukes of Nemours, de Nevers, and de Retz: right against those banks on the left hand, the Cardinals de Guise, de Lenoncourt, and de Gondy: and behind them, two Priors of the Church, the Archbishop of Langres, and the Bishop of chaalon's. Before the footeftoole upon the scaffold, there stood a chair without aback, right before the king, covered with purple velvet, and embroidered with flower deluces of gold, for the Duke of Guise as great Master of France, his back towards the king, and his face to the people: on the left hand, and upon the same scaffold, stood a chair for Monsieur de Monthelon, keeper of the great seals of France, his face towards the Princes of the blood, and his back to the Cardinals of Guise and Lenoncourt: the place at the king's foot, that belonged to the Duke de main as Chamberlain of France, and that of the Marshal of France, that should be upon the last step of the scaffold were empty: at the foot of the scaffold right before the king's chair, stood atable for the king's Secretaries, being Monsieur Ruze, Lord of Beaulieu, and Monsieur de Revol, their backs towards the king, and their faces to the people: and before them, the Heralts on their knees and bareheaded: on each side of this table, stood the seats of the king's auditors of all affairs: on the left hand Monsieur de Bellegarde, chief Gentleman of the king's chamber, the Archbishop of Lions, Monsieur Miron the king's chief Physician: on the left hand, upon an other bank, Monsieur de Longenac, an other of the Gentlemen of the king's chamber, Monsieur des Escars, Monsieur de Sowray, Monsieur d'O, three Commanders of the Order of the holy Ghost: at the end of the banks aforesaid, there stood two banks, one at the end of the other, along on both sides, that made an Ally, about two or three foot broad: upon those of the right hand, sat Messieurs of the Council of estate of the long gown, Monsieur d'Espesse the kings Advocate, in the Parliament at Paris, Monsieur de Chastelliers, Monsieur Falcon, Sieur de Ris, Monsieur Marcel, Receiver of the Treasury, Monsieur de la Guesle, Attorney general for the king: Monsieur Campigny, Monsieur de Pont-carre, Monsieur de Ville-roy, Monsieur de Viart, Precedent of Metz: Monsieur Petremol: Sieur de Rosiers, Receiver of the finances: Monsieur de Thou, Sieur de Emery. And upon the other two banks on the left hand, sat the Council of Estate of the short gown, Monsieur de Schomberg, Earl of Nantueil, Monsieur de Clerimont d'Antragues, Monsieur de la Chastegneraye, Monsieur de Rochefort, Monsieur de Pongny, Monsieur de Richelieu, Monsieur de Liancourt, Monsieur de Menneville. And upon the other bank, Monsieur de Chastre, Monsieur de Grillon, Monsieur de Birague, Monsieur de Chemerault, Monsieur de Manou, all Commanders of the Order of the holy Ghost, except the Sieurs de Schomberg & de Menneville. And these Lords were they that had the handling of common causes for the ordinary of the Realm, or other particular Governments of Towns, Provinces, and affairs, wherein the king only might take order. Behind the banks of the Council of estate of the long gown, on the right hand of the king, there stood eight great banks before the scaffold, for the Deputies of the Clergy: on the other side upon the left hand, behind the councillors of estate of the short gown, there stood nine great banks for Deputies of the Nobility: cross hard by on the sides of those banks, was that of the Masters of Requests: and after them, the Clerks of the house and Crown of France. All these were environed and closed with great and strong rails of three eight high, having but one entry that was right before the king's face. Between the aforesaid third and fourth Pillars, whereat the Deputies entered, and within the enclosure of those Barricadoes, round about were the banks for them to sit upon. The space about the Rails without, was in breadth between six or seven foot, for the better access and ease of the people, to lean upon them. The Legate, the Ambassadors, the Lords, and the Ladies of the Court, were in the Galleries closed with latises, under the which, were erected diviers scaffolds, eight or nine steps higher one than the other, thereon to place great numbers of people. The Deputies according to the order were called a Hussier, standing in a window that looked into the Castle-yeard, such as he called were received by the Heralds, (named Normandy, d'Alencon, and Valois, appareled in their Coate-armours of purple velvet) into the rails, that stood at the foot of the steps, which they still shut as the Deputies entered, and from thence led them to the entry of the rails of the Hall, where the Herald, Britain & Dauphine received them, and brought them to the Lords of Roddez and Marle, Masters of the ceremonies, telling them of what Province, they were Deputies, and setting them in their places, they being in that order led forward, the Herald at the window called others, which were received, led and placed as the rest: the order used in calling them was thus. First the Towne-provost and Vicounte of Paris, the Duchy of Bourgongne, and Baliage of Dyon, the Duchy of Normandy, and by order the Baliages of Roan, Caen, Caux, Constantin, Eureux, guysor's, Alencon, and Mortaing. The Duchy of Guyenne, and by order the Stewardship of Bourdeaux, Bazas, Perigort, Rovergue, Xaintongue, Agenois: the Country and County of Comminges: the Stewardship of Lawns, S. Sever, Condounas. High Limosin and the Town of Lymoges: low Limosin, the Stewardship of Quercy. The Duchy of Britain, and her dependences: the Earldom of Champagne and Baliages of Troy, Chaumont in Bassigny, Vitry, Meaux, Province, Sesanne, Sens, and the Castle of Tyerrie. The Earldom of Thoulouse, and government of Languedoc: the Stewardship of Thoulouse, Puy: the Baliages of Velay: Mompelier, the Stewardship of Carcassonne, Narbonne, Beziers: the Stewardship of Lauragais, Vermandois, Poictou, Chastelleraut, Fantenay: and Niort: the Stewardship of Anjou and of main: the Baliages of Thouraine and Amboise: the Stewardship of Loudunois: the Baliages of Berry and S. Pierre le Monstier: the Stewardship of Bourbonnois: the Baliages of Forest and Beavioulois: the Stewardship & low country of Awergne: the Baliages of the Mountains of Awergne: the Stewardship of Lion: the Baliages of Chartres, Orleans, Montargis, Blois, Dreux, Nantes, and Meulan: the Baliages of Gien, Perched, Chasteauneuf, & Amiens: the Stewardship of Ponthieu Boulonnois, Peronne, Montdidier, and Roye: the Baliages of Senlis, Vallois, Clermont and Beawoisis, Melun, Nemours, Nyvernois and Douziais. The country of Dauphine, and that which dependeth thereon: the town and government of Rochel: the Stewardship of Angoulmois: the Baliages of Montfort, Houdan, Estampes, Dourdan: the Count of Provence, grass, Draguignan & Marseille: the Count de la March, both low & high: the Marquisat of Saluce, and the Baliage of Beawois in Beaunoisis. So that to conclude, the Clergy had 134. Deputies, among the which were 4. Archbishops, 21. Bishops, & two principals of orders: the Nobility 180. Gentlemen: and the third estate, 191. Deputies, The number of the Deputies. all Ministers of justice, or of the short gown. The Deputies being entered, and the Gate shut, Monsieur de Guise sitting in his chair, appareled in a robe of white Satin, the cape hanging backward about his shoulders, (with his eyes piercing through all the assembly, therein to know and distinguish his servitors, & with one only glance of his eye, to strengthen them in the hope and assurance of his pretences, greatness, and fortunes, and thereby without word, to tell them that he saw them) rose up, and having made a great reverence to all the company, being followed by the 200. Gentlemen, and the Captains of the guard, he went to fetch the king, that entered in great Majesty with his principal order hanging about his neck. When the company perceived him to come down the stairs, that went strait to the great scaffold, every man rose up and stood bareheaded: which done, the king took his place, the Princes standing still, until he commanded them and his Council to sit down. There was never any assembly made, wherein was found more excellent French wits, concerning the resolutions of great affairs, the propounding of excellent and rare conceits, and for the reformation of the estate. Nor yet for the pronunciation of Orations, with more grace & eloquence, then in this God that is the just distributer of his favours to whom it pleaseth him, hath ordained, that nature should help and adorn certain nations, more than others with eloquence of speech, but it is a special favour of God, to speak well and to the purpose, before great assemblies, not of a Commonwealth of Venise, nor a Council of three hundredth in the cantons of Swisseses, but before the estates of a great king: yea of the greatest Realm in all Christendom, and in the presence of the geatest king of all Europe. This eloquence is a gift of God, such and so great, that Moses found no other excuse, to refuse that notable embassage, but the rudeness of his speech, as if the first piece of the furniture of him that undertaketh such things, were the grace of speaking well. There hath been divers great personages, that have buried and obscured the best and bravest qualities in them, for the only want thereof, & some have been seen in a public place, at a bar, and in a Council, that coming in presence of a Prince, and of a great assembly, became ridiculous to the company, with blushing and shamefastness, and in the assembly, some were ashamed to see their bashfulness. Heraclites the great Sophister was abashed before Severus, Talthybius and Eurybate, before Agamemnon, Theophrastes in the Araopage: Herod the Athenian, before Marcus Antonius. Some stumbled in the beginning of their discourse, others omitting the principal matter, in the middle of their orations, and many making a worse end, than a beginning. And whatsoever is the cause, those that are in such extacies, have no man to supply their places, and perceiving themselves brought into that point, either shamefully to stand still and say nothing, or take a new matter in hand besides the text, and so rather do wrong to their reason and arguments, Great personages fail in delivering their orations. then to their speech, as Bartholomew Soncin, before Pope Alexander the sixth: and Francis Barbare Venetian, before the Duke of Milan. I commend such as take time to prepare themselves, and wonder at those, who without preparation, can so readily acquit their charge. Our country of France hath seen and heard, both of the one and other. It heard in this solemn assembly, of all the estates of the Monarchy, that the Roman eloquence is retired, and had withdrawn itself into the head of her great king: and that France likewise as well as Rome, hath Severus Cassiens', that speak both well and wisely, without premeditation, and that cannot endure a troublesome study: that it hath Demosthenes and Pericles, that never speak without good advise: that it hath a rare and almost unknown thing unto all monarchs: which is, The sign of the weakening of an estate. This is understood of the eloquence of Sophisters. that her kings speak without Interpreters: but in this point I must let you know, that it is a most assured sign of the weakening of the forces of our estate, when every man taketh more delight in eloquent words, then in great effects, and is better pleased in saying then doing well. For that eloquence is like a medicine, which is only prepared for sick persons, and eloquence is employed but in such estates, that are like to fall and decay, and to move and persuade a people that are stayed. The multitude of Physicians in a Town, maketh me judge the intemperance of the Inhabitants: the great troops of Councillors and Attorneys that are in all places, do sufficiently show, that the corruption of our manners entertaineth quarrels, and there was never seen so many Orators in Athens, Rhodes, and Rome, but when they were troubled with civil dissensions. The League brought with her, divers eloquent fellows, by their babbling and devices to make the people believe, that white is black, and truth falsehood, and to constrain them under the sweetness of their arguments, to swallow down rebellion, faithlessness and disobedience. And who knoweth not, that the same day of her birth, had been the obsequy of her funeral, if in the places where truth ought to triumph, untruth had not been introduced, their senses filled with smokes, and said the ignorant people with devices and laughters? Plutarch. Such as sought to win the people, proceeded not all in one kind of manner: in Athens there were some that would draw them by the eyes, presenting them with false and devised things: others, by the belly, in seasts and banquetings: divers by the purse, and shining beauty of that metal, The people are taken by the ears. which bendeth the most stiffest: but the best advised have begun with the ears, the beastliness and easy introducing of the people, not being handled but by them, all other holds are unassured, other rules and observations can never make them tame. By it, Pompey, Caezar, Crassus, Lucullus, Lentulus, and Metollus, began their tyrannies, and aided themselves better with their tongues, then by their lances: the French tongue was never more adorned, enriched, nor fairer, then at this time, and I would to God it served only to confound rebellions, detest Leagues, convince schisms, elevate the authority of the law, establish and strengthen justice, evaporate the clouds of errors, that trouble our understandings, and that the fire of those hot and lively speeches, that make us to attempt so high actions, and mortifieth cold and moist humours, that make our affections glance against our sovereign good, and that it would in flame the courage of good men, against the injustice of the wicked. Corruption of eloquence in holy matters. But to the contrary, it is employed to the great disliking of strangers, to the infamy of Frenchmen, and against a king of France, to rend and dissever his authority, blame his holy intents, to accuse his Council, and to pierce the ears of his subjects, therein infusing the dangerous poison of despising his Majesty. They use a phrase, adorned with rich and magnifical words, (without choice or consideration) to condemn the law, to degrade the Magistrate: and to praise those that never did good, but when they minded to do evil: they have borrowed great words of Architecture, Pilasters, Cornice, Architraves, Amphiteatres, and Theatres, and all for the description of that mischievous hole or cave of the League, and of that miserable popular state, built upon four gibbets or stakes. Against a sort of writers during these troubles But the holy and true eloquence, is that which always continued with the justice of the king's cause, all that is induced therein, is firmer and more , the reasons livelier and stronger, the words more christian & French-like, and the forms more ingenious and sweet: not pompious with arrogancy, nor furred with artificialness: not boulstered with blasphemies, not fantasticated with novelties: nor false nor ridiculous as those of the eloquent Orators of the league: and if you take away but two or three books, issuing out of the shops of these Apothicaries, wherein nevertheless, there is nothing to be red but old fables, well composed under a goodly and a fair coverture, you shall find, that as they desire not to do well, so they cannot speak well: and all the harmony of their writings, is but a rude discord of the strings of some old viol, and a building of divers pieces weak and very feeble. The Orations pronounced in this assembly, are not in such manner, and although there are some that savour of the kennel from whence they issue, yet I esteem this History would thereby be much beautified, but we will reserve them for a larger volume, for that the brevity we have promised in the beginning, permitteth me not at large to induce them herein. That only of the king, full of lively affection, of true magnanimity, of reasons, pertinent and very likely, is like lively portratures of the beauties of France, and the evil favouredness which the League hath borrowed upon her face, aught to be placed herein, in her proper & original splendure: as not being a long preambulation or discourse, such as Theopompus, Ephorus, and Anaximenes, used to the Captains, when they received their charge, and that it is time rather to do, then say: but a discourse worthy the Majesty of a King of France, and of Henry the third, that had that great advantage above all the Princes of his time, to answer promptly, wisely, and aptly, to all important occasions that were presented, that like an ignorant Pilot, committed not the guiding of his ship to his mates, and never spoke by an other man's mouth, had within himself the knowledge of managing the rurther, and the words that gave the understanding of his will. The places then being appointed and filled, according to the greatness, order and degrees of every man, all the Deputies standing up, bareheaded, the King began in this manner to make his Oration, by a grave choice of goodly words, and with a tongue truly led by his passions, and that yielded no other sound, than the natural harmony. The king's Oration to the estates. MY Lords and friends, I will begin with an humble supplication unto God, from whom proceedeth all good gifts and holy operations, that it will please him to aid me with his holy Spirit, conducting me as it were by the hand in this serious action, therein to acquit that which I take in hand, as worthily, as the work is holy, desired, attended, and necessary for the universal good of my subjects, which is the restoring of my estate, by the general reformation of all the parts of the same, which I have sought as much or rather more, than the preservation of my own proper life. join with me therefore I pray you, in this most instant request, which I now make unto him, beseeching him that he will more and more strengthen that constant desire, by him already for that cause rooted within my heart: and that likewise he will take from you, all particular passions, if there be any, that rejecting all other parts, but that of your king, you have no regard, but embrace the honour of God, the dignity and authority of sovereign Prince, and to restore the country in such manner, that there may ensue so laudable and fruitful a resolution, accompanied with so good effects, that my estate may receive his ancient splendure. And this will be a work worthy of the place whereunto I am called, and witness both your capacities and loyalties. He whom I have now invoked, to aid both me and my estate, that is the searcher of all our hearts, if it pleaseth can be a witness, that assoon as he appointed me to be commander over you, an incredible grief entered into me, touching your public and particular miseries, together with a care, that ever since hath much increased in me, to procure some wholesome remedies, with as happy an end, as therein it is much more than necessary. What grief think you, hath penitrated in my entrails, within these few years, since age and experience have made more capable to apprehend the desolation, oppression, and overthrow of my poor people, withal seeming unto me, that my reign should be reserved for a light of the just wrath of God, which I acknowledge justly to hang over our heads, both for mine, and the sins of my subjects in general. For this cause, I strove as much as I could, to fluff up the corruptions and disorders that had made so violent an habitation there, and to resist the evils, which had not all been done by me, and which by my only means, if remedy might be had, I will appease. For I would say (without boasting of myself) that there hath been no means to reform the deprivation of my estate, but that I have called it to mind, thereby to establish the same, if I had been as well assisted, as I was by you good Madam, and as necessity and my good will deserved: but I cannot sufficiently show how much I have been aided by my good mother the Queen, which cannot in any sort be declared: and I must say, that among so many assistances and strict obligations, whereby she holdeth all my subjects tied unto her, that therein they have aspeciall, and myself a particular cause, that with you in this notable assembly, you should yield her most humble and hearty thanks. Which is, that she is not only the cause, that by the grace of God I am now in this world to be your king, but by her continual and holy instigations, laudable actions, and virtuous examples, she hath in such sort engraved in my soul, a right and true intent to the advancement of the honour of GOD, the preferment of his holy, Catholicque, and Romish Church, and the reformation of my estate, that the intentions which I have heretofore declared, wholly tending unto all good things, (whereunto more than ever I was, I am resolved) proceedeth only from her, not once complaining of the labours, indispositions, or discommodities of her age, in any thing wherein she hath perceived or found the means to advance this estate, having so oftentimes preserved the same, that she not only deserveth the name of the Mother of your King, but also of your estate and kingdom. Now my principal care and pleasure being wholly set to restore this goodly Monarchy, and judging particular remedies not to be convenient for the time, I determined to assemble my general estates, wherein as in all other things, for the good of this Realm, it pleased her much to encourage me, knowing, that by assembling them, I should not lose one hours time, what general oppositions soever entered into my my mind, and with the which, many men peradventure thought I should be so crossed, that either I would be constrained to defer or wholly to remit it. You see nevertheless, whether I have had that constant resolution, which belongeth to a good king, for the general good of all his subjects, which is so surely ankered in my heart, that I desire nothing more, than the conservation of the honour of God and you. This assembly of the estates is a remedy (with the good counsel of the subjects, and the holy resolution of the Prince) to heal those diseases, which tract of time, and the negligent observation of the laws and statutes of this Realm, have suffered to enter, and to assure the lawful authority of the sovereignty, rather than to shake or diminish it, as some evil advised men and full of envy, disguising truth, have made the world believe. For that good laws well established and observed, wholly fortify and uphold the Sceptre of a king, assuring his Crown upon his head, against all such practices whatsoever. You may then well perceive, by this my resolution (that hath resisted and withstood an infinite of impeachments, which certain men would have opposed against it) the sincerity of my intent, specially for that this assembly of the estates, is that which as much breaketh the evil pretences and purposes of Princes, that have their hearts traversed with devices, and desirous of no good, as mine is and always shall be most ready, prompt, and altogether disposed not to desire or seek for any other things, than your good: which if I do, I beseech God confound me eternally. Seeing then that you see me so fully bend to procure this peace and common tranquility of my estate, and that you cannot allege any thing to the contrary, engrave it likewise in your minds, and judge well of me, in regard of those that would have proceeded in other sort, Withal noting, that whatsoever lintend, cannot in any sort be esteemed or attributed, as any wales pretending, to authorize myself either against law or reason: for I am your king ordained by God, and be only that may truly and lawfully challenge that right. And therefore I desire not to be accounted other in this Monarchy then as I am, not being able to wish or desire more honour or authority, then that I have already obtained. Favour then I pray you (my good subjects) this true intent, which tendeth only to the furtherance and advancement of the honour of God, and our wholly Catholicque, Apostolic, and Romish religion, to extirp heresies in all the Provinces of this Realm, and therein to re-establish all good order & government: to comfort my poor people so much oppressed, and to erect my authority unjustly embased: which I desire not so much for mine own proper interest, as for the good that thereby may redound unto you all. Among all kinds of governments and commandments over men, the Monarchy excelleth all the rest: and the profit which you and yours have reaped, under the lawful governments of my predecessors, forceth you continually to render thanks to God, that it hath pleased him to give you life in such a time, and under such a Prince, who being of the same race, hath not only enjoyed their royal seat, but the same and greater zeal, (if possible it may be) to the augmentation of the glory of our God, and the conservation of you all, as I have always promised, that mine actions should wholly tend thereunto. That mischief which malice & tract of time hath induced into my Provinces, ought not so much to be attributed unto me, (not that I seek wholly to excuse myself) as to the negligence, and peradventure some other faults of those that heretofore have been assistant unto me, wherein I have already begun to take order, as you may well perceive, but I assure you, that from henceforth, I will be so circumspect, in making choice of those that serve me, that my conscience shall be discharged, mine honour inceased, and my estate re-established, to the contentment of all good people, and thereby constrain those (who against all reason have placed their affections on others, and not on me) to acknowledge their errors. The testimonies are yet sufficient and manifest, and namely by the witness of many of you, (as reaping honour by assisting me therein) both before and since I have been your king, to show with what zeal and forwardness I have always proceeded for the extirpation of hereticques and heresies, wherein I will more than ever, expose my body, yea even to a certain death, if need requireth, for the defence and protection of our Catholicque, Apostolic, and Roman faith: the overthrow of heresies being the most sumptuous tomb wherein my body may be laid, not the battles only which I have won, but that great overthrow and abating of the pride of the army of Rutters: whereunto Cod, for the honour of his holy name and of his Church, had chosen me for an instrument, are sufficient proofs, the triumphs and spoils whereof are yet extant to be seen. Is there any one then so uncapable of the truth, that will suppose more zeal and ardent desire to be in man, for the total extirpation of such heresies, when more certain signs then mine of such intents cannot be found? And if it should be, that the honour of God (which to me is dearer than my life) not so much esteemed of by me, whose patrimony do the hereticques occupy and dissever, whose revenues do they take up and receive, from whom do they alienate the subjects, whose obedience do they despise, whose respect, authority, and dignity, do they violate? And should not I then as much or more than any man, seek their destruction: open your eyes, and judge particularly, what appearance may be therein. The reunion of all my Catholicque subjects, by the holy Edict, not long since made, hath sufficiently testified, that nothing hath had more force within me, then to see God only honoured, reverenced, and served, within my Realm, which I had more proceeded in, (as god willing I purpose to do, even with the hazard of my life) if I had not been hindered by this division moved by the Catholicques, (to the great advantage of hereticques) staying my voyage into Poitou, where I am of opinion, that good fortune would no more have abandoned mine actions, than it had done in other places, whereby (God be thanked) mine estate hath reaped both the necessary and desired benefit. And although I am persuaded, you will not omit any one point, tending to the restoring and reformation of this Realm, yet will I make known unto you, by some special things, how much I am most earnestly bend (not only by this which I will now utter, but by the effects that shall ensue) to embrace all good means, as I am bound, esteeming them most requisite, for the necessity and urgent uses thereof, both for our souls, our honours, and our estate. The extreme offence which daily is committed against God, by swearing and blaspheming, to him so much injurious, and wholly against my desire, causeth me to put you all in mind, not to forget the just punishments that such blasphemies deserveth: which my desire is, should be reform without favour or exception either of person or quality. The inquiry and punishment of simony, shall not (as it becometh all good Christians) be forgotten, neither yet the order which is requisite, touching the sale and multiplicity of judicial offices, as being pernicious and insupportable to my poor subjects, wherein had it not been for the troubles begun in Anno. 1585., I had of myself taken some order: but now I expect from you the holy and good means therein to be used: as in the distribution and provision of benefices, judicial and other officices, of honour, charge, estate, and dignity: in this Realm, there consisteth that (which is dearer unto me then life itself) mine honour, the preservation and splendure of this estate, and the good will of all my subjects towards me: to the end, that such things may be done with more deliberation, I mean from hence forward, to appoint some certain times, which shall be made known unto you, and therein so to distribute them with just consideration of each man's desert, as in duty I am bound, as reason requireth, my reputation restraineth me, and as the good I wish to this estate, forceth me unto: minding that from this time forward, every man shall hold that good and honour he hath, only from me: and for their better means to obtain them at my hands, I will take order for their more easy access unto my person, according to the times and hours I will employ to that end. I likewise will all my subjects, to determine and resolve with themselves, to live as uprightly, affectionately, and faithfully, in such offices as shall be committed to their charges, as shall be requisite for the discharge of my conscience, and their own: wherein from henceforth I am not determined to endure any defects, restraining myself by oath, never to grant reservation of any thing whatsoever, revoking such as heretofore have been granted, and from this time forth, declaring them of no force, intending not to observe them, as things that may be prejudicial, and means to move men either to desire or purchase the deaths of other men, and ungodly both in myself, and in such as seek to obtain them. I will likewise give no more suruiving, determining, that concerning those already granted, I am minded to refer myself therein to your opinions. It is most necessary to restrain evocations, grants, remissions, and abolitions, that justice should be more prompt, and less chargeable to the people, and that crimes may be exactly punished. You must not likewise forget the enriching of Arts and Sciences: the beautifying and repairing of the Towns within my Realm: the governments and ordering of trade and traffic of Merchandises, as well by land as by sea, and the restraining of usury, with superfluities and excess of things that are risen to most high prizes. The restoring and renewing of ancient ordinances touching the authority and dignity of the sovereign Prince, with the reverence due unto him and his Magistrates, which you shall determine as reason requireth. The just fear that you might have after my death, to fall into the government of an hereticque king, if it chance that God should not grant me any heirs males, is not more considered of by you, then by me. And I protest before God, that I have not more care of mine own saluaion, then desire to bereave you of that fear, which is one of the principal causes that moved me to make my holy Edict of union, and to abolish that damnable heresy, which although I have most holily and solemnly sworn, before him that giveth man constancy, inviolable to hold and observe all good and holy oaths. I am determined the more to establish it, that it should be made one of the fondamentall laws of our Realm, and that upon the next Tuesday, in this place, and before the notable assembly of all my estates, I will that every man shall swear unto it, to the end that none may hereafter pretend any cause of ignorance. And our holy desires may not vainly be frustrate for want of means: I determine to take such order therein, by the counsel which you shall give me, that as the desert shall not consist in me, it may not likewise proceed from the small assistance by you given thereunto, whereby the effects of our desires may be in force. By my holy Edict of union, all leagues, but such as are made by authority from me, ought not to be suffered, and although it did not sufficiently forbid the same, yet neither Cod nor duty doth permit it, as being wholly against it, for that all leagues, associations, practices, devices, intelligences, levyings of men and money, and receipts of the same, as well within as without this Realm, are actions of a king, and in all well governed monarchs, esteemed high treason if they be done without the Prince's authority. And although by word of mouth (thereby witnessing my accustomed clemency in that respect) to omit all forepast faults, yet as duty bindeth me and you all, (to conserve the royal estate) having taken order for the establishing of certain laws, to be made by my estates, I will by these presents declare, and from henceforth pronounce as guilty of high treason, all such my subjects as desist not from them, or that in any sort dealeth therein, without my authority and consent, granted under the great Seal of France. Wherein I am assured that you will not fail, to show your faiths and fidelities, counseling and requiring at my hands, to renew and fortify this fair and ancient law, engrafted within the hearts of all true French men that defend the same: which I will shall be set down in express words: I am bound thereby both unto myself, and to my Realm: and you to me: and to the state of the land, which you now represent: whereunto in presence of the Almighty God, I summon you all. In times past, the goodly order and exact policy observed among our soldiers, bred and procured an admiration and terror of my nation, together with a particular and honourable glory to all our French Nobility. Now therefore weed esire, that the same honour wherewith we have been admired above all nations, may still be maintained: wherein I will spare no pains whatsoever: and the like I crave of you, whereby the wrath of God being appeased, and that our forces may be used to the preservation, and not to the destruction of our estate, thereby procuring so much contentment and comfort to my subjects, as that hereafter they may as willingly desire our soldiers both horse and footmen for their gifts, as they now fear and abhor them, and that with great reason. Lastly, I am much grieved that I cannot maintain my estate and royal dignity, with the necessary charges of this Realm without money: for mine own particular, it is the thing that least grieveth me, but it is a necessary evil: wars likewise cannot be well followed without money, and seeing at this present we are in a good course, to extirp accursed heresies, it is necessary we should provide great sums of money to furnish our expenses: for want whereof (to say the truth) our levyings of men will be more to our hindrances then our profits, and yet there can be no exploit done without them. For my part therefore I promise, not to spare any means whatsoever: wherein likewise I crave that zeal of you, which you have always assured me to bear unto the service of God, and the commodity of this Commonwealth. And therefore you must (showing you the full revenues of my whole estate) have that consideration, that the Senate of Rome had of an Emperor, who desiring (as I do) to suppress all subsidies, showed him, that such levyings of treasure, were the sinews and veins of the body of the Commonwealth, which being taken away, it would presently dissolve and be unlosed. And yet I say, that I would to God, that the necessity of my estate constrained me not to use them: and that at one instant, I might gratify my people with so goodly a present, as also that my days might be abridged, not desiring to live any longer, then that my life might be profitable and advantage to the service of God, and all your preservations. Touching the order required for the disposing of my treasures, so much for the comfort and ease of my people, whether it be concerning the over great numbers of officers, or other particularities, I am persuaded you will take as good order by your wisdoms, as shall be requisite, as being one of the principal pillars, whereby we and all our estate in general, for the most part are supported. It is likewise a matter of conscience (that toucheth our soul's healths) to take order for our debts, which I have not altogether made, but being debts of our Realm, you ought to have a care thereof, whereunto both public faith and wisdom, bindeth you all, and you shall be certified what they are. The King being the patron, whereby all his subjects learn to frame their actions, it is therefore, that of my natural inclination, I will so govern mine own person and my house, that from henceforth they shall serve for a rule and example to all the rest of my Realm and Kingdom. And to the end I may witness by effect, that which you desire of me, and which is most deeply engraved within my heart, touching this great assembly (having fully determined upon your memorials and bills) which I desire you, may be done with all the speed you can, and with your good counsels and advise (as I will show unto you,) the next day after in open audience in the Church, that it may be known to all my subjects, and so hold it for an inviolable and firm law, whereby no man may withstand it but with shame and infamy, and upon pain to be accessary of high treason, as an enemy to this country, I mean by oath upon the Evangelists, to bind all the Princes, Lords, and Gentlemen, that are assistant at this Parliament, together with you the Deputies of my estates, and thereupon you shall receive the Sacrament, to observe all the things that therein are contained, as sacred laws, not reserving unto myself the liberty of exemption from the same, for any cause, pretence, or occasion whatsoever may hereafter happen. Which done, I will presently cause it to be sent into all the Courts of Parliament throughout my Realm, to swear all Ecclesiastical, Noble, and common persons thereunto, with this clause, that whosoever opposeth himself against it, shall always be holden as a notorious traitor. And if herein I seem to submit myself more than becometh me, unto the laws whereof I am the Author, and which of themselves dispense with me therein, and that by this means, I reduce my royal estate to more certain terms and points, then that of my predecessors: It is the principal cause that maketh the generous mind of the Prince best known and discerned, to address and frame his thoughts and actions unto his good laws, and wholly to oppose himself against the corruptions thereof: and it will suffice me to make answer thereunto, as that King did (to whom it was told, that he sought to leave his royalty in worse estate to his successors, than he enjoyed it from his predecessors) that he would make it much more durable and assured then ever it was. But to end my long discourse, having used authority and commandment, I will now proceed to exhortations and prayers: and first I charge you all, by the duty you own to God, by whom I am appointed and substituted over you, to represent his person, by the name of true Frenchmen, (that is of passionate lovers of their natural and lawful Prince,) by the ashes of the memories of so many Kings my Predecessors, that have so lovingly and happily ruled and governed over you: by the charity that you bear unto your Country, by the bounds and hostages it hath of your fidelities, your wives, your children, and your domestical fortunes, that with all your hearts you embrace this occasion: that you be wholly and altogether careful for the Commonwealth: that you unite and join yourselves with me, to strive against the disorders and corruptions of this estate, by your sufficiency, by your integrity, and by your great care and diligence, abandoning and forsaking all contrary thoughts, (and following only my example,) not having any other desire, than the only good of the Commonwealth, and as myself being estranged from all other ambition, then that only which concerneth and toucheth a subject, as I myself bear no other mind, then that which belongeth unto a good, faithful, and Christian King. If you do otherwise, you shall be filled with all accursedness, you will imprint a perpetual spot of infamy in your posterity and names, and also bereave your posterity of that successive name and title of fidelity towards your King, which by your ancestors hath been so carefully left unto you. And for mine own part, I will take heaven and earth to witness, and I will be judged both by God and man, that it is not my fault, nor any want of diligence in me, that the disorders of this Realm, have not been long since reform, but that you are the only cause, by forsaking your lawful Prince, in so worthy, so holy, and so commendable an action. Lastly, I summon you all to appear at the latterday, before the judge of all judges, where all men's thoughts and secret meanings shall be opened, where the masks and visards of crafts and dissimulations shall be pulled off, there to receive reward, by you desired, for your disobedience towards your King, together with your great negligence and small loyalty in regard of this estate. But God forbid, that I should ever think it, but rather conceive that you will rule yourselves therein, (as I persuade myself) with wisdom, affection, love, and fidelity, wherein you shall do good service unto God, and also to your King, you shall be bleffed in this world, and thereby obtain the name of couseruators of your land and countries. The Chancellors Oration. This oration finished, with an extraordinary applauding of all the assembly, the Chancellor named Monsieur de Montelon, having made two greatreverences, began to speak, and confirming the King's speeches, he commended the zeal and integrity of his mind, declared the honour and Majesty of Kings, with the inviolable bond of obedience due unto them: assuring them, that under his happy and prosperous conduction, they should by that assembly of all the estates of France, reap the same effects, which in times past had been found and experiented under the reigns of Philippe le Bell, john the first, and Charles the eight: charging them all, every one in his estate and degree, to join and unite their wise and learned advises unto the king's good pleasure, therewith to aid and assist him. And directing the thunders of his eloquence, against the disorders of the estate, he exhorted the Clergy to reerect the beauty and dignity of the Church, using therein the means and original disciplines of ancient and holy Counsels, as when rivers or kennelles are stopped, men seek to find out their Springs, and so to clear them: showing, that if the doctrine and preaching of the word, had been carefully administered unto the people, so many heresies and notorious vices, had never sprung up nor taken root in this Realm, nor yet so much breach of laws, and disobedience towards the Kings, Nobles, judges, and Magistrates, had ever been practised and performed. Obedience preached by Ministers. That obedience than is most commonly known and observed, when by the preachings, instructions, and examples, of Ministers and Pastors, it is engraved into the hearts of the common people, alleging this place of the Scripture: The word of God is lively and effectual, and sharper than any two edged sword. Against admission into benefices. That the King had oftentimes by Edicts and Ordinances, incited and moved them unto their duties, but never could reap the fruit which he desired: and therewith complained of their weak provisions, their incapable admissions, into Ecclesiastical functions: of their ambition and avarice: of their multiplicity of benefices, against the cannons and decrees of their non residences: to the despising of holy law: of the corruption and depravations of Monasteries, and of their rules and disciplines, almost left off, and in such sort weakened, that he said there was but very few orders, wherein great numbers of Monks and Friars, had not wholly forgotten their promises and vows. The integrity of religious persons. Excepting some, that might justly be termed like holy men, the pearls of religion, who by the perfection of their lives, good works, prayers, and Orations, had surmounted the obscurities and mists of this world, pierced the clouds, and attained so near to heaven, that they are (as Saint Barnard saith:) In susurio cum Deo, and with their extacies and ravish of Spirits, they did divert and turn the wrath of God from us. The praise of the French Nobility. From them, he turned his speech unto the Nobility, whose virtues are set down in all our ancient Histories, recommending unto them, piety, bounty, and justice, wherein they ought to be examples to their subjects. Obedience to the king, and to the principal supporters of equity & justice: The ancient oath of Gentlemen. and having long dilated upon that point, by many examples taken both out of Pagans and French Histories, he set before them the vices that at this day reigneth among them, specially swearing and blaspheming of the name of God: where in times past, the ancient oath of the Nobility, was usually to say: Foy de Gentil-homme: that is, by the faith of a Gentleman, which they did with reverence and requisite circumstances, as time and place required. Showing them likewise, what mischiefs proceeded of private quarrels, the only name whereof is horrible in the ears of all christians, and have always been severely punished and forbidden by ancient and holy laws, The mischief of private quarrels that in their daily praters they promised to forgive such as offended them, and that they were bound unto it: which if they did, they should not only preserve their own persons, but their friends and kinsmen, and withal, participating with that great glory which they should only desire: which is, to know how to rule their passions and themselves in their behalfs. And that revenge would be so well wrought by the king and his justice, with so great opportunity, that thereby they should not only preserve themselves, but be fully satisfied to their contentments. Benefices held commendably. To the said vices he added their holding of Benefices, Hospitals, and Spittle-houses, founded by their predecessors: showing them, that it was not only an abuse, but impiety committed towards God and his holy Church. Lastly, he recommended unto them the bearing and using of arms, according to the examples of their ancestors. To the third estate he showed, that their chief support and maintenance, is justice and civil policy: that the judges in that point held the first place, justice being the foundation and establishment of all Monarchies, sovereignties and powers whatsoever: alleging the saying of trajan, who being required by the king of Partheans, that the river of Euphrates might serve as a border between their Empires, justice limiteth the borders of the Empire. answered, that not the river but justice should limit the borders of the Roman Empire, and that kingdoms without justice, are but dens of thieves. Dealing much upon the overthrowing of particular justices, the great abuses therein committed, with the prolongations, subtleties, and devices (to hide the truth) therein used, comparing it unto a ship, tossed and tormented in the waves of the sea, seeking for a safe port, and cannot find it, being hindered by the crosse-waves and rocks that meet therewith: showing, that such at this day is the misery of those that seek to end their suits in laws, Prolonging and deceit in suits. by the subtlety of men, and negligences of the judges, by so many delays, incidences, and prolongations, wherein justice is not to be used, but to the contrary, it is rather vexed, troubled, and oftentimes wholly overthrown. That the particular faults of some men, were the principal causes thereof, who by that means thinking to advance themselves and their posterities, would in the end, having attained to the full ripeness of their wickedness, felt the mischief thereof. An intolerable number of Officers. That among those abuses, was to be numbered the multiplicity of offices that oppressed the Realm. The evil governments, the ignorances of divers officers which the king had left unto his judges to reform, but that his commandment had been as good undone, as done, altogether proving wholly unfruitful, joining thereunto all sorts of policy, in Cities and Towns, in which cases they are united, by well governed laws and ordinances, every one according to his charge and necessary function, but that the mischief was, that in these days, laws are nothing else but written papers: he set down the unexcusable faults committed in observation of laws, policies and ordinances, made for the punishment of swearers, blasphemers, players, idle persons, usurers, unlawful exacters, cozeners, wicked livers, men using prohibited and unlawful places, with all such kind of vices: Idle Scholars, the liberty of living idly and desolutely, without policy or government, but only by bad and disordered means (causes and originals of troubles and seditions) which overthrow and subvert all kingdoms and good Commonwealths, adding thereunto, a most earnest exhortation: to seek remedies to all those mischief's. The king's debts. Lastly, he showed the great debts the king had fallen into, his great diligences and hazards, by making wars against the hereticques, his piety, religion, and devotion to the Romish Church: with the rare behaviour, actions, and counsel of the Queen his mother. Ending his Oration with the unity and concord that ought to be (as a most necessary thing) in that assembly, thereby to hold the Catholicque, Apostolicque, and Roman Church, with general and particular estate of all that are comprehended therein, in true obedience to the king, in all union and concord: which doing, this Monarchy would be found to be environed with all happiness, under the authority of the most christian king: and to the contrary, doing otherwise, they should feel a continual grief and remorse of conscience within their minds, for disobeying God, their King, and country. The Archbishop of Bourges Oration. The Archbishop of Bourges, Patriarch, and Primate of Aquitaine, thanked the king, in that it pleased him to show his great good will towards his subjects, saying: that thereby the poor and miserable country of France, which for the space of eight and twenty years, had been so much tormented, began to receive some strength, and to take courage, hearing the sweet and pleasing voice of her king, witnessing his more than fatherly affection towards his subjects, which would cause him to be honoured and beloved within his Realm, as much as in ancient time, the world worshipped Herculus, Theseus, and other valiant men, that eased and relieved them from the burden of oppressions and violences used in those days by Tyrants and monstrous Giants. Saying, that as God when his people were afflicted, raised Moses, joshua, David, Manasses, josaphat, Ezechias, and other good kings, so by his providence, he had sent into this desolate kingdom, a King who from his young years had been guided by the Spirit of the King's beloved of God. wisdom of God to govern his people, and as the young Eagle (a celestial bird) coming out of her nest, his Majesty pricked and provoked by the vengeance and generosity of his Predecessors, hath thrown the thunder of the eternal GOD, upon the faces and heads of the enemies of his divine Majesty, not once sparing his own life for the honour of God, and tranquility of his Realm, who in his voyage to Polonia, His voyage to Polonia. passing and repassing through so many and divers Nations, hath had and gotten so much experience in all actions, that by the only wisdom and eye of his virtues, he hath dispersed a great and puissant army of strangers, Rutters, and Swissers. A happy hour of his reign. Concluding therewith by so certain a hope, that under so good and so mighty a king, they should see heresy suppressed and repulsed, peace assured, the service of God established, all the Churches restored and re-edified, Towns franchised and freed from calivers and drums: the Temple of wars closed and shut up, and that of peace opened unto all men: justice and peace embracing each other: laws flourishing, charity abounding among men, and by one consent and union of religion, under the obedience of God and the King, who representing the person of GOD, beareth the sword of God's justice here on earth, the kingdom of Christ would thereby begin to flourish, as an example of all goodness in the world to come, whereunto we all aspire. Great joy made by the estates. And therewith in the name of them all, adding this exclamation: Vive Rex in sempiternum: Live King, live, and live eternally: and for the gracious virtues and notable inspirations, wherewith God hath touched your Princely heart, all your Realm of France singeth Benedictus Deus qui misit talem voluntatem in cor regis: Blessed and praised be God, that hath inspired so good and notable a desire into the heart of our King, which we beseech his divine Majesty to assist, fortify and conduct, to a most happy and prosperous end, for his honour and glory. The Earl of Brssac, his Oration made in ●ame of the whole Nobility. After the Archbishop of Bourges sat down, the Earl of Brissac stood up, and for a congratulation of those of his order, he showed the King, that the Nobility in general, had given him in charge to thank his Grace, for the good and honour they received, being by his commandments called and convoked together by an assembly of the general estates, and in his royal presence, there to hear and understand his holy and good resolutions, assuring themselves, that the effects would be as prompt and certain, as it was a natural and just thing in him to be a true king: acknowledging, that by that means only, it would make them such as they ought to be, The affection of the French Nobility in the service of the king and state. touching the re-establishing of the honour of God, the Catholicque, Apostolicque, and Roman religion, and of other things profitable to his estate, and necessary for his poor people. Promising for their parts, to use the fidelity, zeal, affection, and generosity, that hath always been natural in the Gentlemen of France, towards their Kings and sovereign Princes. Offering unto his Majesty, the most humble service of their arms, persons, and lives, to cause him to be obeyed, honoured, feared, respected, and acknowledged of all men, as both divine and human laws have constituted and appointed. And withal, to restore his Realm purged of heresies (the spring and cause of all divisions) to her first and ancient dignity, whereunto they would expose themselves freely, generously, and liberally under his authority, even to the last drop of their blood. The Crati. of the third estate. The Provost of Merchants within Paris, Precedent for the third estate, fell on his knees, and for those of his degree, spoke and said: That seeing it had pleased his Majesty so to open his mind, and to declare his holy intents unto his people, thereby assuring them of his great charity (truly named most fatherly) in their behalfs, his most humble, most obedient, and most faithful subjects of the third estate, first praised God, that it had pleased him to cast the eyes of his mercy upon them in the extremity of their afflictions, and then yielded most hearty thanks unto his Majesty, who showing his power, ordained from above, to rule and govern this Christian Monarchy, with all courtesy and princely inclination, hath not refused to bend his royal ears to their most humble petitions, to hear their griefs and complaints, and withal, to show a most singular and special desire, to restore his people to their ancient force, to whom as then there rested but the only liberty of speech, and that very weak and feeble, to re-establish holy religion in her pristinate estate, by the extirpation of all errors and heresies, to rule and remit all ancient orders (altered by the injury and alteration of times) unto their first form and manner of being, and to comfort his poor people, protesting that therein their most humble and most faithful services, should never be wanting even to the last gasp: which Oration being ended, the assembly with a marvelous contentment ended the first day of their meeting. The second day of meeting upon Tuesday the 18. of Octob. 1588. The second day of their meeting began upon the Tuesday after, in the same manner as it did upon the first day, and because the King had been moved by the Archbishop of Ambrun, the Count de Brissac, and the Advocate Bernard, Deputies for the three estates, to renew his oaths of union, and perceiving their pursuit to proceed from the distrust they had in him, seeing that he having once sworn it within the City of Roan, it was as then needless to renew his oath again, he went nevertheless to satisfy the importunity of the League, and so began that second meeting with the same action. The King's proposition made to the Senate at their meetings. Silence being commanded by a Herald, his Majesty said, that at their first meeting, he had showed what great desire and care he had, that in his reign he might see and behold, his subjects reunited in the true Catholicque, Apostolicque, and Roman religion, under the obedience which it had pleased GOD for their parts to give unto him, and for that cause, having made his Edict in the month of july last, ordaining it to be confirmed and holden for a The Edict of union, made a law fondamentall law of his Realm, thereby to bind both himself and them, with all their posterities, his meaning was as then to have it red openly before them all: which done, every man should swear to observe it accordingly. And with that, he commanded Monsieur de Beaulieu his principal Secretary to read it, together with the declaration made upon the same, so to give it the force and authority of a law of his Realm, and yet without derogating the liberties and privileges of his nobility. The reading thereof, with the declaration being ended, the king desiring that the worthiness of the cause should be preferred, with as much Majesty as it deserved, thereby to move the whole assembly better to consider the importance of the contract, which as then they were to make with God, craving his horrible and most fearful vengeance, might fall upon all those that disloyally should falsify their faiths thereunto given, as assurances of the observation of his said Edict of union, he commanded the Archbishop of Bourges, to make an Oration unto the states concerning the same. The oration of the Archbishop of Bourges, touching the Edict of the union. This learned Prelate said, that seeing it pleased his Majesty, that the instruction of so solemn an oath, should be given unto the people by the mouth of the Prelates, he exhorted all the assembly (appointed for that great and solemn actions) to humble themselves under the mighty hand of God, and to acknowledge his Majesty, together with the effect and quality of the oath, which they were as then to receive, considering that God is truth itself, and all oaths whatsoever, which are not grounded upon that truth, are false and unjust. That the cause of the oath as then presented, was for the Church, the only spouse of God, The Church is visible. Universal. Catholicque. visible here on earth, because it comprehendeth all the faithful that are the christian commonalty. Invisible in heaven, where it is said triumphant, universal, for that it maketh no distinction of persons, nations, qualities, conditions, or sects. One, without division or schism. One, for that of Alexandria, Ephese, jerusalem, Africa, and Egypt, are but one Church, and her doctrine is one Roman doctrine, not in regard of the walls of the City of Rome, but by reason of a special nomination and demonstration that is said of it, that therein Saint Peter, and after him Saint Clement, and others their successors, have preached and announced the word of God, witnessing the true christian doctrine, and many other Martyrs with the price of their blood, which they have freely shed for the name and honour of God. The union of the Church. That the union of this Church is so strong, that it cannot be broken nor separated in itself, being placed upon the firm rock which is jesus Christ, so that the gates of hell cannot prevail against it: it is called the Lords vineyard, and the Gods sheepfold, under one head, and shepherd of our souls. That to preserve the unity of his Church, it is convenenient, that all the children thereof, should be united under Christ their Saviour, and under the king, whose faith hath continued from posterity to posterity, even unto his person, and never separated itself from the unity of this holy and christian religion. Let us unite ourselves then (said this Prelate), let us unite ourselves together as true faithful Catholicques, let us renew this great and solemn oath due unto God: let us join our vows and hearts together, and so yield them and confirm them unto God. Obedience due to the king. Let us swear unto our Prince, the obedience & submission due unto him by all laws divine and human: let us embrace christian charity: let us abandon hatreds & rancours, both open and secret, with all suspicions and distrusts which hitherto have troubled and divided us, and which have hindered, yea and broken so good intents, and had it not been for them, France had long since enjoyed a happy peace. Let us lift up our hands to heaven, to yield unto that great God the oath we own unto him, that it may be a memory for ever unto the world, that our posterities may behold our faiths and constancy in our oaths, and not our perjury, by the good and holy effects that shall ensue. And seeing it hath pleased your Majesty (most noble Prince) to be the first that here in presence of us all, shall perform this oath, for an example to all your subjects, all we with one accord will lift up our hands to heaven, and swear by the living God, to serve and honour him for ever, to maintain his Catholicque, Apostolicque, and Roman Church, to defend your Majesty and your estate against all men, to observe and inviolably to hold that which is contained in your Edict of union, at this present red and published to the glory of God, exaltation of his holy name, and to the conservation of his Church, and this Realm of France. The king's oath for the observation of his edict. This Oration made, the king spoke and said: My Lords, you heard the tenor of mine Edict, and understood the quality thereof, together with the greatness and worthiness of the oath, which at this present you are generally to make. The oath of the spirituality, Ex consilio Triburienfi. And for that I perceive all your just desires conformeable unto mine, I will swear before God, with a good and safe conscience, the observation of this my edict, as long as God shall lend me life in earth: and I will and command, that it shall be observed in this my Realm, for a sure and steadfast law, and in perpetual memory and witness of the universal correspondence & consent of all the estates of my Realm, you shall presently swear the observation of this my Edict of union, all with one voice, each Ecclesiastical person laying his hand upon his breast, and the rest lifting their hands up to heaven. An act of the protestation of the oath. And to the end that a memory of so solemn an oath may be more pithily set down to all posterities, he commanded Monsieur de Beaulieu to make an act thereof: which done, the joy was so great, that nothing could be heard among them, but crying: Vive le Roy, all the assemby followed his Majesty into the Church of Saint Saveor, wherein thanksgiving they sung, Te Deum Laudamus. The king's clemency in taking away the Barricadoes at Paris. Mortales recidinaes. There the Provost of Merchants in Paris, understood from the King, that the parisians offence had been very great, but that he had forgotten it: that he made his Edict for the common good of all French Catholicques, and also the comfort of his poor people: the miseries whereof, caused him to remit the memory thereof, withal, willing him to be assured thereof, as being spoken from the mouth of his king, with commandment to be very careful, lest the City of Paris should fall into the like fault, which unto them would prove both mortal and unreparable. A report running in the Parliament house. And because the Deputies that came last thither, brought news that all the Country of France were of opinion, that under pretence of that assembly, there would be some public and notorious vengeance wrought against the principal estates, and that this report ran from chamber to chamber, it was determined among them, to inquire thereof, and to know the king's intent, the Archbishop of Ambrun spoke unto him, and gave to understand the great fear that divers of the estates were in, by reason of the report that ran among them, touching a tragedy (as they thought) to be prepared, confirmed by the advise of strangers, specially such as little cared for the peace and tranquility of this estate. Salus populi suprema lex est. The king made answer, that the safety of his subjects, would be his own defence: that he cherished them as a father doth his children: that he knew the surety and liberty of the estates, that they ought to be assured of his word, that the occasion of troubling them, should never proceed from him: that it was an open offence, once to enter into distrust of their king: and that reports were devised by those that could not love their King, but only seek the means to cause him to be hated of his people. The Archbishop of Lions of the counsel from the peace of Chartres. Likewise the familiarities, entertainments, and shows of amity and good will, by the King continued to the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal his brother, and for the love of them both to the Archbishop of Lions, that had been of the Council from the time of the peace concluded at Chartres, caused those reports to cease, and made the prognostications (in that behalf sent from all places) wholly fabulous: which were, that the issue of the Parliament holden in Bloys, would be horrible and bloody. And I believe, if that the league for her part, had used no means to kindle the ashes that as yet lay hot within the furnace, that the fire of the king's choler had never been kindled. The intent of the league. The League therefore assured on that side, set those on work that were of her sect, in that so solemn assembly, to effect their secret pretences, which was so to encroach upon the king, that they would leave him but only a vain shadow of royal authority, under the conduction and direction of her tyranny, and withal, to exclude the king of Navarre from his royal succession. The league declareth and blameth the king's actions. The bridge to pass unto the first point, was to make his actions odious and intolerable, to reproach him for his liberality, his minion's, his edicts, his dissimulations, and the long oppressions and troubles of the people, to the end, that consenting to the suppression of estates and offices, he might thereby procure the hatred of all such as had any interest therein, that is the most apparent families of the third estate, and not seeking to redress it, he should be dedeclared not a father, but an enemy to his people: not a King, but a Tyrant in his Realm: and that the people would presently confine him in a Cloister. The King was continually solicited with many petitions, thereby not so much to make him see the evil, but rather to threaten him, that he should yet find it much greater, if speedy order were not taken. They set before his eyes the extreme coldness of the greatest part of all the Catholicques, in love Petitions made to the king at the beginning of his reign. The king ought to revenge the dishonours done against God. and obedience towards him, by reason they were most straughely oppressed with excessive impositions and subsidies, constrained to live in company with such as had burned Churches, profaned the Altars, massacred the Priests, and rob and taken away their goods. They brought him to defend the Church, not to esteem so much of the wrongs committed against the state, as of the injuries done unto religion: not to suffer any fear to enter into his mind, concerning the enemies of GOD, which more and more increased, by a certain kind of distrust, which constrained him to show contumelious passions, not breeding peace, but rather servitude, and so to dissemble the injuries committed against God: which to prevent, he should revenge himself like a King, banish those that counseled him only for the advantage of heresies, and embrace such as had strayed out of the right way, and desired to enter into it again, to use his sword of authority against the obstinate, and to remember this most true and certain maxim, that were the fault of treason against the divinity of God, left unpunished, there the fault of treason against man, will proceed so far, that in the end it will be esteemed no offence. Strangers authors of new impositions to oppress the people. They assured him, that the greatest scourge of this Realm, is the stranger, from whose extreme avarice proceedeth all the inventions of new imposts, which most cruelly impoverish all the Realm of France, that laugh at her ruin, & make them of great authority, who already have made a great part of his people to become male contents, and in the end will cause the rest to revolt, if they be not speedily dispatched out of the Realm, like the devil, that causeth perpetual division, still hindering the rest and quietness of the common people. Disorders in policy. Among divers disorders crept into the common policy of the Realm, they moved him of two most great abuses, which by continuance produced all the rest. The first, touching the giving of benefices unto all persons, without choice or exception either of men or soldiers: that all the Bishops of those days, some few only excepted, that as yet have some remembrance of their estates, and some spark of the fear of God imprinted in their minds, The pride and covetonsnesse of Prelates. are daily seen, not to shed tears before the Lord of heaven, and by prayers to mitigate his wrath and fury bend against us, but proudly to walk within the Court, and in all places, with great troops of men, the most desperate and vain persons that are within this Realm. Their houses are not filled with the noise of Hymns and Psalms, sung to the honour of God, but with barking of dogs, breeding of hawks, and all kinds of vain and dissembling speeches. And to be short, there is nothing seen but ignorance, slanders, adulteries, and shame among them, the only beholding of their countenances, moveth men more to go out of the Church, than all the Ministers and Preachers of heresy are able to enforce them. The second is the sale of offices and places of justice, which causeth the most wicked to be most esteemed, that the strongest without reproach oppressethe weak, that without scruple of conscience they sell justice by retail, which they themselves have bought by gross: that Towns and Provinces abound in murders, and divers unpunished crimes: that there is no more order in pollicic, nor faith in bargaining: no respect to the law, nor love to virtue, The policy of the estate of the church and that a most unbridled liberty to all evil, runneth throughout the whole Realm. Which two abuses to extirp, they said unto him: Your Majesty is not to deal in any sort with the spirituality, but if you will undertake so great a charge, when you have first taken order for your congruential policy, you must employ your time therein with all holiness, such as belongeth to the handling of divine causes: you are careful to seek and find out men that are excellent and of good conscience to serve about your person: but what excuse will you allege, in being less careful to provide sufficient men for the service of God? your Grace conceiveth not the importance of this fault, you are the cause that a million of souls are lost, and it is a most great fault in those that should advertise your Majesty thereof, if they do it not: If you repent not great and forepast abuses, and hereafter suffer it not to proceed any further, it is most certain, you can never avoid eternal damnation. Minister's disturbers of the church, of justice and policy. And let your Majesty be assured, that if you divert not these ruins, that are likely to fall upon us, if presently you do degrade a great number as well of Ecclesiastical Prelates, as civil Magistrates, who at this day are officers in all your sovereign Courts and jurisdictions, you cannot preserve your estate: you must degrade and punish with death a great number of the most manifest offenders therein: for that hath already been done within your Realm, and bred a great contentment. Then you must inquire and search out for men of good and honest behaviour, wherewith you must replenish your Council, and then God will be assistant unto them (for God's spirit is always with the just man) and thereby your enterprises will surely take effect, sooner by the hands of those whom he doth bless, then by such as are profane persons, whose works are accursed. It is very true, that we find not so great numbers of honest men walking abroad, Rari quip boni. yet how corrupt soever the world may be, it was never known or found to be void of some most excellent & virtuous men: what numbers of excellent wits & zealous persons, are yet at this day in all the Provinces of this Realm? how many heretical courages, replenished with holy magnanimity and incredible boldness, as among the Nobility of this land (not blasphemous Gentlemen, but such as love and fear God) that never were in your Court, but rather dwell and remain in their own houses without any employment? How many great, rich, and commendable wits, are distributed and lie hid within the heads and minds of men of all sorts, and yet wholly despised of divers persons? who if they were employed in divers charges, would within short time, wholly redress all the disorders and ruins of our estate: but such men are only known of GOD, and of some honest men: if in your majesties Court, there were a zeal and a desire of salvation and amendment, their places and habitations would be continually sought and found out, Reformatiof the excess and disorders in the court. and men upon their knees would entreat them, desiring them to help to redress this favage and barbarous time wherein we live: and that in stead of civil wars of poverty, of miserable servitude, and infinite other mischiefs, they would bring us a holy peace, together with the abundance of all good things. But the blind providence of your Court, is only to find out new means of recovering money: it only regardeth that, as an Angel of defence: it placeth all her confidence in gold & silver, wherein are seen nothing but Italian bankers, and inventions of new imposts: it is much deceived, it is not the great and massy Sceptre of gold (as an ancient wise man saith) that is, not the great treasures that maketh Princes to flourish, but rather the dutiful amity of their subjects, which proceedeth only from the good order of justice, and the election of capable persons, fit for the government of all estates. Touching the proposition made to the king, to cut off the superfluous number of officers, and to abolish the corruption of the sale of offices, from whence he receiveth not one penny profit, which is not tempered in the blood of the common people: such as found themselves interested thereby, (fearing to lose the profit and commodity of their places, and those specially that concerned the receipt of treasures) made a great and goodly declaration to the king, to move him to the contrary, & to hold them in their places which they possessed under the title of officers for his Majesty: showing him, that the good and comfort of the people (which was thought would be procured by the suppression of their offices) is the greatness, glory, and riches of his Crown, and of his people, which is always oppressed and trodden under foot by such as are mighty, if there be not some that like a bar interpose themselves between the power of the one, and the weakness of the other, which is specially done by the offices, as well of justice, as of his majesties treasures: that the erection of offices, rather wanteth aid and profit, than oppression and wrong unto the people, for that without them, the people must of force have been constrained to help the King in his wars with their own goods. The decree of Charles the fift, dated the 28. of May. 1359. That it is a vain thing, to seek to make those offices that ought to be perpetual, to become annual, and so to be exercised by Commissaries, for that is not to be endured in any estate or Monarchy: and Charles the fist seeking to erect that order, during the prisonment of king john, perceived so many discommodities, discontentments, and seditions therein, that he revoked the suspencing and deprivation of such offices, and himself in person pronounced the decree thereof in open Parliament. That it is easy to judge by the passions and instant pursuits, of the greatest of those that demand commissions, that they have a most extreme envy, to confound the order & principal supports of the royal estate, so to transfer it to the occupation and managing of a small company of men, or else to put the rurther of this Monarchical ship into the hands of the common people, and such as have least skill & knowledge to rule it, and by that means to bring the head under the foot: that divers of those earnest petitioners, had not sold their offices (which they had likewise obtained by the same means) for the most advantage, they would think themselves most happy at this day to join with 80. or a 100 thousand officers, whereof that body is composed which at this present, imploreth justice due and worthy the desert of their cause. That the suppression of so many estates and offices (which at this day are the chief & most orient brightness of the honourablest families among his subjects) would unfeignedly draw on the desolation, decay, and total ruin of the best Towns in all this Realm: wherein the youth for want of good exercise, should easily throw themselves headlong into vanities and follies, whereof idleness only is the cause, and therefore they most humbly besought his Majesty, to maintain them in his service, suffering them to continue therein, and to enjoy their offices as they had usually done. The bills of the three estates. Which allegation being ended, the complaints and petitions of the three estates, were read in such large & ample discourses, that the least town in France, had matter sufficient to make a long and tedious declaration. All of them in general complaining, (besides the excess of tallages,) of other subsidies, impositions, customs, furnish of fifty thousand soldiers, tallies, augmentations, and increasings of new forces, impostes upon wines, lend of money, both general and particular, subsidies of one hundredth souls for every process, redeeming of their commons, new inventions touching the paving of walled Towns, the raising and calling down of moneys, the surcharge of two, three, and four souls upon every frank, the universal number of tallages, The common people's complaints. the fourth and eight part of wines that are sold by retail, with other superfluous impositions: and to conclude, the people complained of the public calamities and oppressions, which made them as bare and naked of ease and fatness, as the body of a man that is appointed for an anatomy. The Nobility complained of their services done without recompense, and of the indiscrcet distribution of the king's liberallities and rewards. The Clergy made a greater noise, and found themselves grieved, that neither the sums of money, nor yet the great charges levied upon them, had not in any thing advanced the service of religion. Whereupon the King supposing to sustain the golden world, and thereby to restore and procure great rest and quietness to his people, almost spoiled and utterly overthrown, he commanded the Deputies to invent all the means they could for their comfort. And from thence sprang the Edict of the suppression of offices newly erected, and the overture of the discharges of talliages, but with a most industrious stratagem of the League. They moved the king to reduce the talliages of the year 1576. which they did to this end, that if the king agreed thereunto, he should perceive himself bereaved of the means to pay his soldiers, to content his servants, and to maintain the greatness of his royal estate: and if he refused it, it would be an evident occasion to make the estates fall in a mutiny, and so to effect their secret determination, which was to appoint a Protector over the King, and to drive his faithful subjects from him. Read the king's declation upon this point. The Duke of Guise persuaded the King not to grant it, to the end, that thereby he should not embase his authority at the states pleasures: on the other side, he provoked and incited the Deputies (which daily repaired to his lodging, there to conclude their propositions and answers) to continue their pursuit. But the king to shun their fury, consented to the reduction of tallages, hoping nevertheless by that means continuing the Parliament, he would show them, that with so small sums of money, he could not maintain his royal estate, nor yet proceed in wars against the Huguenots, which all of them had so solemnly and faithfully sworn unto. Mean time, they began to enter into the depth of their pretences, A proposition made before at Mallet and Bobier. and sought to have pursuits made against such as had been appointed the king's receivers, and thereby abused his liberality, that they should be constrained to yield account, they showed the king what loss he had sustained, by his careless contract made touching the farming of salt, for the term of six years, then ended in the month of September, 1588. to the great diminution of his treasure, and oppression of his subjects, for that the loss thereby sustained, did yearly amount unto the sum of a hundredth thirty six thousand Crowns, and for the other six years, four millions and eight thousand crowns, by not rating the farm of the imposts of salt at as high a price as they should be. This advise being great and very important, for the increasing of the King's treasures, was given by the Precedents Mallet and Bobier, (that had laboured for the space of six years to discover the same) covered and disguised with the Sophisteries and subtleties of their participants. Mean time, that the estates were busied in the Parliament, let us see what the king's forces did against the enemy. The Duke de Nevers led one army into Poitou, and the Duke de main conducted the other into Dauphine. The army of the Duke of Nevers in Poictou. The Duke de Nevers with a great and strong army passed into Poitou, promising not only to reduce the whole Province under the king's obedience, but to restore the loss he had sustained by the battle of Coutrus, by some profitable and worthy exploit: he being assisted by Monsieur de la Chastigneraye, Master of the Camp, of a Regiment of footmen, Monsieur de Sagone, Martial of the light-horse, Monsieur de Laverdin, and Monsieur de la Chastre, Greatmaister of the field: the army being composed of Frenchmen, Swissers, Italians, and divers voluntary Gentlemen. The siege of Manleon. The Town of Manleon was the first place which they pretended to besiege: and to the same end, it was presently environed with great numbers of horse and footmen: It is the law of arms to punish such as seeking to strive against the stream, some to oppose themselves by rash and vain resolution, to hold a fort, which of itself is wholly weak & undefensable. And for that kind of foolish hardiness, Anne de Monmorancy Constable of France, hanged such as he found in the Castle of Villain, and all those that were in a Tower, standing in the subburbes of Saint Anthony of Pavia. Yet the Garrison of Manleon, although they well perceived both want of amunitions and weakness of their walls, would neither parley, nor yet yield, until they saw the last extremity, but when they sought by articles to compound the assailants, using all inhumanity against them, being disarmed, bathed their victory in the blood of natural Frenchmen. Montague taken. From thence they marched towards Montagu, where Monsieur de Colombiere Governor of the Town, issued and skirmished with the Duke de Nevers forces, with equal loss on both sides: which done, after some resistance made, and certain Cannons shot against the Town, the soldier fearing the event of cruel assault, not long after, drew to an honourable composition, and so yielded the Town. When Montagu had yielded, the army went to batter la Ganache, a Town with a Castle, lying between Poitou and Britain, as I will show you hereafter. The Duke de main at Lions. The Duke de main being at Lions, and from thence, minding to pass into Dauphine, found his affection as much cooled, as at the first it had been greatly inflamed, and knowing such pretences to be dangerous, and over lightly grounded upon the mutiny of the people, he stayed his proceed, expecting the issue of the Parliament: and while he continued at Lions, Monsieur de Mandelot died, being in great fear to be displaced from his government, by the Duke de Nemours, that had the grant thereof, and for the same cause, he doubted the coming of the Duke de main, to be to that end. He fell sick about the end of the month of October, troubled with a windy colicque, The sickness & death of the Lord de Mandelot. and certain fits of an ague, the gout likewise ceasing upon him, and all at once: Yet he seemed not to be in any great danger, till Sunday the thirteenth of November, when he changed in such sort, that on wednesday after, in the morning, feeling his forces to decay, he began to think upon his end, and comforting his Lady, he besought father Edmond Auger, to show the king that he died poor and indebted, by reason of his majesties services. He recommended his wife and children to the Sheriffs and Magistrates of Lions, desiring them not to show themselves friends to mutable fortune, that they would not suffer him to die like a ●ancrout, and that his goods and movables might be openly sold: he made the like declaration to the Strangers in the Town. And upon Saturday at night he received the extreme unction: which done, he besought God, that it would please him yet to give him life for the space of two years longer, if he thought it good for the profit of the Church, the service of the king, and the commodity of the City of Lions. Presages of the leaguers affairs. The next day the Duke de main went to visit him, where for a certain time he had some conference with him. And this Gentleman, that had always had a great insight into the affairs of the League, by a spirit although not prophetical, yet prognosticating said unto him, that the end of the Parliament at Blois, would not be so agreeable as the beginning, that the wound of the Barricadoes of Paris, was yet bleeding, and that the taking of the Marquisat of Saluces, had much increased it, that the Duke of Guise should never find the means to pacify the sea, by him so much troubled and tormented, and that the supposed aid of strangers, which he expected would fail him, he died the four and twentieth of November, and was buried upon Saint Andrew's day, at whose funeral the Lady his wife showed, both by her apparel, honour, and order, that amity continueth as well after as before man's death: Father Edmond Auger made the funeral Sermon in presence of the Duke de main, and among other things, commending his person, said: that he had never subscribed to the League, and that he died constant in religion, and the service of the King. But now let us return again unto the Parliament, where the king laboured with great pain, to procure the remedies which he expected from the wholesome counsel that should be given unto him, and like a wise Pilot, that scoureth and maketh clean the planks of his ship, thereby to cleanse it of all filth that might hang upon it, and so to hinder the like fish from catching hold thereon, which in the middle of the stream useth to stay the course of the greatest ship: that is, he sought to cut off all the difficulties that hindered his Realm from passing out of the troublesome waves of long and continual wars, Remore, a fish, stayeth a ship. and thereby could not arrive at the haven of happy peace: but as he continued in his great labour and holy desire, that goodly harmony of the assembly of the estates, began to jar upon the news of the taking of the Marquisat of Saluce, News of the taking of Carmagnoles by the Duke of Savoye, and of Carmagnoles, the Frontiertowne of France and Italy. The estate of the Duke of Savoye. I must hereunto add this discourse, which of force I must declare at large, the better to make it known, first showing the estate of the Duke of Savoy: then, what were the principal causes of this enterprise, the right and reasons, wherewith he defended himself, and the means he used to attain unto the same: I will put this proposition, that this Prince is bound and a neighbour unto France, and in that case, neither ought nor may be an enemy unto it. He is the son of that great and polliticque Prince Charles Philebert duke of Savoy, who so wisely found the means to recover that which his father had lost. The praise of Charles Philebert Duke of Savoy. The principal glory, and truly as I think, the most necessary for a Prince of his quality, was, that among so many troubles, and between two great Monarchies striving together, he could behave himself so well, that neither the one nor the other once touched him, maintaining his country in peace, affectioned to the service of our kings, as he that had received that honour, to marry the sister of king Henry the second, a friend to the King of Spain, in whose Court he had passed over the most part of his griefs for his forepast losses, a good neighbour to the Swissers, and other Princes of Italy: to live in peace, he permitted the free access of Huguenots into his Towns of Thurin, and assured them a retreat into the valleys of Angrongne, Lucerne, Saint Martin, Pragela, and la Perouze, without constraining them (as he might well have done) to use the Catholicque religion, and looking into the depth of divers things, he made means unto the king of Navarre, for a match to be made between the Lady Margaret the King's sister, and his son: and what he practised for his own benefit, the same he counseled unto others: for when he perceived that Henry king of Polonia threatened to renew the wars, assoon as he should set foot within his realm, he dissuaded him from that resolution, setting before him, the incertitude of wars, which most commonly are sweet in the beginning, but difficult to be pursued, and most bitter and hurtful in the end: See the order of Montagu He desired rather to leave some part of his Lands unto the Swissers, then to seek to win them by arms. He behaved himself so well in his counsels, (which our kings rejected) and imprinted such an opinion of his wisdom, greatness, and felicity, within his subjects minds, that the Savoyen not knowing, nor being able to imagine any greatness more elevated or happier, then that of their Duke, that they said, that if the king of France could have guided his affairs in as good sort, he had been man sufficient, and fit to have been Greatmaister of the Duke of Savoyes' house. Charles Emanuel Duke of Sanoy. Charles Emanuel his son, perceiving that the wisdom and policy of his father, had left his estate in good security with a reasonable great quantity of treasures, and yet not so much as would suffice to make any foreign wars, determined to employ that generosity, naturally engraffed in him, in some goodly enterprise: he threatened Ceneva, and made show of doing some great exploit against it, but acknowledging the insufficiency of his forces for his so high an enterprise, they determined upon a marriage, and married the King of Spain's youngest daughter, and with her, the passions of his father in law. The Duke of Savoy cannot live in peace if the king of France be his enemy. At the beginning it was thought he would have contented himself to have been friend with France, allied unto Spain, that upon the apprehension of the fall of our estate, he would never pretend any thing against us, that he would stay himself more upon things certain, then upon uncertain and variable: that knowing, that upon the one side he had the Almains: on the other, the Swissers: on the third, the Venetians: and on the fourth, the Princes of Italy: he would become friend to the Frenchmen their friends: It was thought, that if he had ambition in his mind, it would vanish under a more just title, that feeling himself weak, he would enterprise any thing against a mighty King, nor would not break the bond of amity, for his part due unto him: holding his estates from this Crown, which of late of mere courtesy had restored Savignan and Pigneroles, unto him, yet without apparent necessity, and without any reason whatsoever, he undertook the usurpation of the territories of France, bordering upon Piedemont. And yet it was not done without pretence, declaration, and excuse, for first he wrote unto the Pope, that the fear he had lest Monsieur de Desdiguieres, should cease upon certain of his Towns, and so in the middle of his country make a retreat and refuge for the Huguenots, had constrained him to divert that mischief generally from the Church, and particularly from his own estate, which he desired to continue in the purity of the ancient religion: under the obedience of the holy sea of Rome. The duke of Savoyes' pretence why he invaded the Marquisat of Saluce. He excused himself unto the King, touching this breach of peace, saying: that the only zeal of religion, together with the fear of the contagious neighbourhood of hereticques, had constrained him there unto, sending an Ambassador to give him notice thereof, and so to disguise that injury with the fairest and most counterfeit he could devise. At the first, he made show as if he would not hold those places but under the king's authority, and by little and little, he usurped all soveragne power, degrading the king's officers, erected the Savoyan cross, and threw down the flower deluces of France. Ann. 1481. His officers covered this usurpation with an other title, and maintained that the Marquisat of Saluces is holden infest of the Duchy of Savoy, and that one of the Marquises thereof, being a brave and valiant Gentleman, disdaining in person to do homage to Charles the sixth, Duke of Savoy, being very young, was for his misprision declared a traitor, driven out of his Countries, and his Marquisat confiscated. The marquess of Saluce infested into the country of Dauphine. But the truth is, that this country hath always been infest to the principality of Dauphine, contained in the gift that Prince Humbert made unto the Crown of France, & namely, that the marquess of Saluce had recourse unto the king of France, who received homage and fidelity of him, and ever since, his successors did continue the duty of vassals unto the Kings, Charles the eight, Lewis the twelfth, and Francis the first. From thence it proceedeth, that he which inquired and gathered into a great volume, the causes and reasons of the raising of arms in the month of january, reporteth this surprising of the Marquisate of Saluces, to be derived from principals of the League, that dismembreth their Crown and Commonwealth, perceiving that neither of them could preserve it whole and entire, and these are his words. ABout that time, the Duke of Savoy supposing the king by reason of his departure from Paris, to be wholly overthrown, sent to speak with Monsieur de Guise, minding to enter into League with him, upon condition, that for his part, he might have the Marquisat of Saluce, Provence, and Dauphine, which the Duke of Guise would by no means consent unto, desiring rather to keep the kingdom wholly for himself, which was the cause that the Duke of Savoy moved at his answer, sent Monsieur to the King at Chartres, in the month of August, to offer him all love and friendship: whereat the Duke of Guise being offended, practised the said intelligence and league, granted the Duke of Savoyes' request, and the said Duke of Savoy was advertised of of the resolution taken against the king in the Parliament at Blois: to the end, that for his part, he might find the means to dispatch his business at the same time: wherein he slept not, forgetting nevertheless the promise made unto his Majesty, and that of his own free will, for he prevented the time of the execution thereof, by the surprising of the Marquisate of Saluces, which served as a preparation to the conspiracy made against the person of the King, as every man judged, as being most easy to be perceived, that the Duke of Savoye, who in regard of the puissance of this great Realm, is but a mean Prince, and hath la Bresse, Savoye, and Piedemont, so near unto the limits of France, that it lay in the king's power to bereave him of the greatest part thereof: and that in very short time, if he were not aided, or that his Majesty had not hindrances otherwise, which made it apparent unto all the world, that he enterprised not the taking of Carmagnolle, Ravel, and Saluce, without assistance: and that on the other side, the king should be retained and hindered from making war against him, although that after such hindrance, he might be well assured, that the Parliament being ended, his Majesty would recover both his said Marquisate of Saluce, and wholly overrun him, if he left not off in time. For my part, I have heard it reported, that this young Prince foreseeing Cadenti arbori, securim in iecit. A politic maxim of Spain. Multa fieri prohibentur, quae tamen facta tenent. seeing the dissipation of our estate, assured himself that it would be best for him to be the first at the dinision, as son and husband of two daughters, issued from the blood royal of France, and so goodly a piece of land, lying in the middle of his country, would be sufficient cause to awake a man that were most sound a sleep, to move and heat the most cold and greatest Politician, and that although there appeared injustice in the action, yet there would be reason found to the possession thereof. Concluding his determination by this maxim holden in Council of Spain: That divers things are forbidden, which are good and hold steadfast, being once done. And to execute his pretence, for the space of a whole year he had solicited the Governor of the Citadel of Carmagnole, who playing on both side, on the one side took money of the Duke: and on the other side, he advertised the King thereof, and wrought so well by that means, that having gotten above five and twenty thousand Crowns, he withdrew himself unto the Court, without delivering the place which the Duke of Savoye had bargained for, who perceiving himself deceived, and that the Barricadoes at Paris gave the King work in hand, and more than he could do, he determined to surprise the Citadel of Carmagnole, by the means of a Corporal called la Chambre, whose treason being discovered, and his fact once known, he was hanged by the feet in the Marketplace of Carmagnole, and then with all his confederates put to death as he deserved: but that notwithstanding, the duke perceiving the king's mind to be otherwise occupied, then to think upon the Marquisat, of Saluces, he levied great numbers of men, marquess of S. Sorbin. causing the marquess of Saint Sorlin to mount on horseback, and under the pretence of a false report given out touching the besieging of Montferrat, he approached in so good time, that upon Al-saints day at night, he surprised the Town of Carmagnole, that for the most part was kept by soldiers of Piedemont. And the Castle that had always been victualled for above the space of two years, at that time was found wholly unprovided, because that Montseur de Saint Siluie, that had succeeded in the place of la cost, had caused the victuals to be carried forth, to have some fresh in their place, in such sort that the Captains fearing to endure great misery and famine, with small honour yielded up that impregnable Fort, wherein there was found above four hundredth cannons, Ordinance found at Carmagnole. great and little, with great quantity of powder and shot, and by that means the double pistolets that flew about on all sides, bore away the double cannons of this Frontiertowne of France, so that in less than threce weeks, the Duke wan all the Marquisats of Saluce, and also the Captains and Frenchmen soldiers retiring, with lives and goods saved, drums sounding and playing, Ensigns displayed, weapons in their hands, but no matches lighted, and without their pay of three months, which the Duke had promised them by his agreement. This victory and conquest made the Duke hold up his head, and his servants made him believe, that although he were forced to yield it up again, in the mean time he should enjoy it, and that it is good to bring things to pass when time and opportunity serveth. And for the same cause, he made certain pieces of money of the value of a Duket to be minted, stamped with the picture of a Centaur, treading a Crown of gold under his feet, with this devise, Opportune. The taking of the marquess of Saluce, troubles the state. Not long after, the king received the news thereof, and considering the troubles, distrusts, and commotions, practised by the League, he imputed this surprising to a bravado, together with an evil will against the good and quietness of his estate: and knew full well, that the Duke of Sanoy, believing that the division of France would impart a piece thereof to every man, he went to take his part, & that rather for the situation, than any other right or title he had unto the Marquisate of Saluces, thereby to join it unto Piedemont, and that he had foreseen, that his Majesty being hindered by quenching the fire that flamed within the heart of his Realm, he would not have the means to aid himself in his extremities. The full relution of the French Nobalitie, to make war in Savoy. Such as at all times had the flower deluce, and the respect of the glory of France lively imprinted in their hearts, not being able to support the injury wrought (in the presence of all the estates of France, as then assembled in Blois) touching the taking of a place, which was the only treasury of the spoils of such conquests as the Kings of France brought out of the country of Italy, showed the King, that it would be necessary for him, to make peace within his Realm, and to revenge that injury, to drive away the Goat that eateth the colewoorths, while the Goodman is fight with his wife: to chase the wolf, that assaileth the sheepfold, while the Shepherds are quarreling together: For so the Romans agreed together, when they perceived the enemy before their Capitol: so the Spaniards left of their mutiny, when they beheld the white cross before Fontarabie: so the Frenchmen appeased their debates, to join together for the driving of the Englishmen out of Normandy. They told the King, it would be accounted a point of great cowardice in them, if they should seem to be offended thereat: if they should endure the pride and ambition of their so weak an enemy: if they should suffer the Crown of France to be dismembered, specially the places which are particularly allotted unto the eldest son of the King. The king is resolved to follow strange wars and to pacify civil broils. To suffer that a mean Prince should in a bravado take away from a King of France, that little plot that rested unto him of the territories of Italy, together with four hundredth pieces of Cannon-shotte, the Frontiertowne of France lying beyond the Mountains, that place that was able to withstand the most proud forces of the Spaniards: which only rested unto us as an assured pawn, therewith in short space to recover again the countries of Naples and Milan. The King being in flamed with just grief, was fully moved at this tyranny, and judged this branch of mischief to spring out from the body of the conjurations of the League, for the which cause he said he would make peace with the Huguenot, to serve himself by their means, against such as sought to pull off his clothes, before he meant to go to bed, minding to quit himself from the rule of such as like majors of the Palace, sougt nothing but his subjection unto their passions. The Duke of Guise excuseth himself. The Duke of Guise perceiving that all the assembly, the whole Parliament, & all the king's servants, judged this invation to be done by his means, and to be the only effect of the League, and that it bred hatred and repentance in the hearts of those that esteemed his proceed to be most just, he besought the king not to be moved thereat, assuring him, that assoon as his Majesty should have quenched the fire which the Huguenots had begun to kindle within his realm, he would be one of the first that should pass the Mountains, to make his foreign enemies yield their pray, desiring his Majesty to give him that commission, but first he said, he ought to assure his people of that he had promised them by oath touching the holy union, and the good resolution of the Parliament. The king that could not well digest this advise, receiving it as from the heart of him that had given the spirit & motion to the mischief, by his continual practices with strangers, perceiving that neither his Edict of union, nor yet the obligation of the oath which he had taken (concerning religion) of all the Princes of the League, to make them departed and leave their secret associations, as well within as without the Realm, had not wrought that effect which he expected, he determined from that time forward, to be revenged of all forepast offences, persuading himself not to be bound to observe the Edict of union, seeing the League had first begun to break it, consenting to the pernicious intents of strangers, Read the wars of Geneva in the book following. & not withdrawing themselves from the mutual intelligences it had with him: but in the mean time, while he dissembled his displeasure against the Duke of Cuise, he used another means against the Duke of Savoy, which I will show hereafter. That the king of Navarre was not much grieved at the injury which a mean Duke had done unto a mighty king, it is not to be doubted: yet he rejoiced thereat, being in hope of some good fortune that might thereby ensue, and that it would be occasions to end the divisions & partialities within the Realm of France. At such time as this new trouble sprang up among the assembly at Blois, he was in Rochel, where he called an other assembly of the Churches of his religion, seeing the artificial devices of the League, had shut the gate against him, where he ought to hold the principal place, as the first Prince and chief Magistrate of France. An assembly at Rochel. This assembly began the fourteenth day of November, in the Townhouse of Rochel, the King of Navarre being present, assisted by Moniseur de Turenne, Monsieur de Trimoville, and other Gentlemen of his house and Council, as in a manner there is not any Province in France, wherein this religion hath not purchased some acres of land, and by that means there were Deputies from all places. By whose advise and resolution, sprang the request presented unto the States at Blois, The Protestants demandeth a Council. under the name and title of the Frenchmen exiled for the religion, beseeching the king to restore them unto the liberty of the first Edict, which from the name of the month wherein it was published, was called the edict of january, to ordain that a national Council might be assembled, where the Doctors on both parts with good security, in presence of his Majesty and all the assembly, might peaceably debatetheir differences and holily decide and resolve upon the same, to grant them the free liberty of possessing their goods, for supplying their necessities, & to permit the registering of their supplication, together with the consenting thereunto, by his majesties pleasure, to the end that nothing might be done in that assembly to prejudice them. This petition was badly framed at that time, as being wholly contrary to the principal intent of that assembly, which being for the most part composed of men, chosen and purposely taken out from among the most passionate advancers of the League, desire rather to destroy then instruct, such as had strayed aside, and sooner to drown, then to wash the infected. And therefore not being satisfied with the Edict of union (the right destruction of the Protestants) they ceased not, until both from the king himself, and all the assembly, they had procured a declaration of the perpetual disability of the king of Navarre, to the succession of the Crown. Yet their artificial poisons do not so fully infect all the body of that assembly, and their minds were not in such manner tied unto the opinions of the League, but that there were some persons, both of dignity & reputation, that would not permit that the means should be taken from the king, to reunite his subjects in one religion, seeing that the intent of the Parliament ought only to tend unto a public peace, and therefore they counseled him to procure a lawful Council against this schism of conscience, which should be either universal, or national, a most sovereign and assured remedy, proved heretofore against more pernicious herefies, than these of our time, whereby the bodies of Commonwealths have been purged of their infected blood, and filled again with good and viguerous humours. Chiections against the instruction asked by the king of Navarre. Others, that commanded both the mind of the king and all the estates, said: that truth once debated and determined, ought not to be brought in question again: that it was no reason, that the apperite of some neuter, that had withdrawn themselves from the common society of the Church, to play their parts alone, and to induce the madness of their evil timbered brains, should seek to trouble all Christendom by assembling of a Council: the resolutions whereof, can be no other than those at other times assembled, truth having but one face. And therefore counseled his Majesty to provide that his successor might be of no other religion than his own, and to assure all his Catholicques therein, that feared nothing so much, as the establishing of the King of Navarre, in the succession of the Crown of France. The king had promised by his Estict, to take an order touching his successor, but at that age wherein he lived, and in the young and lusty years of the Queen his wife, he hoped that God would bless him with some masculine line, that might avoid the difference of those ambitious persons. And therefore he took no pleasure to hear any speech of that which in his mind seduced to embase his authority, and to make his grave before he was dead. For that assoon as a Prince hath declared who shall be his successor, his testament is made, and then in his Realm, he is accounted but as the sun that goeth down, every man casting his eyes upon him that shall succeed. It was a capital offence in Rome, to seek to know what should be done after the death of the Emperor: and the Emperors of Turkey cannot endure the sight of the children their successors, but send them far from the Court, and never see them but when they are first borne, or else when they are circumcised. There are divers well governed & peaceable monarchs, wherein such are punished as are over serious to inquire what may happen after their King's death. The Parliament holden in England, 156●. The Parliament of England, that solicited the Queen to nominate her successor, among those houses that aspired thereunto, received no other answer from her, but only that she was of opinion, that they sought to make her grave before she was dead. And to cut off such seditious curiosities, she caused an Act to be made, that no man should presume to speak or dispute of the succession of her kingdom. Ne quis assirmet vel existimet vel coniectet cui nam regnandi ius debeatur. The death of king Francis the first. 1547. The jealousy of him that is to succeed is incredible, and so much distrustful, that the father cannot endure the hope of his son: the gold of this History is too weak, therein to place the Oriental pearls, which I find in so many notable discourses, that are made concerning this last motion, he that wrote the free and excellent discourse (so called) rehearseth this domestical example of our kings, that the great king Francis being weak and sick, in his Castle of Fontainbleau, about the beginning of the month of May, in the same year that he died, his disease increased so much, that they esteemed him either dead, or that he would not long continue alive. Whereupon all the Court in great haste ran to seek the Dauphine, prince Henry, who for the same jealousy of succession, durst not come in his father's presence for the space of six or seven years before, in such manner, that most of all the chief Courtiers had left the king, every man going to worship that new son. Mean time, the king recovered his health, and his disease being somewhat cured, there was a Procession to be made, which is yearly observed with great solemnity through out the Realm of France, against which time, the old King rose up, and came out of his chamber, his face and hairs dressed and combed, not as if he had neither been sick nor aged, withal, putting on certain youthful garments, and in that sort was present at the processions: and being returned, he used this speech: I will once again put them in fear before I die. And it was true, for suddenly the chance turned, for that assoon as the news was spread abroad, that the king had recovered his health, all the Courtiers by degrees repaired unto him, much abashed and in great fear: and then the Dauphine for his part was left as naked without company, as his father had been before. There the king showed himself like a king, and so he ought to behave himself like a king. Non legiones, non classes perinde sunt firma imperii munimina ut numerus liberorum. Tacit. But to the contrary, the king not only permitted a conference touching the succession, but suffered his subjects to rise up in arms for the trial thereof, and that before all the assembly, there should be a proposition put forth, touching the excluding of the lawful successor. Is not this as much as if they should compel him to make his testament, and to strive as though he were at the point of death? Wherein you may behold the extremities of the League, that seeking to overthrow the estate, would beat down the supporters, with all the Princes of the blood, who being alive, it is vain for them to seem to lay hold on the tree, or once to dig the mine of their pretences, for neither arms nor fortresses do so well defend and maintain an estate, as the number of children of the Prince's family, which is the means to break a perpetual order of succession, as long as they live, choking the ambitious hopes of such as would over throw and subvert it. Then the League can never attain unto the end of their course, nor their forces remove the Crown of the branches of Valois and Bourbon, to the house of Vaudemont, if first they procure not the degrading of all Saint Lewis race. Propositions made the fourth of November. 1588. The king to please the enraging appetites and desires of the League, consented they should determine of that which the greatest part of the league had alrea die resolved: which was the condemnation of the king of Navarre: it was first debated among the Clergy, where by them, without great resistance, it was determined, that this Prince should be hold for an hereticque, and their leader a Relapse, excommunicated, deprived of the government of Guyenne, and of all his honours, unworthy of all successions of Crowns and royalties: which they appointed to be signified to the rest of the estates: the Archbishop of Ambrun, the Bishop of Bazas, the Abbot of Citeaux, and other Ecclesiastical persons, opened their intent unto the Nobility, and the rest of the estates: who altogether entered into conference, touching the weightiness of that action: and conforming themselves unto the first advise of the Clergy, they appointed twelve of each degree, to give the King intelligence of their determination, and the Archbishop of Ambrun in the name of all the estates, opened it to the King. But his M. remembering that the king of N. had often show'd him, that he had been born & bred up in that form of religion, that in conscience he could not leave it without instruction: that if he did it in hope or despair of enjoying a kingdom, he should thereby reap the blasone of inconstancy, infidelity, and hypocrisy, thereby not to make himself capable to be a king, but rather unworthy for the place: that he was ready, and always will be, to be instructed by a free and lawful Council, and to leave his error, truth being made known unto him, found this proposition very strange and passionate, wherewith he rested wholly unresolved. Such as prefer the hopes and right of succession in this Prince, showed him, that the submission he had made, The king of Navarre, in hope of a Crown wilt not be instructed. A discourse taken out of an answer made by the king of Navarre. The Edict of the liberty of conscience, in an. 15●1. & which he still continued to make during these troubles, are full of justice & all good consideration, because he doth not willingly defend any thing, but that only which honour & zeal of conscience forceth him unto: that the law of this Realm depriveth not a child of a direct or collateral succession, because of religion: why then should it deprive a Prince? The law admitteth all persons indifferently into any office, & why should it not do the like in an estate? The law permitteth every man the exercise of his religion, & excludeth no man, why then should the Prince be debarred from this privilege? and the Prince that maketh it, why should he be burt hened in his conscience, in the thing specially that toucheth him most near? it being he that giveth liberty unto others: I say the law of this estate, for it is the law whereby we live in peace: that is, to restore this estate unto her first being, & thereby to withdraw it from continual misery. A law made & determined at the Parliament holden in Orleans, not a forced Parliament, not suspicious, not leagued by the devices and subtle practices of such as at this day trouble the Realm of France: and which is more, a Parliament summoned by themselves, in the time of their greatest credit, and namely at their instance, which from that time hitherto, we never desired to infringe, until we were constrained to enter into civil wars, and when I speak of civil wars, under that word I think may well comprehend all sorts of calamities and confusions: a law that is very just, as being most necessary: a law, which at this Parliament is not allowed, for that the revocation thereof, is our destruction: a law judged: a law sworn unto by all the Princes, Governors, Lieutenants, councillors, Courts of Parliament, Precedents, Towns, and commonalties of this Realm, and by those namely, who at this day would protest against it. And yet he remitteth mitteth the deciding of the cause of religion to a free Council, and till then, no man in this estate can be esteemed or holden an hereticque, and whosoever submitteth himself unto it, by all right cannot be said or reputed for an obstinate or schismatic que person. The king would they should summon the King of Navarre. The King provoked by these reasons, thought it unreasonable to condemn the king of Navarre, before he answered for himself, and therefore made answer unto the Lords and other Deputies, that it should by to see if that were good and expedient, to summon him once again to swear unto the Edict of union, and so to declare himself a Catholicque. The League would not hear of that advise. This answer made by the King, was showed unto the estates, and by them a collection was made, of all the means that had the king of Navarre unto the Church, the absolution which the Cardinal of Bourbon his uncle had obtained for him, his Relapse into his errors: that he had abjured the voyages made by the Queen-mother, to seek to win him: the Doctors whom the king himself (desirous of his conversion and his good) had sent unto him, and the excommunication pronounced against him in the Consistory of Rome. They set down the pains due unto hereticques, as also to such as are relapsed: they accused this Prince to be both the one and the other, nourished and brought up from his infancy in that new and erroneous opinion, and that being such a person, he was not worthy eytherof respect or obedience, no not of so much honour, as once to be saluted: that they might not communicate with him by any means: that there is an eminent danger of the loss of religion, and that it would be put in great hazard, if once they should acknowledge him for their king, who both by his power and example, might easily compel his subjects to yield to his religion, finding nothing more assured nor certain, in all ancient Histories, than the decay and ruin of religion, when the chief Magistrate sought not to preserve it in all purity. Hereticum ho minem devita. Ne ave dixeritis illi. 1. Tim. 3. john 2. They said the King of Navarre held the same opinion, that had already been condemned in the Council of Trent, and by other Councils, that he persevered therein, and that having oncereiected it, he received it again, and thereby constrained the holy Sea of of Rome to declare him a Relapse, excommunicated, and uncapable of the succession of this Realm: concluding thereby, that he ought by that assembly to be declared such a person, and to leave this law for a perpetual memory unto the Realm of France: that an hereticque may not enjoy the Crown of France, and that it is a thing wholly against his sacrying, and the oath which at his coronation he should make, but much more prejudicial unto the honour of God, and the good and quietness of this estate. The law to hear such as are accursed, is not civil and particular, nor observed in one or two Commonwealths, it is a law drawn from nature itself, and the common consent of all nations, practised by those who for their guide have had a true and perpetual reason in all their actions, and it seemeth that God himself, to whom all the secrets of men's consciences are open, that knoweth all things, that hath no need of human witnesses, nor yet to follow the order or manner of a Parliament, would not pronounce his definitive sentence against the ingratitude, felony, disloyalty, pride, and presumption, of the first man Adam, before he had called him to judgement, examined, confirmed, and understood his reasons, The law to hear the accused. leaving this infallible doctrine unto us, that we must not condemn any man, how grievous an offender soever he be, before we have heard him, and well examined his cause: it was the natural equity of this law, that caused Sicynius to oppose himself against the decree of the Tribunes, pronounced upon Cariolanus, condemned without being heard: this reason moved the Ambassadors of Etrurie, to persuade themselves that the Romans would grant them the repeating of Tarqvinius Superbus, because he had been banished, and never heard speak in his own defence, and that great author of Roman eloquence, complaineth that he had been banished, without offence, without accuser, without witness, and without permitting him that liberty, which is never refused to enemy nor slave. And he it was that cried out against Verres, saying: Crimen sine accusatore sententia sive consiliio damnatio sive defension. that in condemning his host Sthemius Termitanus without hearing him, he had forced and violated nature. And this misgovernment of condemning men being absent, was never induced but by the outrageous envy of Tyrants, against the common tranquility of their countries, it was never practised but by those furious Donatists, that deposed Cicilia from his Bishopric of Carthage, he being absent: and the holy fathers of Rome have always detested this practice. Liberius saith plainly and boldly unto Constant, that he would never sign to the banishment of Athanasius, as being extreme injustice to condemn a man, that hath neither been summoned, nor once heard to speak for himself. Innocent the first, excommunicated Arcadius and Eudoxia his wife, because that without enquiring of the matter he had condemned Chrysostome. Pope Clement blasoned and reproved the Emperor Henry, because he had bereaved Robert of his Kingdom of Sicily, and proclaimed him traitor, without hearing his excuse. The King of Navarres answer. It may be, that if the King of Navarre might have been heard to speak, he would have given them to understand, that the Pope had been deceived, or seemed in declaring him to be an hereticque, obstinate, and relapsed into heresy, he would have said, that he never knew nor understood, that there should be any other truth, then that wherein the Queen his mother had brought him up: it is true, that after the massacre committed upon Saint Bartholomews' day, he was constrained to use time as occasion then fell out, and to submit himself unto their tyrannies: The king of Navarres mind was not free in Anno. 1572. but so much against his mind, that assoon as without danger he might once make it known that his conscience was at liberty, he showed thedesire he had to be instructed, and to submit himself to the free and lawful judgement of a national Council within the Realm of France, he wrote to all the degrees of France, both Clergy, Nobility, Parliaments, & common people, that he had nothing more lively imprinted within his mind, than a desire to see the reunion & reduction of the service of God under one kind of religion: and therefore that he could not be called a Relapse, for that to be such a person, he must first have been condemned and judged as an hereticque: that he had publicquely abjured his error, and then received into the Church, and that he had returned again unto his first heresy. But now he is the man that never had been accused of heresy, nor never abjured the opinion which at this day he holdeth, for that assoon as he found convenient means to departed out of the Court, wherein he had been stayed by the accusations that his enemies made against him, unto king Charles the ninth, he retired into his country of Bearne, where he made it known, that he had no other belief, then that which he had always holden: nevertheless, as often as the king desired to have him united to the Catholicque, Apostolicque, and Roman Church, he always desired to be instructed, and to the same end, that it would please his Majesty, to be a means to assemble a free and lawful Council of the universal Church, or else to call a national Council of the Church of France: submitting himself to all discipline, and to the free and lawful judgement of that holy assembly: which his Majesty acknowledging to be most requisite, The king of Navarre, first king of all Europe, next to the king of France. granted both to him & his partakers by the Edict of pacification, made in Anno. 1577. These reasons being neither presented, nor considered of by thec largie, the most affected to the advancement of the league, executed their pleasures upon one of the greatest Princes in Christendom upon the first prince of the blood: yea, & the first child of the most & ancient famous family, bearing Crown within this world, which the heavens borne and brought forth capable to command over France, when God shall see his time, and to deprive him of the right, that nature had afforded him, without summoning or once hearing what he could allege unto the contrary: So that in the end, the kings advise to cause him to be summoned to swear unto the Edict of union, was found to be without reason, and the Clergy resolved that he neither can nor ought any more to resist. This conclusion was borne unto the Nobility by the Bishops of chaalon's and champaign: and to the third Estates by the Bishop of Comminges: the Archbishop of Ambrun, companion of the 12. of each order that were appointed thereunto, declared the State's minds unto the king, which was not to use other means to summon the king of Navarre, and that his heresy and incapacity to the Crown were sufficiently known. But if the king knoweth not three things, he knoweth nothing: he reigneth without reigning: he cannot defend himself, his family, nor the peace. He suffereth himself to be bereaved of the unseparable qualities belonging unto his person: that is, power and authority: he suffereth them to declare those of his family to be unworthy of succession: he permitteth them to take away the peace and tranquility of his Realm, to give it unto his enemies: so that to this proposition of the League, he answereth, that he would satisfy the Deputies reasons, and resolve upon them. But while they were busied to band themselves against a Prince capable of the Crown of France, and issued from the royal branch of Bourbon, upon the which family, God hath bestowed more particular blessings, then upon all others of the same tree and lineage: as Anjou, Alencon, Eureux, Berry, Bourgongne, Angoulesme, Orleans, and Valois, that are all gone and extinct. God suddenly entered upon the Theatre, and showed that his judgements are wholly contrary unto the judgements of men, and that his spirit moving eternally, worketh continually to his glory, and that he can change the minds of men, (when they think lest thereof) clean contrary to their desires. For the king was advertised by all his servants, and such as made no account of him, the Duke of Espernon by letters assured him, that a great conspiracy was intented against his person. The Duke de main commanded a Gentleman to show the king, that the Duke of Guise sought most ambitiously to climb above the degree of a subject, that he practised some secret matter contrary to his majesties service, All this agreeth with the King's authority. and that the execution thereof, would shortly be performed. The Duke of Aumale sent Madam d'Aumale his wife, to show the king of a secret Council holden under a prodigious attempt against his person The King determined to put the Duke of Guise to death. The king's heart by these advises being stirred up with a new force and livelier courage, and minding to prevent the Duke of Guise, discovered his intent to four of his friends, whom he knew to be as much affected to the surety and welfare of his Majesty, as wholly estranged from the pernicious Council of the League, and showed them, that he was fully resolved to quit himself of the Duke of Guise, who as a new world, was already worshipped of all the people. Introductiō● against the duke of Guise They set before his eyes the register of this Prince's actions, those specially that offended the king and his estate, namely the edict of union, wherewith he armed himself as with a target made of Diamonds. That the Duke of Guise holding no other quality in France, then only of a mere subject, had erected a League, raised men of war, practised with strangers, without authority, advise, or permission from the king, enterprised upon towns, and troubled and broken public peace. That by the Edict of union, having sworn to leave all leagues and associations, as well within as without the Realm, he ceased not to continue his practices and devices with the Cardinal Morosin, and the Ambassador of Spain, assuring them, that he meant not to leave off the good intelligence he had with their Masters. That he had not broken, but rather confirmed and continued the particular confederacies, sworn with the Governors of the towns of France and others, thereby still to maintain the soldiers on his side, against the service of the king. That by his bills he had declared, that he had not taken arms but for the service of God, and of the King, and yet by the surprising of towns in Picardy, he had impeached the advancement of the army that should have passed into Guyenne against the Huguenots, and in all places exclaimed against the King's actions, esteeming him fit to were a sack, than a Sceptre. That he had declared, that he bore no arms but for the assurance of the Catholicques in France, and of their religion, and to impeach the succeson of the king of Navarre to the Crown: and yet the King had been advertised by the said King of Navarre, that the Duke of Guise had sought his favour so far, as that he offered him his son in hostage, and that he, with seventeen Princes of his house, would come to visit him as far as the river of Loire, to do him service, and to make him the greatest and peaceablest king of France that ever was: the Bailiff of the Mountains of Dauphine, and Monsieur de Bethune, being employed in those affairs: and a great person of estate, that never could endure such Petti-Maisters, after the king of Navarre having discovered that this practice could not be for the good and quietness of this Realm, advertised the Queen-mother. That after the pardon of his treasons (for associating and practising with the enemies of this Realm) granted unto him by his Majesty, many letters had been intercepted tending to great purposes, to trouble both the King and his estate. That the taking of the Marquisat of Saluces was done by his advise, and that then when his Majesty complained of that injury, and that it was requisite to continue peace in France, and to make war against strangers, who in a bravado sought to dismember the estate, he stood against it, and said they ought rather first to heal the interior ulcer, then to enter into wars that any way touched the superficial evil. That his participants publishing his praises, above those of the King, caused it to be sung about the streets, and in the Towns that held with the League: that the Duke of Guise had constrained the King against his will, to make waarre against the Huguenots, and that he had sold the Marquisat of Saluces, to the Duke of Savoy, to the end, that under pretence of recovering it again, he might divert the wars from Guyenne. That in stead of aiding his Majesty, and to employ their lives and means, in reducing the Towns holden by the Huguenots, his Captains and men of war stayed at Blois, upon assurance given them of a commodious change. That he had caused books to be imprinted, thereby to break the lawful succession of the Crown, in favour of the house of Lorraine. That his servants upon the day of the Barricadoes in Paris, persuading themselves, that as then he had mounted to the highest degree of his greatness, said openly throughout his lodging, that it was no time to make any more delays, (for such were their proper terms) and that there rested nothing to do, but to conduct their Master to Reims. That he caused triumph to be made in Paris, as if it had been in a Town new conquered: that his Lackeys had more credit with the people, than his majesties principal servants: that he boasted both by word of mouth and writing, that it was in his power to hold the king, that is, to stay him prisoner, or else to use him worse. That he boasted to have stayed the sacking of Paris: and that he could arrest the king, being in the middle of five or six thousand men, and all of them the king's friends, and yet he entered into Paris but with eight horse: he was so well assured of the good wills and minds of the Inhabitants, that received him with the cries and open rejoicings, which only belong unto a sovereign Prince. That the king had no means to appoint a Knight of the watch within Paris, nor to dispose of the Bastille at his pleasure. That he had so enticed the states to favour his ambition, that the Deputies spoke nothing but what pleased him, and had no other bills nor petitions to present, but such as had been first examined and perused by his Council: and that it seemed that this assembly at Blois, was wholly made to seal a contract of some new royalty: and that already divers said, that he made too long delay to execute his intent. That he spoke not but with authority like a king, using words full of bravadoes, disdain, and threatenings, against his majesties subjects. That he spoke in all affairs, as if he were chief sovereign: that he had constrained the king to provide a succescor, as if he lay at the point of death. That he had sent his letters patents (sealed with the great seal) unto the Inhabitants of Romorantin, forbidding them not to administer victuals nor ammunition, to the company of Monsieur de Sowray, and they had express commandment to send unto him. That in presence of the Queen-mother, he had refused his Majesty to subscribe to the ordinance which he meant to publish, concerning certain treasons as then practised and pretended. That his only intent was, in his person (as a supposed branch of the house of Charlemagne) to re-establish the greatness and usurped authority of the ancient Majors of the Palace, to the end, the king should only bear the name, and that he might deal with him, as Charles Martel did with Chilperic. Some that were present at this Council, the more to stir up the king's mind, by the ancient peril of an unrecoverable fall from his authority, to show him, that his Majesty was to remember the dream he had before the League began: which was, that the Lions and wild beasts, by him nourished in his Castle of the Lowre, devoured him, The king's dream or vision, and that being moved with this vision, he had caused them to be killed: and among the rest, one Lion being the most furious beast of them all. Lastly, they put the King in mind of Salcedoes process, which had discovered all the pretence of the Council holden at Nancy, the first article whereof, was, to cease upon the King's person, of the Council of five persons, holden at Paris in the time of Lent, in An. one thousand five hundredth eighty seven, wherein the Duke de main covertly invayed against his Majesty: Of the memorial taken about the Advocate David, of the letters sent by the Queen of Denmark, to her son the Duke of Lorraine, which were found about the Abbot of Billy coming from Rome, and withal, the attempt of the Barricadoes was not forgotten, therewith to end their Council. Considerations that stayed the king's mind. But three things caused the king's mind to waver, and to stay long before he resolved upon it: one, the respect of the Pope: the second, his oath made touching the protection of the states: and the third, the troubles that this execution would breed, by their means that favoureth the Duke of Guise. Touching the first, it was showed him, that his holiness being advertised of the Duke of Guise, at the erecting of the Barricadoes had ceased upon the Bastille, and Bois de Vincennes, he said unto the Bishop of Paris, that the enterprise was over bold, that it touched the estate, and that the offence would prove unrecoverable. That his holiness had often written unto his Majesty, that he should assure himself of the estates, what means soever he made, and that in these so apparent dangers, there is no remedy whatsoever, but it may be used: that he needed not to inquire if it were lawful to be done, and that it was for the same cause, that his Majesty had obtained a Confessor, by him to be resolved of all things touching or concerning the holy Sea of Rome. That the heads and authors of factions, are so odious unto Princes, (jealous of the quietness of the estate) that therein they pardon not their own blood: as king Philip, that pardoned not Charles his own son, that sought to surprise the low Countries. And the Duke of Guise, when speeches were used touching the disobediences of the Duke of Anjou deceased, had always this example (of extreme justice) ready to produce: It is known why the Cardinal of carafe was strangled. Pope Sixtus at this day living in the first year of his pontificates, put to death the Count de Pepoly, one of the most famous families in all Italy, because he kept certain banished persons his kinsmen, secretly in his house. In this Realm of France, john Earl of Harcourt, of the blood royal of Scotland, Lewis de Luxembourg, Constable of France, jaques Count de la March, issued from the house of Castille, & divers others of as great quality and estate, as the Duke of Guise, have endured shameful ends, because they practised and made secret leagues with foreign Princes and kings. The Pope thought that the Duke of Guise had borne arms for the religion, but after the Barricadoes once erected, he believed it not, and although religion were the cause of the wars, yet should it not be lawful without the king's authority. The example is both good and memorable in the History of the king of Spain, called Leoncilde, both an hereticque, and an Arrian. This Barbarian pursued the Christians, and pardoned not his owneson, that had been instructed and converted unto Christian religion, by Leander Bishop of Tolede, he banished him out of kingdom. This young Prince being moved at the miseries and persecutions of the Christians in his country, Qui contra genitorem quamuis hereticum talia cogitarer. didtwise raise arms against his father: at the first he was overthrown and sent into exile: at the second time, he was put to death, and slain upon Easterday. S. Gregory Archbishop of Tours, in this example noteth the effects of the judgements of God, & condemneth the boldness of this Prince, that The king is not bound by oath nor obligation unto his subjects. rebelled against his father, and his king, although both an hereticque & an Arrian. Touching the oath which is the second consideration that stayed his Majesty, and which is never broken nor neglected, but repentance followeth, it was told the King, that even as between the bondman and the Lord, there is no obligation to be made, that there can be no strict promise between the subject and the Prince: that the promises made, are not to be observed: that if faith be not to be holden with him, that cannot justly be called an enemy, and that hath no authority to make wars, (who by the law is termed a thief or a rover:) the Prince is not bound to keep his promise with a mean subject, who by his rebellion hath first violated his own faith unto his Prince. Necessity hath no law, we must use time as occasion serveth: that is, when necessity compelleth, and when men break their faith and promise. In great assemblies, great examples of punishing rebels are done and executed: as at the marriage of the Emperor Zeno, with the daughter of Ardaburis, where the Bridegroom was slain, Balisene and the emperors father in law, committed prisoners. The kings of England and Polonia, have often summoned Parliaments, therein to take and surprise the Lords that had rebelled against them. Our kings have arrested them being at their banquets. These great motions have always some extraordiry event, but necessity and public utility doth authorize them. A league grounded upon the good will of the people. The third objection of this unresolved resolution, was the great credit which the Duke of Guise had gotten among the people: whereupon it was showed the king, that as the said Prince's part, had no other credit but among the multitude of the common people, so there is no foundation more ruinous & unstable. That the principal families in Towns, his majesties officers, the governors and men of commandment will not stir, but only to cause the people to arise, which will be altogether abashed, seeing him thrown down, that was the principal of their rebellion, that the Courts of Parliaments in Paris and Roan, the Town of Orleans being the Citadel of France, and Lions the Bulwark of his Realm, would never change party, nor yet estrange themselves from the fidelity of good and true subjects. That the Duke of Guise is like a great tree, that standing upright, and having a large root, causeth the branches to spring out, and the leaves to flourish, A comparison made upon the death of the Duke of Guise. but when it is lopped down to the bare body, as long as any sap is within it, it will bring forth some small twigs, and a few paste leaves, but if the heat of the sun doth once pierce it, that little sap that resteth, consumeth, the tree dieth, her leaves hang ready to fall off, because the ridicall humour is wanting, and such as hid themselves under the shadow of her branches are all discovered. And because they perceived the K. balancing his resolution, towards the rigour of his vengeance, such as feared lest he should alter his mind, that the opinion they had held in this Council would be discovered, assured him that the D. of Guise would first begin to unwind his M. spindle: that he would surprise him: that it was already published within Paris, that this year 1588. is the climaticall and last year of his reign: that already it was determined how long he should be held in a Cloister: The politic and unlitary discourse of Monsieur de la Nove. that the cizors had been showed wherewith he should be shaven & put into a Monastery, like Childeric: that is was said, that a raisor should make the last crown of the three, which the king expected. The king believed that the life of the Duke of Guise would be his death, and therefore he was fully resolved to rid him of his life. Advise given the king to keep the D. of Guise in prison. A Knight of both orders, thought it more expedient to keep him in prison, to the end, that he might be judged and condemned like a traitor, but the rest of the Council said: who will accuse, who will labour against him, who will execute the judgement, among so many participants and friends, that will move both heaven and earth to save his life? In matters of treason the punishment must first proceed before judgement, as lightning cometh before thunder: and as this crime is altogether extraordinary in the head, the like is the form of the punishment. We must leave the forms and manners of justice, Andronadorus and Themistius slain. to prevent and punish the culpable, and then at leisure to frame their process. The Senate of Siracuse, caused Andronadorus and Themistius, that sought to renew the tyranny of Nero, to be presently slain by the hands of the Magistrate himself. The Romans, being a Commonwealth so human, so polliticque, and so great an enemy to contrary actions, held it for a maxim, that where the estate is in danger, men may begin to remedy by execution. And therefore Cato in his Oration against Catilina, saith: that we must rather quit our country of a traitor, then consult what death he shall die, having taken him. To put the Duke of Guise in prison, would be as much, as if we should take a Boar in a net, that being over strong, would break the cords, and which is to be feared, would spoil both the hunter and his hounds, all at one time. When the serpent is slain, the poison hath no more force. Incide semel quicquid iucidendum est. Lips. A dead man maketh no more war, it is dangerous both to delay and to disclose this counsel, and therefore punishment is more necessary, than the force of justice. The Duke of Guise was advertised from all places, that it would be dangerous for him, to stay longer at the Parliament, but the more he entered into distrust, the more the favours and unaccustomed kindness on the king's behalf used towards him, stayed his intent: one of his principal councillors told him, that withdrawing himself from the Parliament, he should bear the blasone to have abandoned the country of France in so important an occasion, that he would easily lose his country, seeing he forsook it: that his enemies would make their profit of his withdrawing from thence, and that they would overthrow all that which with so much pain and pursuit had been procured for the assurance of religion. Want of providence in men. It is strange, that men being at the point of their misfortunes, do oftentimes lose all providence, wisdom, & judgement, to avoid the mischief that is ready to fall upon them. There are certain birds which foresee tempests, and know on what side the wind and storms will happen. Rats forsake a house, that for want of reparation is ready to fall: but men not only close their eyes against the mischief, but run headlong into the middle thereof. The Duke of Guise was advertised from all parts both within and without the Realm, that the Parliament would end with a bloody tragedy. The day before his death, as he sat down at the table to dinner, he found a little scroll of paper under his napkin, wherein was written, that he should look unto himself, and that there would be some mischief wrought against him, & in the same paper with his own hand he wrote two words, saying: (they dare not) and so threw it under the table. There was no other speech among the states, but that the execution should be done upon Saint Thomas day, the advises came both from Rome and Spain, the Astrologians filled their Almanaches with threatenings: and the evening before his mischief, the Duke of Guise was assured by the Duke d'Elboeof, that the next day he should be slain. But all this notwithstanding, he was so careless of his safety, that in a manner he was wholly blinded, and forgot himself. He kept the keys of the Castle, as being Greatmaister, but the evening before his death, they fell into his enemy's hands, who thereby had the means to bring in those that aught both to advance and execute the king's pleasure upon him. The king in the mean time, that feared to be prevented, not minding any longer to delay his purpose, thought to execute it at a supper, which the Archbishop of Lions should make both him and the Cardinal his brother upon the Sunday before Saint Thomas day, but he referred the execution until the Tuesday following, the Duke of Guise having but small company with him in his chamber, yet he let that day pass, and went to walk in his Garden, followed by the Duke of Guise, who approaching his death, had certain speeches with the king that much offended him, whereby he changed his colour into fury. And after many words, both over hardy and bold, wherein he had been instructed and counseled by Cardinal Morosin, he perceived, that all things proceeded from evil to worse, and that the things which seemed curable, were become incurable. The king suspected the Duke of Guise, to use these speeches either to induce him to bereave himself of his authority, and to give him all sovereign power, or else to find some means of discontentment, that thereby he might break up the Parliament, and so make his Majesty odious to his subjects: wherewith he could not so much dissemble his displeasure, but that such as were present, perceived well, that it would be the means to open the wounds that were thought to be healed, he determined to stop the hopes and enterprises of this Duke, with the price of his life, and no more to endure so many insolences and braveries of the league, that esteemed it a title of honour to bear the name of Guisart, and of infamy and dishonour to have the name of a servant to the king. The death of the Duke of Guise upon the 23. of December. 1588. Upon Friday the three and twentieth of December, he sent for his Council, and willed them to assemble somewhat sooner than ordinarily they used to do, because he determined after dinner to go to Notre dame de Clery, which is between Blois and Orleans, there to keep his Christmas. The evening before, he had sent into divers places, to assure such towns as he judged to be most wavering, and provided for all things necessary, being in the middle of so many servitors of the League: and sent for certain of the five and forty, to the number of seven, showing them, that he had endured too much at the hands of the principal Ruler of the League, that he would no longer have a Master, and that he had determined to put the Duke of Guise to death. The order of the execution being devised, the Cardinals de Vandosme, de Guise, and de Gondy, the Archbishop of Lions, the Duke of Guise, the marshals of d'Aumont and the Rets, Monsieur d'O, Monsieur de Rambovillet, Princes, Prelates, and Lords of the Council. Monsieu de Maintenon, Monsieur Marcel, and Monsieur de Petremolle, came to sit in Council: and the king had given order to shut the Castle Gates, assoon as they were entered. There is nothing that so much iniureth the truth of a History, as passion, which maketh man's judgement to yield which way it will, and causeth him to err, and to seek to disguise the truth. Diversity and contrariety in Historians. There is a marvelous uncertainty in the circumstances of this History, whereunto every man giveth what show and colour it pleaseth him, and turneth the fairest side unto his passion, so that among so many varieties of judgement, a man can hardly find a certain truth. Some writ, that as the Duke of Guise's eye on that side his face where he had the scar, began to water, not finding a handcherchef in his pocket, he desired Monsieur Otoman Treasurer of the house, that stood by him, to take the pains to go to the chamber-door, to see if he could find any of his Pages or Lackeys, and to command them to fetch him one, and that Monsieur de l'Archan Captain of the guard, caused one to be fetched by Saint Prix, chief Groom of the king's chamber. Others say, that as the Duke of Guise stayed till all the Council were come, The Duke of Guise was in a new suit of russ●●. he talked with the Archbishop of Lions, who perceiving him to be in a new suit, and that somewhat thin, said unto him, that the indisposition of the time being cold and moist, required a warmer kind of garment, and that upon those speeches his nose bled, he was a cold, he commanded one of the officers of the Councel-chamber to make a fire, and one called Fontaine to fetch him a handcherchef. He that wrote the recuell of the third volume concerning the league, saith: that the Duke of Guise before he went out of the Councel-chamber, sent a Page into his own chamber, to fetch him a clean hand cherchef, and that his Secretary in one the corners thereof, tied a small note in writing, for an advertisement unto the Duke his Master, withal speed to leave the Council, otherwise it would cost him his life. And that the handcherchef was brought, but not delivered, being taken from the Page, together with the note, as he went up the stairs. The Council being set, about eight of the clock in the morning, and reasoning of that which Monsieur Petremolle had proposed: The Lord of Pretremolle understandeth their agreements. the Duke of Guise felt certain strange motions at his heart, with divers extraordinary passions, his spirit being the Prophet of his evil fortune that ensued, and in that distrust he felt a weakness at his heart, wherewith he willed the Usher of the Councel-chamber, to go to Saint Prix to fetch him some preserved Lemons, and he sent him some prunes of Brignoles, and reisons of the sun, whereof he eat, and put the rest into a cup, wherein they were brought. With that, the King sent for him by Monsieur de Revol, one of his Secretaries, and as he went out of the Councel-chamber, to enter into the king's lodging, and that he lifted up the tapistry to go in, he perceived himself to be charged both with Rapiers and Poinyards, by five or six of the five and forty, but they could not enter so fast upon him, but that he defended himself till he made them drive him once about the chamber, minding not to leave his life like a coward, thereby to show the last sign of his invincible courage, that made him so much esteemed and as yet giveth an honourable memory of him, to all those that commend the valour of a valiant courage. The same Collector of the proceed of the league, turneth the bias an other way, with an over thorny and sharp judgement, and a balance too much unequal, setting down this action contrary to the truth: for he reporteth it in these words, saying: The Duke of Guise thinking to go into the king's chamber, and issuing out of the Council chamber, into the entry that leadeth to the king's lodging, redoubled his distrusts, and would have returned back again, which nevertheless he did not. And it had oftentimes been told him, that Monsieur de Longnac had enterprised to kill him, in such manner, that he hated him, and had him in great suspicion, and as he went towards the king's chamber, he perceived Monsieur de Longnac sit upon a trunk, with his legs crossed, thinking verily he had been there of purpose to assail him, (as showing to be moved with most violent distrust and deep suspicion) and although the said Monsieur de Longnac moved not, the Duke of Guise notwithstanding thought to run at him, and laid hand on his rapier, being half drawn, as then having his cloak cast about him like a scarf, which he used ordinarily to do, and his rapier under his cloak, which by that means he could not so hastily pull out, but that some of those that were in presence (perceiving him to be so bold at the king's chamber door) prevented him. This is the advise of the Collector, the noise and bustling among them was presently heard within the councel-chamber, which made the Archbishop of Lions to come forth, and went to knock at the chamber door, where as then they had newly slain the Duke of Guise, and yet he came time enough thither, to hear his last words. The astonishment of the Cardinal of Guise. The Cardinal of Guise was in a marvelous maze, his senses troubled, and his courage abated, and as he sought the door to go out, he with the Archbishop of Lions was arrested by Monsieur de Larchan and his guard, that made conscience to lay hands upon them, because of their order. They desired Monsieur de Larchan to bring them into some chamber, that they might not be a wonder to such as passed by: wherewith they were jedde into a little chamber over the king's lodging, made not long before, therein to lodge the Fevillans and Capucins, where for a time they remained without either seat or fire. The Cardinal of Guise could not cease by his words, to pour out the heat of his passions and his griefs, and in that choler spoke certain words, which in a quiet and more sensible mind he would not have uttered, so that he renewed the King's fury, who therewith commanded la Bastier and Monsieur de Valence, two of the five and forty, to kill him. The one refused the commission, saying: that his hands should never be defiled with the blood of a man of the Church. The other determined to execute the King's pleasure, and being accompanied with fix of his companions, he mounted up the stairs close to the chamber door, where he was, there they stood disputing which of them should begin, and as he thought to enter, he felt a certain motion that stopped the heat of his fury, The imprisonment of the Cardinal of Bourbon. and made him to godowne: presently after, the Duke of Guise was slain, the king appointed a guard to attend upon the Cardinal of Bourbon, who as yet was in his bed, and to stay Madame de Nemours, the Duke de Nemours, and the Duke d'Al-boeuf. The Prince of juinuille. The memories of the League write, that the great Prior rose up, and went very early to call the Prince de juinuille, to play a set at tennis, whereon they had agreed the night before, and finding him in his bed, desired him to rise, who being soon up, and speedily made ready, whether it were because the great Prior was presently followed by certain of the guard, or otherwise, it is not certainly known: he entered in distrust, and presently after, would have forced a door that issued out of his chamber, and so have saved himself, wherewith the guard took him. And the great Prior perceiving by that means, that their set would not go forward, he took his leave and departed: but the truth is, that when the Duke of Guise was slain, the Prince juinuille his son was hearing Mass in the Chapel of the Castle, and coming out from thence, as he thought to go up the stairs to find the great Prior, with whom he had made a match to play at tennis, he was stayed by the Archers, and seeking to defend himself, they held him, and led him into the chamber of the great Prior. Mean time, the Swissers were set to keep the Duke of Guise's lodging, that no man might come forth. Monsieur de Hautefort, Monsieur de Pericard chief Secretary, and Monsieur de Barnardin, chief Gentleman of the chamber to the Duke of Guise, were taken. It is said that Pericard being brought to this extremity, either to speak for life, or else confess for death, disclosed all the secrets of the League, and wholly instructed the king of his masters intent. Monsieur de Richelieu, Martial of the house, accompanied with his Archers, and certain soldiers of the company of Monsieur de Gast, went into the Townhouse, where the third estate were assembled, and there laid hands upon the Precedent de Nevilly, the Provost of Merchants in Paris, Compan and Corteblance, Sheriffs of the said Town: Monsieur le Roy, Governor of the Town of Amiens: the Count de Brissac, Monsieur de Bois Dauphine, and other Gentlemen affectioned to the Duke of Guise, that were all arrested, the rest stayed neither for boots nor spurs, to get them thence, this accident being so fearful unto them. Monsieur de la Chastre justifieth himself. The Duke of Guise had two principal servants, that were as disposers of all his secret intents: the one, the Archbishop of Lions: the other, Monsieur de la Chastre. The first was safe enough from any more troubling the king, but touching the second, he had him in great distrust, by reason of the perfect amity that he bore unto the Duke of Guise: but assoon as he had received the news, he went presently to the Duke de Nevers in the army, under whom he was Marshal, and said unto him: that although he had always been a servant to the Duke of Guise, yet he still held and continued his faith constant unto the King, and because the great amity he bore unto the Duke of Guise, might cause him to be suspected by the King, he willingly yielded himself into the Duke de Nemours hands, to justify his actions, and not long after, he went in person to present himself unto the king, assuring him, that from that time forward, to become his faithful servant. Monsieur d'Antragues in all haste mounted on horseback, to assure the King of the Town of Orleans: but there he found Monsieur de Roissieu, who Orleans holden for the League. the same morning had been the with D. of Guise, and perceiving the Guard to be stricktlier disposed, then ordinarily they were, and knowing the king's commandment, to shut the gates while the Council sat, he entered into a marvelous apprehension of the cause, & presently departed out of Blois, to take order for the Town of Orleans, sending express messengers in all haste to advertise the Duke de main his Master being at Lions. The Queen-mother advertised of the Duke of Guise's death. The first thing that the king did, after he came out of his chamber, was to bear the news unto the Queen his mother, to whom he said, that as then he was absolute king, and that he had no more companions. She at the first was strangely abashed, and said unto the king, that it would have fallen out hardly for him, if he had not taken order for the assurance of the towns, where the name and memory of the duke of Guise had credit and authority. counseling him by the Cardinal de Gondy, to advertise the Pope's Legate: which done, she went to visit the Cardinal of Bourbon that lay sick, and was kept prisoner. And assoon as he espied her, with tears in his eyes he spoke unto her and said: Ah Madam, you have brought us hither unto the slaughter. She that seemed to be much abashed at so violent & unexpected change that then had happened, assured him, that she neither had given consent nor advise to any such thing, and that it was a most incredible grief unto her soul. The death of the Queen-mother, upon the fift of january, 1589. But the Cardinal redoubling his complaints, she left him stricken at the heart with so great grief, that presently she went to bed, and died thereupon, the fift of january after, much lamented by the king her son, who as yet had need of her counsel. The king going out of his mother's chamber, went to hear mass, where at large he informed the Legate of the causes that had constrained him to put the Duke of Guise to death, as having attempted against his person. About evening, the Cardinal and the Archbishop of Lions, were taken out of the chamber, wherein they had been shut, to lead them into an other, stronger and darker than the first, in the highest part of the Castle. But sorrow and grief had so much seized upon the Cardinal, that what apprehension of death so ever he must have, he could not choose but sleep, assoon as he was laid upon the mattress prepared for him. After his first sleep his spirits revived, and considering the extreme embasing of his greatness, and the fall of his house, he complained to himself of his misfortunes. The Archbishop of Lions used all the means he could, to dissuade him from the thinking of any other thing, then only of death, which he suspected to be the end of both their persons. They employed all their Philosophy to make it seem easy and less fearful, thereby to despoil it of the horrible and strange shape wherewith it is figured unto us. They confessed themselves each to other, reconciling themselves to God, committing their causes unto him, and in that conceit of death, they only attended the commandment when and where they should receive. With that, the Cardinal had desire to sleep, until morning, that the Archbishop of Lions rose up & left him sleeping, & not long after, he waked him to rise to Martin's. The king in the mean time was counseled, yea & solicited by most violent reasons, to put the Cardinal to death: which counsel at the first justice regardeth not the qualities of men. seemed perilous unto him, considering the quality of that Prelate being a Peer of France, Archbishop of Reims, Cardinal of Rome, and Precedent of his Order in the Parliament: but after he had been showed, that justice hath her eyes closed, not to behold the qualities of men, and that the greater authority a man is in, the greater is his fault: that treason is more apparent, and a worse example in a Cardinal, then in a simple Priest. That the Cardinal of Guise would succeed in the credit of his brother, and that he had already used threatening speeches, he determined to make him follow after his brother the Duke of Guise, and thereupon commanded Monsieur de Gast, to kill him, who excused himself of that commission, saying it was not a thing convenient for a Gentleman of his calling. But in fine, for four hundredth Crowns, they found four instruments to execute that commission. One of them went into the chamber where the Cardinal sat, and making low reverence, told him the king sent for him. The Cardinal before he went, asked if he sent not likewise for the Archbishop of Lions, but answer was made, that he only must come unto him, whereupon with an assured countenance, that not seeming to think upon the mischief that attended on him: about three steps within the door, he bade the Archbishop of lions farewell, who perceiving the Cardinal to go without any apprehension of death, said unto him: Monsieur, I pray you think upon God: at the which word, the Cardinal seized with fear, was abashed, and turned his head towards the Archbishop, who at that instant fell down upon his knees before the Crucifix, recommending his soul unto God, believing steadfastly that they would do the like to him that he supposed they meant to execute upon the Cardinal, who being about three or four paces without the chamber, was enclosed by four men, that with blows of rapiers, poinyards, and partisans, dispatched him of his life, and being slain, they stripped him. The King going to Mass, accompanied by the Cardinal of Vandosme and others, met the Baron de Lux, who falling down on his feet, offered his head to save the Archbishop of Lions his uncle. The king that loved the Gentleman, and that desired not to lose such a Prelate, thinking by his means to attain unto the Quintessence of the Leaguers devices, assured him of his life, but not of his liberty. Not long after, the king sent Monsieur Guiotard and Monsieur Languetot, two of his privy Council, with a Clerk, to examine the Archbishop touching the causes and accusations laid against the Duke of Guise. He said unto them, that they being Laymen, had not any jurisdiction over an Archbishop, and that he being such, might not answer unto them, desiring them not to trouble him any more therein. The answer of the Archbishop of Lions upon the Duke of Guise's accusation. They returned this answer unto the King, who presently sent the Cardinal de Gondy, to persuade him to satisfy his commandment, and to answer to the propositions that should be made unto him: the Archbishop answered him and said: that he could say nothing against the Cardinal, nor the Duke of Guise his brother, with whom he had embarked himself: that for his own person, he neither could nor ought to answer before any man but the Pope, or to those whom it should please him to appoint: and that as Primate of France, he had no other judge. And that that the Cardinal de Gondy himself being Bishop of Paris, was under his primaty: that if the Cadinall Morosin, Legate for his holiness (by the advise of other Prelates assembled in the parliament) thought it convenient for him to answer, he would follow their resolution: and that so doing, it should be they & not the Arch. of Lions, that should break the Privileges & immunities of the church. The king to the contrary esteemed, that considering the quality and importance of the cause, he was not bound to have recourse unto the Pope, to examine the truth of the Duke of Guise's actions. It was showed him, The king hath power over Bishops. that the privilege which the Archbishop demanded, much derogated the sovereignty and power of his Majesty, who at all times had jurisdiction over the Bishops of his Realm, specially in things touching the Crown: and when process was to be made against Giles Bishop of Reims, & Didier Archbishop of Vienne, the king used the help of the Bishops of France, and had no recourse unto the Pope: Chilperic sent Pretextatus Archbishop of Roan, to the Council holden in Paris, to be judged by them, but with this clause: (Although that of our own authority we could deal therein, it being treason for the which he is accused, nevertheless, Gregory de Tours, Atmon Ado, Vincent. because it concerneth our own person, to the end it shall not be thought, that we will do otherwise, then by justice and reason, we give you leave to deal therein. The Emperors themselves, never remitted the examination of causes that touched the estate of their Empire, unto the long & solemn days of the Pope's Council. The Emperor Zenon condemned and banished two Bishops, the one of Alexandria, named john, the other of Antioch, named Calendion: Euagriu●s lib. 4. whereat Pope Simplicius was offended, and for the same cause wrote unto the Emperor, who made him answer, that the execution was not done for any Ecclesiastical crime, neither yet touching religion, but that one of them had lied in his own presence: and the other favoured Basiliscus his enemy. And good Popes never sought into that jurisdiction, whereby to pervert the order of polliticque laws. Saint Gregory admonished Victor and john, C. experientiae ca sequ. 11. q. 1. Bishop of Taurese, (which as then was the Metropolitan Church of Dalmatia, founded by justinian, in the Town by him called justinian, after his own name) to cause two Bishops that had troubled the state of Aquilee and Milan, with a good guard and all speed to be led unto the Emperor: and such was the institution of the fathers, assembled in the first general Counsels of Constantinople under Theodose, and in that of Carthage, to remit Ecclesiastical causes to the judgement of the Clergy, Pauliws Bishop of Aquilee. but the persons to the temporal Magistrate, when it is a crime, the punishment whereof, dependeth not upon the authority of the Ecclesiastical judge, & is to be otherwise ordered, then by Ecclesiastical & Canonical censures: It is true, that the ordinances of France, full of respect & reverence towards the church, have induced the Concordance of the spiritual & the temporal judge, when the cause dependeth upon privilege, & ordain that the process should be jointly made, to the end, Concurrence of the spiritual & temporal jurisdiction. that if the offender be found guilty, he should be degraded, according to the prescript order & ordinance of the cannons, & then sent to the secular power to be condemned to death, or other punishment according to his offence, but where it concerneth the Commonwealth, surety & preservation of an estate, it is not the manner to follow the ordinary course, thereby to avoid a great disorder, and the extreme necessity to provide things present, ought not to be restrained unto the long detractions of the Romish Courts. The king provoked by these reasons, after he had let the Archbishop rest in prison for the space of fifteen days, with resolution to refuse all the judges that should be sent unto him, but such as were appointed him from Rome, sent the Bishop of Beawais, and Mousieur Ruze his Secretary, to certify his pleasure unto him: which was, that he should answer to the Articles by them to be propounded unto him, wherein they persuaded him, not to deny the King, that had not refused to grant him pardon of his life. The Archbishop of Beawais. The Archbishop asked the Bishop of Beawais, in what quality he had taken that charge upon him, framing an argument consisting in two points. Ask him if he came thither as a Bishop, or as a Peer of France: It as Bishop, he said he could not examine him, he in that point being his superior: If as a Peer of France, it was a temporal office, and therefore he could not answer, nor the Bishop examine, saying: You have been in the Courts of Parliament, where you never saw process framed against a simple Priest, without the consent of his superior: I thank God, I have red what authority and privilege belongeth unto the Church, and cannot believe, that the King in any wise is minded to infringe it, nor yet to begin with me, and seeing he hath granted me my life, he meaneth likewise, that my conscience should be at liberty, the honour and respect whereof, is dearer unto me then a thousand lives. The Bishop of Beawais perceiving that he could not effect his charge, withdrew himself: the Archbishop desiring him to acquaint the king with his reasons, and to beseech his Majesty, that he might be comforted by some religious persons, and to have Mass within his chamber. Which the Bishop of Beawais certified unto the King, who made answer, that he would put the Archbishop in such a place, where he should have both religious persons, and Masses as many as he would desire. In the mean time, upon advise given unto him, that the great blow which he had given the league, had not in such manner astonished it, The rising of Paris. but that already divers of them began to rise and to levy arms, he had recourse unto his first remedies, and to that dangerous maxim, by him usually observed, as never doing any thing but by halves. And while he sent tongues, and not arms, therewith to retain the people so well prepared unto sedition, he found the town of Orleans to revolt, both against him, and Monsieur d'Antragues, Orleans is declared against the Citadel and the Governor. Governor of the Citadel, that the Town of Paris had already showed the beginning of their mutiny against his Castle of Lowre, his arms, and his servants. But the contentment he had received, to see his enemy dead, made him so careless, touching the rest of his affairs, that in stead of mounting on horseback, to show himself to those of Paris and Orleans, and to send for the army in Poitou, therewith to stop the passages and forces of the Duke de main, he contented himself to publish a forgetting and remitting of things past, and renewed the Edict of union, thinking that the Catholicques of the League, The King's declaration touching the things past, upon the 23. and 24. of December. would lay down their arms raised against their king, to employ the same against the King of Navarre. In his declaration he saith, that at all times (and especially since his Edict made in the month of july last) he had assayed by all means possible, to unite all his good Catholicque subjects, in peace & concord under his authority, by the same union and the effects thereof, to reap the fruit by him always expected, and sought to purge his Realm of heresies, therein wholly to establish the faith & Catholicque religion, foreseeing that by the division of his said subjects, there could rise nothing but a total desolation of religion & ruin of his estate: that although for the space of certain time, there had been some about him that most manifestly practised in his presence, & elsewher by their adherents, to renew & raise division, to cause his actions to be disliked, & wholly to suppress his authority, nevertheless, with great patience and calamity, he had tolerated the effects of the evil will in those respects appeared to be in them, assaying by all the favours and courtesies he could devise, to mollify their hearts, and to draw them unto those things that concerned reason, with the good & profit of his estate, and the conservation of religion. That this notwithstanding, they not being dissuaded from their pernicious devices, by the aforesaid effects of his good and holy intents, neither yet by any other considerations, his Majesty had discovered that they had proceeded so far, as by new inventions to enterprise against both him and his estate. That to withstand the same, to his great grief he had been constrained to prevent their sinister dealings: but that for the singular love and good will natural in him, and which he hath always continued, and will continue unto his said Catholicque subjects, with like care of the quietness, safety, and conservation of their lives, as much as any father towards his children. He had therein used so much clemency and moderation, that he had restrained and laid the pain and punishment only upon the heads and authors of the evil, sparing their adherents and servants, and favourably received & admitted them among the rest of his good subjects, upon promise by them made, from thenceforth to become his true and faithful subjects. That although, not only by his actions past, as by this last proceeding, he hath given and declared by evident testimonies, of his holy intent and clemency, that no man ought to doubt: nevertheless to make it more manifest to all his subjects, his Majesty declareth and protesteth, that this which hath happened, hath been effected by reason of the preventions used against his Edict of july, and since that time. And in the execution of that which is contained therein, his will and meaning is, to keep and cause it to be kept, and to observe and maintain it from point to point for a law, as it hath been established and sworn in the Parliament, according to the form and tenor thereof. Forgetting and wholly remitting, all whatsoever is or hath been done against duty and fidelity, by those that have participated in the said practices, upon condition, that hereafter they shall departed and wholly forsake all leagues, associations, practices, devices, and intelligences, with all persons whatsoever, both without and within the Realm. The practices against the Edict of union, whereunto the King referreth the cause and motion of the death of the Cardinal and the Duke of Guise, are specified in the treaty written, concerning the troubles that ensued this execution. Causes of putting the D. of Guise to death. The first, that assoon as the edict of union agreed upon within the City of Roan, was published in the Parliament-house, the principal heads of the League, in stead of causing their partakers to leave their arms, had entertained them with further hopes and means, contrary to the Edict sworn, summoning them to be in a readiness to effect a great exploit. The second, that they had determined to seize upon the King's person, and to constrain him to dismiss his Council, whom they thought to be most faithful unto him, and least affected to the advancement of their intents, and to bereave him of his authority, yea and of the name of a king. The third, their practices, leagues, and devices, to break the liberty of the Parliament, and to hinder them from consulting with the king, touching the good of his estate, and the quietness of his people, having a great number of the Deputies so much affected to their pretences, that they never assembled, before they had first consulted with the Council of the Duke of Guise, touching their answers, propositions, and resolutions. The fourth, the feigned persuasions devised against the good intents of the king, to dissuade him from the easing of the long oppressions of his people: the Duke of Guise on the one side, counseling him not to embase his authority so much, as to deprive himself of the means to maintain the glory of his Majesty royal, by reducing the tallages to a lower rate than was convenient: and on the other side, he persuaded and pricked forward his participants to crave it, by that means to make his Majesty odious among them, by refusing the easing of his people's oppressions, or else to force him thereunto. The sift, the confirmation of the treaties and confederacies made with foreign Princes, as the king of Spain, the Duke of Savoy and Lorraine, and the five small Cantons, the leagues and intelligences with divers Lords and Governors of Towns and Provinces within the Realm, all contrary to the Edict of union, which they had sworn and promised so religiously to observe. A great person in our time, in the second part of the History of the League, Vulgus audacia turbidum nisi vim metuat. The second discourse of the state of France. noteth the unrecoverable fault of the king after that action, that busied himself to justify his pretence, and to flatter the people, who by lenity become obstinate, & by severity are constrained. This great tree overthrown (saith he) such as shadowed themselves thereby, were for a time discovered: and without doubt the Duke of Guise himself was all the League, he only had more parts and valour, than all his participants together. And if the king had been resolute to go forward with his actions, and not to do them by halves, as his manner was, and if within two hours after the act performed, he had mounted on horseback, and so had added his presence & his forces unto the fears of the towns that held with the League, abashed at that great accident, it is very likely he had avoided the mischief which after fell upon him. But God that derided the vain enterprises of the one, mocked the remedies by the other provided. This Prince, who nevertheless wanted neither judgement nor courage, had no sooner perceived his enemy dead, put presently persuaded himself to have no more in all the world, and certainly being among his familiars, he used this speech, saying: This day I am king, and yet to the contrary, from that day forward his royal estate began to decline. Incauta semper nim●● presumptio & sui negligents. Egesippus. This presumption caused him to be so careless in his affairs, that he lost Orleans, which he might have saved by showing himself unto it: & that he suffered the D. de main to come & fortify himself with men & munition: he laughed at those the moved him with all diligence to send for his army that lay in Poitou: he was offended against such as counseled him at the same time to use the aid of the king that now is, and of the Huguenots: and to conclude, so much despised all things, (which nevertheless within one month after, he was constrained to do) that within six weeks, he perceived himself to be reduced, only to the Realm of Tours, Blois, and Baugency. The fourth of January, 1589. And so after the death of those two Princes of Lorraine, and the imprisonment of the rest that were most suspected, despising all the advise given him to enter first into the field, and that doing so, he should have a great advantage upon his enemies, he commanded the estates to proceed with the Parliament. They presented him the bills of the three estates, and again the third time, the Edict of union was published by Monsieur Ruze, and sworn by his Majesty, with most solemn protestation to observe and cause it to be holden for a law of the Realm. The king of Navarre understandeth of the death of the Duke of Guise, the 26. of December. Lachrymas non sponte cadentes effudit genitúsque expressit pectore lato. His Council besought him to reiourne the Parliament until an other time, but he was so much affected to hear and determine upon their bills, that he forgot both the care of his person and estate, and would not leave off the assembly, until he heard that the Duke de main was already before the subburbes of Paris, and that he went to aid Orleans, with all those with whom he had practised to revenge the deaths of his two brethren. The king of Navarre received the news of this execution, being at Saint john d'Angely, by two Posts expressly sent from Blois on horseback, to certify him thereof. And he that was never found to be void of great modesty, in his most haughty enterprises, nor yet without constancy in all the greatest crosses which both time and men had wrought against him, bewailed not so much the death, as the evil fortune of the house of Guise, it is the nature of those that are most coverteous, not to behold the head of their enemy, but with a sad and sorrowful eye. Antigonus bewailed Pyrrus: Caezar Pompey: Rene duke of Lorraine: Charles Duke of Brurgongne: and the Earl of Montfort, Charles Earl of Blois. It is true, that he knew this accident would be a great help touching his justification, that thereby he was discharged from being cause of the mischief of civil wars, and that the king having judged and found the Duke of Guise to be most culpable touching the troubles of the estate, had punished him according to his desert. He said that all the world (he only excepted) imagined mischief of the house of Lorraine, and would be glad to see the indignation, declarations, and forces of the king his Lord, bend against them. But for his part, he could not do it, neither yet doth it, but only that of two evils, he is constrained to choose the least. Yet did he not refrain to pursue his enterprise against the Town of Niort, which was in this manner: The troops that were to execute the same, under the conduct of Mousieur de S. Gelais, giving forth that they went for Congnac, by night marched within half a mile of the town, the lathers and other warlike amunitions, passing about a bowe-shot from the walls: and because the moon shined very bright, they were forced to stay till it was down, lest the assailants should be discovered, who in the mean time slept upon the Ice, wearied with long travel and troublesome way. The taking of Niort. The execution being followed in convenient time, Messieurs de Ranques, Valiers, & Gentil, having founded the ditches, caused their lathers to be brought, & other instruments, Wherein valour consisteth. near unto the gate which they meant to assail, I would desire such as shall read this point, to consider and note, that notable enterprises are not executed without good order and discretion, and that the honour of arms consisteth not in strength, wherein many beasts have great advantage over us, nor in that kind of furious assault, which is more natural to beasts than men: neither yet in the hearts of the Actors, which go where blind conductions leadeth them, but in the good order and policy established by the Leaders. The approaching of those that bore the lathers, was not so secretly done, but that the Sentinel heard some noise, and presently cried: Quivala. Whereat if the assailant had either been fearful or troubled, the enterprise had been discovered, and so have lost their labours. But they stayed, and stood so quietly, that the Sentinel himself answered to the Corporal and said: I heard a noise, but I perceive it is nothing, and upon that, the lather's being artificially made to join together, were raised against the walls, about six and thirty or forty foot high. Scaling lather's set up. Galeati lepores. Livius 28. By this escalado the Sentinel was surprised and thrown over the wall, and then the Court of guard, wherein they found but seven or eight poor artificers (for that commonly within Towns, the rich do watch by the eyes of the poor) that saved themselves because they should make no noise. And although it had been determined to let as many of their men mount up by lathers, as possibly they might, it chanced nevertheless, that one of the small number that had entered, perceiving himself in some peril, cried unto the engenier, and thought to spoil all their enterprise: for that cry made an alarm among all the Inhabitants, and served to the engeniers for a watchword, to play with their Ensigns: being before the Ravelin, which made an overture of the gate, and at that instant, the Engine wrought against the bridge of the Town, which broke but two planks of the bridge, and so the gate opened in two parts, the entry of the bridge was very strait, where one man alone could hardly get in, and yet he must descend by one of the lathers into the ditch, and then with the same lather go up to the entry of the bridge, two men well armed had been sufficient to have kept it against them all. In the end, by means of that entry, and by their escalado, the first that entered were Messieures de S. Gelais, de Rambures, and the Parabieries, who with their companies, met hard by the townhouse, where they began to cry, Vive Navarre: and there among the people, being in fear, surprised, and abashed, they found so small resistance, that in less than three or four hours the assailants entered, vanquished, & became Masters of the town, being put to the spoil, and yet without murder, violence, or injury done unto the Clergy, that were not once touched: the king of Mavarres intent being not to constrain them in their religion. He received the news of this surprise at S. john d'Angely, whereas then he remained: the government whereof, he committed unto Monsieur de S. Gelais. Monsieur de Parabieres, commanded in the Castle, wherein he found five pieces for battery, and two long coluerins, which he that was Captain thereof, had caused to be made, therewith (as he said) to salute the king of Navarre, when he should approach the walls of Niort. The siege of Ganache. In the mean time, Monsieur de Nevers besieged lafoy Ganache, a very strong Town, lying in the marches of Poitou and Britain, with six battering pieces, four double, and two demi coluerins: after he had summoned Monsieur du Plessis by a Herald, to yield the Town unto him. The battery began upon newyears day, and within four days after, the breach was reasonable great to give the assault, which was done with great fury, and answered with the like courage, whereby the assailants left at the least fifty of their men dead within the ditches, the assieged losing at the same time two good Captains, and certain soldiers. The next day Monsieur de Paluau sent a drum to Monsieur de Plessis, to advise him to grow to some good composition, saying that he had obtained sufficient honour, by defending so weak a place, that his wilfulness hindered the king of Navarres affairs, and that the Duke de Nevers had fully resolved not to leave the siege, before he brought the Town under subjection, whereupon he engaged his honour. Monsieur de Plessis resolved upon a conference, hoping by that means to certify the king of Navarre of his affairs, the effect of the conference, was to yield the Town, and to issue armed, their goods saved. Mean time, the king of Navarre issued out of Niort, minding to relieve the Town, but a sickness (proceeding from a great chaffing of his body, which he did, lighting of his horse to heat himself being extreme cold) seized upon him: which stayed him in a little village called Saint Pere, where he was troubled with so fierce and cruel fits of a fever, that having been let blood, and all remedies used that possible might be found, it was thought he would have died, and the report of his death was brought unto the Court. But God who in so troublesome and confused a time, meant to use the service of so great a Prince, whom he had saved from so many perils, to make him the wonder unto kings, and the king of wonders, The king fell sick the 9 of january. stayed the arrest of death, which the Physicians had pronounced against him, restoring him unto a lively and good health, and of a beholder, made him enter upon the Theatre, not as one that upon a sudden, by accident, fear, foresights, nor hopes, should represent a king in a comedy, but to fulfil the true and lawful office of a king. After he was recovered, perceiving that Messieurs de Chastillon, de la Roche Foucaut, de la Trimoville, and Plassac, could do nothing touching the relieving of Ganache, and that the Duke de Nevers with his army, made towards Blois, he took the places bordering upon Niort. The judgement of the Huguenot▪ touching the death of the Duke of Guise. The Huguenots in their writings published at that time, acknowledged not that action of the 13. of December, as a clap of thunder that maketh more noise than it doth hurt, nor as a disgrace of fortune, whereunto the greatest personages are most subject: but as a work of God, and as one of the most notable works that he had wrought for them, thereby beginning to work their revenge, for the massacre of Saint Bartholomewes' day, and to relieve them out of the miserable estate wherein they lived. The Catholicques that never separated themselves from the ancient fidelity of France, nor from the service of the king, considered not so much upon that which had passed at Blois, as upon the cause thereof, they admired the king's long patience, that rather suffered those Princes to do what pleased them for the space of certain years, than once to punish them for a first, second, and third fault, and that in the end, this long patience changed into a just fury. These Princes made leagues both within and without the Realm: without his majesties consent or knowledge, they seized upon towns and strong places in the land, every man forsook the king to follow them, they would have the king to yield them account of all that he had spent and done since his advancement to the Crown, they had dispersed injurious and slanderous books throughout the Realm, and by them, made the name of the king to become odious: besides the disputation by them made touching the right and title unto the king of France: as if the king and all his Predecessors had enjoined and holden the kingdom wrongfully from the house of Lorraine, at this day living. And to conclude, they were at the point to kill the King, if they had not been prevented. As than one rejoiced at the death of the Duke of Guise, esteeming it for a work of God, all the League to the contrary, made great sorrow. Two days after the execution, the sixteenth displayed their old colours, and cried out: murder, fire, and vengeance: they presently made a collection of moneys to maintain wars, the poorest artificer among them, was content to impart at least six Crowns, & some having no money, (that they might not be found without affection to that commotion) sold and pawned their goods, to be contributaries unto it: gold ran like a river along the streets: they found hidden treasures, and it seemed that France had nourished thieves, to make an almasse of treasures, for those enraged people. Paris became the infamous Theatre of rebellion, wherein the sixteenth like furies issuing out of hell, showed the fire and flame wherewith they enclosed and murdered the poor country of France. Under those mad dogs, and stinking impostumes of the Commonwealth, was practised the most filthy and strangest rising that ever troubled the estate of any Town. To please the sixteenth, they must displease God, their king, & their own conscience. He was but hardly thought on, that had not half a dozen of great outrages, wherewith to detest that execution, and an elegy for the memory of the Duke of Guise, and all with the most sad & sorrowful countenance that might be devised: withal, pouring out some notorious and blasphemous oaths, the better to counterfeit a disliking. He that could not recite the memorable actions of the Duke of Guise, elevate him to heaven, with open mouth speak evil of the King, detest his actions, abhor his life, and account the execution done at Blois, as most cruel, barbarous, and in human, was neither accounted an honest man, good Catholicque, well affected, nor yet zealous. There was no foolish Poet nor Ballet-singer within Paris, that devised not one couple of songs touching this action, nor any Preacher, that found not one place in his sermon, wherein to utter a multitude of injuries against the king. There was no Printer, that set not his Press on work with discourses made touching his death: but above all, there was great disorder & liberty permitted in Preachers, that who not only cast forth a million of injuries and villainies against the king, but in stead of preaching the Gospel, they kindled a revolt & sedition within the hearts of the people, that never came from hearing them, but their heads were set on fire, and their hands prepared to seize upon those poor Politicians that were set before their eyes. All this is drawn out of the discourses that were published at that time in Paris, or from the report made of such sermons. One reproached the forgetting of the services done by claud Duke of Guise, unto King Francis, that was found almost slain among the dead at the battle of Marignan, against the Swissers: of Francis de Lorraine to the Kings, Henry & Francis the second: who after so many notable exploits was slain, during the siege of Orleans: of Henry de Lorraine, to Charles the ninth: and Henry the third at jarnac, Sens, Poitiers, Moncontour, Auneau, and Vimory, and slain at Blois. An other made his Auditory weep, by showing the manner of this execution. The third blasphemed against heaven, speaking against the providence of God, and the manner he used in his judgements, touching the death of those two Princes. The fourth said, that the Duke of Guise for a terrestrial and mortal, had obtained a celestial and perpetual Crown in heaven: and by his death had opened the passage unto his successors, by that means to possess the thing which he with so great reason and justice had pursued. The fift, taking the simple people to witness for the remembrance of things past, cried out in open Pulpit: Who knoweth not, and that most evidently, as it were at his finger's ends, that the Prince of France, and the bravest knight that ever set foot in stirrup, lieth now upon the ground? Was it not he that by his only presence defended Paris, the most puissant City in the world, from an universal spoil and destruction? Was it not this Prince, that took the naked sword out of the soldiers hands, that held it ready at the breasts of the poor Citizens of this town? Was it not that valiant Leader and General of armies, who so many times and so happily beat down and cut in pieces the enemies of our God, who for reward and recompense of all his good and valiant services, is now stabbed to death. They added, that France was sick, and that it could not be healed of her sickness, if it had not a drink of French blood administered unto it. The sixth, the better to kindle and increase the fires of commotions, openly cried out: to arms: and made the word of God a trumpet of sedition, saying: Be of good courage my masters, you must slumber no more, the God of battles is on your side, he stretceth forth his arms unto you, you know not your own forces: Paris knoweth not what it is worth, it hath sufficient treasure to war against four Kings. Take courage, turn back the weapon that is ready to strike you: a good war will procure a peace: without this war, peace will be your overthrow and destruction. For what hath Christ to do with Belial? this war will be your liberty and freedom, which if you neglect, God that revengeth the injury done unto his servants, will make you pay the interests of your so cowardly slackness. So that sufficient persuasions were used, to stir up and move the most cold and fearful mind, and to cause the veriest coward to arm himself. Such was the end of the Duke of Guise, a Prince (without all doubt) of valour and courage, the League called him her Caezar, and made goodly comparisons between them. For my part, take away the name of Christian, and I cannot find so good a comparison between Camille and The mistocles: Read a book imprinted at Zurich, under this title. Carolus Magnus redivinus. Numa & Lycurgus: Scipio and Epaminondas: Marcellus and Pelopidas: Pompey and Agesilaus: Silla and Lysander: Charles the great, Henry the fourth at this present reigning, (the wonder of kings, and the king of wonders) as there is between the lives of julius Caezar, and Henry de Lorraine, the one being cause of the overthrow and ruin of his Commonwealth: the other, of all the miseries in France. A comparison between Caesar and the duke of Guise Abanco Martio sunt Martii reges quo nomine fuit matter à Venere julis cuius gentis familia est nostrae. Caezar alleged himself to be issued on his mother side, from the Kings of Alba, and that his father had his original from the Gods, the race of jules being descended from Venus, and therefore he caused a Temple to be erected, Veneri, Genetrici. The Duke of Guise (and all his family) affirmed themselves to be issued from the king of jerusalem: and the Dukes of Lorraine, by their father, and from the king of France, by Anne d'Est, daughter to Renee of France, daughter unto King Lewis the twelfth. Caezar was of a goodly and tall stature, well limbed, full faced, and quick attractive eyes. The Duke of Guise was one of the fairest Princes of the Court, big & high of proportion, an amiable face, so quick of eye, that thereby he pierced into all places, Plut, in the notable saying of ancient Kings, Princes and Captains. to know and choose out his servants farthest distant from him, and in the greatest press. Caezar increased in ambition, as well as in years, in greatness of courage, as well as in body. And as willingly a generous nature, in good time discovereth itself, being but young fell into the hands of Pirates, that asked him 20. talents for his ransom: but he smiled at them, because they knew not how much their prize was worth, and gave them fifty, and being kept and watched carefully by them, he sent commandment unto them to be quiet, and not to make any noise, that he might take his rest. The Duke of Guise, as young and Eagle as he was, assayed by all means to take his flight, farther than any of his time, very haughty, dissembling and advised, he could not submit himself to those from whom he ought to have expected his advancement, he differed in nothing from a king's child of France, with whom he had been nourished & brought up, showing most evidently, that his nature was to command, & not to obey: to go before, and not to follow after: in his first action he so much disposed the thoughts of the Frenchmen, that they believed such parts to be in him, as were most fit and proper to cause a great change and alteraion in the Realm where he should live. His first exploits in Navarre. Caezar began very young to bear arms, and yet not so soon as Alexander, and reading his actions, began to weep, when he perceived that at his age, Alexander had already conquered Darius, & that as than he had done nothing. The Duke of Guise, in the spring time of his years, was in the wars of Hungary against the Turk, defended Sens and Poctiers, fought valiantly at Moncontour, and brought honourable marks of his courage from the battle fought against the Rutters. Caezar used so great diligence in traveling, that he departed from Rome, Hic diligence. and within three days after, he arrived at Rhosne. The Duke of Guise made such speedy journeys, that when some thought him to be fifty leagues off, he was found to be in a manner at their heels. The promptness of his exploits. Caezar had no sooner begun an enterprise, but he finished it with speed. The duke of Guise was so vehement and hasty to execute his enterprises, that many esteemed his celerity to be a kind of rashness. Veni, vidi, vici. His dissimulation. Caezar used dissimulation, wisely and happily to serve him for advantage. The Duke of Guise was so expert therein, that he dealt in his exterior affairs as he thought good, to hide the secrets of his heart, and although he desired nothing so much as the raising of arms by the league, yet he made his brethren believe, (when they provoked him to take occasions offered) that it was not his desire, wisely dissembling it, to the end, that if the effect had not fallen out as they desired, he might impute the fault unto their Councils, or at the least, object against their pursuits, or else he did it to the end he might hold them strictly bound and engaged unto the enterprises, which of themselves they counseled him to take in hand. His foresight. His cunning and slights, Com. de Caezar, Lib. 1. of civil wars. Caezar was marvelous expert in the science of taking occasions when time served, and to use them to his advantage, whatsoever it cost him, oftentimes he made show to agree to that, which he sought to impeach, as the means which the Swissers desired of him to pass through France, wherein he made a good show and countenance unto their Ambassadors that made suit unto him for the same, until he had means and force to withstand them. The Duke of Guise was an excellent cunning Prince, to use both time and occasion, and his subtleties were notable stratagems, against the most violent effects of his enemies. The Reisters' bare with them into Saxen and Pomerland, the effects of his so subtle practices by their encounters at Aweau and Vimory. Caezar with a small force, and wholly contrary to military reason, enterprised all things, and durst set upon the forces of Scipio and juba, being ten times greater than his own. His army were of more courage than number. The Duke of Guise said with Caezar, that high enterprises ought speedily to be done, and not long consulted upon: and with a small handful of men, determined to oppose himself against the furious army of the Almains, he discommended and disliked the monstrous multitudes full of disorders and confusions, that form and frame a most dangerous confidence, in the hearts of the greatest cowards, that trusting to their great numbers, despised the power of their enemy, he had a small number of soldiers ruled and governed within certain limits, that need no great quantity of ammunitions, nor retreat. His courtesy towards his soldiers. Dux plerumque in opere, in agmine, gregatio militi mixtus, in corrupto ducis honore. Tacitus. His credit with his soldiers. Caezar flattered and favoured his soldiers, terming them companions, and calling them by his own name. The Duke of Guise knowing the humour of his soldiers, and that there is nothing which so much inflameth the heart of the soldier, to a desire of honour and glory, then when he is noted and marked by his General, he favoured his soldiers, and honoured his Captains, promising them more than he could do, and never denied them any thing that lay in his power. Caezar had such credit among his soldiers, that they offered him in the beginning of the civil wars, to follow him at their own expenses, and many of his soldiers that were taken prisoners, offered rather to die, than to be constrained to change parties, and sooner to endure most extreme famine, then to yield up the Towns they held for him: witness the honourable siege of Salone, wherein being vexed with famine, and constrained to cut off the hairs of their wives heads, thereof to make strings for their bows, having placed their women and children upon the walls to make show, they made so furious an issue, that therewith they put their enemies to flight. The Duke of Guise ordinarily termed the father of men of war, so much respected and beloved of his soldiers, that neither for want of pay, nor discommodities, there was ever any mutiny seen among his troops, and few or none were ever found, that during his life forsook him, to serve under any other General. And yet the Captains that were brought up under him, are still employed. The execution of his commands. Facta non dicta mea, vos milities sequi volo●nee disciplinam modo, sed exemplum etiam à me petere. Livius. His strange ambition. Caezar never sent to any place where he might go himself, nor commanded that to be done by other, which by himself might be effected. The Duke of Guise always being first at any exploit, never trusting to any thing, but his own watchfulness and diligence: the enemy found him always before them, with a magnanimity and resolution, rather to die, then to be vanquished. Caezar suffered himself to be wholly led by the furious passion of ambition, to make himself great by the ruin of the Commonwealth of Rome. The same vice was the cause that the Duke of Guise lost the greatest part of his praise. Caezar enterprised to overthrow the laws and orders of the Commonwealth, passed the Rubicon, entered Italy with arms, took the treasures of the Commonwealth, usurped the office of perpetual Dictator, wan towns by force. The Duke of Guise enterprised to trouble the order of succession, caused the drumbe to strike up in the middle of peace, took the king's towns, placed Garrison therein, and fortified himself. He could not endure acompanion. Caezar could not endure a companion in his government. The Duke of Guise for the same cause, moved the great trouble of Barricadoes, and constrained the king to quit him the place. His debts. Caezar when he passed Rubicon, hazarded either to win or lose all. The Duke of Guise by a popular fury, hazarded both his life, his honour, and his place. Caezar was indebted a million of gold more than he was worth. The Duke of Guise to accomplish his enterprises, died poor, and almost as much indebted. Caezar used the favour of the people and the tribunes, for the whing of his ambition. His purposes grounded upon the common people. His popularity. The Duke of Guise found the principal support of the League, to consist in the good will of the people, and in the multitude, being desirous of novelties. Caezar marched always bareheaded to make himself more common, gentle, and amiable. The Duke of Guise to command great men, humbled himself unto the meaner sort, as he passed through the streets, with his hat in hand, saluting every man, either with head, hand, or speech. The greatness of his thoughts. Caezar durst conceive in his mind, and then execute his thought, to make himself perpetual Dictator, and to usurp the sovereignty of the Commonwealth. The Duke of Guise with as much courage, less reason, and more danger than Caezar, enterprised to be king, or wholly to be overthrown. His boasts. Caezar vaunted to have made Rome the Queen of the world, a name without form or body. The Duke of Guise by the league, taking away both order and royalty, being the form of this Realm, and that which made it flourish, might well say, that he had made France without life. His exercise Caezar loved Astrology: the Duke of Guise believed the Astrologians that assured him of his greatness, of the king's death, of the death of the house of Bourbon, promising him that the Crown should change families, and from the Capets, should fall into the house of Austria. His mind could not endure much apprchension. Caezar could not endure the apprehension of conspiracies devised against him, and said: that he had rather die, then to live long in distrust, esteeming that death which is least doubted, to be best: the Duke of Guise desired rather a fall, that might be the end of his miseries, than a continual danger. He despised the advise of death. Caezar despised the advise given him, touching the conspiracy of Brutus: the Duke of Guise esteemed it fables, that was told him touching the mischief that fell upon him, and could not be persuaded, that he should so soon end his triumphs. Haruspices praemonuerant ut d●●gentissime Iduum Martiarum caucret di●m. Velleius Pater. L●belli coniurationè nunciantes ●●ats, abconeque protinus lectierant. Velleius Pater. His death. His Sepulchre. Guisius & Cezar, medio perite sedio perite senatu. The years of his death. Sydus jul. Hob. Sar. lib. 8. Ennead. 6. Caezar would not read his friends letters, that advertised him of the enterprise practised against his person. The Duke of Cuise jested at the letters written unto him from all parts, and said that it was done at the left thirty times every day. Caezar was slain with blows of rapiers: the Duke of Guise with poinyards. Caezar fell dead at the feet of the Image of Pompey, whom he had so cruelly pursued. The Duke of Guise died at the king's chamber door, where he had made so many bravadoes, and so much despising of the king's authority. Caezar had the fire for his sepulchre: the body of the Duke of Guise was burnt. Caezar was slain in the Senate: the Duke of Guise at the Parliament, when he came out of the Council chamber. Caezar died in the 56. year of his age, in his climaticke year, and upon his birth day. The Duke of Guise, in the 42. year, which was likewise his climaticall year. Caezar was accounted among the Gods, and so esteemed of by the common people: the league cannonized and honoured the Duke of Guise with the name of Martyr, and were long time in doubt, if praying for him, they should do wrong to the holiness of his condition, being freed from the pains in the other world. Caezar debaucha Cleopatra. Hear I will end the comparison of the hearts and humours of those two Princes, and touching nothing of the sobriety, courtesy, affability, and familiarity, that was equally both in the one and the other, nor yet of that amorous complexion that so much resembled Caezar, and avanced the mischief and troubles of France. And touching the end of the Duke of Guise, I say, that as themnrther of the Dictator Caezar, served for a protext unto Anthony & Augustine's, to overthrow the Commonwealth of Rome: so this death of the Duke of Guise, put weapon into the hands of the Duke de main, like Anthony, to destroy both himself and his country. Being at Lions, he received the news of the death of the Duke of Guise, and the imprisonment of the Cardinal his brethren, upon Christmas day at night, & said nothing until the next day in the morning, that he went from the Archbishop's Palace, (where he was lodged) to Saint Nisier, and there finding the Official of the Archbishop prick of Lions, told him he was desirous to walk a turn or two along the painted Gallery. Thither he sent for Monsieur Bothcon, the marquess of Vrfe, and certain of the principal officers of the Town, showing them what had been done in Blois, against the persons of his brethren, and of the imprisonment of the Cardinal of Bourbon, the Archbishop of Lions, and others. This accident made the assistants so much abashed, that they all stood in a maze, some of them thinking more upon the manner, than the matter, and more upon the authority of the estates, then upon the king's colour. Others, what assurance soever they had of aid to be ready to be employed at all assays, yet were they constrained to shrink in the shouldier. They judged the wound to be great, and that it would be hard upon the sudden to find a fit plaster: such as without inspiration had foreshowed, that the king would be revenged of the Duke of Guise, for his over great boldness, and the day of the Barricadoes, had already disisted the astonishment of that blow. The Duke de main thinking upon the death of his brother, forgot not his own safety, ask them, if that staying in the town of Lions, he might beassured of his life: they besought him to move his servants, in that which should be against the kings will and pleasure, to whom they were bound, and privately to all others, & could acknowledge no other sovereign than he. The Official of Lions, that had known his nature to be more stayed, and less ambitious, desired him not to arm himself against his king, who without all doubt would receive him into favour, The Duke de main counseled not to arm himself. when he should once perceive him to refer the desire of his revenge, to reason & good discretion, and not prefer the interest of his house, before the benefit of the whole Realm of France, which trembled at the apprehension of the calamities that this war will draw on. That he should advise himself, before he passed the Rubicon, into what danger he would fall, the good and quiet estate that he should leave behind him: that to set the people at liberty, he would abandon it to the spoil: that to defend the Monarchy against the king, he should make him the head of a confused and monstrous Monarchy, against the laws of the Realm: that God will never abandon the protections of Kings, how unagreeable so ever they be unto him, against the rebellion of the people: for kings are the image of God, the children of heaven, Gods among men, and whosoever armeth himself against them, striveth against God. Then he foreshowed him, that if in that embarking, he thought not upon the storms and tempests, how he might shun them, he would think upon them but too late, when they might not be avoided, when all the owers would be broken, and the waves strike against his vessel: when danger should vanquish his art, and necessity force his wisdom: that of the wind of the people's favour, which of long time hath been disposed unto rebellion and troubles, maketh his sails blow full: & that furiously he would thrust his pretences into the main sea: that nevertheless he ought to consider the unconstancy & lightness of the people, who having shaken off the yoke of the Vulgus infidum bonis. Horat. unum imperij corpus, unius animo regendum videtur. Tacitus. king's obedience, would do as much unto a Prince, to whom it shall not be bound, but as to Proctor of their mutiny. That there is nothing more unconstant, nor more disloyal, than the common people, traitorous to the good, and dutiful to the wicked, and that rewardeth those that do it good, with ropes, exiles, and public execration: that in the end, after many attempts & proves, of all sorts of principalities, it will always return again unto the royalty, France not being able to endure the government of two kings, no more than the body two heads, nor a ship two Pilots: that France no more than the whole world, without a general consuming, cannot endure two suns: that the people continueth not long in their fury, it loseth breath in the first setting forward, Si duo soles, velis esse pericu●um ●e in cendio omnia perdantur. Serenus. like a reed that beginneth with a long and strait pipe, and suddenly it windeth and is crooked, losing the vigour that it showed in the first part thereof. The Duke de main, being as then Master either of his good fortune, or overthrow, held the conduction of the Leaguers affairs at his disposition, and by a good resolution, could reunite the Catholicques by his brother led astray: but his passion leading him at her pleasure, and that it represented unto him the advantage he had to succeed in the favours, credit, and authority of his brother, and by consequent unto his hopes, he rejected the advise of good counsel, and thinking that they sought his life, determined the same day in all haste to departed from Lions, and went to Mascon, and from thence to Chalons, where he assured himself of the citadel: from thence he got to Dyon, where he received letters from the king, by the which, the king assured him, that he desired to continue him in his favour, staying the punishment of things passed upon the death of his brethren, whom he had put to death, to save his life, whereof he had advertised him. The Duke de main attributing the clemency and favour of the king, to an affection, languishing, feeble, and faint, and to a fear he had to have him for enemy, or to lose his friendship, not being able to moderate his choler, nor to incline himself unto a general and good end, hardened himself in his resolution, received the pestilent breath of those minds that bade framed themselves to tyranny, feared not the king, and made less account of him, then of the chain of Tartary. While he continued at Dyon, he gave out commissions to assure himself, and to seize upon divers places, and among the rest, one of the Messieur de Rosne and de Saint Paul, to command in champaign and Brye. He had no great trouble to constrain them of Dyon to revolt against the king, bridling them by the Castle: there was none but the Court of Parliament (who perceiving that they could not shine without the light of the authority royal) that would not consent to that rebellion, & therefore the principal officers were driven from thence, the rest imprisoned, some poor people fearful for the discommodities they might reap, remained in miserable slavery, under the confused and disordered democraty. The king's Letters to the Duke de main. From thence the Duke de main went to Troy, a Town long time before spoiled and corrupted by the participants of the Duke of Guise, where he was received with honours due unto a king. The king perceiving that the league caused all the towns beyond the river of Loire, Chalon, sur Saone, Dyon, Troy, Paris, and Orleans, to rise against him, and that if he sat with arms crossed, it would not ease him, was constrained to leave the affairs of the Parliament unperfect, to provide for the safety of his person: and to remedy the violent intents of his enemies, and before the Parliament broke up, upon the fifteenth and sixteenth days of januarie, he heard the declarations of the Deputies of the third estates, wherein may be found the examples of the disorders, which at this time trouble the Realm of France. The Oration of the Archbishop of Bourges. The Archbishop of Bourges, Precedent for the spirituality in the Parliament, after the death of the Cardinal of Guise, made a long discourse of the miseries and calamities, that had continued for the space of eight and twenty years within the Realm of France, touching the causes thereof, assuring them, that the despising of the name of God, is the cause of our evil, having broken the band that tieth and uniteth us unto God, that is, religion, which is the signer, the band, and foundation of all monarchs and Commonwealths. Difference in religion. That the division happened in the unity of this religion, separating the hearts and minds of families, and then of commonalties, hath produced this disorder, that thereby they should have seen nothing but fire and weapons throughout France, nourisheth this long civil war, which to entertain, hath been the means to seek out so many prodigious inventions, to overthrow and spoil the people, by so many subsidies, sale of offices belonging to justice, and treasures, with the alienation of the sacred patrimony of the Church. The king's zeal to his religion. That the king in his youth being adorned with so many victories, obtained against schism and heresy, had given to understand, that the honour and glory of God and his religion, was dearer unto him than his own life, ought not to permit, that heresy should oppose itself against the true religion of him and his forefathers, a new, against the true altar, and a king against his authority royal. That having re-established the assurance of the franchises of religion, he ought with a care woorthieof a royal name, to purge the disorders and the abuses which the corruption of this world hath induced into all estates, Abuse in the Church. in the house of God: in the church, in the Nobility, in arms, in Magistrates, in justice, and in the people: and on the one side, showing the disorders: on the other, he applieth the remedies: and because the liberty of these last troubles hath increased them, we will present them like evil ulcers, which spoil this polliticque body, and that will become incurable, if the remedies that follow be not applied. The unworthy promotion of Prelates. 1. Disorder. In the Church, simony, ignorance, corruption: into the Lords sheepfold, are entered false Pastors, not by the door, but over the walls like thieves, by unfit promotions, by money, by treasure, by favour, and not by learning or good example: so that among the learned, they introduce ignorant men: in stead of fathers and tutors of the Church, destroyers: in steed of Pastors, ravening wolves. An abuse which hath drawn with it, a chain and band of all sorts of evils, for the advancement of ignorant and slanderous persons, unto Ecclesiastical dignities, hath brought forth heresy, heresy division, and division, ruin and destruction. Remedy. To restore the ancient form of the Church, the election of God, wise and learned Prelates, that love God and his Church, and faithful Ministers of God's word. The nomination. 2. Disorder. The introducing of nominations of Abbeys, as also upon the chief Prelates of the same, the Monasteries which in times past, were the Congregations and colleges of all doctrine & piety, renowned among the Christians, as among the ancients, the Schools of Nazariens, Levites, Egyptians, Medes, Persians, and Athenians, that had nourished and brought up holy Saints, Basiles, Chrysostom's, Saint Benet's and Augustine's, have now in them all sorts of people indifferently, not only Lawyers, but Citizens, soldiers, men without learning and crudition, and without either name or mark of spirituality, with women and children: from whence proceedeth the foul disorder of the Monastical life: Monasteries of the holy fathers. the ruin of the houses and goods of the Church: the sacred Temple without prayers, profaned, and occupied for the most part by men of war, who in stead of sustaining and nourishing religious men, do therein feed their horses, dogs, & hawks, frustrating the service of God, appropriating the inheritance of the Church unto themselves, giving for dowries to marriages, and divided the Vinyard of the Lord. Remedy. To choose and nominate good and holy personages, that shall be of requisite estate and quality, to serve God in those places, that shall commit good Priors to give good example, and help to reform, thereunto employing the aid of the arm, and force of justice, that from this time forward, all Harpies & wild Boors, which spoil David's Vinyard, avoid and departed from all such holy, consecrated, and appointed places. And to this end, let informations and decrees be made against them: those that detain Abbeys, and are not of that quality, and those that usurp and detain the goods, tithes, and other revenues, and according to the informations, let process be made, as against sacrileges and ravishers of the riches that belong unto God and to the poor. The Commanders. 3. Disorder. Those that were called by our Saviour unto the Ministry, for the ease of the Apostles, which are Priests and Vicars, whose service is so necessary in the Church of God, is at this day the most miserable, and most afflicted order. They are driven and cast out of their houses by the Catholicques, and where they are suffered to continue, their goods are rob and taken away, they are spoiled and sacked, or else constrained to give part to him that is strongest: the soldiers consume them, the Lords of the places apropriate their tithes, and the people will not pay the duties belonging unto them, both by human and divine laws. Remedy. Faults of the Clergy. That it will please the king, adding unto the ordinances, concerning this point made in the last Parliament, that it may again be enjoined unto all Governors of places, and Attorneys for his Majesty, every man in his jurisdiction, yearly to send process verbal unto the Parliament, containing the names of the Vicars, with a testation from every of them, touching the possession and enjoying of their goods, and what is kept or withholden from them. And because divers poor Vicars dare not openly complain, let it be enjoined unto the Governors & Attorneys for the king secretly to inquire and inform of the usurpation that is made upon the said Ecclesiastical persons. The alienation of Church-livings. 4. Dis. The riches consecrated to God, and given to him, his Altars and his Priests, the goods that belongeth not to those that fell it, is sold, withdrawn, & alienated, thereby to consume and bring to nought the Ecclesiasticallestate: the goods of the Church is not to be alienated, for any cause or occasion whatsoever, or with what authority so ever it is done, it belongeth unto God, it is sacrilege to lay hands upon it, if it belong to the spirituality, whether it be in property or use, it is no point of justice to encroach upon it, specially without their consent, but it belongeth to them both. Saint Augustin and divers other good fathers, permitted the selling and alienating of the goods of the Church, for the redeeming of Captains, and to relieve the poor, but that was the holy vessels, movables, and the money of the treasury: but touching the immooveables, that was never known, one only Charles Martell, spotted and defaced his memory by a horrible serpent found within his tomb, because he attempted to sell the goods and immunities of the Church. So great wars against the Albigeois, so great necessities and wars against the Englishmen, could never break open this Paladion, which the suggestion of secret and covert Huguenots hath invented. Remedy. That it would please the king, to grant unto the Clergy, the perpetual restoring of the goods of the Church that are sold, repaying the just value, with all costs and charges, and that such as hereafter shall venture to sell or buy the goods of God and the Church, shall now & at altimes be declared and accounted, both unjust sellers, buyers, detainers, and occupiers, with this clause, to be bound to the restitution both of the principal and the profits. The great number of Benefices. The usurping of Hospital revenues. 5. Disorder. The plurality of Benefices, for that as no man can sit upon two seats, so all Ecclesiastical persons, well and truly to discharge his duty, cannot hold two benefices, which require two Ministers, he cannot pronounce the word of God in two places at one time, which is principally understood by two Bishoprics, or two Curates, that have charge of men's souls, and consequently require a continual residence. Remedy. To cause the Council of Trent to be observed, which hath so amply provided for reformation of the Ecclesiastical estate, together with the maintenance of faith and Catholicque religion. 6. Disorder. The manifest sacrilege of such as detain and usurp the revenues of Hospitals, Spittle-houses, and others goods destinated and appointed for the use of the poor, founded for the ease of Towns, Villages, and Burrows, and of all the people. The goods of the poor in divers places, are applied to the use of Laymen, to the commonalties of Towns, to the common charges thereof: to voyages, and processes: yea apropriated to the private use of divers men, a great hindrance to the poor, and unworthy the name of Christians in this Realm. Hospitals have been made and erected under Cathedral Churches and Bishoprics, to the end that Prelates and Pastors should have the care thereof: but since charity is converted into avarice, the charge and administration hath been transformed to the laity. Remedy, if it please the laity to continue this charge, and that the later ordinances seem fit than the ancient constitutions, at the least, let the spirituality be present at the distribution and yielding of account, to see and understand the fidelity and duty that shall be used towards the poor, and to reform the abuses, sacrileges, and usurpations, that therein are used. 7. Disorder. In times past, no man might be admitted to the place of commander Knights of the order of jerusalem. over the order of the knights of S. john's in jerusalem, not being noble borne, and that in the third degree, & by order of antiquity, now that goodly order of degrees of antiquity, which procured a hope unto young men, (as new fruit unto the spring) to attain unto that honour in their Automie, hath been broken by the entry made by certain Princes, by favour and greatness of their house. If this disorder had only rested, it had been a thing somewhat tolerable, and that might have covered itself by greatness and authority. But now, that by this consequent, this disorder is induced (like the links of a chain following one the other) to all persons indifferently without consideration of antiquity, nor any other respect but of favour, or rather (as I may say) of importunity, the sudden overthrow of this goodly order is like to ensue. Knights of S. john's of jerusalem. Remedy. The king knowing the honour of this order, that hath cost so many men's lives, to defend the name of jesus Christ against the Turks, Moors, and Barbarians, that hath advanced the cross, throughout all the Mediterranean seas, even into Africa, aught to suffer or permit that it should be lessened or embased by these disorders, but rather preserved to the glory of God, and the honour of this Realm. Deceiving of the Universities. 8. Disorder. The Schools and Universities, depending upon the care and administration of the Church, which yield the Ministers of doctrine and word of God, now are full of disorders and licentious persons, by the means and mischiefs of wars and rebellions. Of justice & faithfulness. Remedy. His Majesty, according to the wisdom and love that is engrafted in his mind towards learning and virtue, aught to choose and name capable persons for this reformation, long time desired, so many times promised, and still unperformed. Disorders i●● the estate among the Nobility. 1. From thence he turned to the capitulation of the disorders known to be in the Nobility, the valiant and generous French Nobility (saith he) hath continually been the terror of all nations, and the nations adjoining, that have addicted themselves to the profession & exercise of knightly prowess, confess & acknowledge to have learned it of the Frenchmen: these valiant French knights have preserved the honour and virtue of France, as long as it was respected and had in honour, but since, that in stead of Nobles, there hath been new introductions taken out of the Common people, and that they have been raised to the honour due unto the Nobility, and of such men which command over companies of men at arms, it hath wholly altered and changed the glory of this French Chivalry, and many have degenerated from the virtue of the ancestors, & obscured their renown, some using trades and trafficques of Merchandises, keeping in their houses, & not going into the field, other giving themselves to spoiling of the poor, to almasse corn, to take and apropriate benefices, and other goods belonging to the simple people, and to destroy their neighbours and tenants, in such sort, Advertisement to the Nobilitises. that divers others, more valorous and virtuous, beholding the manner and behaviour of many of these Gentlemen, being grieved to haunt the company of such men, had rather employ their times in the wars, with the king and his Lieutenants, virtuously to oppose themselves, and show the effects of their valour, then to be in the company of those in whom there remaineth but only the name and shadow of Nobility. Remedy. The King, which is the head and father of Nobility, aught to reerect that goodly order of knighthood, ordained by his predecessors, to restore decayed trees, and to refresh and renew it, pruning the unprofitable branches, and so to reduce into such order and form, and with such Discipline, that the people may not be oppressed, and to that end, cause certain stipends to be yearly paid for the maintenance thereof. Excess in wen of war 2. Disorder. The cruelty, violence, and rapine of soldiers is so great, that there is no difference in them from the fury of Barbarians, being Conquerors of their enemies, there is nothing else but fire and blood, that have entered into divers places of this Realm, but to beat, bind, ransom, imprison, sack, violated women and maids, to pull young children from their mother's breasts, spoil, break, rent, and throw the goods of poor people under the horse feet, and to bear away the rest, to leave the wife and children in great misery without bread, Nonfacile in officio potest miles contineri abco qui necessaria non sub ministra. Xenophon. following after their husbands and fathers: and horses led away by them, is an ordinary thing among soldiers: these evils happen partly for want of policy and commandment, and partly for want of pay and good order, and distribution of the treasures of this land. To lead soldiers into the wars without money, is properly to make them become thieves, and whosoever beareth arms, and hath no maintenance, he must needs have some by what means soever it be. Evil governing of treasures. 3. Disorder. Treasures evil governed, are like water powered into a siue or basket, which presently runneth out, and never is filled: as to the contrary, the better and more certain revenue consisteth in lands. The immoderate levyings of moneys, which are drawn from the people, are compared to the Milt with in a man's body, which the more it filleth and swelleth, the more it destroyeth and drieth the rest of the body, and in the end killeth it. Remedy. The cause or pretence of such levyings of money, hath been the wars engendered by heresy and division: and seeing that war is the cause of the overthrow of the people, it must be brought unto an end, and by the aid and help of all this Realm, seek a final remedy to this miserable division, without deferring it so long to the utter undoing of the people. Corruption in government 4. Disorder. Among other mischiefs, which war endureth, it hath corrupted both laws, manners, and policy, it hath bred a marvelous disorder in justice: judges are bound to give judgement according unto the laws, as they have sworn and promised at their admitting. Nevertheless, part of the judges at this day, have so great a pride in themselves, that they affirm themselves not to be bound to judge according to the laws written by the jurisconsules, that they are not bound to the imperial laws, but only in those points which they find not decided by the ordinances royal (which have handled but few causes touching law: but only contain certain general constitutions) they will judge according to their own equity's, and therein, as every man's wit and sense serveth him, so many heads, so many opinions, so many sovereign Courts, so many sentences and judgements. Fron thence proceedeth the contrariety of sentences, & diversity of judgements, in one cause, and in one matter, whereby the poor suitors fall into an infinite of charges, and continual suits. This mischief happeneth many times by the ignorance of youth, which run to ruin by presumption and philautie: for that such as are learned in the laws, and that have a good conscience, take pains to satisfy their offices, and to limit their zeal of justice according to conscience, and the doctrine they have attained unto. Otherwise there should be no difference between the judge and the Artificer, but only in the gown and the cap, together with their patents received from the king. Remedy. This sore cannot be healed, but by good and faithful examiners in sovereign Courts, for they do lightly prove and sound the depth of the learning of such as present themselves to be admitted, they throw justice and the subjects of this Realm, into the waters and puddles of errors and ignorances, from whence they cannot get out. But if it were permitted unto young men (by their Parents) to study the time in that case appointed, without taking them from the Universities, as fruit from a tree before it is ripe, to place them in the seat of justice, this would be a great means to make them capable, but the ambition of fathers at this day is so great, and they are in such fear to leave their children without offices, that they had rather therein, see them unworthy and deridid, then wise and honoured: which partly to remedy, all reversions must be cut off, and no more granted. The sale of Offices. 5. Disorder. The corruption that is used in justice, by the sale and infamous building of offices belonging to the same, a great shame to this estate, and in our time time, wherein this Realm only among all Monarchies and Potentates, yea the most barbarous, justice and the justices office is sold by public authority, and given to him that offereth most, although he be the most unworthy. The excuse is made upon the public necessity of this Realm, as if the sale of offices, the money whereof, for the most part, is disposed and goeth to the receivers, that enrich them, that small sum which is clearly left, can be so great maintenance to the Realm from this first sale of offices, which is done by public authority, ensueth a consequence which seemeth to be natural, yet very evil, that whosoever hath bought an office by great, may sell justice by retale, to make up his money. From thence proceedeth the corruption of judges, that even as at the entry into their offices they are forsworn, affirming that they neither gave nor paid any money to attain the same, they become much more perjured in their consciences, betraying and selling justice, drawing upon them the curse of judas, the perpetual trembling of Cain, and the Leprosy of Ciesi, with other such like executions and maledictions. It is the corruption and damnation of the wicked judges, which maketh honest men abstain from the places, and yet some of them how honest soever they show, they have some spark of covetous desire, to handle spices and sweet sugar, yet much more bitter than the honey of Sarde. And as this sale of offices, hath increased a great number of judges, Councillors, Attorneys, Clerks, and Solicitors, whereof there are so many, that make their advantage by sucking the treasure & blood of the people, that it is well known, that law costeth the people of this Realm, twice as much more as all the tallages: and not only the common people, but also the Nobility and great personages, whereby many good houses are overthrown. Remedy. Is the reducing and surprising of this great number of judges, to the ancient, just, and first number, and the interdiction of the sale of offices, by public and perpetual law. The Archbishop of Bourges having set down the other disorders that spring, and have their issues out of the first, he besought the king to take order therein, by a good and perfect reformation, which shall cause the people to increase, justice to flourish, and assure the tranquility of this Realm, to make it continue as long as the moon continueth in the Elements: and so he ended his Oration. The Oration for the Nobility. The same day Charles de Coss, Count de Brissac, Lord of Estland, Great-Panetier and Falconer of France, who after the death of the Duke of Guise, had reobtained the king's favour, and continued in the honour which before he had to be Precedent of the Nobility of France, began his Oration, and having excused his insufficiency, he assured himself, that the king considering, that the profession of a Gentleman consisteth more in deed, then in word, he would with his Grace's favour, cover the imperfection of his discourse, and that as in the disputation between two Musicians, Piton and Cephiseus, Pirrus gave judgement, that Pelibercon was the better Captain: so his Majesty hearing the thundering eloquence of Monsieur de Bourges, and Monsieur Bernard, would judge him but to be a soldier: which done, he said: That the long reign of the king, had sufficiently shown, that it is not the hand of fortune, that have environed the forehead of his Majesty with a double Diadem, but God, that hath established him for our King, and that before, chose him for Monarch of a people further distant, not for the greatness of his royal lineage, nor for the universal signs and tokens of the valour of Frenchmen, but for the piety, faith, clemency, and magnanimity, wherewith it hath pleased his gracious goodness, to have adorned his Majesty in his most tender years. That it is sufficiently known, that in his reign only, the heavens have not permitted the birth of so many mischiefs, but that during the times of great kings his predecessors, heresy, schism, disorder, and division, hath entered into the people's hearts: and that we must believe, that God hath caused him to be borne in the middle of the troubles of France, reserving unto him that hath supported the pains and travels, the honour and glory unto so just a labour: to the end, that by the hands of so famous a Prince, France having prostrated itself unto the furies of hereticques, may not only be succoured, but revenged: not saved, but increased: not flourishing, but elevated above all nations: and that from this triumph so much desired, his Majesty shall reap the honour: his estate the principal good, and all the people of Europe be participants to this happy chance, it being an assurance unto his Crown, the most assured stay of all Christendom. The memorable victory of the ●ing against the Rutters. That the victories which France desireth to see his Majesty obtain, shall be but a continuation of the overthrow by him given to that great and searefull army of Rutters, Swissers, Lansquenets, and French Huguenots, which by the good conduction & vigilacie of his Majesty, received more shame and loss, than it hoped to reap in riches & honour: and the Swissers found more favour and mercy, then before they had showed boldness and desire to do him injury: those that were saved, returning like trumpets of his renown, publishing the honours, praises, and victories of his Majesty. That now the prayers, tears, and travels of ancient Frenchmen, seemed to ask vengeance against those, that after so many religious times, have violated the sepulchres of their fathers and ours, who by fire, fury, and rage, would pull from among us, this only religion which those holy fathers had planted throughout the world. That of all reprobates, there can be no sect found, that is so dangerous nor abominable, as that of the Hugunots, and as their impiety is extreme, so ought their punishment to be the like. That it is known, whether the fury of the enemy be greater, than the disorders are deplorable, which are found to be in the Church, by negligence, ignorance, confidence, and abuse. And proceeding to show the affection and zeal which the Nobility continueth in the assistance of the King, to remit religion and the state in their first splendure, and with the price of their lives, following the example of their elders, and the hereditary generosity of such as have driven out and vanquished the Goths, Vandals, Arrians, Albigeois, lombards, Saracens, and Pagans, that have pursued the defence of the faith, and victories of the kings of France, from the furthest parts of the Ocean Seas, far beyond the Western, and that have not left any place for the reputation of their honours, within the compass of the circle of the sun: he besought his Majesty, to favour the antiquity of the privilege & right belonging to the Nobility, in them to acknowledge the services done unto his predecessors: The prowess of ancient Frenchmen, to reform the rules and military ordinances of the Kings his ancestors: not to permit, that any by money or favour, may attribute unto himself the name of a Gentleman, to maintain the privileges of the order of the knights of Saint john's of jerusalem, to cut off the superfluities: in justice to moderate his subsidies: order his treasures: re-establish the Magistrate: ordain an order and policy among soldiers: cause the Church to be reform: and to punish the enemies of our holy religion. And so wishing a thousand prosperities to the king, and peace unto his subjects, he ended his Oration. The compl●●●ts of the third estate. The agreement of subjects to the king's obedience. Heresy and schism. Monsieur Bernard councillor of the Parliament in Dyon, presented the complaints of the third estate, beginning his Oration with a solemn thanksgiving, for the promise made by his Majesty, fully to execute the holy Edict of union, written, marked, & pointed unto by the finger of god, by the which heresies shall be driven away, as clouds that are dispersed by the sun: exhorting all the towns and subjects of this Realm, besides this union in one only religion, to enter into an other union & good intelligence for the service of the King, continuance of his dignity, and in defence of the good of the estate: every man remembering, that the Prince is given of God to command, and the subjects to obey. He discovereth all the infirmities of this polliticque body, which beside the ulcer of heresy and partialities, have most strangely corrupted this Realm. Blasphemies are natural and ordinary speeches among divers Frenchmen: adultery is a sport: conjuration is a subtlety of spirit: curiosity, honesty, and simony, a common trade of merchandise. Simony. Simony is not only a spiritual Leprosy of the Church, but a poison which innisibly is tasted by the Nobility, and a contagion which intecteth the third estate. The Governments of towns, places and Castles, are committed to mean Gentlemen: the surety of the Inhabitants of a place of importance, is exposed to the hazard of the means and riches of a Captain evil affected. The most ignorant being rich, obtained the chiefest places within this Realm, men are rather known by the goldennesse of their estates, then by their virtues, knowledge, and wisdom, and have nothing but an officers gown to hide and cover their ignorance. So the beauty of justice is darkened, the elections of benefices and offices violated, good customs perverted, virtue banished & exiled, vice in authority, and rapine marcheth throughout the Realm with Ensigns displayed. The disorder in wars. The insolency of horsemen, the violence of soldiers, who like mad men and patrticides, have peeled, torn, murdered, violated, and sacked this country of France: our Commonwealth have spoiled the villages with so barbarous hostility, that most part of the lands are untilled, fertile places become deserts, houses void, and the flat country unpeopled, and all things reduced into a most fearful disorder. The Partisans. War is not only made among the people, by soldiers enrolled and priest by the king's commission, but also by another sort of enemies, that have no less troubled his subjects, than an army of Rutters, which are the partakers, such as by importunity, gifts, and inventions of new tallages, have drawn the treasures of this Realm into their coffers, and made the people ready to beg, those are the devisers of sibsidies and new Edicts, the executors of extraordinary commissions, buyers and fellers of offices, vermin of men, hatched by harpies, bred up in one night, who by their devices have fretted this Realm, even to the very ashes of houses. They march proudly incredite, with the Seargent at their heels, at their word to execute the king's subjects, with summons in their hands, to constrain the consciences of the good, and to violate the authority and religion of sovereign Courts, by crosssing of pays, and interdictions of entries. Many Edicts have been verified, and registered with these words, by commandments divers times reiterated in good and just Edicts, the commandments of the sovereign Prince is not necessary. Treasures evil employed. That if such and so great novelties and oppressions, never seen nor heard of in France, had been devised for the profit and commodity of his Majesty, the complaints against them were neither just nor reasonable, but the soldiers have been without masters, and not paid: the wages of officers lessened, and the treasures spent and consumed. And yet they go about to devise new subsidies and receipts of money, but upon whom? upon a poor countryman, rob, and naked, and turned into his shirt, for so we may term the people of France. And after this Orator had showed, that there rested no surer nor better remedy against those disorders, then to require an account of those who by the oppression and impoverishing of the subiectses have heaped up so much riches, then to free himself from the practices and false persuasions of certain evil councillors, religiously to execute, and violably to observe his ordinances, and not to content himself only to see them published and imprinted, without causing them to be practised, by a prompt and continual exercise, he concludeth his learned and long Oration, by demanding the conclusion of the estates, saying. Sorrow for the death of the Queen mother. ANd therefore most noble Prince, we humbly beseech you, that the eye of your prudency may always be open, for the defence of your poor people, and the unburthening and comfort thereof, and that your good resolutions, may in no sort be altered nor changed. We hoped that by a long life, the Queen your most wise and most honourable Lady and mother, should therein have been a great furtherance unto us, by the proof and experience that France hath had of her so good and profitable Counsels, but seeing her days are finished, and that her dignity of a Queen and Princess, granted her not the privilege to prolong her years, neither yet to promise her further respite, the will and pleasure of God, with the necessity of a tomb must serve you for a consolation and patience, and hope that her happy soul will make prayers in heaven, that shall be more certain and profitable unto your Majesty and the estate, than all the counsels in the world. In the mean time, we will have our recourse unto the favour and good will of the Queen your most dear spouse, in whom your subjects have beholden so much shining light of devotion, piety, and christian virtues, that they expect by her means, the comfort by them hoped for, with a confirmation of your good and just intents, aided and assisted by those of the Catholicque Princes of your blood. The rest dependeth partly upon your chief justice, and the Keeper of your Seals, who being chosen for his deserts, and by the certain report of his integrity, we hope will not permit that such ordinances which are made within his time, should be violated and broken, as it were at the same instant. Which doing, we will no more lament the holy reigns of ancient kings, we shall not need to speak of the justice of Charles the great, Saint Lewis, nor Philip Augustus, much less will we make account of the fatherly affection of king Lewis the twelfth. Our books shall only be filled with your wisdom, justice, clemency, and love: the heavens shall open, to place upon your head a Crown of great prosperity: God will give you the grace to see your posterity, which in valour shall cause the name of Valois to increase a name, the only continuation whereof, will procure the welfare and honour of France. Further, the sweetness of so happy a season, and the enjoying of the fruits by us hoped for and expected to proceed from the conclusion of this Parliament, will confirm us in the service that we own unto your Majesty, the which by us is newly assured, by a solemn oath made in open assembly of all the estates, and registered for a perpetual law, in all fidelity, to love, honour, and obey your Majesty. And because that time representeth itself, wherein we may make proof of the effects of our good wills, and that otherwise the want of means, commandeth divers of us with speed to departed from hence. I am expressly charged to beseech your Majesty to grant us leave, to the end, that being in our Provinces, some of us will be messengers of your most holy and laudable inspirations: others by the authority of Magistracy which they bear, may there cause you to be obeyed: and that all of us together with mutual minds and certain concord, may withdraw ourselves out of a common peril, and yield you certain testimony that we are and will continue, most faithful, most humble, and most obedient subjects, until the last gasp of our lives. The king, who for the space of fifteen days, had been solitary, without resolving upon the bills by the three estates presented unto him, perceiving that the estates could not attend nor stay the full conclusion thereof, without great discommodity touching their own affairs, & that they besought him to have licence to departed, he used certain persuasions rather than commandments, to stay them for a time, until their bills should be fully answered, or at the least, a certain number of each Order to be there, at the publication of his answers and ordinances. All the Deputies that were advertised of the rise that began to be made within their Provinces, and that upon a sudden all the Towns disposed themselves to dance after Paris, besought him to departed. The king not desiring to hold them against their wills, caused a publication to be made of certain articles touching some of the principal points of the bills put up in partliament, which were the rebating of the fourth part of the balages, foreseeing very well, that in so great a raising of arms, his poor people would be so extremely oppressed, that they could not pay all. A dissolution of the estates the 16. of january, 1589. Attempts of the League against the king. And thus the estates being dissolved, a declaration was sent unto all the Provinces, to assure them of his majesties good intention. The nineteenth of januarie, there was published at Paris and in other places, a declaration from the Princes Catholicque towns and Commonalties, united together with the three estates of the Realm, for preservation of religion and the people's liberty, to whom they promised a discharge from a fourth part of the taxes, and of their fruits and increase: although he one night well enough said, that the people of France had suffered greater extortion under the league in three years, then before they had done during the space of three civil wars, and under the reign of the three last Kings. Further, the thirtieth of the same month, the Precedents, Princes, Peers of France, Prelates, Masters of requests, councillors, Advocates, and Procurors general, Registers, Porters, Notaries, Solicitors, and procurers of the Court of Parliament, to the number of three hundredth and six and twenty, made a new oath of union, signed by each of them in particular, some of them having thereto set their blood instead of Ink, the purpose and end whereof was, to persecute the king by all means possible (without respect had to his dignity, or any other consideration) for the execution of Blois. The decree of Sorbonne before made, was also published, importing, that the people of France were freed and absolved, from the oath of fidelity and obedience made to Henry the third. That the same people might lawfully and with good conscience, arm and unite themselves, raise money, and make contributions, for preservation and defence of the Roman Church, against counsels replenished with all flagition, and the force of the king or his adherents, whatsoever. In that (affirmed they) he had violated public faith, to the prejudice of Catholicque religion, the Edict of sacred union, and the natural and proper liberty of the three estates of the Realm. The king first employeth his pen before he draweth his sword. The king perceiving that the greater mildness he used in reducing these errants into the right way, the more they took bridle in mouth, to run whither soever their violent passions would transport them, scoffing at him, and attributing that affection which he bore to reunite them to himself, rather to a fear he had, of either retaining them as his enemies, or losing them as subjects, used his authority, publishing throughout all the Provinces, divers declarations of his intention, as well against the Duke de main, the Duke, and Chevalier d'Aumale, heads of the rebellion, as likewise against the towns of Paris, Amiens, Orleans, Abeville, and other their adherents. He therefore accused them of attempt against his person, of felony and rebellion: he denounced those heads and members all disloyal, rebellious, attainted and convicted of the crimes of felony, rebellion, & high treason, to their chiefest head: and disgraded them, together with their posterity, of all honours, if within the space of one month they rendered not themselves under his obedience. The term set down, was the beginning of March: but seeing that instead of repenting themselves, they committed so many the more outrages, taking up arms on all sides, and that they practised out of the land, seized on his treasure, under colour of Lieutenants general of the estate, confirmed patents & commissions under a new seal, oppressed by incredible violations, divers provinces stripped into their shirts, many of his most faithful subjects which would not adhere unto them, without entreating much more graciously others, who had so greatly desired and laboured the league. In brief, that they had usurped all points and prerogatives of his royal Majesty, except the name and title of king, which they reserved to an other opportunity. He then resolved also for his part, to put in readiness an army to suppress these insupportable attempters. And for performance of this, he dispatched letters patents for convocation and assembly of his Nobility and martial power. Not long after, ensued an other Edict of the kings, by which he translated to the town of Tours, such exercise of justice as was wont to be performed in his Court of Parliament of Paris, enjoining them of that Court, to repair incontinently to Tours, there to execute their offices. He made the like transportation of his chamber of accounts to the same place, and deprived Paris, with the other towns, of all offices, charges, dignities, and privileges, whom he would willingly have made afeard, and won unto himself, before coming to arms. But all this was but a casting of oil into the fire. Exploits of the king of Navarre, who came afterwards to be king. The king of N. recovered of a dangerous disease he had, a little after the death of the Queen-mother, determined for testimony of his fidelity towards the king, to cross (as far as in him lay) the diseignments of the leaguers, hindering them from defacing any thing in those places, which he had means to assure, as well for service of the king, as for the relief of those of the religion. Thus therefore he received into his protection, those of S. Maixent & Millezay, he safegarded against the league, Chastelleraut, Loudun, I'll Mirebeau, Vivonne, & other places adjoining. Afterwards he set forward even into Berry, and took over the leaguers head the Town and Castle of Argenton. And being returned to Chastelleraut, he writ in the beginning of March, ample letters to the three estates of France, full of serious admonitions, that they should give over the League, and advertising them, that if they proceeded in their evil counsels and determinations, he was minded, if the king so commanded him, to take the field, with his friends and followers, hoping that God would give him the grace to break many of their deseignments, and to cut them off from their affairs & inventions. He took into his protection and safeguard, all such towns & personages as would join with him against the league, promising that in the towns he would suffer nothing to be innovated, neither in policy or church-affairs, except on such considerations as should touch the liberty of every one: having learned (said he) for conclusion, that the true and only mean of reuniting people to the service of God, and establishing piety in an estate, is mildness, peace, good example, not war, nor disorders, through which wickedness and vices spring up in the world. At the same time, the Town and Castle of Angiers were assured to the king: but the Duke de Mercoeur brought almost all Britain in subjection to the party of the league, with which Roan, Thoulouse, & Lions, were now joined, and Bourdeaux wanted not much of doing the like: but Marshal de Matignon was faithful to the king, so that the leaguers and jesuits, were constrained to remove from thence. During these commotions, debatement was made of a truce between the king & Navarre, to the end they might more commodiously make head against the league, Debatement of truce between the two kings. which augmented every week more & more. The K. minding to use Na. forces, without which he could not do much of himself, offered and yielded into his hand, Saumur for security of his passage over Loire: by means whereof, in attending ratification of the truces, the king of N. caused all his troops to pass over on this side of Loire, to join with the forces of Normandy, main, and other places which attended him, with intention to approach the Leaguers, and thus to ease them of the labour of coming any more to find him out in Gascon and Xaintongne, as before they had done. Afterwards the 18. of April, he proclaimed wars against them, if they deferred any longer to lay aside arms. But they showed themselves as little moved with this, as before by the king's letters patternts, by which he translated the justice & jurisdiction of the Great-maisters, Inquisitors, and Reformers general, which was wont to be held in the Pallas at Paris, at the bench of the table of marble, to his Court of Parliament not long since established at Tours. An enterprise on the king's person by the league, frustrated by the king of Navars' presence. About the end of the same month, he published an Edict, declaring that all the movable & immooverable goods of the Duke de main, of the Duke and Chevalier d'Aumale, and of those which voluntarily dwelled and remained in the Towns of Paris, Thoulouse, Orleans, Chartres, Amiens, Abeville, Lions, Man's, and of all other maintaining their party, forfeited & confiscated, minding that the money rising of the sale thereof, should be employed in the charges of the war. Notwithstanding all this above declared, the D. de main and his confederates, having their army in readiness, made a selection of their resolutest men, and marched into Vendosmois, with an intention to surprise the K. in Tours, were he was weakly enough guarded: & besides this, they had secret intelligence both in the court & town. The king of Navarre being advertised that this army was in Vendosme, and in the confines thereabout, determined to go to see them: and for this purpose, departed the eight and twentieth day of April, with 400. Mistress, and a thousand Harquebusiers on horseback, going ten long miles at one march. But being in the way to have gone further forward, he received news that the king called him back to his own succour, wherefore with all speed he turned head, and came to lodge at Maille upon Loire, two miles from Tours, after he had remained by the space of 24. hours on horseback. A peculiar order of Cavallere. The king presently hearing of this arrival, was much eased at heart: for it was mightily seared, lest the Duke de main having taken S. Ouyn near Amboise, which he battered with two coluerins, would have come to ledge in the suburbs of Tours: the which so falling out, the K. had been in evident danger of his person. On Sunday, being the last day of the month, the two kings viewed each other, in the passage from Plessy Park to Tours, with mutual demonstration of all contentment. Free resolution of the K. of Navarre. The K. of Navarre this day showed a free and absolute resolution, which was wont with him to be ordinary. For Marshal Hautmont being come to find him out, and exhort him in the behalf of the king, that he would come to him, incontinently he determined to go, laying aside all suspicion, and rejecting divers adnertisements which had been given him, for slacking of this interview thrice pleasing to the people, & profitable to the king. Truce between the two Xings. After that the two kings had for the space of some days communicated together, Vavar returned over to Loire, & lodged himself in the suburbs of Saint Saphorin, afterwards the truce accorded betwixt them, was published throughout the town of Tours, after it had been promulgated in the Court of Parliament, as was also the second Edict or proclamation of war against the heads of the league and their adherents: who in the beginning retired themselves towards Vendosme: afterwards judging the the K. of N. was far off, about the 8. of May they set even upon the suburbs of Tours, drawn thereunto by their intelligence & fastened skirmish: their sudden arrival made an alarm in the town, wherein there was great trouble at the first, and with all speed they sent toward; the king of Navarre, who was somewhat remote, willing him to make haste. Chevalier, d'Aumale, arriving there after the skirmish, lodged himself near the Provost, hard by S. Simphorian, where in searching through the house, three or four hours after, they found certain soldiers which they brought unto him, all whom before his own eyes he caused to be stabbed. Acts and Catholic carriage of the leaguers. At the same instant were 40. or 50. women & maids found hidden in a cave, who were all forced: as like wise they were in the rest of the suburbs, yea, & even within the Church of S. Simphorian, some women & young maids fled thither, as to a place of security, were violated in the presence of their husbands, fathers, & mothers, whom these Catholic leaguers caused to be assistant to so horrible spectacles, the more to outrage & oppress them. The day following, upon the pavement of the Church were seen the beds, whereon the Vicar protested to have seen them hale women and virgins. They broke open the chests & defaced the windows of the temple, & stole away whatsoever there was, & after they had beaten flatling with their swords, the Vicar & chaplain whom they kept bound all night, they cut the cord that sustained the pixe, to see whither it were silver and gilt or no, but finding that it was but brass, they threw it in despite against the ground. In pilling & stealing they light upon two chalices, whereof the one was of silver, the other of copper: the of copper they left, saying in mockery, that it belonged to the league or union, & made a conscience so much as to touch it, but that of silver, was denounced royal, or appertaining to the king: heretical, and therefore consequently of good price. The Church-boxe, wherein there was some silver, the Copes and or naments of the Altar, with the Vicar's robes and vestments, were also found heretical, and in this nature were carried away. This Knight took for his spoil, a very young virgin of an honest s●●●lie, which was scarcely eleven years old, being found within a barn, whom he forced, holding continually his poniard at her throat, by reason of her resistance, sending her afterwards to his officers, to be abused in the like manner. The day following in the morning, these leaders perceiving that some body would quickly come to unnestle them, & that the king's succours approached, made themselves ready to dislodge, and every man to pay his Host, set fire on his lodging, so that all the whole subburbe had been brought to dust and ashes, without the present succour that thereto was given. Other stimulations of the leagues exploits, against Roman Catholic religion, where of they termed themselves to be protectors. Now seeing I am entered into this discourse, I will yet make a step or two out of the way, and return afterwards to the prosecusion of this my collection. It is therefore to be observed, that after the taking up of arms, the league showed no violence, but against the towns and boroughs of their own party, wherein persons Ecclesiastical, noble, and upright men suspected to favour the king never so little, were in all sorts offered violence: that is to say, at Thoulouse they cruelly killed the Precedent Duranti, and Dafis the king's Advocate, both of them well affected to the Roman Church. Those of the religion in Guienne and other places, had never more peace then during these outrages of the League. And it was then a common proverb: that the sheep than fed most securely, when the wolves were at wars amongst themrelues. It is impossible to set down the sacrileges, violations, blasphemies against God, mockery of all religion, but namely of the Catholicque Roman, perpetrated in the leaguer Towns and in the country, by their troops: their soldiers, whereof a part were Priests and Monks, all the time of Lent, in contempt of the Pope's ordinances, whom they call the holy father, eat flesh, yea even in those places where they had abundance of fish. divers of them constrained Curates and Vicars of Parishes, by putting a dagger to their throats, to baptise (pardon me, if I use this sacred word in an act so execrable) calves, sheep, lambs, pigs, goats, chickens, and capons, and to give them the names of pikes, carp, barnobles, soles, turbots, and herrings. It was in divers places and sundry Inns, that thus much was performed, while Sorbonne and the Preachers, thundered out against their souer●igne and lawful Prince, to ravish women and virgins within the Temples: to murder the poor prisoners hard at the Altar: to run away with the Chalice, and to strip the Ecclesiastical Officials, was the essential form of a good and zealous Leaguer: if any alleged that they were of the royal party, among a number of examples, one shall suffice to discover the Lion (as we usually say) by his paws. One of the most insolent of the league, named Commeronde, had under him a Regiment of seven or eight hundredth men, and having overrun, peeled, and foraged the whole countries of Anjou and County Laval, in the end of April he lodged himself in the Borough of Arquenay, appertaining to the Lord of Rambovillet, and distant three miles from Laval. There was in the same place a Temple (which they call a Church) as well furnished and set forth as any in all the country, having been of long time enriched and endowed with many donatories, by the Lords of that place. The Inhabitants had not laid apart nor shut up any one thing of their or naments, seeing they could not be persuaded, that under these goodly titles of zealous and united Catholics, so many erroneous offences might be hatched: withal, divers of the religion had passed by that way before, which did not so much as touch this Temple, nor athing that was therein. But Commeronde, for his first warlike exploit, burned the Gates of the Church: afterwards he entered thereinto with his people, which wholly peeled and spoiled it, killed a poor man at the crucifix foot, because he complained, that in the self same place they had ravished his wife in his own presence: they eased their bellies within the holy water stock, and in every corner of the Church: and of robes, wherein were wrought certain ave Maries, they made garments for change, and setting forth of their queans. For the top and height of this exploit, they took the pixe of silver, wherein there was four and twenty hosts: one amongst the rest appareled him-himselfe in Priestlike habit, caused eighteen or twenty soldiers to fall down upon their knees, and having his hands yet full of blood and sacrilege, distributed these hosts, throwing down upon the ground three or four others that remained, which were trodden under foot. At their departure they sold the Copes, banner, and relicques, to the Moonkes of Eurons: the Chalices, lamps, boxes, and cross of silver, to them of Vague: and not many days after, they did as much at Thorigni. But expecting a particular History of the league, wherein shall be found renewed, all kinds of cruel and infamous Tragedies, let us return to the army of the league, and to the Parisians. The reunion of the two Kings, made them see how it was time for the league to run: for this cause the Council general of the union, addressed memorials, letters, and advertisements, both within and without the realm, of whatsoever they thought expedient, to assure and protect this building of confusion. They sent men and large instructions unto Rome, to justify their actions, to demand a legate from the Pope, to promise publication of the Council of Trent, to obtain and favour on all sides, through the intercession of the Pope and his Cardinals. One of their packets was surprised by the way, so that their mines by this means were blown up: nevertheless their Deputies, who were the Commanders of Diou, Council our Coqueley, the Abbot of Orbais, and the Dean of Rheimes, went forward about the end of May. Other dispatches were sent to the leaguer Towns, for raising contribution: for whole Cartlodes of silver was behoveful for the disbursements of such young kings, to fill the coffers of others most greedy, for payments of some men's debts, and for the purchase of other sums, lands, and Lordships. Exploits by the king against the league. In the mean while, both within and round about the towns, were infinite pillages, incoursions, thefts, and depredations performed: divers of the royal party were murdered here and there. In every place there was extreme liberty given, and the fury seemed desperate, that was undertaken against the king's name. There was no longer any question of a commotion in some small circuit of a country, but a man might perceive the fire of this revolt, to have taken hold in the four corners, and even in the midst and heart of France: so furiously, as it is an horror to call it to mind. The king had from the beginning of April, sent forces hither and thither, and some towns not far from Paris, remained yet at his commandment. Genlis, which had done homage to the leagne, was happily reduced to his obedience by the solicitation of some noble Burgesses, and this (because it was but a little days journey from Paris towards Picardy) was afterwards a thorn that mightily pricked the leaguers. Duke Montpensieur being in Normandy with forces for the K. assisted by the Lords of Halot, Crevecoeur, Baqueville & Larchan, discomfited first the Garrison of Fallaize, took three Captains, hewed in pieces the greater part of the men, and dispersed the rest. There he besieged Falaize, and receiving news that County Brissac, accompanied with two or three hundredth Gentlemen leaguers, some Priests: and five or six thousand men were coming to succour, he left the siege to go and meet them. Count Brissac discomfited in Normandy by the Duke Montpensier. They were lodged in three villages, two of which he entered by force, killing all those that stood out valiantly: the others never made offer of combat afterward: Brissac himself fled away with all the Cavalleriers. The number of the leaguers then slain, were 3000. and more: amongst whom were many Gentlemen: the Conquerors had about one thousand or 1200. prisoners, amongst whom there were some thirty Gentlemen, and of the principallest. This was a bad presagement for the League. In Beaussy by the Lord of Chastillon. A month after, or thereabouts, that is to say, the 18. of May, the Lord of Chastillon having passed Bagency with 200. horse, & as many harquebusiers, understanding that some troops of the Duke d'Aumale marched along to charge on the L. of Lorges, who scoured the highways, made forward towards Bonneval with twenty Gentlemen, conducted by Fonquerolles, who encountered Arclenuille, commander within Chastres for the league. He would have acknowledged them, but they charged him, and slew five of six of his men even hard at his elbow: so that galloping he retired, and gave the alarm to the troops of Picardy, led by the Lords of Savenze and Brosses, who had in their company about 500 Gentlemen, being likewise followed by other Cavalleries, to the number of 300. and a company of harquebusiers both on horseback and a foot, Savenze cast before his harquebusiers, placed his troops of lancers in wings, and without shrinking one whit came forward. Chastillon having made a stand, placed his infantry, and made two strengths of his horse, returning on his left hand, Charbonniere and Haranbure, with their companies of light horse: afterwards he received the charge, whereunto Savenze ran bravely with a gallop of 30. paces long: his harquebuziers on horseback, having given their volley near enough. chastilions foot received them, and (after the first discharge of their shot) coupled with the horse the came to charge, killing divers horses with wounds they made in their flanks with swords, without any losses on their own part, more than of three soldiers. Savenze, who skirtwise was opposed against the light horse, made strait forward, charging Chastillon with such fury, as his first ranks were broken, he shocked & born down to the earth, with 8. or ten Gentlemen, where there were but two or 3. lightly hurt, and 20. or 25. of their horse slain: Chastillon & his men recovered themselves, and fought courageously on foot. Surce Harambure, and Fonquerolles, charged so fiercely Savenze and his men, that they overthrew them, and broke their array in such a sort, as they were not able to reunite themselves together again, but were put to plain flight and pursued: more than 26. Gentlemen having been borne down dead to the earth in the field. In the pursuit there was more than 60. slain, all their harquebusiers that were left behind overthrown, two Cornets won, and forty Gentlemen taken, part of them being wounded, and amongst others, Savenze, who being conveyed to Baugency, when his friends and familiars seeing him in danger of death, admonished him to ask pardon at God's hands, to confess and communicate himself, as also to crave mercy of the king, he could never be brought the reunto, by any reason could be laid before him, but died as a desperate man. He bore in his Cornet the Cross of Lorraine, with a Spanish devise in letters of gold: Morir omas contento. Oh rather content to die. There was in this skirmish some 25. or 30. soldiers, which in the end of the fight were fallen into chastilions hands, who desired to save them, and yet they chose rather to be dispatched in the field, then to swear that they should never bear arms against the king: all whose enemies at that instant come forth of Picardy, were then overthrown. In the isle of France by the Duke of Longueville, at the siege of Sentys. At the same time, the town of Senlis besieged by the Parisians army, under the conduct of the D. d'Aumale, having been furiously battered, sustained and repelled a grievous assault. And as the defendants were minded to capitulate, succour was brought unto them by the Duke of Longueville, he being followed by the L. of Bonivet, Humieres, la Nove, and others. Whereupon battle ensued, in which the assailants were defeated, about 1500. of them being slain upon the field in their flight and pursuit, as well by the Conquerors as by the Peasants. The league lost also therein, their artillery and all the baggage of their army. Afterwards the D. de main attempted to win this place by practice, because it so highly imported him, and by certain treacherous Cannons, Priests, & Monks within the town, they entered in with 20. or thirty Captains, at an instant set down, to cut off in the night a Corpse de guard: and to further on their own behalf and escalado, his troops approached verieneare, and some there were that came even to the ditch, but the Corpse de guard having then been lately relieved, and keeping good watch, they within durst not show themselves, and one without adventuring to approach, had his thigh broken with a musket shot: when the alarm being given, the assailants retired. This wounded man being taken, discovered the whole practices. The entered Captains with the traitors, passed through the hands of the executioner: and Senlis hath ever since persevered in the obedience of the king. The king approacheth near Paris with an armed power. The king encouraged by so many prosperous beginnings, determined to go forward: so that from the beginning of june, to the midst of july, the war began to grow hot, and the principal intention of the king, was, to kill those of Paris, assuring himself, that after he should once have tamed the great head of the league, all the others would incontinently yield to the yoke, and that he should recover again, which was marvelous strange and difficult for him, to wit, the love and obedience of his subjects: who on the other part, fearing him as much as they hated them, practised also on every side to maintain their league, and to remain in their insurrections. This implacable war against him, was an occasion that in the chiefest towns, but especially in Paris, they spoke not of this Prince, but as of the most execrable tyrant that had ever been in the world. I and the Preachers solicited by certain heads of the league, and for this effect, by them well paid with extraordinary pensions, animated all in general, & each one in particular, to run upon him & kill him, in what manner soever it were: promising unto the tirannicides, a place in Paradise above the Angels. Furthermore, they hotly and with divers policies instigated a monk, of whom we will presently speak, to perform a noble service to the league. Thus therefore the King being approached Paris, he planted himself near Paris, whereas the Duke de main returned in haste from about Tours, to oppose himself to the Duke of Longueville, was mightily hindered, perceiving himself to be cut off in so many respects, and by enemies so puissant. His soldiers began to live at pleasure within the town, the which the Parisians felt impatiently enough, but the meaner sort durst not complain, and for the great ones, they put in practise the common proverb: upon an evil game a good countenance must be set. The king took incontinently Estampes. Exploits to the disadvantage of the League. In the mean while, the Duke of Longueville joining together the troops of champaign, & gathering to head in the confines of Chastillon upon Seine, the Swissers and Lansquenets which the Lord of Sancy conducted (who had raised war against the Duke of Savoy, in the territories of Geneve, and having there stayed him) was marched into France. He made of all this power, a body of an army of twenty thousand men, or thereabouts. Afterwards he went to pass the river of Seine at Poissy, & showed himself before the king, who laid battery to Pontoise, whereupon the defendants yielded themselves the day following, being the 25. of july, to a composition of 200000 Crowns, & a delivery of the most seditious, to the end they might receive exemplare chastisement. The K. afterwards followed by Navarre, went to welcome the Swissers army, ranged in battle, and would needs pass through all the squadrons, with so great demonstration of contentment, joy, and entertainment to the heads, as that all of them likewise made manifest unto him, the great affection they had to do him service. Having all his forces together, which made a body of 45000. men, he marched presently towards Paris, and with shot of cannon made himself Master of S. Clovis bridge. Attempts by the heads of the League, against the king's life. The Duke de main & other heads of the league, with their most confident friends, to the number of 46. within Paris began to renew their concels, and seeing the king so near them, either to urge them to battle, or else straightly to enclose them, and constrained the people to acknowledge him, judged by that, in this progression of the king's affairs, their own went to ruin, and that there was no other means left to stand out, being proclaimed guilty of high treason against their chiefest head, then by executing some notable villainy in procuring the death of the King, their Master, Benefactor, their Prince and sovereign Lord. Some certain weeks before, a young jacobine Monk, called Friar jaques Clement, borne (as men report) in a village called Sorbonne near Seins, a man drowned in all wickedness, having passed through the hands of certain confessors, and conferred with some jesuits & others, was for a kind of dexterity observed in him, found meet to strike so great a stroke. The murder intended of long time. He was urged and put forward therein, and in the end the Duke de Mayene, the sister of Montpensieur and others, had conference with him in divers places, they requested him to persever in this good determination, which they knew to rise in him, by extraordinary inspirations, to perform so renowned a service to the holy union, the Catholicque Church, and his country. They promised him Abbotships, Bishoprics, & whatsoever he would desire. He remained for certain days, one whiles with the Duchess Montp. Who amongst the Parisians was termed the holy widow: other while with his Prior, & sometimes with the jesuits. This Monk drunk in his own fury, & with so many allurements, entertainments, promises, & protestations, of felicity temporal & eternal, resolved with himself, and promised to kill the king. The people, who thought nothing, nor knew not of their cruel practices, talked of yielding themselves, & had greatly rebated their spleen and colour. Surce, Duke de main, and those of this complot, caused the most zealous Sorbonnists & jesuits to preach, that they should yet have patience for seven or eight days, & they should perceive some wonderful matter come to pass, that should make well with the union. The Preachers of Rouen, Orleans, and Amiens, preached the like at the same time, and in semblable terms. The monk having taken order for his complot, departed from Paris, & went towards S. Clou. So soon as he was departed, the Duke de main caused more than two hundredth of the principallest Citizens, and other rich men whom he knew to have friends and credit with the king's party, to be taken prisoners for a gage, to the end to save his monk, if after he had attempted or executed the fact, he were stayed or arrested. The Monk being presented to speak to the king, the first day of August, saying that he had letters from the Precedent of Harlay, and credence on his part: the king caused him to be called into his chamber, where there was no other but the L. of Bellegarde, chief Gentleman of the same, and the Procuror general, whom he procured to retire apart, more privately to give ear unto him, which addressed himself as it seemed, with a countenance very simple & demure. It is affirmed, that in the self same chamber, the Counsels of the massacres in the month of August, the year 1572. were surprised, wherein the king, that then was D. of Anjou, was one of the chiefest. The Moonk perceiving himself alone, & opportunity put into his hand, confirming his countenance more & more, drew out of one of sleeves a paper which he presented to the K. & out of the other a knife, with which violently he sheathed a thrust within the kings small ribs, he being attentive to read, & who perceiving himself wounded, plucked the knife out of the wound, wherewith he struck the Monk above the eye, & thereupon some Gentlemen came running in, who moved with the indignity of so execrable a fact, could not contain, but killed the murderer with their swords, who went to the place appointed for him, & was cannonized & adored by the league: but on the contrary, detested of those the cleaved to the dignity royal & party of the religion. In the annagratisme of his name, Friar jaques Clement, were found these words in so many letters: C'est l'enfer qui m'acreè, which importeth: It is hell the created or brought me forth. For so it seemed, that after this fact the furies themselves were come out of hell, to overwhelm topsy turvy all France. The King being carried to his bed▪ the Physicians and Surgeons applied unto him his first dressing, and judged that the wound was not mortal: by means whereof, the same day he procured writing and advise to be given of this attempt, as also of the hope of his healing and recovery, as well to the Governors of Provinces, as to Prince's strangers, his friends, and allies. But the sovereign King having otherwise disposed of the life of this Prince, took him out of the world about 3. of the clock in the morning the day following. A little before his departure, he spoke with a moderate and confirmed mind, named the King of Navarre his good brother, lawful successor to the Crown, exhorted his good subjects to obey him, to remain united, and to refer the difference of religion, to the convocation of the Estates Observations upon the life of king Hienry the third. general of the Realm, who would think upon convenient remedies for the same, to have a care of religion and piety, and to pray to God for him: upon these words he gave up his ghost. Touching the insolences of the league within Paris and elsewhere after the king's death, an other History shall declare the same: for our intention is not to proceed any further in these collections. In this Prince failed the Kings of the race of Valois, which had reigned in France from the year 1515. to the year 1589. under their dominions, almost all the wonders of former ages had been renewed. This last king was little bewailed of his subjects, by reason of many faults he committed in his government and administration. The occasion of them (without touching in any sort, either his conscience, or affairs of justice and policy) was, that in his politic government he could never well discern, except too late, his friends from his enemies: and the desire he had to lead his life in pleasure, made him let slip infinite excellent opportunities of providing for the good of France and other countries. His security emboldened his enemies, both near and far of, within and without the Realm, to innovate much, and in that he would not lay to his hand when he ought to have done, he at last found the gate shut against him, perceived himself driven out of his own house, and those whom many ways he had too much supported, established in his place, who gave him right down blows upon his head, whereof he should have been wary in time. Men talk diversly touching his departure, some judging that he left the world too soon, in respect of France her good: others deeming the contrary. Howsoever it was, his decease was to the whole Realm a beginning of particular calamities above all the rest, as the History of king Henry the fourth, of the race of Bourbon, will give testimony. Hear endeth the troubles that happened in the reign of Henry the third. This is to give the Reader to understand, that there is certain Titles gone Henry the fourth, that should have been Henry the third. A BRIEF RECITAL OF THE MOST MEMORABLE THINGS which came to pass in France, under the Reign of Henry the fourth, since his first coming to the Crown, until the middle of the year, 1598. The Frenchmens disposition after the death of Henry the 3. ALthough there were great sorrow, grief, and lamentation made in the royal army, for the death of king Henry the third: as much sign of joy and gladness was there seen on the other side, among the leaguers throughout all the City of Paris for the same, in singing of songs, and making mocking times thereupon. The Duke de main with his Court, and many others, which since the execution of Blois, wore black scarves in sign of sorrow, did hereupon cast them aside, and wore in stead of them, scarves of hopeful green. Then was there great feasting, masking, and other sportful games made among them, wherein and whereby, the murdered king was cursed and banned in most horrible sort. At that time the image and portraiture of the traitorous monk which killed the king, was by the commandment of the chief of the league, artificially framed in Brass, and other paintings, wherewith they garnished both their houses & Churches. Then was he cannonized, and among the superstitious prayed unto, as a new made Martyr, whom they called by the name of Saint jaques Clement. All such as were known to be of any kin unto him, were greatly enriched with alms gifts and public contributions. Counsels of the league. The Duke de main, which as yet durst not name himself king, caused that title by proclamation to be given throughout all Paris, to the Cardinal of Bourbon, being then prisoner, stamping money and gold, as the coin of king Charles the tenth. The Duke disguising his usurpation by his new and ridiculous title of Lieutenant general to the Estate and Crown of France, and perceiving that the declarations made by the lawful king, did shake in the beginning of his proceed, a great part of the league, published and sent abroad an Edict dated the first day of August in his own name, and the general Council of the holy union of Catholicques, established at Paris, who stayed there for the assembling of the estates of the kingdom, to reunite (as he said) all Christian Frenchmen in the defence and conservation of the Apostolicque, Roman, and Catholicque Church, for the holding up of the royal estate, expecting the liberty and presence of king Charles the tenth. Orders given to the king for the affairs of the army King Henry the fourth, which soon after the death of his predecessor, had signified to the Princes and Lords in the army his full intent, understanding that many of the Nobles made divers bad attempts, caused the principal of them to be assembled, before whom he called unto mind, the recommendations of the oaths which the deceased king had caused him to make before them all, for the tranquility of the Realm after his hurt, perceiving himself to draw toward his end. The first and chiefest point whereof, was to maintain the Frenchmen in the liberty & exercise of the two religions: that is to say, the Roman and the reformed Churches: until such time as by a good and general Council it were otherwise determined. These promises by oath he renewed unto them again, which appeased the controversies. And because he might not securely stay at Paris, by reason of this sudden change, and the sicknesses which afflicted the royal army, the king by advise went into Normandy, as well to receive the succours which came from England, as also for the fortifying of certain places and passages which was fit for his purpose. The league removed on the other side, and then the Earl of Randan, one of the chiefest of them, had surprised in Awergne the City d'Issoire, about the tenth of August. The Parliament of Bourdeaux published a decree the 19 of the same month, whereby all those of their side, were enjoined to keep inviolably the Edicts made by the holy union, concerning the Apostolicque, Catholicque, and Roman Church, and all the declarations by them made. Three days after that at Thoulouse, tearing the picture of the deceased K. body in pieces, they ordained by an act, made by the general consent of the leaguers, that every year upon the first day of August, they should in making processions and public prayers, acknowledge unto God the great benefits which as upon that day they received by the fearful death of Henry the third: whereby the happy deliverance of Paris ensued, with many other distressed Cities in the Realm: forbidding all persons to acknowledge Henry of Bourbon king of Navarre to be king of France, whom that Court thought a most unfit man to succeed in the same kingdom, because (said the edict) of the notorious and manifest crimes expressed against him, in that bull of excommunication, which was given out by Pope Sixtus the fift. His genealogy. The envy of which partial Parliament hath constrained me once again to set unto your sight in brief sort, the true genealogy of King Henry the fourth. Lewis the ninth, surnamed the Saint, being the 44. king of France, came to the Crown in the year 1227. and reigned till the year 1270. he had four sons, two of the which, namely Peter and Robert, died without issue, and before their father. The other twain that survived, was Philip, and Robert the second of that name. Philip surnamed the Hardy, & third of that name, successively left these following: from the father to the son: from brother to brother: and the nearest of blood, to the nearest of blood: Philip the fourth, called the Fair. Lewis the tenth, surnamed Hutin. Philip the fift, surnamed the Long. Charles the fourth, termed the fair. Philip de Valois, john, Charles the fift, surnamed the wise. Charles the sixth, called the well-beloved. Charles the seventh: Lewis the eleventh: Charles the eight: all descending from Saint Lewis in the right line. Charles the fift, which makes the second branch from the end of the first line, had two sons: Charles Duke of Orleans, and john Earl of Angoulesme. Charles the eight, dying then without children: Charles Duke of Orleans, successively came into the right line, so that Lewis his son was found the first heir, who also reigned after Charles the eight, who was surnamed father of the people, Lewis their dying without issue male, the right of inheritance came into the branch of john Earl of Angoulesme, so that the law set the Crown on the head of Francis the first, the Earls only son. And from Francis, it came to his son Henry the second, from whom succeeded orderly, Francis the second, Charles the ninth, and Henry the third his children, one after the other, from brother to brother. In this right line ended the last King of the race of Valois, who died without children. The law than took hold on the second son of Saint Lewis, named Robert, who was Earl of Clermont, and married with Beatrix, daughter to d'Archambaut of Bourbon: by her he had one son named Lewis, from whom the lands were made errigible, in Count, the year one thousand three hundredth twenty seven. After this Lewis, succeeded Peter and james his sons. Peter had one son named Charles, Duke of Bourbon, and Constable of France, who was slain at the taking of Rome, in the year one thousand five hundredth twenty seven. And in him, dying without issue male, ended the line masculine of this branch. james his uncle, the son of Lewis, had then a son named john, who espoused Catherine Countess of Vendosme of Castres', and Lady of Conde. This john son of james, had three sons: james, Lewis and john. The first & last, to wit, james and john, left no posterity. Lewis son of john had two sons, Francis and Lewis, the younger hath issue, the Duke de Montpensier, who liveth at this present. The Prince de la Rochesuryon, the eldest of this branch died without children. The eldest named Francis the son of Lewis, which espoused Marie of Luxembourg, had three sons: Charles, Francis, and Lewis. Charles the eldest, had by the Lady Frances of Alencon five sons: Anthony, Francis, Charles, Lewis, and john. Anthony of Bourbon eldest son of Charles, married jane d'Albert Queen of Navarre, the year one thousand five hundredth forty nine. The twelfth of December 1553. was borne of this marriage in the ninth degree of the heirs male, after Saint Lewis, Henry of Bour●●n, the only son of Anthony. Now by the decease of Henry the third, the last king of the race of Valois, descending by the masculine line, from Philip the eldest son of king Lewis the Saint, the right of the Crown came unto Robert his youngest son, and from him, consequently to Henry of Bourbon, the fourth of that name, king of France and Navarre, who at this day reigneth, and of whom we are specially to speak in this breviary. That which the king did in his beginning. This king having accompanied the corpse of the deceased king to his tomb, and put it in safe keeping to the Master of Meulan, guysor's, and Clermont, divided his forces into three armies: the first for himself, with the which he marched unto Touraine: the other twain he committed to the Duke de Longueville, and to the Marshal d'Aumont, for Picardy and Champagne. Before he had taken the way to Touraine with his troops, which were composed of twelve hundredth horse, three thousand footmen, and two Regiments of Swissers, he purposed to take his journey into Normandy, where the Pont de l'Arche was yielded unto him. Then he came to Deep, won Caen unto his side, and constrained Neufchastel to be rendered unto his hands, having disappointed by his Lieutenants, the succours which they had sent unto them. And having made a show to besiege Roan, it caused the Duke de main being called to the succour by Aumalle and Brissac, to set himself in the field, with more than three thousand horse, and five thousand footmen, who promised to the Parisians at that time, to make an end of all war: and to bring the king their enemy unto them, bound both hand and foot. The king understanding that this mighty army of his enemies increased every day more and more, by the assistance of the low countries, of Picardy and Lorruine, asked of the Duke de Longueville, and of the Marshal d'Aumont, if they should go and meet them. A notable exploit at Arques against the League. And then marching toward his enemies, they encamped at a certain Village called Arques, about two leagues from the Town of Deep. And within three days, he made such entrenchments for his troops, that the bank in the lowest place, was seven or eight foot high on the one side, above the town where the artillery were placed, under the keeping of four companies of Swissers. The approach of the camp was espied by the Castle, whereupon was placed certain pieces, that shot off with great advantage. Mean space, the Duke de main was greatly busied, to think how he might take again, the Towns of Gourney, Neufchastel, and Euison, at what time both he and his whole army, was persuaded that they might take Arques at the first. But the Duke found it at his coming far more troublesome than he imagined, by reason of the new Trenches which the king had made on every side thereof, for his commodity, by the which means he might the better and the more easier overrun his enemies at all times. A sore skirmish. The two armies continued there, from the end of August, to the midst of September. And upon the sixteenth of that month, two fierce and cruel skirmishes was made, in the which the Leaguers lost a great number of their approved soldiers, and nine or ten of their Captains. This did truly presage and show unto them, what success they were like to have in their attempts to come, whereof followed nothing else but shame and sorrow to the leaguers. Whose foolish hope was also made frustrate, which they had to chase the king himself into England, or to kill him with all his followers, or else to bring them in triumph prisoners to the City of Paris. The fury of these skirmishes was at last converted to the playing of the cannons, both on the one side and the other, which endured three or four days together. On the Thursday the three and twentieth of September, the Leaguers Army, or a part thereof, containing a thousand horse, and about six, or eight thousand foot, came to a place named lafoy Maladerie: which was strengthened with eight hundred small shot, four companies of Rutters & Lanceknights: sustained moreover with three companies of light horsemen, three companies of great ordinance, and with the forces of the Princes of Conde and Count. Furthermore at the top of the Trench, stood the companies belonging to the Lords of Chastillon, and Maligni: with a good number of the Nobility who were under the Marshal of Birons' charge. The Leaguers beginning then a bloody skirmage, it was most valiantly held out by the king's troops, at what time in the first assault Monsieur Sagonne, a principal man of the Leaugue, was slain, with divers of his horsemen, the rest were put to flight. But they coming with a fresh supply, the king's wearied soldiers were forced to retire. There the Swissers who was of the Regiment of Monsieur de Soleurre, under the Colonel Galati, did stay and withstand the fury of the Leaguers, being aided by certain harquebusiers which were lodged in places of advantage, and by the Cannon which played upon the Leaguers. And while this second charge was preparing, the Leaguers Lance-knights drew near unto the trenches, declaring that they would yield themselves to the king. And after some speech on both sides, though many French Gentlemen were of an other opinion, they were at last received. But while the king's Majesty, with Monsieur de Byron, and their troops of horsemen, fought here and there, these Lance-knights perceiving clearly the great power of the Leaguers, The falsehood of the Leaguers Lance-knights. together with the Swissers, judged in themselves that the king was already half vanquished: and upon this imagination, they began to turn their weapons against him. Then receiving the words, they lighted upon the Marshal de Birons' troop, and beating away the most part of the soldiers there, they took the Ensigns of the Swissers and Lance-knights belonging to the king: then delivering this Trench to the Leaguers, it was suddenly repaired by them: but they held it not very long. For the Duke de Montpensier being come thither with his Cornet of Horse, and an other company of the vanguard of his men of war: being also assisted by Monsieur de Chastillon, with a fresh supply of five hundredth harquebusiers. The Leaguers were constrained to departed both from Maladere and the Trench: where the king speedily brought two great pieces of ordinance, which he caused to be shot off among the thickest of the Swissers his enemies: who with certain of the horfmen made a retreat, in the which they were mightily damnified by the great shot: nevertheless they never turned their faces to look back, whereby they might see from whence their hurt came. This day the Leaguers lost a great number of soldiers and men of war, among whom were divers of their chief Gentlemen, and many were taken prisoners. The King lost also six or seven Gentlemen, with the Earl of Roussie, and a few footmen. There were many hurt by the traitorous practice of the Leaguers Lance-knights. On Sunday the four and twentieth, the Leaguers army raised themselves about midnight: and upon the Tuesday following, they came upon the other side of the Town of Arques, and set semselues right against the place from whence they were parted, assaying to batter it with cannon shot. But the king found the leaguers so much work, by continual skirmishes, and hampered them in such sort, that upon the eleventh day after their coming thither, they were feign shamefully to withdraw themselves from the Town of Arques: upon the news which they received, that the Earl de Soisson, the D. de Longueville, and the Marshal d'Aumont, were coming within twenty leagues of Arques with their troops, to strengthen the king in his forces. While these affairs were in hand, the leaguers to make the Parisians believe great things, and dream of wonders, sent the Ensigns thither, which they had taken from the kings Swissers and Lance-knights, as a token of the good success which they had against his Majesty. Whereupon there was a certain pamphlet imprinted at Paris, wherein it was published, that between Arques and Deep, where the king of Navarre was besieged, the Duke de main had won from them, fourteen Ensigns of the footmen, and eight Cornets of their horsemen were by him slain. These gross fables were set out, to feed the people with vain fancies, and to pinch the purses of those that were ready to believe it, and that bore a good desire to have it so. The king thought at the first, that this retreat was but a policy wrought by the Duke de main, that bending himself to intercept his succours before they came unto him, he might the easier subvert them, and afterward return with more strength and fury then before. For this cause the king resolved with himself to join the Earl of Soisson and the others together. After the which, leaving the Marshal of Byron at Deep, his Majesty with four hundredth horse met and joined with his succours, within five miles of the leaguers army: who with them incontinent passed over the river of Somme. The Duke de main was feign for his credit's sake, to cover this his shameful retreat with a acquaint excuse. He therefore published abroad, that he was constrained speedily to go down into Picardte to possess himself of those Cities which he was bound (by the agreement made at Arras) to deliver to the Spaniards. Upon this news the king determined to stay the return of the leaguers, being persuaded that the Cities of Picardy would not be drawn to consent in any wise to submit themselves under the Spanish troops. Having then provided for his affairs in Normandy, and gathered together those succours which the Queen of England had sent unto him: he departed out of those parts the one and twentieth of October, with full purpose to awaken the Leaguers in Picardy, and to constrain their chief commanders to avoid that country, where by treason they had taken the Town of Fere, and after delivered it to the Spaniards. This done, his Majesty by easy journeys drew near unto Paris, and encamped himself within a league thereof, upon the last day of the same month. The same day, having known what trenches the enemies had made round about the Subburbes, on that side where he was, by the advise of his warlike Council, they concluded to assail them on the morrow by break of day by three several companies, and in three sundry places. The first company consisted of four thousand Englishmen, two French Regiments, and one regiment of Swissers: who were led by the Marshal de Byron, to assail that side of the subburbes called Saint Victor and Marceau. The second company having two Regiments of Swissers, four of Frenchmen, and four of strangers, were all under the conduct of the Marshal d'Aumont: for that part of the Subburbes called Saint jaques and Saint Michael. The third company consisted of ten Regiments of Frenchmen, one Regiment of Launceknights, and one Regiment of Swissers, who were commanded by the two Lords, Chastillon and la Nove. Each one of these troops were winged with a good number of hardy Gentlemen on foot, well armed and appointed to assist the rest of the footmen, if any cause of resistance were: and these set upon that part of the subburbes called Saint German, Bussi, and Nesle. These had at their tail, two cannons and two coluerins: the king commanded over one of the troops, the Earl of Soisson, and the Duke de Longueville over the other twain. The first day of November, all these subburbes were assaulted and taken in less than one hour, with the loss of seven or eight hundredth men on the defendants side. They lost beside fourteen of their Ensigns, and thirteen pieces of artillery, small and great. The assailants lost almost nothing at all, and if the ordinance had been well mounted, the gates of Paris had been battered down, ear the Citizens had known of any such exploit. The king entered within the subburbes of Saint jaques, about 8. of the clock in the morning: and being advertised that the Duke de main was come forth of Picardy, and with all his forces had entered into Paris, made a proof to win the other part of the subburbes, which he only did to draw his foes to the fight. Having then stayed four long hours in battle, and that none of the leaguers would issue forth: he contented himself that he had given knowledge to the Parisians, that at the least, means failed him not to chastise them, but his desire was, to win them by gentleness to the acknowledgement of their faults. Therefore without more ado, the king departed thence, and lodged about six or seven miles off, at a place called Linats, which is a Town above Montleheri, where his grace stayed one whole day, to see if his enemies had any desire to cometo fight. But in stead thereof, the leaguers did the worst they could to the poor Parisians, robbing and murdering many Householders, whom they accused to take part with the king, which they did without pitying either sex or age. They massacred and drowned at that time, a great number of men and women, whom (as I said) they accused to favour the king's forces, having no colour at all of any such thing. The king took within eight days after, both the City and Castle of Estampes, where he received a supplication in writing from the Queen Dowager, wherein she desired justice for the cruel murder committed on the person of the deceased king. The which petition his Majesty sent to the Parliament at Tours, enjoining them to cause process to be drawn against the offenders, to the end, that in his own presence, they might soon after receive judgement. Moreover, the King added, that for his part, notwithstanding the just suit prosecuted by the said Queen, he would not fail to do the best that lay in him: whereupon, he vowed again in the presence of all the Princes, Lords, and Gentlemen, which were about his royal person, to employ his whole power and strength, until he had inflicted that just vengeance which God had ordained him to take. The Nobility also renewed their promise and protestations, never to leave off arms, till they had revenged the wild death of the deceased King. After this, on the tenth of November, the King took his way to Beausse: and on the morrow, he came to januille: from thence arriving at Chasteaudun, he caused Vendosme to be summoned, and to open the gates unto him: which is a City of his own patrimony. There was in that Town one Benchard, which held it against the king, having therein the command of twelve hundred men, Citizens and strangers: and when they had chosen the fittest places for battery, in the morning by break of day, the artillery began to play upon them. The impatient soldiers did no sooner spy a breach in the wall of four foot wide, but presently they ran and entered it, so that in less than half an hour, they were masters of the Castle (into the which they made their first entry) and of the City, which was greatly spoiled. Then was Benchard and a seditious Friar take and put to death, who had been the chief of this rebellion. Sedictous persons put to death. The morrow after the taking in of this Town, the King caused all the soldiers and men of war to be sent from thence, appointing that the inhabitants should there again possess their own houses, without any further ransom. Moreover he permitted that all their Clergy men should be placed in their former charges and benefices, wherein afterward they lived more peaceably (without comparison) than they did before under the League. This example of justice and mercy, saved the lives of more than a thousand men: For the people of four or five small Villages which stood there round about, who had protested to lose their lives in defence of the holy Union, hereupon became more wise, and humbly submitted themselves (in less than four or five days) to the King's good and merciful hands. The Town and Castle of Lavardin did first begin in those parts to show themselves obedient: whereupon it followed, that the Towns of Montoir, Montrichard, and the Castle of Loyer did the like: who willingly opened their gates to the Marshal de Byron. The King's entrance into Tours. The King approached near unto Tours, entered it the 21. of the same month: and on the morrow, he was joyfully received by the Citizens and the whole Court of Parliament, with all the honour and royalty that could be imagined. The same day the Ambassador of Venice had Audience, who having presented his letters, he made in the name of the whole estate of Venice, an Oration of joy and gladness, for the happy coming of this King to the Crown of France: with offer of their service and friendship to the King and Crown of France. The King departed from Tours the five and twentieth of the same month, The siege and yielding up of Man's and on the seven and twentieth he came to a certain place near to the town of Man's, which was besieged and battered the second day of December. The Earl of Brissac, which was come as far as Bernard, with two Regiments, for to secure the besieged Town of Man's, being astonished at the noise of the great ordinance which played upon the Town, retired with his troops twelve miles backward. And having taken forty horse, and certain baggage belonging to the king's Kutters, whom they met unawares, he went to publish at Paris what a great victory he had obtained. Mean while, a great man of the league called Boisdaufin, who had in Man's under his command, an hundredth Gentlemen, and twenty Ensigns of footmen: requested parley, instead of battle, and so made himself ready to the assault: but in few hours he yielded the place. Albeit that within few days before, both he and his, made as though they would rather die in fight at once, than they would give entrance to the king. This being done, it was a strange thing to consider what expenses they had put the poor people unto, of whom they had received above fifty thousand Crowns, for the fortifying of the Town and Subburbes, in which Subburbes they had burned more houses, than came to an hundredth thousand thousand crowns, having also spoiled the country six times more: to recompense all which wrongs, they endured three volleys of cannon shot, and so yielded the Town. The spoil whereof was hoped for by the king's soldiers, which by the wisdom and prudence of his Majesty was spared and pardoned to the Inhabitants. The rest of this month was spent in taking and compounding with many Cities, Towns, and Castles: namely, Sable, Laval, Chasteau-gontier, Beaumond, Toutesvoyes, and Alencon, chase the leaguers out of the Provinces of Vendosmots, Touraine, Anjou, and of main: where the Inhabitants perceived (after they had submitted themselves to the king) namely those which had confederated with the leaguers, that those whom they had before esteemed their best friends, were indeed their worst enemies. For after they had them once under their power, and if there were but speech of the coming of an army, presently the best shift they could make for the poor people, was to cause their Towns, Villages, and possessions, to be burned and spoiled, from that place round about: causing the Citizens to work and labour night and day, to make rampires and entrenchments to defend them from their foes. Moreover at the sight of the cannon, or the first shot coming from it, they fell to agreement for themselves, that they might departed with their lives and goods, leaving no other marks of their protection, than the Town half burnt to ashes, the most part of their wives and daughters deflowered, and the necks of the poor Inhabitants to the halter. The Duke de main toward the later end of the year, sound means to make himself Master of Pontoise, only through the friendship of many of the Inhabitants that held upon it side. About which time the king met with the Earl of Brissac, being within the City of Falaise, which be enforced to yield, where he took the Earl prisoner, at what time the leaguers being then near enough, would not once come to his succour. A few weeks before the leaguers Parliament being begun at Roan, they continued their envy against the king their sovereign Lord, being not ashamed to publish a most vile Edict, wherein they declared guilty of treason, enemies to God, to the Estate and Crown of France, those that opposed themselves against the league, surnamed the holy union: pronouncing them and their successors disgraded, of all privileges of Nobility: their estates void for ever, and unworthy to possess any office, benefit or dignity, within the kingdom: confiscating also, all their lands and goods, notwithstanding this Edict did not any whit impair the good affection of the king's servants, not much advanced the affairs of the league. The chief of the league being astonished in their hearts, to see the king's prosperity, set nevertheless a very good face full of spite against him, trusting very much on their intelligences, both within and without the Realm. Through every City which they held, they set seditious Preachers to seduce the people, during the whole feast of Christmas, thereby to inflame their hearts against the king. On the other side, they caused an infinite number of libels to be imprinted and thrown about, whereby they entertained those that had least judgement, with a certain hope that they might be able long to uphold themselves in this bottomless pit of confusion. The Leaguers devices to maintain themselves. The people of Paris, and of other Cities pertaining to the leaguers, were so bewitched with these devices, that they thought no manner of taxes or imposts too much, enduring patiently the outrages of soldiers, & a thousand other calamities, to maintain them in their unjust wars against their sovereign: yet notwithstanding their powers waxed every day more weaker than other, being nothing able to hinder the king's exploits. Therefore the Duke de main, very earnestly solicited the King of Spain to send some speedy succours, otherwise the league should be constrained perforce to make composition with their enemies. In the mean space, the king chased the leaguers by sieges and assaults (in the month of january) quite out of base Normandy. The parliament at Roan cried for war, to whom the Duke de main soon after sent an answer, that he would give order for their affairs, using great threatenings against his sovereign Lord and Master. The king contrariwise having recovered the City of Honleur, which is a port of the sea, came to raise the Duker siege, which fifteen days before, he held before the City and sort of Meulan, distant from the said Town of Honfleu more than thirty miles. The king presenting himself, offered occasion of sight, which the Duke seemed to accept, having at that time twice as many forces as the king. Notwithstanding, supposing he had not advantage enough, he thought it best to take up first the succour of fifteen hundredth lances, and about five hundredth hurguebuziers, which the Duke of Parma had sent unto him. Mean space, the king besieged Dreux, where he was advertised that the Duke had joined with the forces of the low Countries, conducted by the Earl d'Egmont, whereupon he offered battle. Those things were done in januarie and February. Preparation to battle. In the beginning of March, the Duke with all his troops came toward the river of Seine, thereby to pass over the bridge of Mante, which is about eight or nine miles from Dreux. Whereof the king being advertised, provided for his affairs, and the twelfth of the same month, he set himself in the way to go against his enemies. And on the morrow having set his battle in order, he made in the presence of all his army, a most earnest prayer unto God, where each one according to his conscience, framed his thoughts to the like purpose, according to the ceremonies both of the one and the other religion. The King's Army. On the thirteenth day, the king mustered all his troops, upon a very fair and large plain near unto the Town of Yury, where he had about two thousand and five hundredth horse, among whom were two thousand Gentlemen bravely armed, & very well appointed for the battle: he had there four Regiments of French footmen, the regiments of the Guards, of Brigneux, of Vignolles, and S. Iran: moreover, four or five regiments of Swissers, with certain Ensigns of Grisons. The Leaguers army. The army of the leaguers consisted of four thousand horse, and twelve thousand footmen, Yury is a great village, having a bridge on the river of Vrte, over the which the leaguers passed very speedily, supposing that the royal army had been far from that place, but in short space the one lighted on the other, by which means there was that day certain skirmishes, where the leaguers had ever the worst. Many of the leaguers were there taken prisoners, who confessed and gave us to understand, that their coming was rather to follow on their way already begun, then to make trial of battle. Now, for so much as the day was spent, both the armies repaired to their lodgings. By the break of day following, which was the fourteenth of March, the king by advise of his Council, determined how to order his battle. The battle of Yurie, and the kings notable exploicts. And after they had commended all their success unto God, he broke his fast: and so about nine of the clock in the foorenoone, they were in the field ready to give battle: and the king being at the head of his squadron, (of which the first ranks were composed of Princes, Earls, Knights, and principal Gentlemen of the noblest families of France) began to make his prayers unto God, with an exhortation, that all the other squadrons should do the like. Then passing along from the head of his army, he encouraged his people to the fight. And returning to his place, without further delay he caused the great artillery to be shot off, which gave nine dangerous volleys, to the great hurt of the leaguers. Who after three or four other volleys given on both sides, advanced forward five or six hundredth light horsemen, to give charge against the Marshal d'Aumont, but he without stay, ran upon them, and pierced them in such sort, that he might soon see their heels. In the mean space, while they were thus busy, the squadron of the Rutters which were on their right hand, in coming toward the artillery, lighted upon the King's light horsemen, advancing themselves against them very manfully, and being as valiantly received, at last they were constrained to retire, without performing any thing worthy of memory. The whilst, another squadron of lanciers of the low Countries, would have given a fresh charge to these light horsemen. But the Baron of Byron advancing himself forward, having no mean to meet the Vanguard, set presently upon the rearward: and in breaking their array, was hurt in two places. The Duke de Montpensier ran before the rest, and gave them a most brave charge, in the which, he himself was once unhorsed, but being again mounted, he behaved himself in such valorous sort, that he became Master of the place. The selfsame the Duke de Manes great squadron consisting of eighteen hundredth horse, among whom were the Duke of Nemours, and the knight of Aumale, with others of the Captains of the league: advanced themselves to the battle, causing four hundredth Carbines to march upon their left wing, who made a sally of small shot, some five and twenty paces from the king's squadron. This sally being ended, the great squadron of the leaguers, came on the forefront of the kings, where they saw his Highness before his company, five long paces off, who furiously rushed among the leaguers, which could not by any means with all their huge forest of lanciers, keep back the king's squadron. But his Majesty did in such war like sorts assail them, that this great squadron was at last scattered, having been fight among the thickest of them, a good quarter of an hour. In the end, this huge heap of enemies, who had thus the foundation of their strength abated, were at last brought to handstrokes, who beginning to shrink, in the turning of a hand men might see their backs, which before showed such furious faces, who took their flight by strange passges. This joyful victory was at first intermixed with much sorrow in the royal army, when they saw not the king return: but within a while after, they spied him coming, all stained with the blood of his enemies, not having shed one drop of his own, whom they described only by the great plume of white feathers which he bore in his crest, and that which his palfrey had on his head. There was not so much sorrow among the leaguers for their loss, but there was as much joy recovered on the king's party: having been so happily returned from such an intermixture of blood and death. But as he came from the chase of his enemies, with twelve or fifteen of his followers, he chanced to meet betwixt two companies of the enemies Swissers, three cornets of Walloons, accompanied with other that had joined with them, whom his Majesty charged with such high courager that he won their colours, they which carried them lying dead in the place, with many other of their companions. The king then being arrived at the place from whence he parted, all the army gave humble thanks to the Lord for his safety, crying with one voice: God save the king. His Majesty having set in order certain of his troops, and seeing his enemies flying before him, he left the field surcharged with their dead: so that there remained none alive, saving the Swissers, who being forsaken by their horsemen, did notwithstanding stay without moving: and although the king might well have overrun them, yet he received them to mercy: who having cast down their weapons, were discharged and sent into their own countries. The Frenchmen also which were mingled among them, had their lives saved. This being done, the king accompanied with his horsemen and the troops of Picardy, followed the league, which took their flight two ways. In the one was the Duke of Nemours, Bassompierre, the Viscount of Tavannes', Rosne and others, which took their way to Chartres. In the other, the Duke de main with his most trustiest Captains drew toward Yury, to pass over the river. The Leaguers artillery and all their baggage were left in the camp, and in the highways near adjoining. The time which the king spent in receiving and sending away of the Swissers, gave leisure unto them that fled, to put themselves under covert: in such sort, that coming unto Yuri, they perceived that the Duke de main was already entered, who never thinking on any new charge, broke up the bridge before his own people were all come, which was the cause of the death of a great number of his army, especially of the Rutters, of whom a great sort were drowned. The others, to hinder those that followed them, stopped up the streets of Yuri with dead and wounded horses, which stood in stead of chains or inclosers, whereof followed a new loss: for all those that sought to pass the deep stream, perished for the most part. The king was counseled to pass the river at the sord of Anet, and although it were an hour and an half loss of his way, yet he overtook a great number of those that fled, which for their lives rested at his discretion Those that thought to escape, putting themselves into the woods, fell into the Peasants hands, which handled them in cruel sort. This pursuit continued even to the Town of Mant, where neither the Duke de main, nor any of his, turned once their face to see who pursued them. But if the Mantois had continued in their first opinion, to keep the gates shut, all those that fled had been utterly overthrown. But being in the end overcome by the D. de Manes earnest entreaties, they gave them leave to enter the Town, upon condition that those of his side, should pass by ten and ten in the night beyond the bridge, which indeed wrought their safety. The king seeing his enemies overcome both with shame and loss, rested himself near unto Mant, the which soon after the Leaguers were departed thence, yielded themselves to the king, as also the Town of Vernon and other City. To be brief, in this battle of Yuri, all the footmen of the leaguers were overthrown. Of the horsemen there were about fifteen hundredth slain and drowned: and about four hundredth taken prisoners. Among the dead there was known to be slain, the Earl of Egmont, who was Colonel of the troops sent by the Duke of Parma: one of the Dukes of Brunswic, Chastegneray, beside those whose names could not be found. We will make no mention here of those prisoners which afterward abused the king's benignity and gracious favours, who might justly have put them all to death. Who after their releasement took part against him. More than twenty Cornets of horsemen was at that time won by the King: among the which, was the white Cornet, the chief standard belonging to the Spanish General, and to the Flemings, the Cornets of the Rutters, and more than threescore ensigns of footmen, beside the four and twenty Ensigns of the Swissers, which were yielded presently after the slaughter. The king lost the Lords of Clermont, d'Antragues, Captain of his Guards, the Lord Schomberg, de Bongaulnay, de Crenay, Fesquieres, and 15. or 20. other Gentlemen, a few soldiers, and few hurt. The Duke de main and other Captains of the League, being frustrate of their hope, and seeing their army thus spoiled, betook themselves to their ordinary shifts, which was, to feed the Parisians with lies and fables, publishing many books, wherein it was shown, that at the first assault given at Dreux, the Inhabitants had slain more than five hundredth men of the king's army, & grievously hurt a great number more, at what time also the Marshal of Byron was slain: & how in an other encounter near unto Poissy, the league had gotten a great victory. In which battle they had a long fight, and almost equal loss. And that if the king were not already dead, he was very near unto it. The people being not satified with such false quoin, and hearing every day more than other, contrary reports, by certain men that had escaped from the said bloody fight on the leaguers side, murmured greatly thereat, as people that desired peace. The seditious preachers stopped the report of the Leaguers loss, by all the means they might. And whilst the Duke de main and others, (after certain meetings at Saint Dennis, because that the pavement of Paris was too hot for them) took his way toward the Duke of Parma, to obtain succour from him. The Parliament of Roan, that according to their old custom, did bend themselves against their king and gracious sovereign, did execute and put to death the seventh of April, certain prisoners which were servants to the king. And three days after, declared by an Edict, all those to be traitors which were of the king of Navarres camp (as they called him) & that would not link themselves to king Charles the tenth (understanding by that name the Cardinal of Bourbon) to join themselves to the league, and bear weapons in the Duke de Manes army, using many threatenings in written papers, which they set up at the corners of every lane, and afterward put them in print. And whilst the leaguers applied these businesses, the king hoping by gentleness to win the Parisians to obedience, continued still at Mant, without any further hot following his victory. But the trumpets of sedition imputing this mildness to the kings want of courage, persuaded with the people, that he whom they called their sworn and irreconcilably enemy, should be shortly brought to such a hard exegent, that he would be glad either to grant them their own request, or else that they should see him utterly overthrown. Briefly, their great brags and insolences, constrained the King to draw toward Paris in this month of April. In few days after, Corbeil upon Seine was yielded unto him, the town of Lagni upon Marne, and Melun. Then he assailed Sens in Bourgongne, where he did nothing, only through their fault, of whom he thought to have had better service. The Parisians had such confidence in the promises of the leaguers, that they assured themselves, the king was not able to hold out many weeks against their forces, insomuch that they respected not the strengthening of their City, to repel the battery of any foe, or the strength of any siege. In time of peace, that great and goodly City was daily maintained and served with fresh provision, as well one week as an other, by the infinite commodities that was brought thereunto both far and near, by the help of the rivers of Seine, Marne, and Oise. divers particular persons, wisely foreseeing a storm, made provision before hand for their families. But the number of the Inhabitants in that little world was so mighty great, that for one prudent housekeeper, there was found an hundredth that never thought to provide against the time to come, or sought to shun a mischief before it fell upon their pates: whereof followed the strange and woeful desolations, which I will briefly present here unto you. The five and twentieth day of April, the king returning toward Paris, took and seized upon the bridge Charenton, and divers other places thereabout, for the commodity of this army, which consisted of twelve thousand foot, or thereabout, & three thousand horses. The Parisians were six times as many, in respect of the number of those that carried arms, who were under the command of the Duke of Nemours, in the absence of the Lieutenant general his brother, being assisted by the Chevalier d'Aumale, and certain other Captains of the league. In the beginning of this siege, the affairs were horribly tossed. They had in the City certain Preachers, The siege of Paris. and among many more, were these following: Boucher, Pilletier, Guincestre, Feverdant, Guarin, Christin, little Fueillant, and others in divers Churches, which moved the people to endure all the miseries that might be imagined, rather than to submit themselves to an heretical Prince (as they called him.) These Preachers being poisoned with Spanish gold, and maintained by the chief Ladies of the league, did so invenome the people with subtle persuasions against their lawful king and sovereign Lord, that they resolved to perish miserably in the siege: propounding on the other side, questions to the faculty of Sorbonne: that is to say, if it come so to pass, that the Cardinal of Bourbon should die being prisoner, whom they called king Charles the tenth: whether then they might receive Henry of Bourbon for their king, or no: though he would reconcile himself to the Pope. Also whether they that should seek to make peace with the said Henry, or that permitted the same, might not give cause to be held and suspected, or counted a favourer of heresies, if it were according to the law of God, if they might fail therein, without mortal sin and pain of damnation. Contrariwise, if it were a thing meritorious, to oppose themselves by all means against the said Henry: and in case they should resist him unto death, if it might be called martyrdom. The seventh of May, in the third general Congregation, made for the decission of these articles in the great hall of the College of Sorbonne, all the Doctors of that faculty in general, and each one in particular, which were by oath called to this Council, concluded and resolved with one accord, upon this that followeth. It is by the right of Ecclesiastical laws, forbidden and prohibited, that Catholicques should receive an hereticque for their king, or a favourer of heresy, and a notorious enemy of the Church: and more straightly forbidden to receive one that was fallen away, and excommunicated from the holy mother Church. That if it came to pass, that any one defamed with these faults, had obtained by exterior judgement, absolution of these crimes, that he rested notwithstanding, in an evident danger of dissimulation and perfidiousness, and the utter ruin and subversion of the Catholicque religion: and the same party ought nevertheless to be excluded and banished the realm, by right of the same law. And whosoever should bring again such a person into the realm, and either aid or favour, or otherwise permit that he should come again, If he might hinder it, and being bound to do it according to his charge, that person should do open injury to the sacred cannon of the laws, and thereupon he might be justly suspected of heresy, and reputed a pernicious person both to the religion and Roman Church: and for this cause they might and ought to proceed against him, without respect either of degree or pre-eminence. And for as much as Henry of Bourbon is an hereticque, and a favorour of heresy, a notorious enemy to the Church, fallen away from the Roman faith, namely excommunicate by our holy father, and that there would be evident danger of dessimulation and parfidiousnesse, and ruin of the Catholicque religion. If he should obtain outwardly his absolution, the Frenchmen are in conscience bound to hinder him to the uttermost of their power, from coming to the government of that most christian Realm, and not to make any condition of peace with him, notwithstanding his foresaid absolution. Although every other lawful successor of the Crown, should surrender up his right, and all those that favour him, do offer injury to the holy cannons, are suspected of heresy, pernicious to the Church, and as such, aught to be diligently reprehended and punished. And like as they which give aid, or show favour in any manner whatsoever to the said Henry, pretending title to the Realm, are disturbers of religion, and dwell continually in deadly sin, so likewise those that with all their might do oppose themselves against him, moved thereunto by a religious zeal, doth undoubtedly merit great praise both of God and men. And as we may rightly judge of those, which by their false opinions established the kingdom of Satan, to have eternal pain prepared for them in hell: so may it be said with reason, that those here mentioned, shall be rewarded in heaven, with eternal glory, that persist even unto death against him: and as defenders of the faith, shall they bear in their hands palms of martyrdom. The Sorbonists cast oil into the fire of sedition, the chief of the leaguers being aiders thereunto. Now, although before this division, the Parisians were of full opinion to keep the gates shut against the King, yet afterward they became far more obstinate: and at the beginning assayed by often issuing forth, to indomage the king's troops, who contented themselves, only to repulse them, hoping that the extreme want of victuals, which they perceived to grow every day greater than other, would at length constrain them to repent their folly. But over and above the deceits before mentioned, they were held in hand with other subtleties, for the chief of the leaguers having purposely set spies in every place, to mark the countenance & speeches of such as they held in suspicion: that is to say, such persons as longed after peace, showing by their words that the flower deluce, and the true Princes of France, were not expelled out of their hearts. So soon then as any one durst but speak of peace, accord, or communication of agreement, without form or figure of law, they were presently killed in the place, or drawn forth, and then thrown into the river: there were above twenty several persons thus used, only for saying, that it were good and necessary to make peace with the enemy. On the other side, the Duke de main, being in the Duke of Parmas' Court, writ divers letters to the borderers of Picardy, that shortly they should see a puissant army sent for the deliverance of Paris. Afterward the Duke de Nemours being the Pope's Legate, the Ambassador of Spain, the Bishop of Vain remedies sought by the Popish Clergy. Paris, the Archbishop of Lions, the Bishop of Plaisance, those of Renes, Senlis, and others, Panigarole, the Bishop d'Aost, Bellermin, and Tycens, lesuites, with many more of the Roman Clergy, caused solemn processions to be made, double fastings, brotherhoods, visitations of Temples, vows and supplications, and all to entertain and hold the people in a vain hope of deliverance. Likewise many Doctors, Priests, Curates, and Friars, girt weapons to their sides, and made shows abroad with many fond ceremonies, which caused the people both to laugh and weep. They traveled without ceasing, to the walls, trenches and rampires of the Town. The jesuits and other Monks, being well stored with munition of victuals in their Colleges and Covents, kept watch according to their turn. The Ladies of Nemours, of main, of Guise, of Montpensier, and others, solicited the people on their side, with strong persuasions, rather to perish by the famine, then to speak or seek for agreement with the king. But the famine grew great: for the Leaguers Captains having embarked their people and passengers without biscuit, they had no means for the space of three or four months, but to stay for the Spanish succours, to be assistant to the Parisians. All their provision of wheat and other grain, which was brought in for public relief, was spent & consumed in the first three weeks of the siege. Famine made war against the Parisians. Those which had any reversion left in their houses, did most closely lay it up in secret places from being found. The others, which put their confidence in the speeches of the chief Leaguers and seditious Preachers, soon perished, or endured infinite sorrows. The king kept them closed in on every side, being Master of Mant, Poissy, Corbeil, Melun, and Montereau, holding the river of Sein by that means shut up both above and below. Laigni and the fort of Gournay, kept also the river of Marn stop from them. Cempiegne, Creil, Beaumond, & other of the kings holds, stopped the passage of the river of Oise. So that all provision that should come by water to the Parisians, was hereby prevented: being also deprived of the plain of the Isle of France, by the taking in of S. Dennis. Now upon intelligence given to the Duke de main, that the extreme want of victuals would constrain Paris very shortly to yield unto the king, answered, that the taking thereof should be very prejudicial unto him, who would scatter his army by that conquest, in such sort, that soon after, the league should make a good match thereof. But the king's mind or intent was not to possess Paris in such sort as his enemies imagined. For although the same were in a manner unpossible, by reason of the small number of his people, yet would he not see and behold, much less procure the ruin of his chief and capital City: although that many therein, especially the chiefest, deserved for their offences most grievous punishment. He took much pity on the great number of people misled by evil counsel, and hoped that their afflictions would give them warning, that if the Dukes of main & of Parma coming to their succours, would hazard themselves to a battle, their discomfiture would constrain the besieged to acknowledge it. But the misery of the Parisians was so great, that some of them were inforest to yield, the other would rather endure an hundredth deaths by famine. So that within twelve or fifteen weeks, there was an extreme desolation among them. They eat up both their movables and their money. The soldiers had licence to be so bold, that they broke up their walls, and defiled the chastity of many families. The principal men of the League rose up, and took to themselves the relicques of their Churches. The anucient jewels and the Crowns of the kings of France, were put in the font. Those householders which were rich, were subtly spoiled, the subburbes ruined, the City become full of sorrow and need: the rents of the chamber of the City lay dead: the lands all about untilled and desolate. An hundredth thousand persons died with hunger, with nakedness, with poverty, in the streets, and in the Hospitals, without all mercy or relief, in the space of three months. The University was converted to a desert place, whereunto all the Peasants resorted for lodging, and the Cloisters of the Colleges were converted into stables for beasts. Within the great hall of the Palace, there was none found but Leaguers and forgers of news. In the streets grass did grow plenteously, and the shops for the most part were shut in continually. In stead of Chariots and Coaches, appeared on the one side certain troops of men of war, who were more employed to fight with hunger, then with any other enemy: on the other side, an horrible desolation. The besieged could by no means come by victual, but through the mercy of the King's Garrisons, which he had set within Saint Dennis, in the Fort of Gourney, at Cheureuse, and at Corbel. The most part of the fury of this famine, fell upon the third estate: as for the Clergy, who for the most part were well provided, they preached nothing but patience. And the Prelates before mentioned, uttered still wild things against the king and his followers, and in all their sermons assured the poor famished people, that the Spanish succours would come very speedily. On the one side, those whom they called the sixteen: on the other, the, forty, with the factious sort that wore long gowns, wrought in the wheel. The Parliament, which continued as it were slaves, both to the Spaniard & to the Guise, published an Edict the fifteenth day of june, wherein it was prohibited unto all, of what estate, quality, dignity, and condition so ever they were, not to speak of any composition with Henry of Bourbon, on pain of death, but thereby were enjoined to oppose themselves against him, by all the means they might, and not to spare any practice whatsoever: ye●; though it were to the very spilling of their heart bloods. Moreover this court ordained, that all the Inhabitants of the Town should be obedient to the Duke of Nemours, Governor of the isle of France, in all things which they should be commanded to do on his behalf, and that this Edict should be read and published throughout all the streets and lanes of Paris, to the end, that more should pretend cause of ignorance. But the people, who could not live by paper, nor the windy promises of the Duke de main and his Preachers, after they had eaten dogs and cats, horses, asses, mules, herbs, roots, and all that they could imagine to get in their necessity, came in a shoal to the Palace, requiring peace of the council there assembled, where they made among them a certain tumult: but the Captains who were before advertised of their coming, at last appeased The Parifians desire peace and cannot obtain it. them, the people being content, by the means of certain small comforts, for the space of nine or ten days: but in the end there assembled to the same place, a greater troop of people then before, every one provided with weapons, boldly demanding that they might either have peace or bread. Then a certain Captain of Paris named le Glois, ran forth unto them, to send them away with fair words: but it is to be remembered, that famished bellies have no ears. Whereupon they required him in the field with his own Oration, where he was so beaten, that within a small time after, he departed the world. The Chevalier d'Aumalle being followed by his adherents, went among the multitude, causing all the gates of the Palace to be shut, and imprisoned a great number of them, of whom there were some afterward hanged. The chief of the leaguers perceiving that in the end, the discontented multitude would work their confusion, if in time they did not prevent them: The chief of the league seeketh to deceive both the king and the people. assembled themselves together with the principal of their Town, and after many writings, notwithstanding the division of the Sorbonnists, and the act made in the Leaguers Parliament, were resolved that the Bishop of Paris, and the Archbishop of Lion, should go to seek out the king, to confer upon means of pacification. This was done in the beginning of August: but before they departed, they would have leave of the Legate, to the end they might not be excommunicated by the Pope. Before they had obtained it, the Legate made a consultation with Panigarde, Bellermin, and Terius, Rector to the jesuits, comprised in these articles: that is to say: If the Parisians did run into excommunication, being constrained by famine to yield themselves to an heretical Prince. If the Deputies going to such a Prince to seek his conversion, or to better the condition of the Catholicque Church, were comprised in the excommunication of the bull of Pope Sixtus the fift. The Doctors answered to these articles, no. Deputies of the leaguers sent to the King, and his answer. Then went the Deputies to seek the king at Saint Anthony's in the field, who having heard the Bishop's Oration, tending to a general peace, or particular to Paris, if the Duke de main would not seek for a general, made this answer (after he had shown how their Council had enfolded them in contraduction, ask peace for him which would not acknowledge him, save only for King of Navarre) that it was his will and desire, to have peace, for the comfort of his people, but not according to that which the Deputies held for expedient: declaring that he loved the City of Paris, as his eldest daughter: and that he would do more good for her, than she required at his hands, provided that she would seek his favour, and not the Duke de Manes, or the King of Spain's. That the Deputies proceeded very ill, and contrary to the duty of their Ecclesiastical charges, in suffering the Parisians to die so miserably, while they sought unto the Duke de main for a general peace: sith upon that voyage, though perhaps it would not be long, it might the while cost the lives of twenty thousand persons, dying with mere hunger. Then did he dechipher with a marvelous good grace, the ambitious practices of the king of Spain and his people. The most wicked and horrible disloyalty of the chief of the league, discovering the vanitities of their bad purpose: he drew his discourse into divers articles to the Bishop of Paris, the Archbishop of Lions, who in their excuses, accused themselves more and more, before a most noble company of Princes, Lords, and Gentlemen of France, who were attending round about the King. Moreover he showed that the report of the Spanish succoors for Paris, made him nothing dismayed: and caused them clearly to see whereunto the Spanish forces tended: and that it was not for nothing that the Prince of Parma took his way into France: staying but till he might bring his purposes about, Paris and the kingdom being morsels too big for king Philip's mouth, the which he told unto them in a short and pithy speech, discovering in divers sorts, the blindness of the Spaniards in their attempt for France. He allowed them eight days to think upon the yielding up of Paris, and the articles of peace for the whole kingdom: adding, that his duty constrained him in the end, to do justice upon those that were chief of the mutinies: exhorting the Deputies to make a faithful report of that which he had answered. The Bishop of Paris had before alleged in his Oration, the constancy of the people of Sancerre, dispraising therein the victory gotten by those of Gaunt, to extol the Parisians. But the king auswered that such allegations were impertinent: for those of Sancerre were resolved to endure the extremities of their siege, because their enemies would have deprived them without mercy, both of their goods, liberties, religion, and their lives. But contrariwise (said he) I will surrender to the Parisians, the life which Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador doth at this present take from them, by their sore famine. As for the religion, all these Princes and Catholicque Lords shall witness unto you, how I use it: nor will I constrain them against their conscience, were it never so little, either in the exercise of religion, or otherwise. Concerning goods and liberties, I give them to my subjects. So that the comparison with those of Gaunt is not good. The Parisians have well shown what hearts they have, having suffered me to possess their suburbs. I have five thousand Gentlemen, that never feared those of Gaunt, The duke de Manes wicked proceed. beside, I have God for me, and the justice of my cause. After certain other discourses, witnessing the kings good conscience, and the little fear he had of the leaguers forces, the Deputies took their way toward the Duke de main, who sent them back again to his Majesty, with declaration, that he desired nothing more than peace. At the same time he sent letters to those of Paris, by one of his own Secretaries, even at the said Deputies heels, advertising his partakers, not to be discouraged for all the answer which he sent to the king: and that he would sooner die then make peace with him. These letters being intercepted, they were a great reproach to the Duke, by reason of his unconstancy: but he made no other excuse, but only that they were surprised. As for the king, he endured both before and after that which the Parisians uttered out of their rebellious mouths, that they had brought victuals for the Duke of Nemours and others, which made them render him evil for good, nor made he any strong war against his chief City, having an intent to preserve it if he could. But having understood that the Duke de main at his return from Bruxelles, accompanied with Balagni and Sainpol, drew toward Paris with certain troops. The king departed from his army with a small troop of horsemen, without any carriages, seventeen leagues outright, to encounter with his foes, and came but one hour too late to have met with them: The king goeth to meet his enemies. who hearing of his coming, were speedily constrained to cast themselves into the town of Laon. Then the D. with his troops made such haste, that at last they came as far as Meaux, where he reported that he would fight with the king: which occasioned him to repair to his army with a small troop of horsemen only, whom he pursued as far as Meaux. But he found the Duke enclosed betwixt two rivers, where he stayed for the Prince of Parma, at whose arrival the battle was the second time published, advancing themselves to the Town of Clay, and the Castle of Fresnes, about six leagues from Paris, where they lodged about the end of the month of August. The king supposing he should then have battle with them, after he had recommended himself unto God, according to his custom in such affairs, departed from Paris on the Wednesday, the nine and twentieth of that month, assigning the Rendezvous to all his army, for the next morrow in the plain of Bondi, which is at the end of the forest of Liu●i, the right way toward his enemies. On the Friday following, he chased their forriers from the Town of Chelles, who began to mark out their lodgings, and gave a charge to a certain troop of eight hundredth horsemen, whom he constrained to retire, even till they came within their army. On the morrow being Saturday, by eleven of the clock, the first of September, the King's army were all in battle array. The Duke of Parma got up upon an hill to behold them, and after he had thoroughly noted them, he said to the Duke de main: that this was not the army of ten thousand, which he told him might be overthrown so easily: for he saw by estimation, more than five and twenty thousand, in the best manner provided that ever he beheld. And indeed they consisted of eighteen thousand men on foot, as well Frenchmen as strangers, and of five or six thousand horse, among the which, he had four thousand Gentlemen of the chief houses in the Realm. He had also six Princes, two Marshals of France, and many gallant Captains. The leaguers being not disposed to fight, entrench themselves in a strong place. The Duke of Parma took then a resolution, the which saved himself and all his army: which was, not to fight at al. And following this opinions, his people changed their swords and lances into pickaxes, doing no other thing all the evening long, and that Saturday night, but to entrench and fortify themselves within a great Marsh, into the which they were all withdrawn. The days following, they had divers skirmishes made upon them, but they kept still within their trenches. And soon after, they besieged and battered with nine pieces, the Town of Lagne upon Marne, which was a little weak town, and kept with two or three hundredth men, which for a space valiantly defended themselves, but in the end, they were overthrown by great multitude of the besiegers. This place was not passing half a little mile from the Marsh, and hard at the back of the Spanish army, by means whereof, the chief of the leaguers caused a bridge of boats speedily to be made, wherewith they did as it were join the place. And the eight of the same month by break of day, the most of their footmen passed away by the same, causing nine pieces of ordinance to be shot off: the river being between them, the breach was made before the king could have knowledge thereof, by reason that the wind was turned contrary, and the blustering so great, that the sound of the cannons could not be heard in the royal army. After the taking of this, the Dukes of Parma and of main, seeing the weakness of the place, did dismantle it. And although the king to draw them unto fight, feigned as though he would assail Paris, and published a purpose to scale it, being departed from them in the evening the tenth of this month, with a good troop: notwithstanding they would not stir out of the Marsh. Wherefore the king by advise of his Council dismissed his army, and fortified the Towns which he held about Paris, chief those on the river of Seine, sending a part of his troops into Touraine, Normandy, Champagne, and Bourgongne, and kept notwithstanding a sufficient army to amaze his enemies. Some have boldly written, that the king was then very ill counseled, and in favour of the Prince of Parma, who in few days had been inforest to fight, or to have fled: that it was not possible for so great an army as he had, to continue long in a Marsh, where they should endure much harm. That Paris and the league were now in safety. That the fault came through part of the Nobility, induced thereunto by certain enemies to the religion and the king's prosperities, who was forsaken at his need. Other some also being accustomed to fish in troubled waters, would not it should be yet cleared: and others pretended to serve the king as it seemed best unto them, & always to see one confusion rise of another. The Duke of Parma cometh to Paris and taketh Corbeil. By means of which proceed, the Dukes were encouraged to go out of the Marshes, to enter triumphantly into Paris, whereof the Duke of Parma named himself the deliverer. And to make his valour appear the greater, he departed incontinent to besiege Corbeil, about half a days journey from thence, upon the river of Seine. Captain Rigaud, commanding over certain companies of footmen, behaved himself so valiantly, that he slew a great number of the leaguers. As for the Duke of Parma, after the heating of his troops, of whom many were slain: he lost much of his reputation. For it was there where his army was so weakened, and during the time he rested in that place, the king got together his troops, addressing them to new purposes, which brought the league into greater encumbrances than before. The king of Spain's Agents thought to fill his good City of Paris (so the Spaniard called it in his letters) with Spanish companies and Walloons. But on the one side, they had nothing to eat: and on the other, so soon as those of Guise and other Captains of the league (moreover the sixteen and the forty of Paris) saw themselves somewhat at large, they began to give the Duke of Parma thanks for his good will, and entreated him to go with his people to Bruxelles again. This request or secret commandment fell out very well for the Duke: for on the one part, his army in all men's sight was seen daily to waste, and himself did plainly behold, that he stood in the midst of an unconstant multitude, and that it was not good for him to put confidence in faithless people. The leaving of his forces there, to glut Paris even as Antwerp had been, was to turn all upside down, and build a new and perilous matter for the Spaniards: that the king watched to give them a shameful overthrow, if they should separate themselves never so little. Therefore he determined to get him gone with all speed possible, having consumed a world of money, leaving the Leaguers Captains more altered with the gold of Peru, then ever they were before. The Duke of Parma returned to Brussels, having done nothing, but grown unto shame and evil report with the Leaguers. Of all his forces he had great need: for the king ceased not to run upon him, pursuing him to the very frontiers of Arroys, and diminishing his army every day more and more, to signify unto the Spaniards, that France could not be ruinated or taken but through their own folly. Now, assoon as they were thus departed, Corbeil and other small towns which they had taken, were again recovered by the king's troops: the which brought the Parisians into new confusions. The D. of Parmas' coming, served to no other end but to fill their purses, and to entangle and bring all their affairs, to a remediless end. In divers parts of the kingdom, as in Britain, Provence, and Languedoc, the League stirred and did many outrageous and wicked acts, working desolation to the great prejudice of the king's subjects: but it little advantaged the Leaguers, whose armies consisted of such people, that sought no other thing but disorders. Also they could neither grow nor continue, but by the confusion of others, which they raised by their forces & bad purposes, for whereas they feigned that they would have the Spaniard to join with them, it was for no other thing, but to draw into their hands his double pistolets: in am whereof, they would present him a new nothing betwixt two dishes. And if he showed himself discontent, they would help to throw him out of those places which he had usurped, as it came to pass soon after. In the beginning of this year, the king continued his enclosing of the Parisians, which were fallen into their wont distresses as before. The Queen of England with certain Lords and wealthy Merchants of her kingdom, lent the king money for the comforting of his forces. Dauphine gotten again for the King. Francis de Bonne Lord of Diguireres, chased the leaguers out of the County of Dauphine, and became Master of Grenoble, which is the seat of the Parliament of the Province, constraining the Lord d'Arbigni, who commanded there, to departed, before the Duke of Savoy or any other of the League could come time enough to secure them. In Normandy the Duke de Montpensier won Honfleur, and enforced the Leaguers to forsake the field. The viscount of Turenne came into Almain to levy a band of Rutters, and having gathered an army, Christian Prince of Anhalt, was made chief commander thereof. On the other side, the new Pope being a partaker with Spain, The Pope an aider of the Leaguers. promised to the league eight thousand footmen, and five hundredth horse, under the conduct of his cousin Francis Sfondrate, and during these enterprises, the Chevalier d'Aumale set upon the Town of Saint Dennis near Paris, supposing he should win it. He was followed with many approved warriors. The Lord of Vic which commanded in that place, showed good proof of his skill and courage: for although the knight and his followers were entered without loss, he ran upon them, and charged them so roughly, that the knight and the most of his people lay dead upon the ground. The Chevalier d'Aumale slain with all his company. This knight was one of the principal Captains of the league, but in his deeds so strange and desolute, that he could no longer support himself: otherwise he was very hardy and valiant. This was cause of great grief among the seditious, who had few men left, that had more mischief in their heads then he. Many hath reported, that his body having been wrapped in a cerecloth, and laid in a Chapel within the great Church, rested their till they might know what the king's pleasure was to be done therewithal. Rats and Mice found about a dead man. On the morrow after, as they would have drawn forth the corpse to imbalm it, the sercloth was found full of rats and mice, in such number, that they had much ado to drive them away, till such time they were feign to lay upon them with handstrokes, and tear them out from the wounds. The king that on his part would not be idle, addressed himself to certain enterprises, to give an alarm to the Parisians, that by this occasion be might awake and cause them to remember themselves. They took such an alarm, that they came to the gate of S. Honore, where they had knowledge given them, that the king's troops would come and give them battle the 20. of januarie. The Spaniards shifts to corrupt Paris. All this vanished away, without any encounter or loss of the one side or on the other. The Spanish Agents took this occasion to put the Parisians in fear, for the advancement of their affairs: for they thrust certain Regiments of Spaniards and Neopolitans into Paris and Meaux, staying till they might convey thither, a far greater number, which the Duke of Parma was gathering together with great diligence, under pretence to come with them to the succour of Paris. The packets and letters of the succours coming from Spain and Italy, served for a very good remedy to the leaguers, thereby to content the Parisians. And to comfort and encourage them the more, the new Pope assisted by many Cardinals, did again excommunicate the king and his adherents. And sending a monitory bill, put it in the hands of his Nuncio, called Marcellin Landriano, to be carried to the Cardinal of Plaisance his Legate at Paris. The succours by him promised began to assemble. The Pope's forces against France. As for the king of Spain, following the particular intelligences which he had with the Duke of Mercoeur, his army by sea came into the Castle of Britain, and seized on the part of Blavet, greatly fortified since that time. Monsieur de la Nove was sent to make head against the Spaniards. And while they stayed for the succours of the low Countries, the Earl of Brissac made a voyage toward the Duke of Parma, who brought money from them to pay the Pensioners, thereby to entertain them in hope of continuation. The siege and yielding up of Charters to the king. The King retired to Senlis, took his way to Brie, & stayed about four miles stom Provence, accompanied with the Duke of Nevers, each one thinking that he would have besieged that Town, which is not strongly situated, he made such a show, and in such sort, that the League sent thither speedily five or six hundredth foot, and two hundredth horse. But because he came no nearer thereunto, they verily thought he would have set either upon the Town of Troy's, or on Seni, staying only for the Marshal of Birons coming, who had received at Deep certain barrels of powder and bullets which was sent from England. They continued firm in this opinion, till such time the King marched towards Montereau. Heereuppon rose an other report, that the King went to Tours, for the redressing of certain disorders: such as the leaguers blazed abroad, even to the very slandering of the Princes of the blood. But such thoughts did greatly hurt the league. For the King holding himself close, ten or twelve days with the Duke of Nevers, sent word to the Marshal de Byron (who was come toward Mant, in his return from Normandy, after he had taken Caudebec, Harfleur, Feschamp, and other Towns: in brief, when he brought all Provence under the king's obeisance, Horsmas le Haure, Roan, Pontoise, and two or three other places) that he should cross to Beausse, as though he meant to join with him. But that on a sudden he should turn toward Chartres, to recover it before any succour should enter into it, for as much as the town had no other garrison but the own Inhabitants, who were also divided, many bearing good affection to the King, especially the Bishop: which thing the Marshal performed so suddenly, that Chartres was environed round about, and besieged the tenth of February. A Captain of Orleans named lafoy Croix, attempted to come to the succour of the Town, with his Regiment of threescore Curates, and two hundredth harquebusiers. But he was incontinent enclosed and overthrown in such sort, that of all his followers there escaped but four, and himself which made the fift, who with the rest being very well mounted, had all their minds bend upon flight, while their fellows throats were a cutting. The Lord de la Chastre, chief Captain of the siege in Berry, was constrained the same time to raise his siege from before Aubigni, and soon after his troops were overthrown by the Lord of Chastillon, who came to the king at the siege of Chartres, who by his valour and notable invention of a bridge, to go right upon the breach, was the principal cause under God, that the place was won for the King. In Poictou, the Baron de la Rocheposé, the Lords of Preaux, of Parabere and others, for the King fought oftentimes with the Leaguers. The Duke of Nemours after certain sallies in and about Langres, put himself within Lions. As for those of Chartres, they defended themselves most courageously, for the space of two months and a half, without being succoured by any: in the end whereof, perceiving that the bridge which was made by the policy of the Lord de Chastillon, to come unto blows with them, would be their ruin, they entered into conditions of accord, the Friday before Easter, the which contained, that if within eighteen days they were not assisted by the Duke de main (who was then at Soissons, three small days journey from Chrartres) they would yield themselves to the king. Then they sent Deputies in post toward the Duke, who for provision, dispatched a Master of his household, and two Masters of the camp, with ten or twelve horse, to try if they could enter into the City, with charge to confirm the Townsmen in their obstinacy. But all the succours being taken on Friday the nineteenth of April, about four of the clock in the after noon, the king with his army entered into Chartres, where he stayed Saturday and Sunday following. The morrow after his entrance, the Leaguers of the City, to the number of six or seven hundredth, went forth of the Town with their armies: and suddenly the Marshal de Byron entered, being followed with 1200. harquebusiers, and about 300. horse, the garrison assigned to him, and the government given again to the Lord de Sourdis, who before commanded over them. They dislodged from thence, certain Ladies and Gentlewomen of the leaguers in Coaches and Chariots, which they caused to be safely conducted to Orleans. The K. being Master of so fair & strong a place, levied certain moneys of the Inhabitants, which had submitted themselves to his mercy. Then having brought Aulneau and Dourdan to his obeisance, he returned to Senlis. Leaguers overthrown at Esperron. At this time when Chartres was yielded up, the Leaguers army in Provence, consisting of a thousand Chieftains, and of sixteen or eighteen hundredth harquebusiers, as well Provencieux, Spaniards, as Savoyans, were othrowne at Esperrond de Pallieres, by the Lords de la Valette and Diguieres, who did the king excellent service. For the league lost at that time near hand four hundredth Chieftains, and fifteen hundredth shot, leaving a great number of prisoners, fifteen tents, & an infinite company of horses & baggage, which were equally divided among the victors: they lost among the rest, young Buous, a brave and gallant Gentleman, twenty soldiers, and there were an hundredth hurt. At Poictou. also. In Poictou certain weeks after, the Viscount de la Guierche, commanding over certain Regiments of footmen and horsemen, and where he found near a thousand natural borne Spaniards newly come from Britain, having an intent to do some great exploit, they were charged to so good a purpose, and with such high resolution, by the Baron de la Roche posé, and other of the kings chief servitors, that after they had given them a certain fight, la Guierche seeing on the cold earth more than three hundredth Gentlemen, and his most assured favourites, took his flight toward the next river, where finding the ferry, and thinking to go over easily, the throng was so great, that the ferrie-boate and all the passengers sunk to the bottom. La Guierche was there drowned, with a great number of others. There perished in the water and in the fight, more than seven hundredth Spaniards. Some supposed this loss of the Leaguers to be little less than that of Coutras, by reason of the great number of the Nobility, which died therein. As for Guierche, he was but little lamented, in respect of his ungodly life and disordered behaviour. Chasteauthierri yielded to the League. The Duke de main having thus lost Chartres, followed his intelligence upon the Town of Chasteauthierri, the which was yielded unto him with the Castle, by the Pinarts, the father and the son, who were commanders of the same place. The Spaniards sacked both the Town and Castle, spoiling in like sort divers gentlemen's houses round about, never caring of whole part or religion they were of. After this exploit, those of Guise being at Reims, made there a new Archbishop, dispatching janin, sometime Precedent of Diion, to go into Spain, to the intent he might there look unto their affairs. The king's Edict for upholding the two religions in his kingdom. On the other side, the Princes and Roman Catholicque Lords, which were the king's partakers, persuaded with him to frame himself to the exterior profession of their religion, and by the Duke of Luxenburg, who had before made a voyage unto Rome in their name, they practised with the Pope to that end. On the contrary side, the Protestant Lords beseeched the king to have them in remembrance, who were so faithfully & constantly employed for him. Other of his Council pressed upon him, to provide for his peaceable subjects, as well of the one as the other religion. Also that he would prevent the new attempts of the Pope and his adherents against France. And these solicitations begat two Edicts, which were brought forth at Ma●te in the beginning of julie. The one established the decrees of pacification made by Henry the third deceased, upon the troubles of the Realm, repealing & abolishing that which had been made in july 1585. and 1588. in favour of the league. The other contained in form of letters patents, an ample declaration of the king's intent, to maintain in France the Roman Church and religion, which was surnamed, Catholicque, Apostolicque, together with the rights and ancient liberties of the Gallican Church. An act made by the high court of Parliament at chaalon's, & at Tours, against the Pope's bulls, his Nuntio, and his legate in France. It hath been said before, that the new Pope called Gregory, had sent Marcellin Landriano his Nuntio into France with monitarie bulls against the king. The Court of Parliament of Paris sitting then at chaalon's in champaign, having received and verified the two Edicts above mentioned, added at the last making mention of the conservation of the liberties of the Gallican Church, that she admitted the Attorney general to appeal touching the abuse of those bulls published by the Pope's pretended Nuntio, the thundering and execution of the same, held him to be well relieved, giving him audience for the first day that commission should be delivered unto him, to inform against this pretended Nuntio and his adherents: which information being made and brought throughout the Court and viewed, than they would decree that which should be reason: moreover, that the same Attorney should have an act of protestation by him made, to prove himself for the counsel to come. This Edict was given the first day of july. In the montth following, there was a second decree made, containing these words: The Court hath repealed, revoked, and disanuled, and by these presents doth repeal, revoke, and disannul, all those bulls of the legation of Cardinal Caietan, and those other bulls brought from Rome the first of March, proceed, publications, excommunications, and thunderings, made by Marcillius Landriano, the Pope's aforesaid Nuutio, as false, scandalous, seditious, full of corruption, and mad against the holy decrees, cannonicall constitutions, approved counsels, and against all the rights and liberties of the Gallican Church. Have ordained, and by these presents do ordain, that if any have been excommunicated by virtue of the aforesaid proceed, they are absolved thereof: and that the said bulls, and all the proceed made by virtue of them, shall be burned in the Marketplace of this City, by the hands of the executioner. Again it is ordained, that the said Landriano the Pope's pretended Nuntio, entering privily into this Realm without the king's leave or licence, shall be personally taken and conveyed to the king's prison in this City of chaalon's, there to answer to all such things as shall be alleged against him. And if his taking and apprehension cannot presently be, there shall be three days liberty given for the same, according to the accustomed manner. And to him that shall deliver him up to the law, shall be given ten thousand pound. Straightly charging and forbidding all person & persons, of what estate, quality, or condition soever they be, to keep, receive, succour, or harbour the said pretended Nuntio on pain of death: And all archbishops, Bishops, and all other Ecclesiastical persons, to receive, nor publish, nor suffer to be published, any sentences or proceed, coming in the behalf of the foresaid Nuntio, upon pain to be punished as in case of high treason. Also it is declared, and we do declare, the Cardinals being at Rome, Archbishops, and all all other Ecclesiastical persons, that have counseled and signed the said bull and excommunication, and that have allowed that most inhuman, most abominable, & most detestable parriside, traitorously committed on the person of the foresaid deceased Lord Henry the third, the most Christian and the most Catholicque king of France, worthily cast off from the pocession of those benefices held by them within this Realm: enjoining the Attorney general to seize them into the king's hands, and there to establish good and sufficient Commissioners, forbidding all other his subjects to carry or send gold or silver to Rome, or to sue to the Pope for the obtaining of benefices, until it shall be otherwise ordered by the king. And the act of appeal shall be by the Attorney general, deferred until the next Council, lawfully assembled by Pope Gregory the fourteenth, etc. The Parliament at Tours proclaimed the same decree, adding moreover in theirs, these words: We have proclaimed and do proclaim, Pope Gregorrie the 14. of that name, an enemy to the common peace, to the union of the Roman Catholic Church, to the King and to his royal estate, adherent to the conspiracy of Spain, a favourer of rebels, guilty of the most cruel, most inhuman, and most detestable Parriside, traitorously committed on the person of Henry the third, of most famous, most Christian, and most Catholicque memory. Certain months after, and about the end of the year the parliament of the League at Paris, condemned and caused all those decrees to be burned, which were given out against the Pope's bulls, and the Ministers of that sea. As for Landriano and the Legate, they were kept close and secret. Finally after they had been well feed, they got safely out of France, through the king's merciful favour, carrying away great booties, whereof they had small joy, because that soon after their return they died. The most part of the prisoners of Blois, who then with the Duke and Cardinal of Guise, should have been done to death, escaped away, some after one sort and some after another. But one of their principalll men remained still under sure guard in the Castle of Tours: that is to say, the Duke of Guise, whom the multitude of the Leaguers, and divers Parisians did greatly desire, saying many times, that if after the death of his father, and before the coming of his uncle de main, he had been within Paris, that of a certain they had carried him to Rheims, sacred and crowned king of France. But his keepers held him sure enough from them, for the king's councillors would not, that the seditious should have so fit a subject to work upon, nor such store of wood and oil to increase the flames of their sedition. On the other side, the Duke de main having obtained his new title, to be Lieutenant general of the estate and Crown of France, desired not that his Nephew should be at more liberty. Neither was the royal throne and seat big enough for two to sit in, and he which was already settled, would not come down, to suffer a younger than himself to ascend thereinto. divers other of the principal men of the League, willing to countercheck the Duke de main, did all that possibly they could, to prefer his young Nephew: but all in vain. When the King's Council saw fit time to thwart the Dukes of main and Nemours, which by divers slights did daily rob the Crown, as also divers other strangers did, would notwithstanding set on them again, and seek to destroy the one by the other: they caused their affairs to be so disposed for the keeping of this person, that the Duke of Guise, escaped the fifteenth day of August, by a cord which was given him, The Duke of Guise escapeth out of prison. wherewith sliding down out of one of the windows, he went quite away. There was but small running after him, who having found all things ready for his conveyance, took his way to the Lord de la Chastre, who kept him in a sure place. Those which judged not but superficially of these things, namely the Leaguers, made bonfires for joy of this escape, supposing that this young Prince should be so well provided for, that he should be made king for the holy union. But the Lieutenant general his uncle, and certain others, pretending to bear away the best part in that piece, were of an other mind. Noyon besieged and taken by the king. The King all this while slept not, having the self same month besieged Noyon, a town in Picardy held by the league, and having overthrown by four assaults, the succours which the League had sent them, slain the most resolute men of war on their side, taken a great number of prisoners, put the rest to flight, and constrained the besieged to yield. The Duke de main with the Lords of Belin, Vitri, d'Alincourt and others, had a great mind to set upon Mante, thinking to withdraw the king, and afterward assayed to force the Swissers of Soleurre lodged at Houdan, but all in vain, as also was their coming to Noyon. For the king being never moved with their brags, followed to the point of his purpose, even to the very noses of his enemies, who daring not to come under his hands, he became Master of the Town. And having brought upon the Leaguers and Spaniards great shame and dishonour, he chased them even unto Han, provoking and enforcing them to fight, but they could not hear on that side. Noyon was yielded and given up to the King the seventeenth of August. About a month after, The Duke of Savois army overthrown at Pontcharra. the Lord of Diquieres was overthrown in the plain of Pontcharra, near unto the Castle of Bayars, standing in the valley of Graisivodan, with the Duke of Savois army, commanded by Amedio the Dukes bastard brother, accompanied with Dom Olevares a Spanish Captain, the Marquis of Trevic, and others. There were slain upon that plain, more than two thousand and five hundredth of the Duke's army, a great number were taken prisoners, being for the most part Gentlemen of command. They won also above three hundredth horse, eighteen colours bearing the red cross, a Cornet was there taken, and all their baggage left behind. The booty which was gotten, amounted to the sum of two hundredth thousand Crowns, the most part thereof being in chains, rings, silver cups, and coin both of gold and silver, the rest in horses and armour. The next day, two thousand Romans' and soldiers of Milan, who with their commander the Earl Galeotte of Belioyeuse, were saved within the Castle d'Aualon, at length yielded themselves to the king's mercy. But the fury of the soldiers could not be quieted, till they had slain six or seven hundredth of them, the rest having white wands given in stead of Passports, were sent into Italy, there to make report of their unhappy fortune, having promised never to bear arms against France any more. This victory was the more excellent, for that on the king's side, after they had searched their companies, there was found but one horseman, and two footmen dead, and three or four hurt. The rest of this year was spent by the Lord of Diguieres, in the fortifying of Grenoble, and in the refreshing of his garrisons. After the taking of Noyon, the king caused a part of his troops to go into Normandy, as well to same those of Roan, who showed themselves no less obstinate than the Parisians, as also to provoke the Spaniards unto battle, for he knew that incontinuent the leaguers would cry for aid: and that if the Duke of Parma deferred their succour, that he should either soon overthrow them, or quickly bring them to some reason. On the contrary, if the Duke should come there, it would be a means to dispatch their affairs, hoping that God would favour his just cause, against the ungodly and infamous rebellion of his enemies. In the mean space, he gave order that Paris should be enclosed on every side, keeping still his garrisons in the fort of Gournay upon Marne, at Saint Dennis, Melun, Corbeil, and other places, as well by water as by land, the great tributes and taxes which was gathered for the bringing of victual to the Parisians, and the maintenance of their troops, did so glean their money from them, piece by piece, that it brought the people to great poverty. The Leaguers than did that which was loooked for: for after the king The second and the last coming of the Duke of Parma into France. had set forward to Normandy, the king of Spain being solicited from divers parts, and of his own accord also, for the recovering of his money, sent the Duke of Parma, who was diligently providing for the affairs of the low countries, into Normandy, to relieve those of Roan, and to help them, upon such occasions as should be presented. Those of Guise and other commanders of the league, made continual suit to the said Duke to that effect. By this means toward the end of the year, the Duke of Parma having committed the government of the low Countries to the Earl of Mansfield, departed from Bruxelles, and with four thousand foot, and three thousand horse, set forward on his way, making small journeys, because he thought it the most necessary for him, and that under the appearance of arms, he might attain to an higher purpose: which was, to procure the states of the league to give the Crown of France to the king of Spain's daughter, whom they had promised to wife unto one of the chief of that party. The Duke's army was strengthened by the Italian succours, conducted by Sfondrate Earl of Montemarcian, and three thousand Swissers. While all this preparation was made, the sixteen of Paris, the first authors of the league among the people, who could not endure to see the Duke de main despise them, and take state upon him, as he had done within a few months, resolved to deprive him of his state, pretending to walk more watily in their affairs, according to the king of Spain's intent, to whom they had Brisson them Precedent, l'Archir and Tardif councillors, hanged. sold the City, thereby to cut off as it were with one blow, all the hope which the king had in their subjection. They discovered among other, that Brisson the Precedent, Tardif, and Larcher, councillors, were sorry that they had such great part in the furious actions of the league, thinking how they might find remedy for the same: upon this, supposing they had found that which they looked for, and after certain counsel had on the matter, they went by their authority, and apprehended the Precedent and both the councillors, committing them to prison the fifteenth day of November, and on the morrow they caused them to be hanged in grieve street. In this sort perished these learned men, especially Brisson, which plunged himself against his conscience, into this pit of execrable felony, against his sovereign Lord, and the laws of the Realm. Thus he received of those wicked men, which he had so unjustly and so long supported in their heinous crimes, a fit reward for his inexecrable faults. Four of the 16. hanged by the Duke of Parma. The Duke de main, which practised with the Duke of Parma, being advertised of this tumult, went to join with his trustiest friends, made speed unto Paris, and caused Louchart, Anroux, Hameline, and Emonnot, four of the sixteen to be hanged, and caused the other twelve to be thrust out of office, and made his Lieutenantship as sure as possibly he could: and to appease the people, who were guilty of this mutiny, proclaimed the tenth of December, an Edict of banishment unto all those which had been meddlers in this new riot. Strange felony committed by the Parliament, at Roan. As the Duke of Parma took easy journeys into Normandy, the Parliament of Roan published the seventh of januarie, a cruel decree against their sovereign Lord the King, containing these words: The Court doth most expressly forbid all persons, of what estate, dignity, or condition soever they be, without all exceptions, to favour in any sort whatsoever, Henry of Bourbon or any of his, but to withstand him incontinent, upon pain to be presently hanged up. Also the same Court ordaineth, that absolution shall be obtained for the said Attorney general, Nemine dempto, to inform against all those that shall favour the said Henry of Bourbon and his adherents. That the oath made by the holy Union the two and twentieth day of januarie, 1589. shall be renewed from mouth to month, in the general assembly, which for that purpose shall be held in the Abbey of Saint Oven within the same City. Further, it enjoineth all the Inhabitants to keep, and inviolably to observe the said Edict, from point to point, according to the tenure and true meaning of the same, upon pain of death, without any hope of grace or favour to be had therein. Villars a notable Leaguer. Morever, the same Court doth expressly enjoin, all the Inhabitants to be obedient to the Lord of Villars, Lieutenant general to our sovereign Lord Henry of Lorraine (eldest son to the Duke de main) in this government, in all things which shall be by him commanded, for the conservation of this City. The Bishop d'Euereux, hanged. A little before the siege of Roan, the King having in the month of September, 1591. taken Lowiers, chastised certain seditious persons, and sent the Bishop d'Euereux, surnamed the holy, prisoner unto Tours (who was one of the Arches and Pillars of the league) to the end he should there have the law, and after be hanged: the which was done without the Cardinal of Bourbons knowledge: lest he should reprieve him from the Gallows, he provided for all things necessary to the siege, causing divers engines to be made at Caen, at Pont de l'Arche, at Ponteau de Mer, and in other places. The D. the Manes son having encouraged the Citizens to persevere in their actions, for their relief, Baquemare at that time their chief Precedent, procured that all the Inhabitants should swear before the Mayor, named Land, that they should reveal all those, whom they knew either in word or deed, to favour the King of Navarre, that they might be punished for example to others. Villars was there entered, to strengthen them with six hundredth horse, and twelve hundredth muskets, and gave such order for his affairs, that they yielded him soon after, the Roiteler of Roan, without any respect to the Lieutenant general's son: in so much, that when they commanded him any thing which he thought not good to be done, his answer to the Duke de main was, that being both of them companions & spoilers of the estate, he would not obey him, whom he knew not for his Lord and Master. And the better to apply himself, he caused all those to be chased out of Roan, that were by him suspected, writing letters full of outrage to the King, who summoned his subjects to an acknowledgement of their rebellion, placing artillery, and using all acts of hostility against his sovereign Lord and King. Moreover he caused a new search for victuals, he suborned Friars, Priests, and Preachers, to poison the multitude by their seditious persuasions, brought his troops into the field, indomaging the army as much as possibly he might, the which, beside the obstinate dealings of the besieged, had a shrewd fight, with the extreme rigour of the sharp winter, with sickness and the want of food. Notwithstanding all which, at the last the besieged were constrained to come to composition. But understanding that the Dukes de main and of Parma were coming with succours, and were withal, become Masters of Neufchastel, given over by the King's garrison, they held it till the 20. of March, the which army of the Dukes came to Franqueville, which is about half a days journey from Roan. The Leaguers army. The Duke of Guise, la Chastre, and Vitri, led the vanguard: the Dukes of main, of Parma, and Sfondrate, Nephew to Pope Gregory the fourteenth deceased, conducted the main battle: the rearward had for their leaders, the D, of Aumale, the Earl of Chaligni, Boisdaufin, Balagni, and Sainpol. Bassompierre, and Monsieurle Motte, were Captains over the Swissers and the artillery. The King's troops being over weak to match with this great army of leaguers, left them to work their worst, seeking opportunity to meet with them at advantage, staying for the Kings coming, who with all speed journeyed toward Deep on necessary causes, the which broke the great intended purposes of his enemies. And the whilst the Marshal of Byron, caused seven pieces of artillery to be conveyed to Bans, which is a town about one mile from Darnetal, where he set himself in battle array, planting his cannons in their several places, therewith to entertain the Duke of Parma, who came to lie in the valley on the side thereof. The King stayed all that night within a Mill hard by Bans, who continued in fight well near thirty hours, making continual skirmishes upon the forwardest of his enemies. The Duke of Parma, which made as though he would give battle, after some excuses and delays drew this army on the side of Barnetal. But the more to draw and entangle him, strait after his coming, the king had dismissed his Nobility, in such sort, that they were all near enough to be heard, with intent to bring an evil bargain both upon the Spaniards and Italians. The rest of the month of March, and the most part of April, was spent in continuing small skirmishes. In the end, on Tuesday the one and twentieth day of April, about ten of the clock in the morning, the Dukes de main, of Guise, and of Parma, put themselves into Roan, where they stayed but certain hours. Villars would not have any partners, much less such Masters. The Leaguers army had upon the same day of the Duke's entrance, taken Caudebec near adjoining, from whence the garrison dislodged in the night following, and left the town for the Duke of Parma, which was yielded unto him: but he kept it not long. The king overrunneth his enemies and breaks their Camp, chase the rest out of Normandis. For the king seeing his enemies had not victualled Roan, passed to Pont de l'Arche le Mercredi, on the Wednesday, & advanced his army toward Fontain le Bourg, & sent to all the neighbour owns, as Loviers, Mante, Mulean, Vernon, and otherswhere the Garrisons were, that they should march toward him: the which was speedily performed. Then grew his army to more than three thousand horse of Frenchmen, and six thousand foot, in less than six days. Then turned he his forces toward the Town d'Yuetot, where the Dukes of main and of Guise were then lodged, who had no leisure to go to dinner, having news brought that their vanguard was suddenly set upon, and wholly overthrown. This constrained them by flight to save themselves two miles off, in the Duke of Parmas' quarter, leaving behind them all their baggage and silver vessels, a good booty for the Lord de la Guich. The first of May they were raised to an other lodging, and above six hundredth of the leaguers slain, without any loss, except five soldiers, and about eighteen or nineteen hurt. And having knowledge that the Leaguers intent was not to fight, but to retire, they followed them the more close, shutting up all their passages, as well to prevent the bringing of victuals, as their escape: for which there was good reason. Upon the river their ships and vessels were beaten, part whereof was taken, and part sunk by the hollanders. By land they were enclosed, in their camp entrenched and fortified, yet would they not issue forth, although the necessity of victuals was extreme great among them, and that all warlike order showed their insufficiency. They were moreover entrenched within a wood, where also two thousand Spaniards and Walloons were lodged, to intercept the king's passage, who nevertheless in the sight of their enemy, broke through their trenches, where all this great troop was overthrown, except some few which by their swiftness took the groves, being more amazed, then desirous to revenge. The days following they continued their chase by skirmishes till the tenth of March, at what time the king, after he knew where they pitched their camp, chose out such forces as he thought necessary, and set upon them by five of the clock in the morning, within a quarter which the leaguers supposed most strongest. There was overthrown without any great resistance, twenty two Cornets of horsemen. It is thought that it was there where the Duke of Parma had his arm hurt with a musket shot, other say it was done in the former charge. Howsoever it were, the Leaguers lost at the same time two thousand horse, which by the victors were carried away with all their baggage: leaving slain upon that place, more than two thousand and five hundredth men, and many taken prisoners. They retired towards Fescamp, where having within few days felt the force, both of hunger and thirst, at last they fled shamefully toward Paris, and from thence to Brie, at last they came to Artoys, wherwithin few months the Duke of Parma with his troops melted like wax in the sun. Sfondrate saw his people also confounded, Roan being brought to great extremity, bought of Villars his Rotelier, the corn hourded up in his Garners, whereof he made a marvelous mass of treasure, which he employed for a small space, till such time as he was slain by the Spaniards near unto D●rlans. Thus was France the third time delivered out of the hands of herenemies. Those of the house of Guise, and other chief Captains of the League, that sought new troubles, being nothing sorry for the Duke of Parmas' ill success, set themselves with the Spanish Agents (to get into their hands new bags of Spanish gold) in consultation touching the assembly of their estates, to the end to elect a King or a Queen: to wit, the king of Spain's daughter, who was to marry with one of the principal Leaguers. And although the Duke de main wrought with the others in the same wheel, yet had he a contrary intent. As for the most part of the Parliament of the leaguers of Paris, and the third estate, they all desired peace and some end of these troubles. The Leaguers forces in divers parts. In many other parts of the Realm, and namely in Languedoc and Britain, the Dukes of joyeuse and Mercoeur, two principal Leaguers, continued their war, doing great damage to the King's subjects. In july the Duke de main took Ponteau de Mer, while the king practised his entrance into Paris, which as then found no good success, being broken off by the Marshal de Barons death, who was slain by a cannon shot at the siege of Espernon. On the other side, the Duke of Nemours purposed the building of a little Monarchy at Lions, being possessed by intelligence of the City and Castle of Vieru●, which were sold unto him. He attempted to do much more, by help of the forces coming from Savoy, but in vain at that time. The King was very watchful to prevent the entrance of foreign forces, giving order within his Realm, for all his most urgent affairs, distributing his troops here and there in places most convenient. And for as much as his Nobility had been greatly hazarded at the siege of Roan, and in the services following, he dismissed a great many, and retained a certain number of the most deliberez. Others, which went far off, to assail the League in divers places, perished for the most part. The Spaniards, which were very curious to recover their great losses, with some memorable act, some certain months after the The spoil of Bayonne attempted in vain by the Spaniards. Duke of Parmas' discomfiture, they attempted the taking of Bayonne, by the help of a puissant army, which came unto them as well by water as by land. Long time before this, the Governor of Fontaraby, had from his masters intelligence, that a Doctor of Physic called Blancpignon, had often received letters in covert terms, to further the Spaniards affairs, consisting in the surprising of the City, and the expulsing of all the king's officers and servants in the same. This Doctor conferred with a Spaniard, which had long time dwelled in that Town: and those two brought their treason to such a point, that a fleet of certain ships, and an army by land, were made ready for the executing of their purpose. But God would that the Lackey which was sent to Fontaraby, with letters speaking of Physic and curing of the sick, was taken by the Lord de la Hilliere, Governor of the town, who having with all speed apprehended the Doctor and the Spaniard, in few hours prevented all their mischief. But that which he had deliberated heereuppon, which was to give a strappado to the enterprisers, could not be performed because of the obstinate resolution of the Spanish prisoner, who would not write such letters as was of him required, but rather chose to die, then to set pen to paper for the entrapping of his countrymen: and hereupon with the Doctor he was beheaded, whereof followed the discipation of the Spanish army. Amblize and the Leaguers of Lorraine, overthrown by the Duke of Bovillon. In the month of October, the Duke of Bovillon Martial of France, overthrew before Beaumond, the Lord of d'Amblize high Marshal of Lorraine, and the Duke's Lieutenant general, accompanied with two thousand foot, and eight hundredth horse. Amblize was himself slain in the field, with more than seven hundredth others, his artillery won, all his Cornets and Ensigns taken, and four hundredth Launceknights sent away unarmed. The Duke of Bovillon did this valorous exploit, with four hundredth horse, and two harquebuziers. But this was much to be noted, he lost not in all that fight any one man of account, and being himself something hurt, he left the pursuit of his foes to his Lieutenants, who being aided by a sally of shot coming out of Beaumond, they made a happy end of their prosperous beginning. That also which came to pass in this month at the siege of Villemur, doth worthily deserve to be written in this place, wherein I will only follow the notes of Monsieur de la Grange, an excellent Historian, and most eloquent among the exquisite wits of our time. The Duke of joyeuse (his brother which was slain at Coutras) having about the end of the month of lune, done many outrageous acts about Montauban, became Master of Monbequin, M●●bartier, and Monbeton, from whence he assailed Bart, which was yielded upon composition, after he had lost four score gallant soldiers. And against the faithful promise which he made, he caused the most part of the poor yielding people to be slain. Then he battered and assailed the Castle of Mauzac, and having given them three hundredth cannon shot, it was yielded upon composition. Saint Maurice fort, being also yielded unto him, he besieged Villemer, with the Lord of that place named Remiers, commanding over an hundredth and fifty soldiers, as well Inhabitants as strangers, to whose aid the Lord of Themines, Seneschal of Querci, a wise and valiant Gentleman, speedily brought six and forty men, as well Curates as Harquebusiers, under the conduct of the Lord de Pedone. The Duke d'Espernon and Themenes constrained joycuse to raise his siege, and to forsake one of his great cannons. Thomenes his forces recovered again the Castle of Maurac and other small holds. The nineteenth of luly, those troops which Esper●●● had left with Themenes, were surprised in the night by Duke joyeuse, who slew four hundredth of them, hurt a great number, and had it not been for the great discretion of Themines, he had discomfited all the rest, and carriediwo of their coluerins to Montaubon. While the Duke d'Espernon took his journey into Prenence, joyeuse came again to the siege of Villemur the tenth of September. Reniers committed the keeping of that place to the Baron of Mauzac, to Cha●bert, and to Chaize, who were wise and warlike Captains, while he gathered new succours at Montauban, where at the same instant he found Mo●●f●●r de Desme with certain forces, who without more ado put himself with his troops into Villemur. joyeuse being counseled by two crafty Captains: to wit, Onoux and Montherand, did batter them with eight cannons and two coluerins. The●●●nes accompanied with six score Gentlemen, and two hundredth harquebusiers, marched courageously to their succour, but in the midway, he caused his horsemen to alight, giving order for the safe conveying of the horses into Montauban, and then speedily he got within Villemur, unespied of joyeuse or any of his company, who on the next day, being the 20. of September, gave them a furious assault, the which was manfully withstood, to the loss of a great number of the assailants. Then on a sudden, Themenes commanded an alarm to be sounded, by four trumpers which he had borough with him, and therewithal furiously assailed joyeuse, and overthrew a Regiment of his footmen, newly come thither, whom they of Thoulouse had sent with a supply of powder, bullets, pickaxes, and a great number of Iron forks. The quality of these footmen that would have made so bloody an attempt, did dispatch the execution, for these were all but boys and raw soldiers, as unskilful in war, as they were accustomed to play the warriors in the streets, and to kill all the world with table talk. In revenge whereof, the leaguers garrison at S. Leophaïre, took a booty of two hundredth and forty oxen feeding in the fields. Hereupon the Marshal of Montmorencie Governor of Languedoc, sent a good supply to the besieged, under the conduct of Lecques, & Chambaut. Having then chased all the robbers and spoilers from Saint Leophaire, which had been there harboured, upon the report which was made of the new forces that was come to Duke joyeuse, they kept aloof for certain days, about what time Missalac Governor of Aùuergne, took his way toward them, which being by joyeuse understood, he supposed it better to be packing, then to stay any longer. And coming to assail the king's troops at Bellegard, he had a pleasant beginning, but a heavy and sorrowful end of his attempt. For flying the field, here tired with great loss. Nevertheless, being minded by a trick of ancient war to astonish his enemies, he caused many great bonfires to be kindled in his Camp, as tokens of victory and gladness: wher●● Themines and his followers could not forbear laughing: for whilst they were doing thereof, Charnbant at one instant overthrew a company of lance-knights, of whom there was threescore slain in the same place. Missac came to Montauban, followed with an hundredth Gentlemen, and a good number of harquebusiers, which by the Counsel of the Baron of Mauzac and others, was fully resolved to give Duke joyeuse battle: who reposing too much confidence in his forces, and the ordinary reports made unto him by certain fair Gentlewomen which were his favourits, and near neighbours to those of Montaubon, lost both himself and his followers: for his forces were found scattered at his most need. And the Ladies did too late advertise him of Miss silacs departure, who led the vanguard, Chambant the main battle, and Lecques the rearward. The nineteenth of October, these warriors being resolutely advanced forward to the Town of Villemur, joined directly with the Regiments of Clouzel and Montoison, the outermost of Duke joyeuse trenches, which was guarded with two hundredth soldiers, & presently succoured with four hundredth others: nevertheless, they were beaten and driven to the next trench, and there were they fought withal a good half hour, being conducted by the Duke himself, who seeing the rest of the king's army come before him, and Themines issuing out of the town at his back, was constrained to fly the field, and to retire further off, to a place called Condommes, where his camp and artillery lay: but this retreat fell out so ill for him, that his people seeing themselves pursued by the victorious army, fled in great disorder, & tumbled themselves headlong into the river of Tar. I he bridge which joyeuse had builded being cut up, was almost the cause of all their deaths, which forsook the land to pass the water: joyeuse being overcome with despair in this distress, was heard to vomit forth these words: Farewell my great cannons. Ha. I renounce God. I run this day a high fortune. And therewithal desperately be plunged himself horse and all into the river Tar. There were two Gentlemen, the one called Courtete, the other Bidon, that sought by all means to save him, but the river swallowed him, as it were betwixt their hands. And thus did God, who is the true executioner of divine justice, work the end of this cruel, proud, and blasphemous young Duke, who was much lamented of the leaguers, for whom he had done many great exploits. The king's horsemen having passed the ford, charged those that were in the water: and pursuing the fugirives, cut in pieces all those that withstood them. At that time, for the space of a good harquebus shot in length, the heads of the fugitives was seen floating upon the river. This vanquished army consisted of 600. horsemen, and 4000 foot, together with 1400. lance-knights, which was a part of a greater number, that was raised in Almanie by the Emperor's commandment, as it appeared by the original of the commissions, which were found after the discomfiture. By the confession of the vanquished, they lost at that time about 3000. men, three cannons, & two coluerins. They also had from them 22. Ensigns, & carried from thence 43. prisoners. They on the king's side, lost only ten men, four of the which being not very well known, were for want of heed slain by their own fellows. The town of Villemur having endured 2000 cannon shot, saw themselves finally delivered, having in all lost but 17. common soldiers. The body of Duke joyeuse was the next day drawn out of the water, and carried into Villemur, there to be interred. The royal army consisting of five hundredth horsemen, and two thousand five hundredth hargue buziers, beside those that were within the Town of Villemur, withdrew themselves in good order into their Garrisons, after they had given thanks unto God in all the Churches near adjoining, for so miraculous and prosperous a victory. Now, although the leaguers affairs were in great disorder, yet did not their principal Captains cease, to make many reports before the people, wherewith they besotted the most subtilest, assuring them, that shortly they would so provide by the assembly of the estates at Paris, that they would proceed for the election of a new king: adding, that as for him (whom in disdain they called the Bearnois) that reigned partly by those named Catholics, was not to be received or suffered any longer, and to this effect was their counsel published, according to the affection of the new made Pope & the King of Spain. The people's complaint in open Parliament. And whilst the Spanish king made payment of their pensions by a day assigned, many of the Moonkes being of one opinion, left the Duke de Manes affairs, perceiving that in the end, his pretended Lieutenantship would entangle and bring them from the greatest to the least, into a pit of utter subversion and confusion, began to lift up their heads, and to seek after conditions of peace. At length in the open Parliament of the Leaguers at Paris, they cast in many bills of complaints: and the principal of the City cried out in such sort, that an assembly of the Citizens was held in the beginning of November, where they spoke so openly for the ending of their troubles, that the Duke de main began to shake. But in the end, to strengthen his affairs, he came into the lower house, desiring the assembly to commit the deciding of that point to the estates convocated for that month? And he added in the end of his Oration these words, staying for the Estates: I pray them that have set things so forward, that they would send to the king of Navarre, to entreat with him, that he would departed upon this proposition: if he will not do it, I shall have occasion to believe, that he is evil affectioned to our side, and well pleased with those that are enemies to our religion. Notwithstanding these threatenings, it was agreed upon in the said assembly, that they should send toward the king, staying for the renewing of the Estates, to the end agreement might be made, that traffic and merchandise might be free, as well for Paris, as other Cities of the kingdom. The Duke that could not resist their wills in this matter, feigned to give his consent thereunto. In midst of these matters, the Pope's Legate strengthened by the principal leaguers, and according to his intelligences with the Spaniards, whose Pensioner he was, continued the troubles of France by his bulls: so that it provoked the Parliament of Paris sitting at chaalon's, to proclaim an edict the 18. day of November, which was published every where among them, the which for a remembrance to all posterities, I have here in this place set down at large. An act of Parliament made at Cham alons against the Pope's Bulls, and the assembly of the Leaguers Estates. Upon this which the king's Attorney general hath declared to the Court, that the rebellious and seditious, to execute their evil and wicked purposes, which they have of a long time attempted, to deprive the lawful successors of this kingdom from the Crown, not being content to fill this Realm with murders, massacres, robberies, and spoils, but have abundantly brought in the most cruel and pernicious Spaniards, enemies to this Realm, perceiving the Inhabitants of the rebellious Towns to begin, as from a long lethargy and trance, to come again unto to themselves, and to enter again into the way of obedience, wherein God and nature both bind them towards their lawful King, thereby to kill and mortify all points of love and charity that should be working in them, and to bring this Realm into greater trouble and division then before, by proceeding to the election of a new king. And to give some colour to the same, they have published a certain writing in form of a bull, giving power and authority to the Cardinal of Plaisance, to assist and authorize the said pretended election, wherein the rebellious and seditious sort discovered openly, that which till then they had kept close. All which they did under pretence of religion, to cover their wicked and damnable enterprise. This is a thing that all good Catholicque Frenchmen ought to detest and abhor, as a matter directly contrary to the word of God, holy decrees, Counsels, and liberties of the Gallican or French Church: the which openeth a gap to all ruin and subversion of all human societies and policies, instituted of God, namely in this renowned and flourishing Monarchy, the overthrow of the ground of the law, wherein principally consisteth the true order of the lawful succession of our kings. For the preservation whereof, all good and true borne Frenchmen, aught to spend their lives, rather than to suffer the same to be altered or violated, as the foundation on the which the certainty and quiet of the estate is builded. The Court in allowing this request, made by the king's Attorney general, hath and doth receive him, complaining of the abuse committed in the obtaining of the said bull, the contents, publication, and execution thereof, and all the rest that should follow the same: and hath and doth hold him well relieved, and doth order, that Philip by the title of S. Onuphrius Cardinal of Plaisance, shall be assigned in the same, to answer to the said appeal, and the decree made in the City of chaalon's, by public proclamation shall have as full strength and effect, as if it were done on his own person, or in his own house. And in the mean while, the said Court doth exhort all Prelates, Bishops, Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, Officers, and all the king's subjects, of what estate, condition, or quality soever they be, not to hearken to the poisoning enchantments of such rebellious and seditious persons, but to continue the duty of good and natural Frenchmen, and always keep and hold the love and affection due to their king and country: and not to hold with the deceits of such, which under pretence of religion, would spoil the estate, & bring in barbarous Spaniards and other usurpers. Giving most strait charge and commaundemen, unto all persons whatsoever, neither to receive nor keep in their houses, or about them, the said bull, or to publish the same, neither to assist or favour the said rebels, nor yet to assemble themselves to any Towns or places, which might be appointed or chosen for the foresaid pretended election, upon pain to the Nobility, to be disgraded of their honours, and to be proclaimed infamous, both they and their posterity for ever. And to the Clergy, to be deprived, thrust out of their possessions and benefices, and to be punished together for this their offence, as traitors and disturbers of the public quiet and royal prerogative of their country, without all hope to obtain in such a case, any favour or pardon whatsoever. And the like pain we pronounce to all towns that shall receive the said rebels and seditious persons, for the making of the said assembly, or that doth lodge, retain, or secure them. And the said Court doth further ordain▪ that the place where the said deliberation shall be kept, together with the Town where the said assembly shall be made, shall be razed and destroyed from the top to the bottom, without all hope to have it re-edified or builded any more, for a perpetual remembrance to all posterities, of their treason, disloyalty, and unfaithfulness joining all persons to assault all those which shall repair to the said City, to be present in that assembly. And there shall be commission delivered to the said Attorney general, to inform against all such as have been the authors and procurers of such monopolies and conspiracies made against the estate, and that have favoured or assisted them. And this present Edict shall be published by sound of trumpet, and publicly proclaimed in all places of this Town, and sent to all places of this precinct, there to be red, published and registered, by the diligence of the substitudes belonging to the Attorney general, whereof they shall certify the Court within one month, on pain to lose their Offices for the contrary. The leaguers despising the king's authority, flouted at the Edict of this Parliament: and called the Deputies from all parts of the Provinces and confederate Towns, to be present with the estates at Paris. As for the chief and principal, each one had a several purpose, being desirous to be seated in their Sovereign's chair, without having any mind to be servants or fellows in this Anarchy maintained by them, with the help of the double Pistols of Spain. It came to pass in the month of November, that the Lord of Vaugrenan commanding for the king within the Town of S. john Delaune, in Bourgondie, overthrew seventeen companies of footmen hard by the Town of Diion, won their colours, weapons, and other furniture. Amongst the packets and coffers of the Baron de Tenissé, who was a great leaguer and chief commander of these troops, were found certain instructions and commissions, which were sent from the Duke de Nemours to the said Baron, to confer with the Duke de main, to this end, that Nemours might be elected king by the estates of Paris. This young Prince aimed at no other thing but sovereignty: and being misled by certain evil councillors which he kept, planted at Lion and thereabout, the foundations of his lofty purposes, for the accomplishing whereof, an hundredth years would be far too little: but having builded upon sand, in few months his edefices fell down, wherewith he was confounded. Now as the leaguers were promised great things by their estates of Paris, and the partakers of Spain, held it for a most certain troth, that the Duke of Parma would return yet the third time, with puissant forces to do some notable exploit, thereby to cover the shame of his two former voyages, and so to assure the Crown of France to king Philip, or to the Princess his daughter. The death of the Duke of Parma. But death cut off the third of his life, together with his enterprises, the second of December, 1592. Many men thought that this blow would rend those patches wherewith the league was attired. But the Duke de main being delivered of him of whom he stood in doubt, supposed that now the time presented itself, wherein he might bring his long desired purpose to effect, hereupon he raised his Cornets of horse, and did more mischief to Paris then before. A little before these news came, he gave some ear to the conditions of peace, which had been happy for him, if some evil counsel had not turned his mind from the same. But the decease of him by whom he was over awed, caused his humour to be changed, imagining that he should shortly have the title, to be Lieutenant general to the King of Spain in the conquest of France. Therefore one of his attempts was to create the Lord de Rosne one of is chief familiars, Marshal of France, and Governor of the Isle of France, constraining the Precedents and Councillors enclosed in Paris, to receive this Rosne into two offices, which appertained to a Lord of a higher blood and estate. The Parisians, which before spoke openly of peace and agreement, durst now speak no more thereof, except in secret. In the feast of Christmas, the Duke de main caused those decrees which were lately made at chaalon's against the bull of the Pope's Legate, to be openly burned upon the steps of his Palace, the City being all in arms. Also the Dukes of Guise, of main, of Nemours, of Savoye, the Marquis of Pont, wrought divers slights to be advanced in the election. The King of Spain by his Agents did as much on the other side, asuring himself, that as he had made many of the Leaguers his Pensioners, so also knew he well, that in time he should find opportunity to overthrow and bring them all to destruction, one after another, and to make himself the absolute and supreme Lord. During these practices, the king was fully resolved to assemble the principal Peers of his Realm at Chartres, to provide and think upon remedies against those evils, which now began to present itself. The wars continued in divers Provinces but slowly, except in Lorraine, where the Marshal de Bovillon took by plain force, and by a marvelous encounter, the strong Town of Dun upon , a little above Stenay, and drove thence those of Lorraine. The Duke de main publisheth a proclamation against the king. Now for the closing up of this year, in the same month of December, the Duke de main published a great writing, entitled: A declaration for the uniting again of all the Catholicques of the Realm. This was an invective against the King, covered under colour of religion, and a summoning of all those which professed the Roman religion, to withdraw themselves from the obedience of their lawful and sovereign Prince, and a convocating of his partakers into the City of Paris, on the seventeenth day of januarie next ensuing, that they might determine together without passion (said he) and without respect of any man's interest, such remedy as they should in their consciences think requisite, for the preservation of the religion and the royal estate. But while the Cardinal of Bourbon, (named by the League Charles the tenth) was prisoner, they used other speeches: but after his death, they not daring to deny, but that the Crown appertained to king Henry the fourth, used the colour of religion to blind the simple. And soon after by this means there arose other changes, notwithstanding the king of Spain gave not over the prosecuting of his enterprises in France. As for the war of Savoy and Piedemont, we will speak briefly about the end of the year following. Against this declaration made by the Duke de main, The king's answer to the Duke de Manes declaration. the king published an other, wherein he discovered the deceits of his rebellious subjects, namely of the chiefest sort, also the felony committed by the Duke de main, in assembling the estates of his kingdom, wherein he manifestly usurped his royal authority, confuting his excuses and vain colour to the same: maintaining his right in claiming the Crown. And for the state of religion, he declared that if without the convocating of a Council, there might be found far better and easier means to come unto that instruction or admonition which they pretended to give him, to withdraw him from the exercise of his religion, to that of the Romans': he was so far from rejecting such a means, that to the contrary, he did desire and embrace it with all his heart. As we suppose (said he) that we have sufficiently witnessed by the permission which we have granted to the Prince's Officers of the Crown, and other Catholicque Lords which do follow us, to send their Deputies to the Pope, for the more easy and speedy performance of the said instruction or admonition. Beside, the K. doth accuse the leaguers that they had hindered the said instruction or admonition; He doth largely discourse of the duty of true Frenchmen, promiseth to receive the said instruction: and for answer to the chief point of his adversaries declaration, he doth on the other side declare, that this pretended assembly of Paris, is enterprised against the laws, the good and public quiet of the Realm: and that all which shall be therein concluded, is mere abuse and of no effect or force. He likewise pronounceth the Duke de main, and all that should therein assist him, guilty of treason in the highest degree. He doth furthermore offer pardon to the Cities, Commonalties, and persons, which have been seduced by the Captains of the League. And he doth exhort them to acknowledge their duty. A declaratimade by the king's Council to the estates of the League. The Princes and Catholicque Lords who were of the King's Council, published the same time a declaration, and sent it about the end of januarie to the estates of the League. By the same they required that Deputies might be assigned on both sides, to determine together of the most readiest means for the assuaging of the troubles, and the preservation of the Roman Catholicque religion and the state. The Duke de main and his adherents answered, that they were ready to send their Deputies, so that they on the King's side would with a good conscience join themselves to the Catholic Roman Church, under which cloak of reconciliation, they did carefully hide their furious actions and former rebellion. The Pope's Legate made on his part an exhortation to the Catholics, fraught with reproach against the King, who was on every side defamed and evil spoken off by his enemies. All his discourse being imprinted, tended all to this point, to persuade all Frenchmen, that the king being of long time cut off from the body of the Church, had been most justly pronounced uncapable of the Crown. Soon after, they did disannul those acts of Parliament that were made at Tours and at chaalon's, against the monitaries of Landriano, and the assembly at Chartres, which they called a conventicle, they sung their masters praises, damned the Parliament of chaalon's which had condemned their bulls, magnified the estates of the League, which wholly rejected so obstinate an hereticque, with full purpose never to be subject unto him, declaring that in deed the Pope had so commanded it to be. In this assembly of Paris, appeared the Duke of Feria for the King of Spain, who also made an Oration exhortarie to elect a new King: then presented he his masters letters tending to the same effect, with promise to aid and secure the Leaguers by all means possible. For this had he great thanks given him in the name of all the rest, by Cardinal Pelué Archbishop of Rheims, who was a slave to the house of Guise. While the Spaniards and their Pensioners, endeavoured with all their power to continue France in her miseries, hoping by means of these estates of the League, more and more to entangle the affairs of the Realm: yea, to throw them headlong into such confusion, that in the mean space they might have leisure to set forward their purposes against the Low Countries, England, and France itself, the king was solicited from divers places, by Councillors both near about him, and far off, openly to forsake the profession of the reformed religion, and to embrace from that time forward, the Roman ceremonies. The sum of their solicitations was, that to expulse the Spaniards, to recover Paris and the other of the leaguers towns, he must be enforced to take away from the chief of that side, the only colour of Papisme, by means whereof, they would continue their rebellions. And while the king openly embraced his accustomed religion, those of the contrary side (an hundredth times in greater number) might follow the house of Guise, and other chief Leaguers, who by means of the Spaniards and the Pope, might well find means to maintain and augment the dissensions, through all the corners and in the midst of his kingdom, the which was well worth a Mass: and that it were not good to let it be lost for a few ceremonies, nor to be subject to so many censures, and to be covert by every base person that would control the king's pleasures, and hinder his recreations after so many troubles. And for as much that such a voice was spread abroad, by the notable advertisements of other councillors, Civil and Ecclesiastical, it seemed to them, that the king would incline thereunto, and the Deputies of the Princes and Lords of his Council, communicating with those of the League, to prevent the election of a new king, gave some hope thereof. On this report the Frenchmen in divers sorts suspended their judgements, according to their several affections. Those that desired to see a change, which came soon after, did carefully keep the Protestants from coming near the king, to show him by word of mouth or writing, reasons of divinity & policy, for which it was not lawful or convenient to change his religion: on the other side, they did daily drive this counsel into his ears, that he must needs espouse the Crown of France to the Mass, and not otherwise. These men followed this matter so much, that at last they procured divers learned Prelates to be assembled, which were the Pope's subjects, in whose presence the state of the reformed religion should be overthrown: hereupon divers archbishops, Bishops, and Doctors of Sorbonne, were appointed to meet at Mant the fifteenth of july, without any mention made of the protestant Ministers which were before clapped up. The Leaguers devices against these solicitations. The Deputies of the leaguers fearing this blow, devised a new shift to thwart the king's affairs, and to set forward the Spaniards, they first complained of these sudden changes, declaring that they could not put any trust therein: also that it appertained to the Pope's holiness, both first and last to have his hand therein. That the king ought to show all submission to the sea of Rome, and to attend for a declaration from thence, if he would be found meet to govern the Realm of France. That understanding the Pope's pleasure, they would determine on all things that were reason. Moreover, they condemned the voyage made by the Marquis of Pisani, whom the kings Catholicque Council had sent toward the Pope, thinking it very ill that the king should give unto him any charge at all, who would believe (these were their words) that they would proceed in an other sort afterward, and with more respect to the Pope's dignity, and their duty toward his sea. They added moreover, that it was impossible to determine any further with the king's Deputies, before that the change of religion which the king was to make, was received and approved by the Pope: of which matter they pretended to take further counsel as it was requisite, for the only conservation of the Roman religion in France. They left also in suspense, the surcease of arms, because of their other troubles. Now while the Roman Clergy which were appointed to dispute of their religion in the King's presence, assembled together, and that the states of Paris followed to confer of their affairs, where the principal leaguers, especially the Duke de main, the Pope's Legate, the Duke of Feria, a Spaniard and others, still practised for the bringing in of a new king, continually standing upon this point, to maintain the wars in France upon expense of the Indian gold: the Parliament of Paris assayed to hinder part of these practices, and to drive the Spaniards home again. Means made by the Parliament of Paris against the League & the Spaniard. By an act made the twentieth eight of june, they ordained that declarations should be made the same day after dinner, by the Precedent, the Master, assisted with divers councillors, to the Duke of main in presence of other Lords, to this effect: that no act might be made to set the Crown on the heads of any foreign Prince or Princess: ordaining moreover, that the ancient laws of the Realm, should be still kept inviolate. That the decrees given by the Court, for the declaration of a Cathoclique King, a Frenchman borne, should be executed. That the Duke de main should be exhorted to employ his authority of Lieftenanshippe, to provide that under colour of religion, the Crown should not fall into the hands of strangers, contrary to the laws and statutes of the Realm. And to provide speedily for the people's quiet: declaring over and above, all manner of acts made or pretended to be made, for the establishing of a foreign Prince or Princess, to be of no strength, force, or effect, but to be as deeds prejudicial to the Salicque laws, and other ancient laws and prerogatives of the Realm of France. The Duke de main being extreme wrath at this Edict, grew to very hard words with the Precedent, who confuted all these hove speeches used by him, and certain other of the leaguers which held with him. At last, after much conference, come, and doings, letters, and answers, The K. changeth his religion. from the Deputy on each side, the supplications of those which desired that the king would make profession of the Roman religion prevailed, in such sort, that the king who since he withdrew himself from the Court of France, for fifteen years before, had made open profession of the reformed religion, contrary to the advice of his Ministers, went to see and hear Mass sung in the Cathedral Church of Saint Dennis, the five and twentieth Sunday of july, where he was received by the Archbishop of Bourges, and other Prelates, lates, with certain peculiar ceremonies, peculiar to this receiving, which was incontinent published throughout the Realm, with divers censures as well of the Catholicque Nobility, as also of those of the religion, whereof not one followed this example. As for Courtiers, there were a very small number, or other particulars in several parts of the Realm, which shook at this change, but men made not thereof any account, for they were all speedily suspected. And as for such as went about to gratulate the king's conversion (as they called it) their recompense was only to be mocked, and soon after, the most part of them perished in miserable sort. A general truce practised. The Duke de main and his greatest favourites, seeing their intended enterprises prevented, by that which was now come to pass: and on the other side, that the practices of the Spaniards was still to maintain the fire of dissension, by means of the election of a new King, which should be married to the Spanish king's daughter: to the end they might give some hope to have at length a day for their turn, and to frustrate the Spaniards practices, began in july to treat a general truce, and after much ado made therein, the articles were agreed upon the last of july. Notwithstanding this truce, the chief of the league with their estates of Paris, gave not over the following of their purposes. New devices made by the Leaguers to hinder the king. And as they had before opposed themselves at Rome by the means of the Spanish Ambassador, against the suit of the Marquis of Pisani, and the Cardinal of Gondy, Deputies to the Kings Cathonique Council toward the Pope, before the foresaid ceremony the five and twentieth of july: also they resolved to hinder the king, of whom they spoke most odiously, from being received, and to withstand him as much or more than before, by the Sermons of seditious Preachers, by declarations to the contentment of their adherents, by secret endeavours, and by practices at Rome, to overthrow, indomage, and make the D. of Nevers voyage for the king unprofitable, whom he had sent to acknowledge his duty to the Pope. As for the Preachers belonging to the League, public and privately, before and after the truce, their discourses at Paris and other places were, that the Mass which they sung before the king, was but a deceit: that it was impossible the King should be converted; that the Pope could not recatholize him: that it was lawful for the people to rise against him and his officers: that it appertained to the Sorbonnists, to judge whether the Pope ought to receive him as king. And if peradventure he should do it, nevertheless he might be held for an hereticque, and one excommunicate: that it was lawful for any particular man to kill him that should say, he was reunited to the Catholicque Roman Church. These and such other propositions, were made and spread both within Paris and other places. In regard of the declarations made by these estates of the League, to keep the favour of their partakers, to give a secret touch to the king's Councillors, as if they were not right Catholics, and to bring the Realm into far greater trouble than before, they in their assembly the eighteenth day of August, made a declaration containing these words, among many others: With one consent and advise we have decreed, established, and or dained, and by this present do decree, establish, and ordain, that the holy and sacred general Council of Trent, shall be received, published, and observed, purely and simply in all places and jurisdictions of this Realm: as at this present in the general body of the estates, we do receive and publish it. Their oath. Moreover, the same estates devised the form of an oath in these terms: We promise and swear, to continue united together for the defence and preservation of the Catholicque, Apostolicque, and Roman religion, and to bring (if it be possible) this kingdom so long time afflicted, to his ancient dignity and renown: and never to consent, for any peril or cause whatsoever shall come, that any thing shall be done for the advancement of heresy, or to the prejudice of our religion: for defence whereof, we promise to he obedient to the sacred decrees & ordinances of our holy father and the sacred sea of Rome, without ever falling away from the same. Their division upon the principal point. But they were not united together in respect of the principal point, which was, to acknowledge one king. The Parisians, and other towns that held for the League, desired that the king of Spain's daughter might be married to the Duke of Guise, and so being joined by matrimony, they might be crowned King and Queen of France. The Duke de main, who was solicited to advance the house of the Pope's Legate, made show to agree to so great an honour done to his Nephew, but having accorded upon the general, for his particular profit, he demanded things impossible, or at least so difficult, that it might be well perceived, that not esteeming the Popes or King Philip's will, nor the consent of the estates and chief of the League, he said as the Cardinal did in the Conclave: I chose myself. Impossible it was, that ever he should come to advance his Nephew to the Crown. Peter Barriere attempted to kill the king, and is executed for the same. These contentions produced the truce above mentioned, which the Duke of main and his councillors forged, to break a blow with the partakers of Spain, and to draw new treasures into their purses. This wrought the confusion of France on the one side: on the other, the Prelates and Sorbonnists, which with the watchword received from Rome, had drawn the king to the Mass, imagined in this sort, to fish for a golden world. But the leaguers thought to bring in new troubles and pernicious practices: for in midst of these businesses, the six and twentieth day of August, Peter Barriere, Alias Bar, borne at Orleans, was committed prisoner at Meleun, where he finally confessed, that he was seduced by a Capucin Friar at Lions, by the Curate and Vicar of a certain Parish in Paris, and also by a jesuite, closely to follow the king, and to murder him with a two edged knife, the which was found about him. He had been enticed to this parriside, and was resolved to do it, chief about two months before: and further, confessed that two Priests by him nominated, were also come from Lions for the very same intent: and that he set himself the forwardest for the execution thereof, to the end he might get the greatest honour thereby. He was drawn through the streets of Meleun, where then the king was, they cut off his right hand, holding the murdering knife therein, and after burned the same. After this was done, they broke his arms, legs, and thigh bones, and in that sort laid him upon a wheel, where he languished certain hours till he died, then was his body consumed to ashes and thrown into the river, his compleces or confederates so disguised themselves, that they could not be found or taken. The Duke of Nemours Tragedy. At this time was the Duke of Nemours within Lion, from whence he would not stir, to go to the estates of the league, although the Pope had given him commandment: the other chief Captains thought it meet, and his friend and servants desired him to go, he vouchsafed not so much as to send unto them, knowing that the leaguers cast their eyes altogether upon the Duke of Guise, and that the Duke de main his brother by the mother's side, crossed all his purposes, and would work all means for his death. A certain bold Eryer of Lion, perceiving well that this young Prince pretended to bring some new matter to pass within the league, whereby at least he might have some great hand in the government, by the advice of two or three councillors who were of his complices, he compassed Lion with many fortresses which held on his side at Toissai, Vienne, Montbrison, Chastillon, de Dombes, Belleville, Tisi, Charlieu, and other places. Quirieu forsaking him, he bought it with a great sum of money, at the hands of the Lord of Saint julian, which was Governor thereof. This done, Lion was enclosed as well by water as by land. The Lyonnois did not withstand neither his prodigallities nor his councillors, nor his men of war, which foraged the plain country, receiving the guerdon of their revolt from the king's obedience. In the end, acknowledging themselves, they rose up against the Duke of Nemours, assisted by the counsel and presence of their Archbishop, sent by the Duke de main, and the eighteenth of September they took hold of Nemours, who was seen three times at death's door, committing him to close prison, where he continued certain months, and at last escaping by cunning means, spoiled of his succours, chased from his Fortresses, he went and died far from France, in a little Town of his own name Aneci, scituat in Savoy, in the County of Genevois. During this general truce, many matters were intended for the establishment of the affairs of the kingdom. The king, which desired the agreement of his subjects, and the abolishment of the pernicious league, assayed by fair means to win the Duke de main, in making him offer of charge, and honourable assurances of preferment. The Duke, which seemed yet to have two strings to his bow, bargained, promised, refused, advanced, gathered, and stretched these matters to the length: procuring under hand, that the decision of the Sorbonnists in the year 1590. might take place: that is to say, that Henry of Bourbon was declared unworthy of all right or pretence to the Crown, although he made profession of the Roman religion. The Spanish Agents in France set this matter forward, working with all their power, for the preferment of the Duke of Nevers. On the other side, they induced both great and small to continue their accustomed request, for the abolishing of one of the religions in France: many other were of this opinion, that the king could not be received, except he first promised expressly to drive away all those of the reformed religion, or at least to abolish and put down their public exercises. This counsel did hatch or breed infinite unjust matters in the rest of the year, through divers parts of France, where they of the religion could obtain no true rest, but in promise and papers, being molested in effect with all reproaches that might be imagined: whereunto they opposed themselves in nothing but in peaceable complaints, and humble supplications. Notwithstanding they obtained nothing, the devices of their enemies being such, that all their forepast and faithful services were disdained, and contrariwise, the most part of the chief Captains and leaguers Towns received into favour, cherished, and raised unto honour. Briefly, all the kings good and faithful servants were cast into the lake of forgetfulness, and the enemies and conspirators of the estates set as it were in a chair of triumph, before whom justice was so shamefully abused, that the wronged cried vengeance from heaven, to fall upon their detestable dealings. There were also at this time other devices against the king. There was also at this time, an other sort of Courtiers that greatly favoured the League, and yet notwithstanding feigned to be favourers of the Commonweal and quiet of the Realm: who daily spread rude reports of the king's insufficiency, saying that all means failed him, to make him be obeyed, that his enemies were of two great a number, and too mighty for him, yea invincible: that they would overthrow him in short time. That France under his reign being scourged with so many wars, then falling into a new sickness of desolations and shameful deceits, it could not but languish, and that it would come to pass, after once it hung the wing, that she should remain a prey for a greater Master. This was (by their account) the king of Spain, of whom they made great brags of his honour, reputation, and greatness. His double Pistols had so bewitched their thoughts, that they also supposed to make the Frenchmen afraid with the very name of this Prince: remembering not at all, that an hundredth years before, Philip Artch-Duke of ostrich, great Grandfather to the king of Spain, made homage within the town of Arras, to king Lewis the twelfth, in the person of his Chancellor, the Earls of Flanders, Artois, and Charrolois, where on his bended knees, he called him his sovereign Lord, swearing to become true servant unto the said king Lewis, promising to be faithful all days of his life, and in his behalf to stand against all other, to procure his welfare, to prevent his harms, and in all things to behave himself toward him, as to his sovereign Lord and Master, of which the Histories of these times do make true mention. While yet this truce endured, the king deliberated to assemble at Mante, certain of the chief Nobles of the Realm, to take counsel on divers matters at that time needful. The Deputies of the reformed Churches were there present about the end of November, whom the king caused to be called together, the twelfth day of the month following, and having given them audience, and heard the great sorrow which they made upon the infinite contradictions of his decrees, and their complaints of the grievous wrongs done unto them through all his Provinces: he answered, that the change of religion, had not any whit changed his affection from them, that he would redress their griefs, and make peace and concord among his subjects. He received their bills of complaints to have them perused. But these affairs were drawn to such length, that the distance of many years hath buried all. And the Captains of the league having plunged the Realm into new miseries, those of the religion almost in all parts of the kingdom, continued as grievous under the cross as before. The war of Piedmont. As for the wars on the other side of the mountains, their affairs fell out in this sort: About the end of the year one thousand five hundredth nintietwo, the Lord of Diguieres, being entered into Piedmont, had taken there for the king, Briqueras, Cavours, and three or four other little towns, having overthrown the Duke of Savoy in divers encounters, as he did also in Provence, and on the frontiers of Dauphine: he chased them out of all these Provinces, and drove him to his own house, in such sort, that if he had been strengthened in the year following, with men, money, and munition, he had enforced the Duke to give over all that which he usurped from the Crown of France. But the Duke, who was not ignorant of the estate and affairs of France, assayed to cover and hide the shame he had gotten in so many journeys, as in the plain of Pontcharra, at Espernon de Pallieres, and otherwise in so many encounters in Piedmont, where he had lost in two years, as also about Geneve, many of his best approved good soldiers, and a great number of Captains, having also consumed a marvelous heap of treasure and munition in these continual wars. He did then through his father in laws favour, who furnished him with a new mass of money, besiege, batter, assault, and take by composition, the Towns of Briqueras and Cavours, being content to keep them to himself, without seeking any further in Provence, where his Garrisons could not long remain without chase of the enemy, the Town of Berry only accepted. Thus did the Frenchmen lose in small time, that which they had gotten in Piedmont: whereof men do write in divers sorts. In these sieges, the assailed did their duties marvelous well, but being overwatcht by the multitude of the assailants, and deprived of the principal commodities to withstand a siege, destitute of succour, and the passages stopped, they were of necessity constrained to yield: while the said L. of Diguieres was as it were bound hand and foot in the country of Dauphine: and that many which should not have forgotten his brave exploits, but stretch out their hands for the relieving of that distressed country, and to make head against the Spaniards, even at their very gates, forsook him in his need, thinking by their envious devices, to eclipse the glory of this great Captain and commander, crossing all his purposes, that he could not recover himself long time after, having been deprived of all necessary means to begin in which he did accomplish about four years after, with no less courage and magnanimity then before. Thus have we briefly run over that, which the whole History doth more at large mention, our intent being only in this breviary, to touch and pass over things as it were in a word. The king considering that his enemies, which required a prolonging of this truce, sought no other thing, then means to continue the Realm in misery, resolved no longer to bear the same, wherefore he caused in the beginning of this year, a declaration to be published and imprinted, containing an Oration of the mischiefs and unfaithful practices of the Leaguers, which under a continuing of truce, sought to establish their tyranny. He prescribed a months liberty, as well to the chief of the leaguers, as to the Clergy, cities, towns, & Commonalties, yea to all men generally within the same, to acknowledge him their king, & submit themselves to his government, as it was requisite, and in so doing, he would place them again each one in his charge, benefices, lands, and privileges. The time once past, he would revoke his grace and favour, accounting them to be rebels and guilty of high treason for contempt of this kingly offer. The report of this declaration, and the preparations which the king made to chastise their stubborn opinions, amazed the very principal of the league, & the most part of the rebellious towns and commons. The Duke de main, did now beat his brains to avoid this danger, but having no forces, neither of his own, nor from others, sufficient to remedy the same, these matters fell out otherwise then he thought. The Lord of Villeroy sent his opinion plainly to the Duke, in letters which were intercepted, and since that, imprinted, describing in most fit terms, his own insufficiency and misery. Certain Towns partaking with the Duke, sent to the king, craving truce for two months more, but he refused to grant it. The Leaguers towns forsake their rebellion. This union then entangled by so many oaths, deceits, conspiracies, and felonies, were seen to fail and part asunder the most obstinate, beginning now to conceive & foresee their final ruin, if they persevered in their former rebellion. The preventials taking example by the rigorous government of the Duke d'Espernon, against whom they had obstinately resisted, began to abase their Peacocks plumes. Those of Meaux in Brie, a small journey from Paris, yielded themselves to the king the eleventh day of januarie, by the means of the Lord of Vitri their Governor, who having drawn great sums of money out of the treasures of Spain, wherewith he builded a gorgeous house, forsook the league, and delivered the Town to the king, with all the artillery which the Duke of Parma brought thither from the low Countries. Moreover, the Inhabitants of Meaux, exhorted the Parisians by a pithy letter to follow their example. They obtained of the king (as also Vitri did) even whatsoever they would request. The Parisians began to look one upon another, and the king's Attorney general in the Parliament, made a long Oration in the open audience, whereof the whole sum was, that they should no longer stay from acknowledging their king, except they would prepare themselves to endure greater miseries than before, which would produce a general subversion. The Lord of Bellin, Governor of the City for the leaguers, was of the same mind. To prevent this eminent destruction of the league, the Duke de main through envy wrought such means, that Bellin was put out of office, and driven out of Paris, what time himself drew into the City an army of Spaniards, Italians and Walloons, under the command of the Duke of Feria, thinking to keep for the king of Spain his good City of Paris. But the parliament more careful for that which was to come, ordained that the Duke de main should be required by one of the Precedents, and six councillors, to provide for the quiet of the City within a month, in such sort, that a happy peace might make an end of all these disorders, and that the king might be by them acknowledged. An act made by the Parliament of Paris against the Spaniards. And during the time that they sought vain excuses, and strengthened the garrisons, the Parliament made an act, the fourteenth day of this month, containing these words. The Court with full consent hath vowed and protested, to oppose themselves against the evil and wicked purposes of the Spaniards, and against such as would seek to bring aid, or protect them within the Realm of France: ordaining that all garrisons strangers shall departed the City of Parsis, and declaring their intent to hinder with all their might, that the Lord of Billin should abandon or forsake the said city, nor any Bourgeous of the same, but either he to stay with them, or he and they to departed altogether. And we enjoin the provost of the Merchants, to warn all the Citizens together, to take counsel on things necessary, & to join with the same court, for the better execution of the said act. And that the said Court shall forbear all other matters, till such time as the said act is put in execution & received. Those of that body which had been before the greatest sustainers of the league, were now the first that humbled themselves hereunto. The Ambassador of the Spanish part, wrought at Rome an other occasion to hinder the accord twixt the Pope and the king of France, who alleged that the King's penitence at S. Dennis, was not sufficient to obtain absolution of the papal seat, sent the Duke of Nevers with great presents to be given to him and his son. He parted from Rome the 15. of januarie, who met upon the way, the Cardinal of joyeuse, and the Baron of Senescay, who were speedily traveling toward the Pope in the Duke de Manes name. The shifts of the leaguers of Rome. Their courtlike salutations was then forgotten, both on the one side and other. The Cardinal had audience the 24. of this month, who demanded succours for the league, and 200000. Crowns, otherwise all would be utterly lost. But the Pope answered, that until then, the K. of Spain had furnished the league both with men, money, and promised so to continue. As for the money which they demanded, he excused himself by means of wars with the Turks. Six days after, the Cardinal having by an other Oration shown the means how to sustain the league, the Pope made answer, he could resolve on nothing, till first he had taken advice with the king of Spain, for the most expedient means to maintain the Catholicque religion in France. Leaguers received into grace thorough the mercy of their gracious sovereign. The Duke of Nevers was most royally received at Florence, at Venice, and at Mantove, from whence he came into France. Many memorable things came to pass in the month of February. On the one side, the King constrained those of Milon and the Castle of Thierri, to acknowledge him for their sovereign Lord: on the other, he received into favour the City of Orleans, Lion, Roan, Poitiers, Bourges, Haure de Grace, Ponteau de Mer, Vernueil at perch, Pontoise, Riom in Awergne, Peronne, and Mondidier in Picardy, agreed that they of Amiens and Abbeville, should remain neuter, (which shortly after acknowledged him) because they would not open their gates to the Duke of Aumale, one of the Captains of the league, nor to his troops. The Bishop of Orleans for his better obtaining of the kings pardon for all the City, procured that certain mutinous persons of the league should be whipped, and the rest banished. As for the Duke de main, they took a packet of his letters, that was sent to the king of Spain, containing a complaint of his miseries. He sent Zamet his Agent to the king, to undertake his affairs: but the king's answer was, that he would not deal with the Duke of main, as with the chief of a faction. That if he would crave pardon of his sovereign Lord, he would receive him as his kinsman and ally. The leaguers towns made their several entreats, & each one upon their declaration, obtained of the K. much more favour than they looked for: as much may be said of all the rest in particular, which in great numbers submitted themselves to the king, whom he received in gracious sort, giving them for the most part, authority & charge, and was himself most liberal unto many: while his faithful subjects and servants of the religion, were most hardly used and spitefully entreated, in divers Provinces of the Realm. Now resteth the Principal City to be spoken of, that is, the fair City of Paris, which was brought to the king's obeisance by means of the intelligences which they had within, with the Lord of Billin their Governor, the Earl of Brissac and others, the two and twentieth of March: The Duke de main had trust up his baggage certain days before, to be packing to Soissons. There was once resistance made at the New gate, by certain Lance-knights, who were torn in pieces: and a Court of guard of the Leaguers toward the Palace, whom the Citizens soon put to flight. The Neapolitans made show as if they would proffer fight, refusing to agree, except it were by the consent of the Duke of Feria, and Don Diego d'Euera their General. They accepted soon after without resistance, whatsoever it pleased the king to offer them, as unto their Captains: to wit, that all of them should enjoy their arms, and so departed with bag and baggage out of the City, from thence to have safe conduct out of the Realm, toward the borders of Picardy, after they had promised the king never to bear arms in France against his service. Hear was a thing worthy to be noted, that four thousand men on horse and foot, entering armed into this little world of Paris, should put the league to silence, keep so well the order prescribed unto them, and be so obedient, that no soldier left his rank, to commit any outrage or violence. That no Burgeous or Inhabitant was indomaged, nor so much as wronged in his reputation, person, or goods: that all the people mingled themselves presently with the men of war, and other that entered with the king, in such familiarity, as if they had always dwelled together, filling the streets with joyful applauds and marvelous rejoicings, even as if they had escaped the hands of the hangman, to behold the face of their dear father, or best beloved friend. The King's troops entered the City, about four of the clock in the morning, and within two hours the shops were all set open, the City appearing so peaceable, as if there had never been any change. The most pain which the king's servants had, was to keep the people with fair entreaties, who required no other thing, then to be meddling against the Spaniards, Neapolitans, and Walloons, who were in number nine hundredth men, or thereabout, to be revenged on them, calling to mind the great injuries which they had received by their means in times past. All their Churches and Temples were filled soon after, with prayers and songs of thansgiving to God, according to the order and custom of the same City, which was news most pleasing and agreeable to the Inhabitants. As much was done in all other places of the king's obeisance, and namely in divers parts out of France. In short time after, Bastille was yielded, and he which commanded there for the league, sent away with his soldiers. The Cardinal of Plaisance the Pope's Legate being sick at Paris, had his safe conduct to be gone, who died soon after, and so likewise did the Cardinal of Pelue. This was the cause that other dispersed Leaguers and seditious Preachers fled away, some here, some there, under the wings of the king of Spain, or toward the Duke de main, who was gone to Soissons. The most part were confounded with despite and sorrow. The other do as yet bite on the bridle in Spain and the low Countries, and from one month to another follow their companies. There were some found that hazarded themselves to enter into Paris, but it was to be drawn to the gallows, where they received the guerdon due to their villainy. The Parliament of Paris being established soon after this yielding published a decree the thirtieth of March in these terms: The Court having the twelfth day of januarie last, required the Duke de main to acknowledge the king, whom God and the laws hath given to this Realm, for the establishing of peace and unity, whereto he would give no ear, through the devices of the Spaniards and their adherents: and God having since of his infinite goodness, delivered this City of Paris from the hands of strangers, and brought the same to obedience of her true, natural, and lawful king: after solemn thansgiving to God for this blessed success, would employ the sovereign authority and justice of this Realm, for the preservation of the Catholicque, Apostolicque, and Roman religion, to see that under the false colour and pretext of the same, strangers do not possess the estate: Calling all Princes, Prelates, Lords, Gentlemen, and other subjects, to the grace, favour, and clemency of the king, and to a general reconciliation, and to repair that which the liberty of the wars hath altered or taken from the authority of the laws foundation, of the royal estate, rights and honours of the Crown. These things having been in deliberation, all the chambers assembled hath declared, and doth declare, all acts, decrees, ordinances, and oaths, given, made, or ready to be made, since the 29. of December, 1588. to the prejudice of the authority given to our kings and laws of the Realm, to be set and extorted by force and violence: and as such, we revoke, repeal, and disannul them: ordaining, that they shall remain abolished and of no force: and especially that, which hath been made against the honour of the deceased king, Henry the third: as well those in his life time, as since his death, to be nothing: forbidding all persons to speak of his memory, otherwise then well or honourably. And further, we ordain▪ that the detestable murder committed upon his royal person, shall be informed and proceeded against extraordinarily, against all such as shall be found guilty therein. And the said Court hath revoked, and doth revoke, the power heretofore granted to the Duke de main, under the title of the Lieutenant general of the estate and Crown of France. Forbidding all persons of what estate or condition soever they be, to acknowledge him by that title, or to show him any obeisance, favour, comfort, or aid, on pain to be punished as guilty of treason in the highest degree. And on the same pain, enjoineth the said Duke de main, and other Princes of the house of Lorraine, to acknowledge king Henry the fourth of that name, King of France and Navarre, for their king and sovereign Lord, and to give unto him such service and obedience, as to him is due. And that all other Princes, Lords, Towns, Commonalties, and particularities, shall give over the pretended part of the League, whereof the Duke de main was made chief: and to render unto the King all obedience and fidelity, on pain to have the said Princes, Lords, and Gentlemen, to be disgraded of their Nobility, and to be declared outlaws, both them and their posterity, with the confiscation of body and goods, racing and destroying of their Towns, castles, and manners, which shall be disobedient to the commandment and pleasure of the king. And this Court hath broken and repealed, and by this present do break and repeal, all that which hath been done, enacted, and ordained, by the pretended Deputies of the assembly held in this City of Paris, under the name of the general estates of this kingdom, as of no effect or force, being made by private persons, who were for the most part, practisers with the factious sort of the Realm, and partakers with the Spaniards, having no lawful power or authority. Forbidding also the said pretended Deputies, from henceforth never to take the like upon them again, and no more to make assemblies, either in this City or any other, on pain to be punished as disturbers of the public peace, and guilty of treason toward his Majesty. And we enjoin all these pretended Deputies, which are at this present within the City of Paris, to departed each one to his own house, there to live as subjects under the king's laws, and to be sworn to their fidelity, before the judges and Magistrates of those parts. It is also ordained, and by these presents were do ordain, that all processions and solemnities tollerared during these troubles, all occasions of them shall cease, and in stead of them, the two and twentieth day of March shall be for ever solemnised, on the which day, general processions shall be made after the accustomed manner, assisted by the said Court of Parliament in their scarlet robes, in remembrance of the most happy deliverance of this City on that day, from all her miseries, and the bringing thereof under the king's obedience, with thanksgiving unto God for the same. At the same time the king published a declaration, wherein all the shifts and deceits of the Captains of the league were discovered, and his love and great good will toward the Parisians, to whom he forgave all matters past, restored all their customs and privileges, obtained new favours, and showed a most fatherly affection toward them, which was most pleasing to the people, which drew many other towns from the league, to humble themselves to his highness. Three weeks after, the Rector of the University, the Dean, and the Doctors of Sorbonne, the Deans and Doctors of other faculties, in brief, all the members, officers, and substitudes of the Universities, of their own mind assembled, went all to humble themselves to the king, which was then in the Chapel of Bourbon, where they all fell prostrate on the ground before him, acknowledging him their only true and natural Prince, showing with a most hearty affection, well witnessing their love, that they were ready to take what oath it pleased him, to confirm them to his subjection: he received them, and with great benignity sent them away. The months of April and May, were spent in receiving and answering supplications, from the Towns and Commons in divers Provinces, and in drawing Lords, Gentlemen, Captains, and other principal members of the league under the king's subjection, who pardoned all, in such sort, that the League resembled Isopes' Choffe. War in Picardy against the league. There remained some Towns in Picardy, which were sold through the means of the most factious of that part. The king besieged Laon and certain other Towns, which the Spaniards assayed to warrant and keep. But their succours having been overthrown in divers encounters, where they lost more than five hundredth men, at last Laon yielded to the king, and so likewise the others, Soissons and Fere excepted, which were possessed by the Duke of main and the Spaniards, who also at the same time became Masters of Chapelle, a little Town in the Duchy of Thierasche. The Duke of main ran to Bruxelles for fresh supplies. He received a good sum of money, but not sufficient to withstand the kings prosperous proceeding, who then received into grace and favour, the Duke of Guise and his brother, giving since to the said Duke the government of Provence. The Duke de main, who could do nothing in Picardy, having left good garrisons within Soissons, he closely traveled into the Duchy of Bourgondy, that he might assure those places to himself, which he knew yet to hold for the league. Now let us turn again to Paris, where they began a new war. The jesuits having in former times stood against sundry purposes of the University (whom they had set out in their colours, showing that this sect is the most execreable of all others) by the help of such which had to do with those people, for the executing of their great and most unfortunate enterprises. And in the end, since the day of the Barricadoes had imperiously commanded within Paris, used infinite practices to advance the Spaniards in France, kindled the fire of sedition in all the principal towns in the kingdom, defaming in their sermons and confessions, the memory of the deceased king, and the Majesty of him now reigning, whose fame was by them spotted in the vildest manner they could devise: and finally had endeavoured to kill the king by the means of Barriere, who was executed at Meleun, as he deposed a little before his death. These considerations were cause that the first resolution taken by the University of Paris, since the cities reduction, was to require the banishing of the jesuits. To this effect a supplication was presented to the Court of Parliament, who having a certain time despised the authority thereof, in the end constrained by an act made the seventh of july, containing that the indightment which was to be given against them, should be heard the Monday following, in a public audience to be judged in open field, they did that day entertain their Advocates and men of law in the great chamber before the audience were ready, who did declare, that to defend the cause on their behalf, he was constrained to say many hard things against divers that were known to be the kings true servants, and for this occasion, they requested that the cause might be pleaded within doors. This device was made, to hinder the people from the clear knowledge of the corrupt and pernicious purposes of the jesuits, pretending to make all Europe subject to the Spaniards: but for as much as they had obtained their request, this invention had no such success as they looked for. For all their plead which were done close within doors, was afterward openly published in print, where the Advocates of the university, men learned and deeply affectioned to the Roman Church, did particularly represent and discover to the full, the horrible, wicked, and insupportable malice of that sect. But the deciding of the matter was suspended: God's providence reserving the same to an othertime, which came sooner than many looked for. The Spaniards being desirous to continue the fire of dissension in France, instantly solicited the Duke de Mercoeur, Wars in Britain. one of the chief of the league, and an usurper of a part of the Duchy of Britain, always to continue war. His sister Loyse of Vaudemont, king Henry the thirds widow, did all she might to make his peace. Certain troubles happening in the mean time, broke all that was done. The Spaniards, which were Masters of Blavet, a Fortress almost invincible, had builded during the Summer of the year 1594. a strong Fort near unto Croysil, to stoppe● he entrance to the port of Breast: which would have been better for them, if they had made another right against it, and on the other side of the haven. Sir john Norris. Captain Forbisher. To hinder them, came the Marshal d'Aumont, and S. john Norris, General of the Englishmen, to whom was sent a supply by sea, under the conduct of Captain Forbisher, they soon became Masters of Quimpercorencin, and of the Town and Castle of Morlay. Soon after, they assailed the Spaniards new fort, and slew four hundredth soldiers that kept it, not without loss of their own men, among other the said Forbisher. The king on the other side, deliberating to make war out of his own realm against the Spaniards, agreed with the States of Holland and their confederates, to begin in the Duchy of Luxembourg, where the Marshal of Bovillon, who married one of the daughters of the deceased Prince of Orange, and Earl Philip of Nassau, assayed to enter in the month of October, where they found all the passages shut up, and Earl Charles of Mansfield making head against them, especially on the troops of Holland. The king on the other side, sought to overrun the frontiers of Picardy, and gave the estates of Artois and Hainaut to understand, that if they favoured him so little, to suffer the Spanish forces to molest Cambray and the countries adjoining, that he would then make war upon them incontinent. This message being sent in writing from Amiens, by a Trumpeter, about the midst of December, the estates knew not what to say unto it, and before they would make answer, they opened the matter unto the Archduke Ernest, the king of Spain's Lieutenant in the low Countries, whom they entreated that the war might not continue, perceiving the desolations that were like to follow thereupon, and that which had already afflicted them: but this Prince, who deceased shortly after, could neither do any thing for himself, nor in their behalf. The seven and twentieth of December, as the king was returning from Picardy to Paris, ready booted and spurred within a chamber at Lowre, having about him his cousins, the Prince of County, the Earl of Soissons, the Earl of Saint Paul, and thirty or forty other Lords & Gentlemen of his Court: there came also in, the Lords of Ragne and Montigni, who had not as yet taken their leave of his Majesty. And even as he was receiving them, john Chastill attempteth to kill the king, hurts him in the mouth, and is for the same put to death. and in Princely manner kissing them for his farewell, a young stripling named john Chastill, of a small stature, and about eighteen or nineteen years of age, a Draper's son of Paris, who was slid into the chamber among the press, drew near unto the king, before he was almost perceived of any body, and suddenly would have smote him in the body with a knife which he had in his hand, but by reason that his Ma. was very ready to take up the Lords which were on their knees before him, in his stooping he struck him in the face, on the upper jaw on the right side, therewithal cutting out one of his teeth. Presently this miserable caitiff was taken, and after he would have excused the deed, incontinent upon examination, he confessed the whole truth voluntarily and without compulsion. The king commanded the Captain of his guard, that had taken him, after that he had thrown his knife to the ground, to let him go: saying that he freely forgave him. But afterward understanding that he was a scholar to the jesuits, he said: And must it needs be, that the jesuits should be confounded by my mouth? This Parriside being brought unto the Bishop's prison, freely declared the circumstance of his evil intent, discovering many of the jesuits secret practices. Among many other things, he remembered that he heard the fathers of that holy society say, that it was lawful to kill the king, that he was excommunicate out of the Church, that he was not to be obeyed, nor to be taken for their king, until such time as he was allowed by the Pope. The Court of Parliament condemning this Chastil of treason in the highest degree, caused him honourably to be brought naked in his shirt, before the principal gate of the Cathedral Church in Paris, holding in his hand a taper of wax lighted, of two pound weight, and there on his knees to confess and declare, that most wickedly and traitorously he had attempted this most inhuman, and most traitorous parriside, having hurt the king with a knife in the face. That by false and damnable instructions, he had maintained by argument, that it was lawful to kill these kings, and that king Henry the fourth at that present reigning, was not of the Church, till such time he was allowed by the Pope, of all which he repent himself, ask forgiveness of God, of the King, and of the laws: which done, he was conveyed unto the place of execution, carrying in his hand the murdering knife, wherewith he intended to murder the king, the which was there first cut off, his flesh pulled off with hot burning pincers, both from his arms and thighs: after that, his body was drawn and halde in pieces with four horses, and his quarters cast into the fire, and consumed to ashes, and the ashes scattered in the wind. Moreover, by the same act of Parliament, it was forbidden to all persons, of what estate, condition, or quality soever they were, on pain to be punished as traitors, to say or publish in any place whatsoever, the aforesaid slander, to wit, that the king was not of the Church, till he had the Pope's allowance or approbation, or that it was lawful to kill the kings. By which they Henry 3. Henry 4. understood, kings that were not authorised by the Pope. In what reputation were the jesuits before the first Parliament in France. The Court having declared the said reports to be scandelous, seditious, contrary to the word of God, and condemned as false and heretical, by all holy decrees. Ordaining also, that all the Priests and Scholars of Clermont College, and all other of the same society of jesus, to be held and reputed as corrupters of youth, disturbers of the public peace, enemies to the king and the estate, to avoid within three days after the proclamation of the said Edict, out of Paris, and all other places and Towns where their Colleges are, and within fifteen days after, out of the kingdom, on pain that being found or taken after the said time prefixed, to be punished as guilty of the said crime of treason. That their goods, movable and immovable, shall be forfeited and employed as the said Court shall give order. Forbidding moreover, from thenceforth, all the king's subjects to send their children to any Colleges of that society, out of the kingdom to be their instructed or trained up, on the same pain to be punished as guilty of high treason. This Edict was pronounced to john Chastel, executed on thursday the 29. of December. During the imprisonment of Chastel, some of the Deputies of the Court which were sent to search the jesuits Colleges, having seized upon many papers, found among them certain written books, made by a jesuite Priest, named john Guignard, since the general pardon given by the King to the people of Paris: there was written in these books, many wild matters, both against Henry the third deceased, as against Henry the fourth now living, containing nothing but traitorous practices: among the rest these words were found. The king was born at Bern for which cause they call him Bernois. That the Bernois being now converted to the Catholic faith, was more gently used than he deserved, that if they would invest him with the royal Crown, they should do it in some well reformed covent, where he might do penance for all the evils which he hath done in France: that thanks might be also given to God, for that he had given him grace to acknowledge his wickedness before his death. That if he might not be deposed without war, they ought to war against him, and to kill him, if he did not otherwise. That the Crown of France ought to be transferred to an other family then that of Bourbon. That james Clement did an heroical act, in murdering Henry the third. The Court having seen such writings, sent for Guignard before them, who avouched all he had written, by means whereof he was found guilty, and condemned to be hanged to death, which thing was executed the seventh of januarie. Peter Chastel father to john, and john Gueret, Schoolmaster or Tutor to the young traitor, were the same time banished: the father for a certain time out of Paris, the tutor for ever out of the realm: & not to return on pain of death. Moreover, the father was condemned to pay for a fine 2000 Crowns, and commadement given, that his house should he pulled down to the ground, and a stone pillar set in the place where it did stand, with an inscription of the cause wherefore it was thus razed. The court at that time did again look over Peter Barrieres judgements, wherein the wicked counsel of Varade, a notable jesuite, was more thoroughly marked, who had principally and more than any other, induced Barriere to kill the K. whom he called tyrant. It was also testified, that two Swissers passing by Besancon, a few days before Chastelles' deed was attempted, did meet two men attired like jesuits, who said one to the other, for shortly the king of Navarre shall be either slain or hurt: which deed they esteemed most meritorious in the kingdom of heaven. It was also noted, that a jubilee had been published at Rome, which the king's enemies called a piece of ordinance to confound the Bernois, as if it had been a good work: the same was also understood by the Spaniards, lately arrived in Britain to succour the rebels. This was also hoped for by the jesuits, namely by those that were at Paris, some of whom, as their Colleges were environed about with watchmen, incontinent after the king was hurt, cried at their gates to their companions in these words: Surge, frater: agitur de religione. There were also found among these jesuits, many Anagrams against the king, and certain rhymes made in their Chases: whereof the argument was, to suffer death constantly, and to assail the tyrants. Again, there was it found, that the Masters of the Colleges of Clermont, deprived and forbade the Scholars, at any time to pray for the king, since the yielding of Paris to his Majesty: saying, that all such as went to hear his Mass, were excommunicate. Moreover, it was proved and justified against an other jesuite, a Scotchman, named Alexander Haius, that he taught the people publicly, that they might dissemble and obey the King for a time, & oftentimes faintly speaking these words: jesuita est omnis homo. This jesuite was also charged that he had oftentimes used these speeches, that if the king did at any time pass before their College, that he would fall out of the window upon him, to the end he might break his neck. On these accusations his inditements being drawn, and that his words were found to be spoken before the yielding of Paris, the Court did only banish him out of the Realm of France for ever. It appeared also by other informations sent from Bourges, made the seventh of januarie, that one named Francis jacobe, a Scholar of the jesuits at Bourges, vaunted that he would kill the King, but that he thought he was dead already, thinking that an other had done the deed. In consideration of these matters aforesaid, and other proves testified by the History of these times, the jesuits were banished out of Paris and other towns of the Realm, but not out of all. They sought to excuse themselves by divers writings, wherein they accused themselves in greater measure, well expressing the envy and poisoned minds which they carried to the realm of France, which shall be well preserved from all their attempts, if any justice do reign there. Open war proclaimed against the King of Spain. The seventeenth of january, the King published his declaration of the making of open wars against the Spaniards, by reason of his attempts made against his country of France, the Cambernisces, and against his royal person. Two months after, the King of Spain answered the king of France, whom in his letlers he called the Prince of Bearn, against whom also he demanded open war. A little before, the Archduke of Ernest wrote to the Estates of Artois and of Hainaut, to encourage them to arms: the like he did to the Commons, that they might wrathfully bend their force against the Frenchmen. The D. of Lorraine having taken truce with the K. permitted his troops to do him service, under the conduct of the Baron of Ausonuill, the L. of Tremblecourt, & of S. George, who had levied about 8000. foot, and 1200. horse. The leaguers of Soissons overthrown. Mean space, the garrison of Soissons, conducted by the Baron of Conan, Lieutenant of Ponsenac, Governor of the City, and by Belfont chief & principal Captain to the D. de main, being advanced as far as Crispe in Valois, they were repulsed, pursued, charged, and overthrown in the plain of Villiers Cote-rets, by the Lords of Cadancourt, Beine, Moussie, and Edonuiel, who slew in the field 50. of the principal of the leaguers troops, the most valiantest that were in France. And hurt threescore so grievously, that in short time after, the most of them died, they took away above fourscore good horses, much of their munition and other booties, with a great number of prisoners. Among those that were slain, were found two principal Captains, their Ancient, and the Marshal of the field: there were taken the Cornet of Belfont, and thirteen Captains, so that there escaped but twenty persons of all the troop that went into the Town of Soissons: this was a new blood shed among the leaguers. At the same time, the Marshal of Bovillon took near unto Vuirtun, in the Duchy of Luxembourg, The Spanish army overthrown by the Marshal of Bovillon, in the Duchy of Luxembourg. eleven Cornets of horsemen of the Earl of mansfield's army, whom he charged upon their dislodgement with such resolution, that they were all overcome in little space: two hundredth and fifty were there slain, the rest forsaking their armour, horses, & other furniture, saved themselves within a forest near unto Vuirton. Wars in Franche-Countie. On the other side, Tremblecourt and Saint George, invaded Franch-Countie, in Bourgongne, took Vezou, jonuille and other places, spoiled divers parts: & in these beginnings of troubles the country was greatly spoiled, and many Bourgongnians slain. The Constable of Chastille Governor of Milan, ran over them with divers Spanish companies, and Neapolitans, recovered again the places lost, constraining the Lorraines to scatter themselves: in requital whereof, the Inhabitants of Beaune having about the beginning of February, valerously sacked the leaguers garrisons, which had made themselves ready to cut all their throats, opened their gates to the Marshal of Byron, which being done, he laid siege before the Castle, which in six weeks endured three thousand cannon shot, and finally it was yielded by composition. The taking of Beaune dismayed the Duke of main, who ever since, did nothing (as it were) but fight with one hand, saw himself at the end of his last hopes, dismayed of the one, and detested by the other. Autun, Nuis, and lastly Dyon, followed the example of Beaune, and yielded themselves to the king: which coming to pass in Bourgongne at the beginning of june, they charged near S. Sein, certain troops of horsemen belonging to the Constable of Chastille, whom he inforest to fly. divers memorable exploits, done here & there A little before this, Vienne in Dauphine, sold to the Duke of Nemours by Maugrion, shook of the yoke of this great leaguer, and was brought under the king's authority, who whilst he stayed for the levying of money from divers places of Franch-Countie, and journeys of small importance, he lost in Picardy, Chastelet, dourlan's, and Cambray, Towns of great strength, which were taken in the months of june, july, and August, to the great grief of these good Lords, & by the fault of some that might have remedied it, if they had would: but they were not willing to see their country in peace. The loss of men and munition was great in these overthrows. The Spanish soldiers bore away great booties. The Earl of Fuentes and his Captains, won as great honour, as Balagne and others did dishonour. The Marshal of Bovillon, the Marshal of Villars, sought to succour dourlan's, but being charged with a far greater number of enemies, Villars was slain with certain of his Captains, and many of his soldiers, divers carried prisoners into Arras, from whence they were ransomed. Beside these losses, a little before, the Lord of Humieres of Picardy, and a faithful servant to the king, was slain in recovering the Town of Han, with twenty Gentlemen, and an hundredth soldiers. In revenge whereof, the Spanish garrison which was within the Town, to the number of seven or eight hundredth men, were cruelly slain each mother's son. The Marshal of Bovillon behaved himself most valiantly in this exploit. A few weeks before, to wit, about the end of May, this said Lord parted from Stenai, to secure those of Ferte upon Cherseoli, in the Duchy of Luxembourg, which was besieged by Verdugo and Burlot, Captains to the King of Spain, of whom he slew five hundredth of the very best of their troops, constraining them to raise their siege, and to retire to Vuirton. Such were the chances of war during this season in Picardy, in the Duchy and County of Bourgondy, and the country of Luxembourg, all which were greevoussy afflicted in divers sorts. Britain was also upon the point to become wholly for the Spaniard. But ambition striving with covetousness in Duke Mercoeur, the affairs there, went always doubtfully. In the end, the king of Spain was made frustrate of all his hopes in those parts. The Duke of main obtains pardon of the king. The Duke of main seeing the Spaniards take other course than was accustomed, his forces slain, his credit cracked, and his destruction at the door, though late, at last he sought by Mediators the king's favour, which he obtained in the month of October. But he could not so easily have it, till he had renounced the vain title of Lieutenant general of the estate and Crown of France, and except such liberallities as it pleased his Majesty to bestow upon him. Each one said, that he having committed so many heinous acts against the Crown and his sovereign Lord, that he was unworthy too be esteemed the king's subject, but to receive punishment according to his deserts, blaming the kings too much gentleness therein: to whom might be applied, that which was of old time spoken of by Charillans, who being greatly praised for his courtesy equally showed to all, was thus answered by Archidamidas the Spartan, that such a Prince deserved small praise, that showed himself favourable to wicked persons. But such matters pertains to other discourses, and not to be entreated of, in so brief a collection as this is. Upon this received grace, the Duke de main wrought the yielding up of Soisson, Pierfont, and other places to the King. Now among all the chief leaguers, there only remained the Duke of Aumale, who had not time enough to make his peace with the King. The Duke of Aumale executed in his picture. Things fell out so contrary on his side, that law was prosecuted against him in the Parliament of Paris, which found him guilty of treason in the highest degree, so that his image or likeness being made, it was drawn in pieces with four horses, and his goods and lands confiscate to the King. It hath been said that his fair house at Annet, was judged to be razed to the ground, and the woods all about the same cut down, in detestation of the said Duke's treasons. But this article was not executed. This Duke of Aumale went since that, toward Albert. Cardinal of Austridge, came into the low Countries to succeed in his brother's charge, who was Archduke of Ernest, of whom he was honourably received, and royal entertained, so that he might say with the renowned Greek: I was lost, if I had not been lost: and since, he hath made sore wars against the Frenchmen. Certain members of the league, as some of the sixteen of Paris, divers principal councillors and Agents of that side, together with some Preachers and seditious writers, durst not show themselves, knowing law to be proceeded against them. Th. Town of Fere besieged. While the Cardinal of ostrich made his voyage from Spain into Italy, to become Governor to the low Countries, taking with him Philip of Nassau, Prince of Orange, who had a long time been kept prisoner among the Spaniards, the King besieged Fere, the only place possessed by his enemies in Picardy, before the taking of Capelle, Chastelot, Cambray, and dourlan's: he set there all the succours that could enter in, where a great number of Spaniards were slain: then gave he leave to the most part of his horsemen to refresh themselves, because the Earl of Fuentes, having set garrisons in the Towns for a new conquest, was retired into Hainaut. The king being willing more and more to plant quietness in his realm, made an edict the same time, whereby all persons that were fled, might return again to their lands and houses, where their passed faults should never be sought after, but wholly forgiven, those only excepted, that were confederates in the murder of the deceased king. In midst of these matters, Ossat and Perron the King's Agents towards the Pope, demanded and obtained a bull of absolution, having aforehand made all the submissions, obeisances, and accustomed reverences, promising that the King had performed the penance, and accomplished the conditions to him prescribed. This bull was committed to Alexander d'Elbene, to be carried into France, to bring thereby in the king's behalf, confirmation and approbation of all that which had been done by his Agents: one of the which, namely Ossat, for recompense of his services, won a Cardinal's Hat: Perron (being but a Minister's son, in the Lord of Bearns land, became by his worthy services Bishop of Eureux, a Courtly Poet, and a new Divine) was sent with good hope, to see that he should continue as he had begun: that is to say, to oppose himself against those of the religion, and to draw by his example, all other that he might, by their praaching and writing, to maintain the vocation and doctrine of their Ministers, and the public articles of the inreprehencible perfection of the Roman Church. He was careful to keep promise, understanding that the Pope had an eye over him. The estates of Picardy. In the month of November, the King assembled within Amiens, all the estates of Picardy, of Boulongne, Vermandois, and Thierafche, to take counsel for the affairs of Provence. Certain Captains were there beheaded, having been by their covetousness, cause of all the losses afore mentioned. The siege of Fere continued, those within it being more restrained, yet nevertheless resolved to hold the same, to the uttermost points of extremity. The garrisons of Peronne, Amiens, and other places that held for the King, began again in januarie their former courses against the enemy's country, still killing and slaying certain Spaniards and Walloons. The king was at this time in great care, touching the country of Provence: by reason that a man of great authority, named Casaux, commanded within Marseille, who made means to the Spanish king, that this goodly Town might be sold unto him. Charles Door of Geneva, was now approaching with certain galleys for the Spaniards. The Duke of Guise drew also near with certain troops, but knowing well Casaux evil will toward him, retired to the port of Thoulon, where a far off he thought on such affairs, whereof proceeded the death of the said Casaux, who was suddenly stabbed as he was going forth of his own lodging, to run toward one of the gates, which they were ready to open to the Frenchmen, the sixteenth of February. The Duke of Guise his troops being mingled among the rest in the City, was cause that all the Spaniards with their adherents ran their ways. Marseille brought to the king's subjection. Thus was Marseille delivered out of their hands, and brought to the king's subjection, together with all other villages thereabout, that might any way annoy them. The arrival of the Cardinal of ostrich in Flanders, caused the King to summon the Nobility of Picardy and Normandy, to be present in the Town of Guise, there to be ready according as need required. There he forbade by an express proclamation, the transporting of gold or silver, coined or otherwise, out of his realm. In the beginning of March, the Cardinal gave such order, that the besieged within the Town of Fere, were succoured with some munition. And for his first exploit against The Cardinal of ostrich relieveth Fere, winneth Carl● and Ardres, with main force. France in the beginning of April, did so dispose of his army, (at that time most mighty) so dexteriously & secretly, that in few days he besieged, assailed, and with plain force won the town and Castle of Calais: in spite of all the king's forces, and the resistance of the besieged, there died in the taking thereof, a great number of the Nobility of France, especially in the Castle, whereinto they had sent a good supply. Fere yielded to the king by composition. The Cardinal following this new won victory, besieged the strong Town of Ardres in the beginning of May: who for all that ever they could do within the Town, he became Master thereof, the 23. of the same month: seven days before, Fere wes yielded to the K. upon composition. The Seine shall of Montenemart leaguer, and Aluaris Osoro a Spaniard, endured with their soldiers, all the extremity that could be thought or imagined, even till they saw the water two or three foot high within the Town, before they would yield or give over, after they had sustained a thousand griefs, the space of five months. The composition was honourable, and for the profit of the besieged, who went forth with their colours spread, their drums sounding, their weapons and baggage: drawing forth with them a double cannon, marked with the arms of France. They went forth the 22. of this month, and retired to Cambrises. The rest of this Summer was spent in small exploits in the country. About the end of the month of August, the Marshal of Byron, followed with certain troops on foot and on horseback, passed the river of Sun, and the first day of September he entered within Artois, repaired the Castle of Ambercourt, constrained divers villages to redeem themselves with a great sum of money. And being accompanied with five Cornets, charged the marquess of Vuarambon Governor of Artois (who by reason of his forces: to wit, five to six hundredth horse in battle, thought to have got the glory) slew those which durst stay, put the rest to flight, took the marquess prisoner, of whom he had forty thousand Crowns for his ransom, gave a great alarm to all the country, after ward chased the Earl of S. Paul, seized and spoiled the Town, and divers other places. The Peasants which would have spoiled the Towers and Steeples of the Churches, were rudely handled, in respect of those that stayed in their houses, who felt only the smart of this tempestuous war, by contributions for the provision of victuals. All this was done in eight days. The Cardinal intending to take the marquess, sent the D. of Arschot in his place, who while he entered into Arras, had the Frenchmen on the other side, who by a harquebus shot from the Town, set fire on a little village. And for that it was full of good booties, the Marshal would not they should lose their pray, and therefore conducted them to the frontiers of Picardy. Thus being discharged the 21. of the same month, they entered the borders of Banpaulme, spoiling Hebutere, Benuiller, Courcelles, and other places, robbing the Peasants of their goods, that durst not strive against them. The Duke of Arschot incampped near to Arras, within a cannon shot, and being carefully entrenched, he deliberated to hazard nothing, knowing that he was to deal with a hardy Knight, and one of the most resolute warriors in Europe. The Frenchmen set fire on all places round about, and getting more booties than before, returned with easy journeys toward Bethune and Theroenne, from whence they brought many prisoners and cattle, than they retired and camped in the plain of Azincourt, without any resistance at all, in this second voyage, which continued ten days. The Duke of Arschot supplied with eight hundredth footmen, joining with the Colonel of Burlots' Regiment, departed from Arras the fift day of October, and encamped at S. Paul, where the Marshal of Byron leaving them, entered seven days after with his horsemen into Artois: who with his footmen stayed at Moucy S. Esoy. The thirteenth day he removed to Confirmation of alliance between the King, the Queen of England, and the low countries. Donay, then having spoiled the country, he retired into Picardy, within four or five days after. The Duke of Arschot, having taken again the Castle of Ambercourt, discharged his Army, setting his companies into Garrisons. Certain weeks before, the Marshal of Bovillon, had been sent for into Holland, to confirm (as he did at hay) the alliance sworn between the King, the Queen of England, and the united Provinces. The like was done in England, about the end of September. The Spaniards in Britain, defied Duke Mercoeur, seeing him to continue truce with the Provinces of Poictou, Anjou, and main, began to fortify themselves at Blavit, more than before, and in other small Towns which they held. Whilst the King's Troops were in Picardy, he made his entry into Roan, the 20. day of October, where he was received with such pomp, that the expense thereof, was esteemed to amount above the value of four hundred thousand Crowns, at the townsmen's charges. Throughout all France, nothing was spoken of so much, as how means might be found to defend themselves against the Spaniards, and to be revenged of the manifold injuries, which the Realm had endured under the League. But the Duke of Ostrich, on his side, was not all this while idle, but suffering the rigour of winter to pass (which was wonderful wet, having had many great floods of waters, whereof followed much hurt, especially at the bridge at Paris, which one night fell down, at the latter end of the year: at which time it was the death of three huundred persons, drowned in the water, and by the fall of the buildings) made himself ready for the spring. The King being still desirous of the peace of his Kingdom, about the end of Sūme●, gave order to have all the Nobility of the Realm, assembled together in a general Council, which he determined to hold at Roan, at the beginning of November, at that time there to be present, to provide for the public benefit of the country of France. In opening this matter, he first made them an Oration, the which, to cut off briefly, we will incert within this Page following. If I would (said he) claim the title of an Orater, I should have learned some eloquent and long Oration, and have studied how to pronounce it, with all pleasing gravity. But my Lords, my desire aimeth at two more glorious titles, which is, that I might be called the Restorer, and Deliverer of this decayed estate: for which cause, I have assembled all you this day. You know what belongs to your own care, so do I of mine: for since it pleased God to call me to the Crown, I found France, not only near hand ruined, but almost utterly lost from the Frenchmen: I vow, by God's grace, by the prayers, by the good counsel of my faithful Subjects, that make profession of Arms, by the sword of my true Nobility (from which I do not distinguish my Princes) because the faith of a Gentleman, is our fairest titles: by my pains and labour I have kept it from loss. Let us save ourselves therefore from ruin. Participate my dear subjects with me in this second glory, as you have done in the first. I have not called you, as my predecessors were wont to do, to confirm my own will. I have caused you to be assembled, to receive your counsels, to believe them, to follow them: briefly, to put myself wholly into your hands. Envy can win little from kings, from grey beards, from conquerors. But the love and good will which I bear to my subjects, and the extreme desire that I have to obtain these two goodly titles, makes all things seem to me easy and honourable. My Lord Chancellor shall make hereafter, my mind further known. I cannot close up this collection, with a more worthy speech than this: my intent being thereto joined, having come to the end of this year, 1596. which was the mark I only shot at. That which hath come to pass since that time, in the years following, shallbe showed in other books, if God permit. FINIS. A TRUE DISCOURSE CONCERNING THE delivery of Britain, in the year 1598. WHat? Shall this Duke of Mercoeur for ever retain the mouth of the River of Loire, with one part of Britain against a king of France, a victorious king, acknowledged to be the greatest Captain in the world? Shall we continually behold this channel, this sink, this puddle and heap of all the thieves and murderers, firmly united with this insolent, cruel, and infected nation of Chastille, occupy one of the Provinces of the estate, one of the flowers of this mighty and proud Crown, and make their neighbours, together with all the highest part of this long river that divideth the Gauls, tributaries? All the rest of France hath been almost these two years quiet, united and conjoined for her own preservation, against all foreign usurpation: yea, it is longer since our holy father powered forth his blessings upon this most Christian kingdom. This Summer hath God sent us the most notable victory and gallant triumph that hath been seen this five hundredth years, where the King forced one of the strongest pieces in the world, in the full view of the Spanish army. All Christendom is brought in admiration with such a conquest, and the glory of the French armies is now more glorious than ever it was: which notwithstanding this Spartacus, relying upon the imaginary succours of Spain, dare tarry us. Let us therefore with all speed make head against him: let us abate this presumption, this rashness, this insolency. Let us go and set at liberty the poor Inhabitants of Nantes, who stretch forth their hands to their king, and long only for his coming: from whom this Viceroy of Britain shall hardly defend himself within, whilst we do courageously assault him without. Let us give him to understand, that nothing is able to withstand the thunder of the French Arsenal, and that the bravest Ravelines do stoop to our cannons. Let us root out the Spaniard out of Britain, which our ancestors never united to the Crown, for us to dismember it again. Let us consider, that in all Martial discourses, Amiens was not to be won: yet the incomparable virtue of our king: his great courage, & the incredible travels of the French, have forced nature: exceeded all hope: and surmounted all possibility: and contrariwise, that in all military reason, Nantes might be beaten flat in six weeks. The country forces, the strength of the neighbour Provinces, together with all Guyenne, which begin already too march: the army royal that is on the way: the cannons and munition that cometh every way: the benefit of the sea and rivers able to furnish all necessaries: the Naval armies which replenishing all Loire, shall cut off all hope of succour: the valour of our soldiers: the experience of our Captains: and the advantage of our last years happy conquest, may put us in full assurance, that this Catiline, shall be made an example of his Majesties: who hath hitherto showed such testimony of his clemency. And in deed, in this man we may behold such strange ingratitude, that God cannot suffer it to pass unpunished. For the late king (whom God pardon) having so highly honoured his family, as thereat to choose his wife, and heaped up goods, honours, great titles, and extreme expenses upon his brethren in law, and sisters in law: especially upon this model of ingratitude, to whom he procured one of the richest marriages in the Realm: for whose sake he wrested the government of Britain from a Prince of the blood, to give him: yet hath he become such a notable traitor to his Benefactor, that in am of spending his life at his feet, he hath procured a mighty and most important Province to revolt from him: and stopped up the mouth of the river of Loire, whereupon the late king was forced to transport the seat of his enemies. He was the author of the rebellion of Poitiers, and immediately hath called the castilians to share in his conquests, whom he hath settled in Blavet as a Spanish Colony, to hold us in continual check, until we may have rooted them out, together with all those that brought them in and cherished them, and have put themselves in our protection & safeguard, which notwithstanding they shall find to be but weak against the strength of France, even of the warlike France, which now we will make more terrible than ever it was. Our own emulation to do well, who in sixty three, in so few days recovered New-haven, shall no doubt very shortly drive them out of Nantes & Blavet. Every man will be willing to declare his zeal to his country: his valour in the presence of his Prince, and his indignation against the traitors of France: who destitute of all pretence, excommunicate by the Pope, by the Archbishop of Tours, and the faculty of Sorbonne, as rebels to their king, condemned by God and man, are yet so shameless, as to denounce us heretics for driving the red scarves out of Britain. Alas poor wretches, your policies are too well known: which whilst they were yet in force, could not hinder us, but that we made the Flower de Luce in every place victorious: and now that these sleights are grown into contempt even with little children, can you repose any hope in them against us, who both by God's word and the exhortation of our holy father, are commanded to obey our sovereign, to serve our country, and to root out all strangers, as also yourselves, ye wretches, who have called them in, and do persuade yourselves to be able to maintain them, under a vain hope, that if his Majesty goeth into Britain, the Spaniards shall in the mean time swallow up all our frontiers of Picardy, and so force us to retire? But so far as I can perceive, you have but small knowledge of the miserable estate, whereinto your Protectors affairs in the low Countries are brought. This Summer he hath lost 8. good pieces: an undoubted argument of his weakness. Artois is in a wonderful amaze at this great exploit at Amiens. His garrisons are in such necessity, that either they must utterly ransom his subjects, or live upon roots. The Cardinal hath not to defray the expenses of his own house. King Philip's banckroutship hath made him lose his settings over from Genes to Antwerp, who was seeing his countries that cost him so dear, lost without remission, offereth them as a dowry with his daughter, that so in all Histories the loss of them may be recorded in the name of an other than himself. Well, this Summer we will make a journey to visit them: In the mean time, leaving our frontiers, able not only to defend, but also to offend, let us go strait into Britain to punish the rebellion, ingratitude, and malice of him, who seeing Amiens surprised by the Spaniards, and all France in alarm, in am of concluding the truce which before he demanded, took the field, in purpose to detain in the Provinces a great number of soldiers, who before were taking horse to come to his Majesty. O Spanish soul! couldst thou more evidently declare, thy treason and disloyalty against the country that hath warmed thee, enriched, and increased thee in honour and dignity: but by seeking all means to divert and impeach this great and so necessary a conquest? Hadst thou had any remainder of good will toward France, thou wouldst as then have made demonstration thereof: neither didst thou want most gallant examples. Now would every man have embraced thee, and unto thee attributed a share in the glory of this triumph: but in lieu thereof, thou haste laboured to keep down such as sought to shun this shipwreck: thou didst insult upon the afflictions of France: and yet, blind as thou art, after this great prosperity which thou couldst not hinder: thou darest obstinately stand in thy usurpation, expecting some cursed adventure, to publish thy investiture of Britain. For, what else couldst thou hope for any time these two years? What? canst thou think, that so great a Prince finishing the course of his years, and shunning the jesuits knife, would still leave Nantes and part of Britain in the hands of such a man as thou art? Thou art not so devoid of sense: and therefore of necessity thou must yet hope upon one Barriere, or one Chastel. No other reason hath upholden thy obstinacy these two years, but the winning of time. But in these imaginations thou shalt find thy overthrow, doubt it not: for God who hath used this son of S. Lewis to re-establish the scattered estate, will in his power preserve him, and daily increasing his victory, both speedily & severely chastise thy pernicious effects & cursed hope. Thy K. Philip plunged in the pleasures of his Escurial, shall not defend thee from the furious batteries, which within this month his Ma. will lay to thee on every side. Believe me, thou wilt curse this great monarch of Chastille, of whom thou dost yet make such account, & upon whom thou buildest the felicity of thy whole life: being so doltish, as to think that he that was not able to keep his conquest of Amiens (a town in a manner inespugnable) can hinder the taking of Nantes. Thou dost not consider, th●● thy treasures will serve our soldiers for lathers, or rather wings to scale the walls of that fair town, wherein we shall find the keys of all the rest, which will follow their capital, who without whose wealth, together with the great imposts there levied, would nevertheless fall without any assault. In taking of Nantes, we do undoubtedly take all the rest of Britain, and withal, cure our Gangreva, which neglected, might in time subvert the whole realm. To what purpose should we quench the most part of the fire that burneth the house, if we still leave enough to kindle and take hold of the rest. By little & little, tyrants are established by killing or murdering the most courageous, & setting foot upon the throat of the rest. Nine years ago, did Nantes reject the flower de luce. Now let us accord prescription, & quite cleanse this so great & important a Provence, which king Charles the 8. preferred before all the low countries & the County of Bourgondy: to the end the Ocean might bond our Empire, and the heavens our valour. I do therefore abjure you, ye brave Frenchmen, even by the glory of your ancestors, who have crossed the seas & pierced the mountains, to seek after wars in the midst of Asia & Africa. I abjure you by your own virtue, by your honourable wounds, & by your garlands of bay yet green, with the conquest of Amiens, Yea, I abjure you by the incomparable valour of your Prince, who hath overcome all that resolved to attend him, to come to this last enterprise, which shall finish our intestine wars, with such fervent zeal, passion & courage, that we may exalt the name of France, above all that is most haughty, or of greatest eminency in this world. Hitherto our slackness hath had some reasons: every year hath had her necessary employments: but this year, a fatal year to Britain: having already set hand to the enterprise, what a shame will it be, not to finish it, or to suffer ourselves to be overcome with the only apprehension of the labour? What glory & credit shall we so purchase to this Viceroy of Britain? and what Spanish Rodomontades will he make thereof? Into what despair shall we bring this Province, & all her borderers, who for these two years, seeing others in peace, have tasted the discommodities of wars? What will our confederates say? What may Italy & Germany think, when they see the palm trees of our victories whither so soon? What a dangerous example shall we set to those that seek to trouble the realm: if he that was never accounted a soldier: a man nursed up in the shadow & in all riot: a man never assaulted by any Monarch: that never stood out a siege: & that lost Rhein's within 8. days after he had taken it: stop, I wots not by what mishap, the course & enterprise of so great a king, together with the resolution of all France. Sir, you have over long borne with the insolency, rashness, and outrages of this presumptuous Salmonee, who within your realm playeth the sovereign, holding a Parliament and the estates, and threateneth you with the castilian armies: as if you had not at all times chased them before you, causing them, for the shunning of the fight, to cross the deep rivers, and taking Amiens even before their faces. Now Sir, ye want but this one travel, for the perfecting of your conquest, of the whole inheritance of S. Lewis. All other enterprises you shall find a thousand times more easy, when you have the strength of all these great Provinces peaceable at your back. And contrariwise, so long Sir, as any one place in France may claim itself your enemy, and foster rebellion, your estate cannot be assured. Whom by disobeying you, men shall be driven to departed the realm, and to beg some miserable pension among the treasurers of Castille, few will delight in such extreme resolutions: but if they have a shelter at hand, even in the bowels of France, where silver & all other commodities do abound, it will yield great encouragement to such as believe, that in case their enterprise should fail, yet they should escape by getting into Britain, and at the last, be comprised in an edict. Sir, you are entered the ninth year of your reign: the whole course of your life, have been no other but triumphs, garlands, and trophies, brought from your enemies. It is now time for you to finish your great work, about the re-establishment of the sovereign power, and the restoration of the French Monarchy. Time requireth that we should now behold your justice flourishing throughout the realm, and the greatest fortresses open their gates to the smallest of your commandments. This done Sir, all things shall be possible for you. Cast your eye on every side: consider the Chastillons' Provinces: every thing is ready for your conquest: they do grove under the intolerable burden of his tyranny, which worketh them into all manner of desperatio●● but your only name with their assurance, that one day by the felicity of your victorious sword, you shall deliver them, encourageth them to live. Yet knowing Sir, that the good of your subjects must be preferred before theirs: their eye is still upon Britain, as hoping that that business once finished, your Majesty shall favourably look upon them: also that after those great heroes of antiquity, you will deliver the afflicted from the yoke of this cruel Philip, the common enemy of all Christ endo●●●: unto whom your valiant mind (if ever there were any) contrary to the opinion of many, wisheth a long life of eighty years: to the end, that contrary to his conceits, he may see you Sir, after the pacifying of your own kingdom, and the conquest of Artois and Flanders, the domaines of your Crown, bring the firebrands of war into the midst of Spain: and with the profit of three great battles, deliver Portugal, Arragon, and your Navarre, from the insolency and barbarous cruelty of this castilian nation, from whom all wise men may well perceive that you have wrested the Monarchy of Europe, which the conquest of France, that you only have hindered, did undoubtedly yield them. FINIS.