¶ A DEFENCE of priests marriages, stablished by the imperial laws of the Realm of England, against a Civilian, naming himself Thomas Martin doctor of the Civil laws, going about to disprove the said marriages, lawful by the eternal word of God, & by the high court of parliament, only forbidden by foreign laws and canons of the Pope, coloured with the viso of the Church. Which laws & canons, were extinguished by the said parliament, and so abrogated by the convocation in their Synod by their subscriptions.  
Herewith is expressed, what moderations and dispensations have been used heretofore in the same cause, & other like, the canons of the Church standing in full force. Whereby is proved, these constitutions to be but positive laws of man temporal.  
Let Matrimony be honourable in all persons,  
But fornicators and adulterers God shall judge.  Hebre. xiii.  

¶ The contents of this book, noted in the pages of the same, as in these titles following.  
1 A most humble supplication, to the high and most mighty princes the King and Queen's excellent majesties. 
Fol. 1.  2 An humble suit to the right prudent and most honourable of their council. 
Fol. 2. fancy. 2.  3 A lowly request and obsecration to the reverent fathers of the Church. 
Fol. 3. fancy. 2.  4 A tractation to the discrete judgement of the worshipful of the lower house of parliament, and to the professors of the law. 
Fol. 7. fancy. 2. c.  5 An admonition to the natural subjects of the Realm, and certain notes for their advertisements. 
Fol. 8. fancy. 2. c. Fol. 9 fancy. 2. d.  6 An expostulation with certain of the Clergy, for lack of charitable indifferency. 
Fol. 11. fancy. 2.  7 General considerations in the book following. 
 8 That Saint Paul's sentences (for avoiding of fornication, let every man have his wife▪ etc. and, if they can not contain, let them marry) be generally spoken to all persons. 
pag. 133. 136. c.  9 To secular priests, and to votaries. 
140. b. 159. a.  10 And that continency from marriage, is a rare gift. 
201. c. 204. a. 247. c. 251.  11 And that it is not like, that the Apostles did enjoin the same to the Clergy, seeing they themselves and divers other bishops and priests, had wives. 
32. b. 42. 156. d.  12 That it is only of man's constitutions, for continency to be annexed to orders. 
71. 72. 153. c.  13 And that secular priests & votaries have been dispensed with, to marry. 
230.  14 And that our elders, and the fathers of th● Church, have thought it meet always for laws and canons to be restrained & remitted. 
41.85.175.179. c. 196. a. 197. b. 209. a. 210. d.  15 And that the same have been dispensed with, in matters of greater importance than priests marriages. 
204. a. 205. 267 a  16 And have been dispensed to keep their wives. 
222. a. 274. a.  17 That secular priests ordered in England be no votaries. 
pag. 181. d. 181. c 184. a.  18 And might marry after order, as before. 
60.61.76.103.155 d. 253. d. 257.272 a  19 And that they have been before time married in the Realm. 
Fol. 15. b i  20 And that it is no dishonour to the order, nor burden to the Realm for priests to marry. 
pag. 69. 70. 59  21 That marriages of the Clergy, made by force of the law of the Realm, be good marriages. 
●69. 238. b.  22 And that they lie not upon the danger of the canons, to be impeached or dissolved. 
67.65.58.167.171. b. 200. d.  23 No more than the marriages of the laity, which were made in king Henry the viii his time, by the act concerning precontracts. 
170. d.  24 And that foreign positive laws, with their pains concerning the same, be abrogated, & not revived, by the act of repeal. 
170. c.  25 That scripture ought to be judge, and is most certain to be sticken unto. 
73.74.98. b. 100 c. 245. b.  26 That D. Martin hath rigorously, without all moderation, expended the cause of these said parties, justly married by law. 
83.201.  27 That D. Martin hath wrested & misreported scriptures, in the depraving of the said lawful marriages. 
135. b. 147. a. 150 d  28 That D. Martin hath perverted and falsified the scriptures, stories, & counsels alleged by him. 
53.54.105. b. 111. b 136. b. 144 a. 146 b. 148.155. a. 156 b 164.182. b. 221. b 238. d.  29 And doctors of the Church, as Origen. Ambrose. 145. b. Austen. 101. c. 104. a. 107. a. 150. b. Jerome. 108. b Isodore. 109. c Eusebius. 144. Ignatius. 118. c. Nicephorus. 156. 
106. a.  30 That D. Martin slandereth with evil names, aswell the matrimony of the lay men, as of priests. 
66.82.163. a.  31 That D. Martin hath used to many lies, if his cause were good, insparsed in his book, part whereof be touched. 
43.44.45.50.51 52.53.54.55.56.107.115.136.145.151.157. c. 182. b. 216. c.    

¶ A preface to the reader.  
WHere by chance came into my hands of late, a book sent from beyond the sea, wherein was highly magnified a treatise written by one Thomas Martin, doctor of the Civil law, and there much labour bestowed to disprove the lawful matrimonies of Ecclesiastical Ministers: There came to my remembrance a certain writing, being in my custody, gathered together, and written, in the reign of King Philip & Queen Marie, wherein, much of the treatise of this Civilian is reproved. Which said book, was written by a learned man of that time, who shortly after died, meaning, if God had lent him longer life, to have confuted more of the sandy grounds & principles of the said Civilian. And thinking it at these days not unprofitable to be read for this controversy, I committed it to the Printer, praying thee (good reader) to bear with the manner of the writing in some parts thereof, being more merrily penned, than some grave writer would peradventure allow of. In which form of writing, somewhat he followeth, as he saith himself, th'example of Sir Thomas Moor knight, in his book of Dialogues for purgatory. This writer, abstaining yet from unchaste tales, such as be in his 〈◊〉 book overmuch insparsed, and partly being in adversity, gave himself to some solace to refresh his mind with, & yet using fewer insultations & reproofs, than the unworthiness of the said Civilian, by his unreasonable challenge might have moved him to. Now, because I would neither add to another man's writing, neither diminish the same, I have presented unto thee (good reader) the whole book as it is: affirming this, that thou shalt find all his allegations truly advouched by the writers that he doth name, assuring thee also (persuaded by the nature of the man, whom I have heard well reported) that no malice or corrupt indignation moved him to write as he doth, but pure zeal to the truth of Gods most holy word: to their instruction who would be taught in this truth: to the amendment of his adversary in his manifest untruths: to the comfort of them who love God and his verity: and to admonish all such, as be either wilfully ignorant or malicious, well to expend this cause, which is of God and of his Gospel: and also deeply to consider, with what plagues almighty God revenged the contempt of his holy institution in the foresaid reign, to much apparent, & in to much fresh remembrance to be denied. The discourse whereof, as it were worthy, if any indifferent learned man should take in hand to set out in story, with the circumstances thereof, it would rise to a huge volume, to the wonder of the godly & wise heads of other countries, to see what we felt in these days here in the Realm: but it is not like that the notabilitie thereof will be forgotten to be transmitted to our posterity hereafter in writing. Surely, the brief remembrance of things chanced, may appear lamentable to be considered: as what immoderate rains & tempests raged in one year, what intolerable heat and drowghtes in another year, what penury & scarcity of corn and victual, what hunger & famine thereof followed, what sickness, what agues, what strange mortalities reigned & raged, wherewith the eldest and gravest personages of all degrees and conditions, were in great numbers wasted and consumed, what misfortunes commonly fell to women with child in their delivery, what fierce chanced, far above the wont of other years of princes reigns, in many places wasting whole villages, towns, and churches. Again, what cruelty was seen executed by fyering old men and women, young men, & maids, without choice, whether the women were with child, or free from children. What proscriptions and banishmentes of learned men out of the Realm, and such as tarried within the Realm, how they were driven to corners, spoiled, and impoverished, and such as could be gotten, shamed openly by vile penancies and shameful recantations. And furthermore, what rapes and vyllanyes committed, above the common practised disorder, by strangers and foreigners, what impunities won and purchased to the unchaste generation, to recourse again to their old trade of lewd living▪ after they had confounded the priests chaste matrimonies, so stablished and authorized by the high laws of the Realm. Then at the last, what dishonour and loss the Realm suffered, by losing that notable borderer Calyce, aforetimes so valiantly won and gotten by king Edward the third, and to these unfortunate days (of resuming the great adversary of all christian Realms the Pope of Rome again) politicly and chargeably maintained and defended in good & sure possession, to the comfort of the whole Realm, to the terror of all our foreign enemies. I say, to consider all these particularities as they might deserve, to be set out at length, what English heart could forbear tears, and not inwardly sigh and lament the misery? Which heavy infelicities, the english children yet unborn shall weep at, and wail, to consider the same. If these be not severe tokens and proofs of Gods heavy displeasure toward England, for so vilely despising his word, his light, his religion, his sacraments, his institutions: what can be shows of his wrath and indignation? If open contempt of true matrimony were not thoroughly punished and plagued in some certain marriages, which then were so gloriously begun, so gorgeously set out and advanced, so greatly rejoiced at, and such wonderful fruit certainly looked for: and in conclusion how it succeeded, how it ended, what it brought forth: Here I cease, and leave it untouched. But let God be honoured, who hath all power in his hand. Let his word and religion be reverenced, who is in a controversy thereof. Let his institutions be regarded, the contempt whereof he will surely plague in them all, whatsoever they be, which despise them, as all ages and times, all lands & dominions, have ever felt, and shall feel the same, from the first destruction of Sodom and Gomorrha, until the last day of God's fearful judgement, when the son of man shall send his Angels to gather out of his kingdom all slanders and offendicles: and those which commit iniquity, he shall send into the hot burning fire, there shallbe wailing and gnashing of teeth: where the righteous shall then shine as the sun, in the kingdom of their father.  

Math. xiii.  He that hath ears to hear, let him hear, saith our saviour Christ in his serious warning: To whom, with the father and the holy ghost, all kingdom, power, and glory, be given for ever. Amen.   

¶ Correct these faults in the book (good reader) before thou read it, so shalt thou better understand the matter, and less be deceived.  
Leaf Page Line. Fault. Correction. 1 1 c. 4 finally flourished. finally have flourished. 4 2 d 7 lo long so long 5 2 a 2 your our 6 1 d 1 have have had 10 1 d 4 ever. never 6 2 a 5 the their 12 2 a 3 lean leave 10 2 mark ad pompalianum ad Pompeianum 13 1 a 4 unto not unto 13 1 a 5 clearness cleans 15 1 d 3 fifty nine sixty nine 15 1 b 4 wives till wives, and were never forbidden generally till  32 b 6 huc est hinc est 16 1 b 2 chancellor chancellors  88 c 7 beonde beyond  22 d 2 speed spied  27 a 10 telleth tolleth  125 a 9 expediently expeditly  126 b 11 ye see ye fear  130 c 6 add. by this plague of three years.   130 c 7 importeth imputeth  31 a 4 your you  140 a 10 join enjoin  158 c 3 writing wyving  186 c 3 grosser glosser  189 a 10 promise. praise  190 c 2 be they lay fe be they of the lay fee  193 a 2 heresies heretics  ibidem. b 2 opportunity importunity    disperarent non posse pervenire ad illum perfectionem quas virgines essequibantur. desperarent non posse perveniri ad illam perfectionem quam virgines assequebantur.  54 b 5 lattuie latter  93 b 10 observation observant  214 d 3 in the margin 1502 1102  95 d 6 Dioretus Theodoretus  102 c 7 in the margin, put 30. q. 5. Aliter  102 a 3 in the margin, put 27. q. i nuptiarum  104 b 8 contort retort  107 b 5 add to 26. q. 2. Sors.  115 a 6 call can  130 b 3 redound abound  141 a 5 in the margin, put lit. EE 3. fancy. 2.  146 b 2 in the margin, put lit. EE 3. fancy. 2.  148 d 1 ca 13, f 3 ca 12. lit. ff 3. fancy. 2  150 b 3 ca 12. f m cap. 12. ff 3  154 a 1 in the margin, add dist. 82. proposuisti in glos●  155 d 3 in the margin, put ca 5. f 1 b  162 d 9 in the margin, put out pag. 139.  165 c 1 in the margin, put ca 11. y. iiii. a. ca 13. kk. three ca 10. S i U i. ca 13. L i. ca 11. x three  204 a 9 in the margin 32. q. 7. Quod proposuisti.  213 a 4 to consider what To consider once again what  216 b 9 Polidore Fabian.  229 b 4 in the margin, put dist. 27.  243 c 6 innusde immunde.  244 c 10 lenity levity  247 b 3 emacultur emaculentur  248 a 4 chaste chastity  248 a 5 chastity chaste  251 b 5 put out That  259 a 1 so not  267 c 1 in clementiam in elencho  274 a 1 privative primative.   

¶ To the most high, most noble and mighty Princes Philip and Marie, by the grace and providence of God, King and Queen of England, France, Naples, Jerusalem, and Ireland, defenders of the faith, Princes of Spain▪ and Cicill, Archdukes of ostrich, Dukes of Millen, Burgon and Braband, Counties of Hasbrough, Flanders and tirol: Be all grace, joy and felicity, wished from GOD the father of our Lord jesus Christ.  
AS almighty God the marvelous creator of all the world, and beunteous conserver of the same (most noble princes) hath grafted natural love and amity in the nature of his creatures, of the one kind to the other, as chief succour one to the other: And for that he willing the same most orderly to appear in man's nature, for his society, hath beside the benefit of reason, at the very first beginning, by law provided for the same: even so, that ancient enemy, that wily▪ serpent the devil, hath alway laid his engines and snares, to disorder and to confound the said creation and institution of God, with many and horrible kinds of devices, either to destroy it utterly, or else so to deprave the thing, that was impossible for him to destroy, with such sinister cavillations, that it should lose the estimation at the least, and grace, that almighty God willed it to be endued and adorned with.  
The chief root whence springeth the greatest part of man's felicity, or infelicity in this mortal life, is wedlock. As out of this spring have been families and realms begun, by it enlarged, and finally flourished and preserved by the same: So have the self same families and realms once advanced, to the height of their felicity and perfection, been brought down again to utter ruin and devastation, for corrupting and perverting that eternal law of God, and decree of nature. The more earnestly should all such as be endued with any spercle of reverence to God's honour, of piety to their country, or of charity to their neighbour, pray and wish most instantly, that this state and society might be so honourably begun, continued and ended in all degrees, that the benefits thereof might redound throughout, the horribleness of the abuse, might be utterly every where banished. And the more circumspectly, should all such as have gifts of God for utterance, in exciting man's decayed and corrupt nature with word and writing, to the preservation thereof, take heed, that by their imprudent utterance, they defame not that thing, that almighty God would have in estimation, and by his word hath pronounced honourable in all persons. How be it, most gracious and godly sovereigns: it hath chanced otherwise in this your noble Realm and Dominions of late, that wit and learning, whereof nothing ought to have been looked for, but good wit and learning, have uttered evil will and ignorance, in the depravation of such societies, of part of your grace's Clergy, by just laws of your realm enacted, established and confirmed to be good, and in quiet state so reposed, strange for a time, by reason of the novelty to diverse, but yet perceived of many wisemen (with some addition of discipline for the insolency of some, younger then wiser) that it might have been the remedy of diverse inconveniences, before time lamented in the Clergy. Of your virtuous entendiment (most gracious lady) no less may be conceived: but although to your grace's cares, it hath been oftecried unto, how uncomely these copulations were, how against God and his honour, how against the Church decrees and discipline, and how worthy to be dissolved again: Yet notwithstanding this importunity, we read by the express words of your highness Commission, comprised in articles, and so addressed to your graces spiritual administers Bishops and your Commissaries, that your graces will was, they should proceed according to learning and discretion, in this weighty matter: And that they should not put any other Canons and constitutions of the Church in exercise, than such as might stand with your grace's Law of your Realm. Yet for all this your grave and gracious advertisement, diverse of the said officers (of what spirit, God's spirit can judge) have proceeded so far against learning, discretion and laws of your▪ realm, in most places of your highness dominions: that your poor subjects and orators, be far otherwise entreated, than your grace would think likely, for the trust which was committed to them. Surely far otherwise then the grave of the realm can believe, your tender pity, and customable mercy, your godly Charity, and favourable justice would have so executed. Which manner of doings in all quarters of your realm, as it hath stirred great admirations among the most of your other subjects, in sundry and diverse considerations incident and depending upon such proceedings: So hath there risen a fresh, as much admiration again of a certain book, of late put forth by one Thomas Marten Doctor of Civil, subornated belike, God knoweth by whom, to justify the said sore doings, and to have them taken in good part, that is (as he would have it appear) by learning confirmed, to have been done by discretion. In which book, to the further accumulation of the heavy state of the said ministers deprived, is added most slanderous accusations and untrue surmised matters, against them to your highness, and to all other states of your realm, to bring them to utter rebuke and peril possible. Which matters, how uncharitably, untruly, and unlearnedly they be framed and forged, shall in some part appear hereafter. And more sufficiently at other laisure shall be proved and detected, how he hath handled himself, pretending God's glory, whereby his intendment, his word and institution is plainly evacuated, pretending Chastity, but in conclusion, the very high way to unspeakable whoredoms and filthiness: pretending antiquity and authority, yet in very deed, but counterfeited imitation of authority, and beliing antiquity, making a great flourish in the matter to the reader, at a sudden show, but in effects mere subtlety without substance: wit without wisdom: Zeal without knowledge, and heat without charity. Only this thing in the name of the said ministers, not in respect so much of their persons, as of their cause, which ought of all manner of men that fear God, to be weighed with reason and justice. This thing I say, is most humbly to be sued for at your most gracious and virtuous consciences, to peruse the moderations, that be, to be expended in the circumstance of the cause, as it standeth on their side by allowance of God's Law, and approbation of man's law thereto in your highest court of parliament. The cause itself is Gods. It concerneth the integrity and the validity of his holy institution, which to impair, as we do nothing mistrust in your two noble personages, newly entered into the same: So we beseech almighty God the author of your said godly and most honourable copulation, so to assist both your hearts in God's understanding, that your said honourable new entered state, may long prosperously hold on, joyfully continue, and win all Gods gracious benefits, depending of the same state, so promised in his word, to them that fear him and love him. And that other in the same fear of God so conjoined, may the rather be protected against the superstitious consciences, of such as in hypocrisy speaketh lies covertly, diffaming that which is before God allowable, and by true learning to be advouched. Amen.  

¶ To the most honourable estates of the Counsel.  
And you most honourable personages of Counsel, and Nobility of the realm, in most lolie manner of submission, we require your great wisdoms to consider, what becometh your high estates and vocations. 
Sapi. vi.  Your power is given you of GOD, and derived from him, so constituted by his eternal decree, to the punishment of evil doers, but to the defence and commendation of them which do well. 
Roma. xiii.  Ye hear how in the holy scriptures almighty God speaketh: By me doth kings reign, and by me the makers of laws determine the right. 
Prove. viii. Psalm. two.  Be ye learned therefore, biddeth the holy ghost, and understand you that judge the earth. Let not other men's eyes and ears be your guides, for every man shall bear his own burden, and answer to God for himself. Let not other men's unruly and vile affections be maintained by your worthy and noble authorities, which but for trust of abusing your authorities, would never so impudently and insolently show themselves, so little to regard both God in his holy ordinances, ●ymanne in his law of approbation of the same. All is not gold that glittereth: under green and sweet herbs, lurketh many times deadly and hiduous serpents: wise men may spy day light at a little hole. Better it is in deliberation to consult in time, quid liceat, & quid expediat, that is, what is lawful, and what expedient, then to say after to late an experience, non putaram, had I witted. Look not so much on the persons, whom these matters toucheth, as upon authority of your laws passed, your own assurances: Look upon your own honours, yea, God's honour, in preservation of his just ordinance. Matrimony is his ordinance, and your comfort: By it ye be acknowledged in blood rightly, to succeed your ancestors: by that shall ye send your posterity as lawful inheritors and successors, into your honours and lands after you. It claimeth therefore at your hands, not to be despised, but cherished in them that be most simple. For it is God that is author of all. 
i. Peter. v▪ Ephes. vi. i Reg. two▪  For he hath care and charge of all, and he regardeth no man's person. Remember what the Lord saith. Qui honorificant me, honorificabo illos, & qui contempnunt me, erunt ignobiles: that is. They which honour me, I will make them honourable, and they which despise me, shallbe without honour.  
Let your daily seen experience, yet at the last, teach you that be yet left to fear God, not man, to advance his eternal word, not man's tradition. For this controversy is set only and merely but in this point (examine it when ye will) whether man's tradition ought to deface, and to abolish Gods immutable law, 
Psalm. two.  or else give place thereto? Be ye learned therefore, and suspend your sudden judgement, till ye peruse the cause, lest God be angry, and s● ye fall from the right way, when his wrath shall appear, how shortly at hand he only knoweth, that knoweth our demerits: but yet then blessed be all they, that shallbe found to trust in him.   

¶ To the honourable Prelates of the Church.  
To you more over that be the reverend fathers, the honourable head Pastors of the realm, shall my pen be turned, you that be the light of the world, 
Math. v.  the salt of the earth: ye be set as watchmen of the flock, 
Ezech. iii.  to monish them of such things, as for lack of knowledge, they might be endangered by. You be the shepherds appointed to seek up the strayed sheep, 
Math. xviii  and to carry them home again into God's fold, on your necks, not to tread them under your feet: You should joy of your Sheep, recovered by your painful labour, more than delight to see them drowned in the mire of perdition, for whose souls jesus Christ spent his blood, 
Ezech. iii.  and whose blood shallbe required at your hands, ye have taken charge of them. Non ceu dominium exercentes adversus cleros, 
i. Peter. v.  sed sic ut sitis exemplaria gregis. Not to exercise Lordship over the Clergy, but to be an ensample to the flock, 
two. Timo. two.  in all gentleness, mercifulness, and long suffering, toward such as be tractable: and in the furthest of your carefulness, yet in pitiful discipline to them that be untractable, till God give them his spirit to repent and to return. Pasce, pasce, pasce, is not, tuned, tonde, pend, Feed, feed, feed, is not, strike, fleise, and hang them: which precept of Christ, if it should so sound to your ears: Alas, what will your account be, when the chief Shepherd of all, 
Math. xviii  shall come to take a reckoning with his servants of so great a trust, to whom he hath committed his highest talents? If then he find any of you, non dantes in tempore dimensum cibum: sed percutientes conseruos vestros, & ancillas, edentes cum edacibus, 
Amos. vi.  bibentes cum ebriosis, non flentes cum flentibus, sed furentes cum furentibus, incedentes pompatice, cum austeritate imperantes & cum potentia: Not giving them their duty of meat in due season: 
Eze. xxxiiii  but striking your fellow servants and maids, eating with the gluttons, and gulling with the dronkers, not sorrowing with them that sorrow, but raging amongst them that are mad, jetting after a courtlike manenr, controling with stern countenances, and with authority. If he shall see such to whom he hath remitted, 
Mat. xviii.  decem m●lia talentorum, legum & canonum, ten thousand talents of laws and Canons, that will not show some like mercy to other of their fellow servants in debt. Sed decem denariorum tantum, but of ten pence only: And further will, iniecta manu hostili, obtorto collo, laying his cruel hands on him, and hailing him by the neck, challenge extremity of right and rigour, with red quod debes, pay that thou oweste, and for no entreaty of kneeling and weeping can be moved to mercy, but will have them sold, uxores & liberos, & omnia que habent, & fieri solutionem, wife and children, and all that they have, and payment to be made. What will he say trow you? Is this the learning and discretion, prescribed unto your fatherly authorities, by the queens highness in her Commission, that is seen in the order of your executions, against all learning, without pity to spoil learning? Against all discretion to proceed, without all order of law, not discerning man from man, cause from cause, state from state? You have been judged heretofore in all other realms not comparable, but far excelling all other realms for worthiness of learning, for fatherly gravity and exactness of judgement. And shall now a little prefract wilfulness, of a few of your Comisaries, overturn all your glories? O fathers, may your children say: If we be deceived, by you we be deceived, ye have been our teachers, leaders and guides. By you were we induced to credit the supremacies authority, to be able to do what so ever the usurped authority (as ye told us) was wont to do, in decreing and dispensing: your own practices from time to time made us bold to put us under that defence of authority, which openly ye seemed most willingly to be under. And to be relieved with that medicine of dispensation, which we with our eyes saw yourselves seek so much to, so oft, and so every where, enjoying the like yourselves, having no other hold for the possession of your estates, once by you renounced & resumed again under that authority, than such as we thought to have been, as good for our assurances in our like livings: And as we know the whole Clergy at this day enjoyeth the same, without quarrel of Canon, or check of any foreign Law: Upon the reading and expending of your learned books, orations and sermons, openly published and oft imprinted, did we the kings ignorant subjects depend wholly, as committing our trust to your great learnings, and frank confessions: we learned in your book set forth, entitled De regia & ecclesiastica aucthoritate how we should esteem the kings high authority, in his court of Parliament. There did ye plainly learn us, how to take the Canons of the Church, and how before time they have been used, allowed, and repelled again by consent of the people, and particular realms, and did no further or otherwise bind, but as the king and his people received them. By your orations did we learn, that the Prince hath it incidently in royal authority and belonging to his crown by God's word, to constitute laws, to abolish laws, to use any Ecclesiastical laws, at free will, at pleasure, lo long as they were thought meet for his policy: and those to be of so strong validity, that no foreign power ought once to convell them, or to disturb them. And to these and many other such things, have we not only been induced, by the force of the learning and authority, of some one, two, or three of you, but it hath been delivered unto us, as doctrine of salvation, to credit this said authority of our and your sovereign in his realm, by the whole consent and subscription, of all, and every one of you, with diverse others joined unto you. In your book entitled, The institution of a Christian man, presented by your whole authorities, to the king of famous memory, king Henry the. viii. where in the preface ye affirm to his highness, with one assent by all your learnings, that the said treatise is in all points concordante, and agreeable to holy scripture: yea, such doctrine, that ye will, and desire to have it taught, by all the spiritual pastors, to all the kings loving subjects, to be doctrine of faith. And there entreating of the Sacrament of Orders, ye desire to have it taught, that we be in no subjection to the bishop of Rome and his statutes, but merely subject to the kings laws, under his only territory and jurisdiction. And that the Canons, and rules of the Church, were therefore allowable in the realm, because the assent of the king and of the people accepted the same: And that Priests and Bishops whatsoever, never had any authority by the Gospel, in matters Civil and Moral, but by the grant and gift of Princes, and that it was alway, and ever shallbe leeful unto Kings and Princes, and to their successors, with the consent of their parliaments, to revoke and call again into their own hands, or otherwise to restrain all their power and jurisdiction, given and permitted by their authority, assent or sufferance. etc. without the which, if the Bishop of Rome, or any other Bishop whatsoever, should take upon them any authority or jurisdiction, in such matters as be Civil (as matters of Marriages for the times and persons, be confessed in your learnings to be) no doubt, say ye, that Bishop is not worthy, to be called a Bishop, but rather a tyrant, and an usurper of other men's rights, contrary to the Laws of GOD, and is to be reputed a subvertor of the kingdom of Christ: yea, besides these things and many other, ye put it in our Crede and belief, as an article of salvation and damnation, that the Church of England, is as well to be named a Catholic and Apostolic Church, as Rome Church, or any other Church, where the Apostles were resident. And ye will us to believe in our faith, that there is no difference in superiority, pre-eminence, or authority one over the other, but be all of equal power and dignity: And that all Churches be free from the subjection, and jurisdiction of the Church of Rome. And that no Church is to be called schismatical, as varying from the unity of the Church of Christ, if it persist in the unity of Christ's faith, hope, and charity, and unity of Christ's doctrine and sacraments, agreeable to the same doctrine. Oh fathers, if this doctrine be thus set forth by your whole authority, presented by the subscription of all your names, and since the time of your presenting thereof, by the space almost of twenty years never revoked, but continually from time to time, taught by this book, and by other such declarations: Can ye of reason in your consciences allow your officers, thus to entreat your priests and curates, that upon your so earnest doctrine, advisedly obtruded and forced to your faith have done, as the●haue done in the state of their lives, not on their own heads, but upon your heads, authorities, and warrantise of law so established by you, to pertain to the kings crown? If ye were deceived or induced, after so deliberate a consultation (which were great pity to espy in your authorities) being the self same men that be still in office, to call us at this day to God, to truth, to doctrine of salvation, and may require of us to credit you, if we will be saved. Shall we only bear the heavy burden of your oversight, and ye yourselves as it were winning honour, estimation, and advancement by your doings? Might not your escapes in your assertions, have been more merciful in suit to the queens highness, and so have moved you, to be pitiful to our escapes and oversights, into the which ye impelled us, with great laisure of days and years. If we can not in our small and weak learning, nor in our timorous conscience see cause, so suddenly to decline again, to our old vomit, whereof ye yourselves ministered us so strong purgation: Can ye beat us, banish us, proscribe us and our parsons, if we do not at the turn of a year, persuade ourselves, seeing yourselves were not so hasty or ready, till all your senses were throughlie instructed and certified? Oh fathers be ye yet merciful, in punishing your own transgressions, in our bodies and persons, which be (what soever we be) your members, though your bodies and persons enjoy your immunity, from all such afflictions. We doubt not, but the consciences of some of you, feeleth some grief with us, though our consciences be at quiet, upon the ground of your invincible doctrine, and though our bodies, states, and goods, be sore entreated.  
Furthermore, upon your late assertions, debatementes, and subscriptions in your house of Convocation with common assent, presented to the high Court of parliament, and by the whole authority thereof, so condescended upon and enacted: standing the full right, title, and interest of the said primacy, without contradiction of any one man, that was present to object against the said supreme power in the Prince: yea, the self same men, which now at this day seem to dissent, of whom some were absent, yet in parliaments diverse and many times before expressing their assents, in matters of like conference, we thought hereby we might have learned an universal stable determination, with all other to have jeoparded not our goods and livings, but our lives and souls. And all this notwithstanding, shall all your rights and interests be still sarta tecta, and our one only fact in such wise extended, to be so irremissible, that it must be revenged with all the rigour and extremity, that any enemy would seek at his enemy? And you O fathers, the executors of the pain, that were the authors of the crime? If this be so, verily then may some men doubt, whether we have not just cause to say. 
Oze. v. Heir. v.  Quòd complevit dominus furorem suum, & effudit iram indignationis suae in nos. Si sacerdotes ipsi laqueus facti sint, speculationi laqueos ponentes & pedicas ad capiendos viros. That the Lord hath accomplished his fury, and hath poured out the wrath of his indignation upon us. If the Priests them selu●● are become a snare, setting traps for the watchmen, and laying grins to catch men in. But much more than have ye cause to descend into your own hearts and consciences, to bewail yourselves, that God would so suffer you to wander in your own vanities, that where as ye might and ought to be plantatio dni ad glorificandum: 
Esay. vi. Psal. xxii. two. Peter. two. Jude i. Esay. x.  virga & baculus consolationis dni. The planting of the Lord to glorify him: the rod and staff of the lords comfort, now ye should be no other but Nubes aquam non habentes, que a ventis circumaguntur, inescantes animas instabiles, Clouds without water, which are carried about with the winds, beguiling inconstant souls, and so finally, ye should be virga furoris domini, that is, the rod of God's wrath. If ye would have a chaste clergy, O fathers, is it this way sought as ye yet, I say, not altogether ye, but certain under your authority have handled the matter? If you would have had them fatherly sought to have been won, and by mutual assents of their coniugalles, to have been continent in deed, whom ye found contracted, whereby they might have done service again in the great necessity, which ye may see in the church of England, is it this way procured? Is thus the honour of the Clergy preserved, to drive out so many, twelve of sixteen thousand (as some writer maketh his account) to so great a peril and an adventure of getting the livings, God knoweth how, and by what means a great part of them: and after all this done, and executed to the uttermost, and beyond so far against all justice, upon a great number, even after the charges of the cure served, the tenths and Subsidy paid, and at the point of receiving that, which was before laboured for and deserved, that snatched out of their mouths by preventions? Furthermore, as though all this were yet to little, some certain, what they be, knoweth God, to set up so intemperate a tongue, so importunate a Civilian, forgetting his own shame, so vilely to blot them with shame, for ever disabling them to be ministers again, for any credence, and thereto, to endanger them, their bodies and goods, if it were justifiable that he prateth out. Sed qui operit odium, fraudulenter revelabitur malicia eius in consilio. 
Pro. xxuj.  Qui fodit foveam, incidit in eam: & qui voluit lapidem, revertetur ad ipsum. But he that covereth his hateful mind fraudulently (to do hurt) his malice shallbe showed before the whole congregation. Who so diggeth a pit, shall fall therein himself, and he that whirleth a stone, shall stumble upon it himself. As for his wit, how witty so ever he would seem to be, and as for his learning, having no more than is here uttered, how universal yet so ever he would have it appear, were soon answered with an east cost. Marry your authority is more to be feared in this cause: and yet your great learning, may temper the fear of your authorities, persuading to ourselves, that ye know your authorities given, ad edificationem, non ad destructionem, to edify, and not to destroy, doubting nothing of your wisdoms, that ye mean not to do as ye will, but as ye may: And that ye consider the state of the cause, as it standeth in England, the difference of the times that were once in the Church, and as they be now, their opportunities of following that grace, which was so much then ensued, and yet their liberty to leap back again, if experience showed an invincible difficilitie, and our daily intrications and necessities of living in company, their plenty of learned ministers, and our scarcity: not yet making hereby any sinistral insinuation, but affirming plainly, that it were the better, having all other things accompanying the same, without the which it were not commendable. 
De virgininitate.  And yet as plainly affirming again with saint Augustine, ꝙ melior est in scriptura dei veritas dei, quam in cuiusquam ment & carne virginitas hominis: That the truth of God, 
Contra joviniam.  contained in the Scripture of God, is better than the virginity of man, whether it be in the mind, or flesh of any man, with S. Jerome concluding, ꝙ non sunt tanti virgins, quanti necessarij sunt sacerdotes. Nunquid (saith he) quia in exercitu fortissimus quisquis eligendus est, idcirco non assumuntur & infirmiores, 
Math. nineteen,  cum omnes fortes esse non possunt? Si enim omnes virgines esse possent, nunquam dominus diceret, qui potest capere capiat. Et Apostolus in suadendo non trepedaret, & unusquisque consideret vires suas, utrum possit virginalia, & pudititie implere precepta, per se enim castitas blanda est, & quemlibet ad se alliciens, sed cōsiderande sunt vires, ut qui potest capere, capiat. That virgins are not of so great price, as are necessary Priests, or that virgin Priests are not so much to be esteemed, as necessary or needful Priests. For whereas every man, as he is most strong and valiant, is most meet to be chosen in an army, shall we not therefore take such as are of meaner strength and courage, seeing all can not be mighty men? For truly if all could be virgins, the Lord would never have said, he that can comprehend it, let him comprehend it. And the Apostle in persuading, would not have been fearful (bidding) every body to consider their ability, whether they can perform the rules of virginity and chastity: For chastity of itself is as flattering thing, that enticeth every one unto her, but our abilities are to be weighed, that who so can, should lay handfast on her. These and such like, we desire the prudent fathers and Physicians of the church as much to way, as the great heap of evil resembled Canons, and worse applied laws, brought in by the said Civilian, trusting that then they will rather temper the rage, that diverse men be blown with, by the strong breath of his book, then to incense their heat, whereby they shall declare the bishoplike charity, the pastoral carefulness in following their pattern in pastorship, who bearing with infirmities as a man, sciens infirmitatem, being skilful what infirmity meant, rebuked the hot spirit of his disciples, saying. Nescitis cuius spiritus estis. You know not of what spirit ye are. Filius enim hominis non venit ad perdendum animas hominum, sed ad seruamdas. For the son of man came not to destroy, but to save the souls of men. In the mean season, 
Hebr. iiii:  how so ever God shall work. Hunc cum habeamus pontificem magnum, qui possit affici sensu infirmitatum nostratum, tentatum per omnia juxta similitudinem absque peccato. Nam ex hoc ꝙ contigit ipsum tentatum esse, potest &. ijs qui tentantur succurrere. Cum fiducia ad thronum gratie eius stamus ut consequamur misericordiam, & gratiam inveniamus ad oportunium auxilium. Cui sit omnis honour & imperium. Amen. Sense we have such an high priest, as can be moved with the sense of our infirmities, and hath been tempted in all things in like manner as we, but yet without sin (for, in as much as it came to pass that he was tempted, he also can help them that are subject to temptations) we therefore boldly stand before the throne of his grace, that we may obtain mercy, and find favour for help at the time of need. Unto whom be all honour and rule for ever. Amen.   

¶ To the worshipful lower house of Parliament, and students in law.  
And you most worshipful Counsellors, in the honourable lower house of parliament, as all other professors, and students in Laws of this noble Realm, expend with your selves, what becometh your prudence and learning, your authority committed unto you in this case and matter, passed and confirmed by you, with sad and learned deliberation. Among the Lacedæmonians, when a case chanced in their Common wealth, that the insolency of the fact tended to the open violation of the majesty of the Law, the poorer and weaker the persons were, whom it touched to prosecute their right, the more diligently and earnestly was it looked to, especially of such as were set in room and place to conserve laws: whereby the mischief of the example might be repelled, and the party oppressed, might be relieved. As it was taken and reputed a case public, so publicly was it promoted, for every man to lay to his hand to help: which thing they did not so much only for preservation of justice, whereby the glory and fame of their Common wealth might be enlarged, as for to avoid the rebuke of their enemies, which might have noted them of reckless vanity, if they should seem light to make laws, and lighter to reject them, or careless of them when they were once made. If ye succeed in rooms and places of such prudent and wise men, which by their great labour and travel, have left to you a Common wealth, established and fortified by laws, whereby ye live in quiet possession of your own enheritauncies, ye know what ye ow● to your posterity, even no less than to render the like to them, which ye have received of your ancestors, which thing, if ye delight to have your Laws wilfully deluded, and wil●ly to be defeated, how can ye do it? It was once demanded of Solon, one of the seven notable wise men of Grece, how it might be brought about, that very little wrong and oppression, might be practised in the Common wealth? Marry, saith he, thus. If they which be not touched themselves, with injury against laws, be as much grieved therewith, as they which suffer it, for he which despiseth the Laws, in hurting one private man of a city, doth hurt the whole common wealth, as much as lieth in him: but now (saith he) while we be still and quiet at other men's harms, or peradventure rejoice at it, the lightness of our minds provoketh ill men to be bolder. Ius (saith Cicero) eiusmodi esse debet, ꝙ neque inflecti gratia, neque perfringi potentia, neque adulterari pecunia debeat. Quod si non modo oppre●sum, sed etiam desertum, aut negligentius adseruatum erit, nihil est quod quisquam se habere certum, aut a patre acceptum, aut relicturum liberis arbitretur. The law (saith Cicero) must be so ordered, that it be not released for favour, neither borne down by power, nor yet corrupted by money: for if it should be not oppressed only, but also cowrrdly forsaken, or yet more negligently preserved, there should be nothing that a man might count sure that he hath, or that he hath already received of his parents, or may here after leave to his children. And how can any one member of the body so be drawn out of joint, that the grief should but rest in itself alone, and not redounded to the disturbance of the whole body? How can a canker once be set in any of the simplest parts thereof, and negligently looked unto, that will not in process of time, invade the whole and best parts thereof? Can any one envious man, bore an hole in the Ship, (wherein we all be carried) of some particular displeasure, but to one in the company, and yet we not to count ourselves in any peril? Can our next neighbour's house be on fire, that parteth us peradventure but the breadth of one thin wall, and we without care of our own? Will we lie still quiet in our beds? And yet this I speak not as upbreindyngly to your worshipful wisdoms, but as out of a free natural heart, in love toward our common country, putting to your consideration, that common peril that may ensue, by humble suit, requesting your wisdoms to peruse this simple work, which may give you further occasion to consult with yourselves, what ye shall think meet, as it may be to God his glory, honourable to the realm, worshipful to yourselves, and profitable to all our assurances.   

¶ An admonition to the natural and loving Subjects of the realm.  
Among the earnest warnings, that our saviour Christ left behind him, to admonish his elects to the worlds end (good Christian reader) I read none in my judgement, to be had in more deep remembrance, than such, as when he biddeth us beware of false Prophets, 
Math. seven.  which come unto us in sheeps clothing, being inwardly ravishing Wolves. 
Mark. iiii. Luke. viii.  Take heed saith he, and beware what and how ye hear. Take heed and beware of the Leaven of the Phariseis, which is hypocrisy. For there shall arise false Christ's, 
Math. xiii.  and false Prophets, and shall show miracles and wonders to deceive, if it were possible, even the very elect. But take ye heed, behold I have showed you all things before. Of which grave and weighty admonitions of our saviour, the holy Apostle S. Paul was not forgetful, to put us still in remembrance, 
Collos. two.  as in his Epistle to the Collossians, saying: Beware lest any man come and spoil you, through Philosophy, and deceitful vanity, through the traditions of men, and ordinances of the world, and not after Christ. Let no man make you shoot at a wrong mark, which after his own imagination, walketh in the humbleness and holiness of Angels, in things which he never saw, without cause puffed up with his fleshly mind, 
two. Peter. i● jude.  and holdeth not the head. etc. Thother Apostles in their writings, put us likewise oft in remembrance of the like, and prophesied infallibly, that such should come to try the faith and constancy of christian people: And as they told us before of their arising, so they prophesied certainly of their destruction. The more subtly the persuasion is cloaked under colour of authority of high names, 
two. Timo. iii.  Fathers, Counsels and Canons, wonder of wit, miracle of learning, pretence of Angelical holiness: the more heed ought to be taken, lest such as have not their senses exercised in God's word, and grounded upon the stable rock of the same, by such worldly temptations, begin to be offended, and so their buildings fall flat down.  
The more dangerous the hurt is, that ensueth to us of this deceit, the more studiously should we look about us, lest unwarely we be caught therewith: Yea, the more advisedly we be before warned, by no less monitour than the redeemer of our souls, the son of God, the wisdom of his father, and the ofter we be put in mind by his Apostles, who in spirit knew what would follow: the more without excuse must we needs be, if we will be wilfully led blind and deluded. To the intent therefore, that either the writer of the late set forth book, against the lawful marriages of Priests, naming himself Thomas Marten, Doctor of the Civil Law, may be admonished, how he hath against all Civility handled himself, in the great outward show of his writing, whereby he may in some other such like labour, hereafter be better advised, how to publish his sudden verdict, in matters of learning in controversy, to write more advisedly, than he shallbe proved to have done, in this gay glorious pranking book: either to amend his fault, or to stand to the defence of that, which he hath written: or at the lest way, if he have determined in himself, that he will not for cursed heart (as GOD forbidden) redress his oversight, or in a worldly respect, were loath to lose the gain and praise, that he supposeth to have deserved, by this his great travel, at the hands of a great many in these days, addict already for sunderie uncomely respects, to his said sentence and opinion: Yet at the least way, that the indifferent learned reader, may have some notes and advertisements, to expend the substance of his reasons, and that the weaker reader be not slandered and betrayed, with the subtility of his Philosophy: I have thought it requisite to set out a little taste of his said book, till some other hereafter may take in hand, more ripely and groundly to examine his process particularly, to the full debatement of the truth, which as he pretendeth to wish to have the better hand: So I pray God, we may all in one accord and Christian agreement, wish it without hypocrisy, in sincerity and verity, to the glory of God his majesty, to the honourable and Godly contentation of the King and Queen's highness, to the comfort of their grace's Nobles and Commons, and to the advancement of pure and perfect chastity in Clergy, to the suppression of superstitious and carnal careless life, in filthiness and uncleanness of the same. And that thou mayest have, gentle reader, some introduction to lead thee into his book, I shall premitte a few notes, to sum the substance of his writing.   

¶ summary notes and observations, to admonish the Reader of D. M. book, as after in particularity shallbe showed.  

¶ The first note.  
M. Doctor, in the allegation of his authors, useth violence in the translation of them, to hurt the sense, and misreporteth them, leaving out that might open the truth, and putting into the text, that is not in the author: Or else draweth and wresteth them to other senses, than the authors did intend in so writing, which is the common practice of the most part of such doctors, who followeth one an other in false reporting, and advouching the authors: As this doctor followeth blindly, the report and judgement of Pighius, and one or two such more, who were blinded themselves, and be leaders of the blind.   

The second.  
As he ascribeth to the proceeding preachers (for so he calleth them) such sayings & assertions, as himself pleaseth to slander them with: so he maketh them to speak in such sort, that it may be the easier for him to confute them, or else if the reason be good and strong, he passeth a way with silence, and setteth a good countenance on it, and stealeth so a way priville.   

The third.  
thirdly, he putteth no difference betwixt marriage in a priest, and notorious adultery, or incest. And what so ever any author writeth against whoredom, he applieth the same against marriage, and maketh the authors so to speak untruly, and so applieth all his laws and canons to priests marriages, where in deed a great part of them were made against priests, that lived in adultery, and fornication without wives.   

The fourth.  
Then in process of his book he extendeth his wit to charge all married priests without all exception, of heresy, lechery, incest and treason, to make them odious, and to endanger them to the rulers and people: And useth no moderation to any of them all, but pronounceth deprivation to be the lest that they all deserve. And other whiles in hot zeal seemeth to desire an universal destruction of them. Sometime noting them by the multiplication of their children to pestre the realm, whereby the inhabitants should be in peril of hunger for lack of food, as though the land were not able to give sustenance to such increase.   

The fift.  
He in the perusing of the canons & laws, ever forceth the rigour of them against married priests, and ever willeth the self same Canons to be revived for open fornicators in other priests, nor for any other offence punishable, by deprivation and other pains, so that he seemeth to give them an immunity, contrary to the old canons.   

The sixth.  
We may also note justly his inconstrancie: for other while, to make for his purpose, he contendeth that the rules and traditions of the primative church, be of most authority, and must be obeyed before all other ordinances. And at an other time, he will have it stand for a ground, that the latter laws and counsels, derogate the first, and so ought to way in the discussement of this cause.   

The seventh.  
His probations and confutations which he bringeth in, be seldom out of god his word, except it be contorted: but altogether of human authority, of writers, doctors, canons, and decrees, and that commonly where they writ furthest dissonant from god his word and other good writers, and some times from themselves. And thereupon, he is here confuted and answered by the self same men in other places of their works, and by other of like authority, for reason (as saint Jerome saith) it is Quod ex verbo dei non habet authoritatem, eadem facilitate reijciatur qua probatur. 
Super Mat. cap. xxiii.  That which hath not authority of the word of god, may as easily be rejected, as received.   

The eight.  
And in the mean time till this doctor can conciliate their sayings and writings, either with the scriptures, or betwixt themselves: I advise thee gentle reader to follow the counsel of Saint Cyprian. Si in aliquo mutaverit & vacillaverit veritas, ad originem dominicam & evangelicam & apostolicam traditionem revertamur, 
Ad Pompalianum.  & inde surgat actus nostri ratio, unde & ordo & origo surrexit. That is: If the truth should be in doubt, or stagger in any matter, then let us return to the Lords original, to that which is delivered to us by the evangelists and apostles, and let the reason of our doing rise thence, whence rose both order and original. 
Super cap. ●x▪ Hie.  For as S. Jerome saith, Nec parentum nec maiorum error sequendus est, sed athoritas scripturarum, & dei docentis imperium. We should not follow the oversight of our parents, or yet of our elders, but the authority of scriptures, and supreme rule of god his doctrine. If ever it was needful and necessary to resort to Chrisostomes' rule, writing upon this place of matthew the xxiv chapter. Tune qui in judea sunt, fugiant ad montes, than they which be in jury, let them flee to the mountains: it is more than necessary now, perceiving antichrist his host, and army of men's Laws and Canons so fast muster together, to deface and debell Christ his doctrine and verity: which notable discourse, good learned reader, I desire thee to read, and to note the contents. And if saint Augustine did any service to the Church of Christ, when he did write his notable book de unitate Ecclesie, against the Donatists, who only challenged the catholic Church to be with them: so may he do now most profitable service against these apish catholics, that resemble sorilie the true catholics in face only, and else in never a part beside.   

The ninth.  
Remember this also, good reader, that we do not deny, but that virginity is an excellent virtue, and that pure chastity and single life without hypocrisy, is more to be wished to priests and ministers in the church, then is matrimony, considering both states in themselves. But the question is, whether to them that cannot contain, marriage were not more meet to be granted? And whether a priest in chaste matrimony, may not do the office of a priest, as the scripture requireth of him?   

The tenth.  
Know this, that howsoever chastity is annexed or depending upon the order of priesthood: yet it is merely and entirely by the constitution of the church, and by positive law, disspensable. And moreover it is to be justified, that secular Priests of England be no votaries, neither in their ordering any vow enjoined them, nor required at their hands, nor thet making any such vow, as by the English pontifical is to be proved, and as in open convocation was exactly so debated, concluded, and subscribed, by the hands of them that were present, and so presented to the whole Parliament house.   

The eleventh.  
expend furthermore, that we be not ignorant, but that the first counsels and canons for the most part, give no liberty to a priest or a Bishop once consecrated, to marry: And that the latter councils forbid a priest, married before his orders, to keep company with his wife: And that the aucthoures of the Latin Church, require such ministers in the most part of their writings. But then again, it must be considered that the same Counsels and writers, require a chaste clergy in deed, and maketh more grievous pains of such Priests which abuseth other men's wives, and maidens, then upon those priests that have their own wives and use them. And if the said aucthores had perceived the experience of these latter days, they would not so rigorously have forced such laws, but rather mitigated than, as diverse of them did in such cases, as shallbe declared.   

The twelft.  
Right so, we do not dame, but that vows advisedly made to god with such circumstances as the old fathers require in a vow, be to be observed, and that it is not lawful for any man of his own head to break such vows, and that they offend god that rashly break them. But whether such vows be undispensable by man's authority, and whether vows, such as have been most commonly of late made of votaries, bind them to the performance yea or Noah? And if either of these vows be relinquished, whether matrimony succeeding, is to be dissolved again to the peril of breaking gods commandment, for the observation of man's traditions? These notes aforesaid, be to be discussed and considered.    

¶ An expostulation with certain of the Clergy.  
Here I might cease of further exciting any other states of the common wealth, to the consideration of equity, and moderation in this cause, if I feared not, that the rest of the Clergy, as yet unspoken to, would be grieved to be passed over in silence, as either neglected or contemned; by whose importunity (as the common opinion goeth) or for whose gratification, as the division of the common spoil, declareth at the eye: This sharp severity is exercised, and rigorous extremity executed, in the manner of the late deprivations, although for my part I can not, nor will not comprehend all the whole Clergy, under one note in this matter: being persuaded with myself, that they may be considered in triplici differentia, that is, to be of three sorts. Some for the brotherly pity that is espied in them, to be only spoken to, but with interpellation, with many for want of indifferent affection, to be expostulated with, but the most part so spitefully extreme, and cruel in their tragical doings, deserving neither gentle interpellation, nor friendly expostulation, but plain accusation, and manifest condemnation. And though I may be moved in mine own person, with the unworthiness of such doings, considering the case, as a cause of truth, and a cause public, touching all men in the Common wealth, I trust to expend the matter, yet truly in itself, as well to win the more credit of them, to whom I shall speak, as also to move the parties in heaviness, to quiet, and to reduce them to a more reasonable temperance in themselves, not to be grieved with the whole, for the unreasonableness of a part of the whole.  
And as I must in this my writing, desire them which be advanced, or may be, by the depression of their brethren, to take indifferently that, which I shall speak confusedly, either here in this my appellation unto them, or in the body of the book following, distributing the weight and charge of my words, upon the said three sorts of the Clergy, as of congruence they may be seen worthy: so must I also entreat hos fratres meos lugentes, that is, these my mourning brethren, thus bereaved from their spiritual children, daily hearing paruulos suos petentes panem, & non sit qui frangeret eyes: that is, their little ones craving for bread, where no man is found to break it unto them, I say, I must request of them, not to be offended with me, though that I do not entreat their cause more sharply, and egarlie than I do. For as I do know, that to these persons, musica in luctu sit importuna narratio, mirth in mourning, is pastime out of time: so the other may chance to judge more lightly of the weight of the cause, being so easily without gall examined, whereby peradventure it shall lean obtusiores aculeos, more blunt pricks in your minds whom it doth concern. But let them both yet remember, ꝙ aliquando etiam holitor valde oportuna locutus est: that sometime the poor herb seller, hath spoke well to the purpose. How soever it shallbe reputed, my mind was to do good in the cause, which I take to be gods, and the common wealths, without exasperating either parties, the one with to much anger, the other with to much heaviness. My desire is, that they who be grieved in deed, and feel the smart, may return home into their hearts, and say humbly to almighty God: Omnia quecunque fecisti nobis o domine in vero judicio fecisti, quia peccavimus & recessimus a te. Whatsoever thou hast done unto us, O lord, according to thy right judgement hast thou done all unto us, because we have sinned, and departed from thee. Not yet so much for conscience in the fact itself, as for some evil circumstance, preceding or following the fact, partly known to God in the secret of their hearts, partly perceived to the eyes of the world, in their offending. And yet notwithstanding, upon their meek repentance, to account themselves inter (secundum deum) lugentes, quibus tandem retribuetur consolatio. Amongst those, who (in the fear of God) do mourn, who at the length shall receive comfort. So again would I wish, 
two. Cor. seven.  that such as for the success that is grown to them, by this alteration, where others be cut of, and they graffed in, and so might be inter secundum mundum ridentes, qui iam gaudent & exultent, amongst them that after the world do laugh: who now rejoice and triumph, that yet, ne efferantur animo, sed timeant: potest enim deus denuo inserere illos, that they be not puffed up, but fear rather, for God can plant them in again: 
Luke. xxi.  that they take heed, Ne corda eorum graventur crapula & ebrietate, & curis huius mundi: that their hearts be not overcome with surfeiting and drunkenness, and the cares of this world. And again, even so to confess to God in their hearts, ꝙ non propter mundiciem manuum suarum, propter aequitatem cordium suorum, haec contigerunt illis, sed expendant, ꝙ judicium domini inscrutabile sit. Imo timeant potius, ne verum in illis aliquando possit videri: 
Psal. ixxii.  propter dolos posuisti eyes, & deiecisti eos dum allevarentur. That these things happened unto them, for the clearness of their own hands, or the uprightness of their own hearts, but rather let than consider diligently, that the judgement of the lord is unsearchable, yea, let them rather fear, least that may truly be verified upon them: For their crafty dealings, hast thou made an end of them, and whilst they were in the way to prosperity and honour, thou didst clean overthrow them. And if they will for their further contemplation, they may read out the whole Psalm. And yet again, not so to behold their chance, as it is by authority fallen unto them, to be proud of their possession: but rather to turn their meditation to expend their consciences by what means & mediations they be crept into their rooms, to make Christ a good answer. Amice, quomodò huc intrasti? 
Math. xxii.  Friend, how camest thou in hither? And again, let them consider what purposes and intendementes be in their hearts, to do their offices, to walk, in what faith, in what charity: that at the last they make their final answer good, 
Luke. xvi.  when God shall call them to an account, with red rationem villicationis tuae, render an account of thy Stewardship: yea, let both the parties (as we all aught) have this deeply in remembrance, ꝙ mundus transit & concupiscentia eius, that the world passeth away, and the lust thereof. Vt qui gaudent, sint tanquam qui non gaudeant: 
i. Ihon. two. i Cor. seven.  & qui plorant, sint tanquam qui non plorant, preterite enim figura huius mund. That they which rejoice, be as though they rejoiced not: and they that lament, as though they lamented not, for the fashion of this world fleeteth away. And here I protest before God, to all the realm, my mind is not to have any one man to misconceive aught of the highest authorities in this matter. I would wish for your own sakes, that some other could so well be discharged, I mean some certain, aswell of the Lay fee, 
Phil. two.  as of the Clergy: Qui in hoc negotio suum penitus negotium agunt: quae sua sunt querunt, non que jesu Christi, non que ecclesiae, non principis, non regni. That is, who in this matter, handle their own business, seeking their own gain, not jesus Christ's, not the Churches, not the princes, not the Realms. And I appeal here to diverse Spiritual ministers, and to all their adherentes and instigators, of whom some be both judges and parties, and the thing judged, won to themselves, where they seem to have it much for their defence, that there hath been no examples, that ever priests married, after order. What example have they in stories before time, that deprivations have been thus handled, before our days? I will not speak of particular cases, 
M. Richard Wilkes. M. Bradford Nicholas Bullingham Doctor May A great number. D. Ponnet. D. Tailor. D. Parker.  where some men have been deprived never convict, no, never called. Some called that were fast locked in prison, and yet nevertheless deprived immediately. Some deprived without the case of marriage after their order. Some induced to resign, upon promise of pension, and the promise as yer never performed. Some so deprived, that they were spoiled of their wages, for the which they served the half year before, and not ten days before the receit, sequestered from it. Some prevented from the half years receipt, after charges of tenths and subsidy paid: and yet not deprived six weeks after. Some deprived of their receit, somewhat afore the day, with the which, their fruits to the Queen's Majesty should be contented: and some yet in the like case chargeable hereafter (as I hear say) if the Queen's merciful grace be not informed thereof by mediation of some charitable solicitor. But I say without the compass of all such particular cases, what example have they in times passed, that their own laws, have been thus executed, deprivations so speedily, so headely, without warning, without election offered to be executed? We read, that Pope Pelagius the second, made this offer to the Subdeacons: that either they should put away their wives, or else if they would retain them still, to forego their benefices. And for that they thought neither nother reasonable, and would not agree to such condition: the said Pope in his anger, commanded by decree, that they should be divorced from their wives, as Polidore writeth. 
Polidorus.  Exemplo post homines natos importunissimo. An example saith he, most insolent and damnable, that ever was seen since the first man was borne. Which decree Gregory the first, next immediately following, thought to be very unreasonable, and contrary to Christ's precept, and therefore did eftsoons release it. We read in our Chronicles, and records of English proceedings, how that monkish archbishop Dunston, 
Dunstanus quasi rex & r●gis imperator, est effectus. etc.  thundered out yet never so boisterously, nor lightened so terribly, to deprive the married secular Priests in Winchester, Worcester, Elie, and such other places, that he proceeded flatly to deprivation without conditions and respites offered, or without form of judgement granted, 

S●premnem ei poenitenciam i● dixit, ut in toto hoc spatio coronam regni non gestar●●.  
Antoninus in croni●is part ● titulo. 16. ca 6. pag. 3. etc.   though he had king Edgar at those days, in never so much awe to do what he lusted. And for redemption of his penance, for a little wantonness, made him to stablish no more but seven and forty abbeys, with further promise to make them up to the number of fifty, to countervail clean remission of the year of Jubilee, how able soever he was, to keep him seven years from his Coronation, as Fabian writeth, yet he restrained his ability in this case of the Priests, how feign so ever he was to bring in his Monks in their places. For, we read in a very ancient written story, that in his first summonynges to such priests, both awarded by particular citations, as also uttered in sinodall conference, he used these very words. Aut canonice (inquit) est vivendum, aut de ecclesijs exeundum. Ether (saith he) must ye live according to the canons, or else must ye go out of your churches. And then it followeth in the story. Ex quo factum est, ut complurimi ecclesiarum clerici, dum contemnerent proposita conditione corrigi, authoritate pontificis sunt expulsi, & monachi introducti. Whereupon followed, that, for that the clerks of very many churches refused, with that offered condition to be reform, by authority of the Bishop they were expulsed and Monks there entered. That is to say, as in Fabians chronicle, evil Priests excluded and worse Monks received. When this was thus in doing, the matter was presented to the King & his Nobles, on the behalf of the Priests, suing by supplication, that their matter might be heard. It followeth in the story. Dunstanus itaque, hijs que rationabiliter postulabantur, contrair nolens coacto concilio, 
Ex veteri historia Eliensis ecclesiae, & ex Antonino. etc. joannes Capgrave in vita Dunstani.  wintonian venit. Vbi ex sententia totius concilij de adversarijs victoriam cepit. Intererat tantae controversiae, Brithnodus sanctae Eliensis ecclesiae primus abbess, cum cetera religiosorum turba, auxilium de celo, non de terra, a deo, non ab hominibus praestolabantur. Cumque inimici domini, ex iure nihil sibi superesse conspicerent, usi auxilio regis & principum, ad preces se convertunt, quibus ipsum flagitant quatenus intromissae personae de ecclesiis expellantur, expulsae restituantur. Dubitante igitur viro dei, nullumque ad rogata responsum porrigente, res mira & seculis inaudita contigit: Ecce corporis duni forma ex lapide incisa vexillo crucis ifixa, atque in editiore domus part locata, humanos exprimens modos, omni voces compescuit dicens. Absit hoc ut fiat, Absit hoc ut fiat, iudicastis benè, mutaretis non benè. Ad quam vocem rex omnesque maiores ferè usque ad halationem spiritus perterriti, clamore pariter & dei laudatione aream complent. etc. That is to say, Dunstan therefore, not minding to go against this petition, which was so reasonably requested, gathered a Council, and came to Winchester, where he had the victory of the adversaries, by the judgement of the whole Council. At the debatement of which great controversy, Brithnodus the first abbot of Elie, was present with all the other multitude of Monks, and waited and looked for help from heaven, and not from the earth, from God, and not of man. And when the enemies of God, perceived that there remained nothing to them of right, having the help of the King and his Nobles, they fell to supplication, wherein they besought the Bishop, that the persons received in, might be expelled out of their Churches, and that they which were expelled, might be restored. While this man of God was doubting, and musing in himself, and gave no answer to the said request: a marvelous matter chanced, that was never heard of before, will ye see: The form or Image of Christ's body, graven in stone, and nailed on a cross, set up in somewhat an higher part of the house, expressed the voice of man, and put them all to silence, that were present, and said: God forbid that this should be done, God forbid that this should be done: ye have judged well, ye should do ill to change it. At which voice, the King and all the ancient men there, were afraid almost to death, and thereupon made the house to ring, by their loud shouting, and praising of God. By this means (writeth Polidore) the Monks retained the unjust possession, 
Lib. vi.  by the help of God, or rather (saith he) by the help of man, and the Priests put back for that time. But yet thus was not the matter ended. another Council was holden at Winchester, and an other miracle there wrought, that is: the joists broke, and the plaunchers fell down suddenly, while the matter was in examination. But holy Dunstane and all his friends escaped well enough: but very many of the residue there slain by that miracle. This was done about the year of our Lord, ix. hundred fifty nine. Thus the Priests lost their Churches, but yet kept still their wives, till Henry the first his days after the Conquest. Whereupon is counted in Fabian, that Priests had wives in England, by the space of a thousand years and add, after Christ's incarnation. But than Monks were in such estimation, that Odo being Bishop of Winchester, and elected Archbishop of Canterbury, to take that See the more hololie, professed himself first a Monk, as in Polycronicon is rehearsed lib. vi. where Trevisa the translator, reproveth that fond superstition, seeing that neither Christ, neither his Apostles were Monks or Friars, saith he. Yea, we read in story, that John the xiij Pope of Rome, granted a decree, at the request of king Edgar, and by the instigation of the foresaid three monkish Bishops, vidz, Dunstan, Ethelwolde, & Oswold, that no secular Priest should be eligible to these Sees, but only professed Monks, as by his decree appeareth. Thus we see in story, that Dunstan, with the help and assistance of his two sworn brethren, Ethelwolde Bishop of Winchester, and Oswald Bishop of Worcester, all three very Monks, and therefore favoured the multiplication of Monks, did put it yet to the choice of the Priests, whether they would forsake their wives, or their benefices: And also were contented to have it reasoned, in presence of the King and his nobles. And for no want of good matter, were wrought two notable miracles, to put it quite out of doubt. Beside all this, the stories make no mention of any separation, that was made at that time: for Priests had wives till Anselmus days, as is aforesaid, who was archbishop of Canterbury, eight score years after: Of whose doings Polidore writeth thus. Sed illud in primis non magis justè quam piè egit, ꝙ aliquos de religione malè meritos, aut contra fas iusque sacerdotia consecutos partim desecrandos, partim ipsis sacerdotijs privandos decrevit. Verum cum bonam illorum partem postea poenituisset misericordia motus, pari studio apud pontificem rem egit, ut ad pristinam dignitatem ritè restituti fuerint. that is. But this with the first did the said Anselme, both justly and godly: that though he had decreed some certain, which had played evil parts in Religion, or that had gotten their benefices against both law and right, some to be degraded, some to be deprived: yet when a great number of them did repent them, afterward he was moved with mercy, and laboured diligently to the bishop of Rome, that they should be restored again to their former rooms and dignities. We read furthermore by the record of Nauclerus story writer, 
Nauclerus.  that when that nicromancer Hildebrand, called Gregory the seven. as heady as he was, & as extreme as he is reported to be, did after long deliberation, put it ever to the election and choice of the priests, whether they would choose. And ●ow importune soever he was upon Tharchbishop of Mogunce to execute his commandment, yet perceiving saith Nauclerus how long that custom had prevailed for priests to live with their wives: he used such moderation to give them half a years respite to advise themselves, yea, a whole year to weigh the matter, before he would require of them, what they would choose of this offer made unto them. But in th'end, as Mattheus Parisiensis writeth. Anno dni. 1074. Sacerdotes uxoratos a divino officio amovit, novo exemplo & ut multis visum est inconsiderato previdicio, contra sanctorum patrum sententiam, & ut validius uxoratos sacerdotes puniat, laicis interdixit ne missas eorum audirent, decimas ●tiā debitas, igne jussit concremari, that is: he removed married priests from ministration, using therein a strange example, & as many thought an inconsiderate prejudice, against the judgement of holy fathers: and furthermore, for that he would use more rigour against married priests, he forbade that any lay man should hear their Masses: and decreed also, that their tithes due unto them, should be set on fire, charitably you may be sure. Of which holy father although D. Marten in his book, speaketh much goodness by the witness of Platina? 
Sigibert. Beno.  yet Sigibert, a story writer, showeth his holiness full out: And one Beno, which was a Cardinal, in this said Pope his days, and therefore, a more trusty witness for his eyes, than Platina for his ears, who followed a good while after, recordeth how prodigious a man he was, in his wilful doings, all the time of his life, how spitefully he entreated Henry themperor the four of that name. Thus master chancellor with your officers, and counsellors, ye see what examples the Priests have for the manner how they have been ordered before times, when their predecessors had not half so good law besides god's law, nor so clear light as they have at these days. Upon contemplation of your doings so far repugnant, whether I might use interpellation, expostulation, or accusation: I leave it to your own judgement. I have made the mayor, let other men make the minor, and let your own consciences conclude up the argument. But what shall I say? Shall I say as Barnard (saith) facitis hec quia potestis: 
Ad Eugenium  sed utrum etiam debeatis questio est. Shall I say also with him: Ad honorem quibusque suum, gradumque conseruandum positi estis, non invidendum, ye do this saith he, because your power serveth to do it, but whether you should do it, there is the question. Ye be placed in your offices to conserve every man in his honour and degree, not to envy them thereof. But this I must say, for discharge of my conscience, yet I speak it to no person by name, but to the wall, that where ye have learned at Grammar school, a verse comprehending four kinds of enormities, which crieth to God for vengeance. And examples we have, how that the voice of every one, singularly by themselves, hath entered into the ears of the Lord of Saboth.  
Clamitat ad dominum vox sanguinis, vox Sodomorum:  
Vox oppressorum, merces detenta laborum.  
The verse is so terrible, I list not to rhyme it.  
The voice of blood, the voice of Sodomites, the voice of the oppressed, and the voice of detained hire: how will it provoke God, 
Ecc. xxxiiii  when all these voices be joined together? Ecclesiasticus saith, Panis egentium vita pauperum est, qui defraudat eum homo sanguinis est. The bread of the needy, is the life of the poor, he which defraudeth him of it, is a bloody man. And further, he that bereaveth a man of his bread deserved by his sweat, is as a man that slayeth his neighbour. 
Gene. xviii  And again, the cry of the Sodomites and Gomoreans is multiplied, and their sin is overmuch increased. 
Eccl. xxxv.  The Lord will not despise the prayers of the fatherless, nor yet the widow, when her sigh only speaketh unto him. If you would call to mind, what misery is like to follow of these doings, as well in respect of the poverty of the parties, what must be practised for living sake, as also in their chastity like to ensue, while such as were brought into the state, peradventure for lechery, and now go out again for covetousness, and how for extremity of living, some pretend a separation, and yet some time taketh either of them the next at hand, till opportunity serveth themselves. Some having in deed a lewd repentance of their own choosing, and have thereby again with good will, and less charge, an old recourse to three or four of other men's. And some that for retaining still their new fruited benefices, and favourable allotted livings, though by their old wives, they may have new children, yet shall not dare suffer any such to come to light I say, and name them their old wives. For though some of you be so bold to warrant those women, that they may choose new husbands, yet the wiser sort doubteth to give them that liberty, These matters I say considered, if ye had hearts of civil men, or consciences of Christian men, ye would not thus ease such inconveniences of marriages as they be, with so many unspeakable mischiefs and abominations, to win the best bishoprics in England: for which things sake, God undoubtedly must be provoked to power down his wrath, come when it will, and light where it shall. Where was your remembrance, O fathers and brethren, to forget that godly rule of that worthy Bishop Ambrose, written to you that be Divines in his works: repeated to you that be professors of law in your decrees  
judicet ille, 
Ambro sup psal. cxviii. 3 q 8. judicet.  qui ad pronunciandum nullo odio, nulla offension, nulla levitate ducatur. Bonus judex nihil ex arbitrio suo facit, & proposito domesticae voluntatis, sed juxta leges & iura pronunciat, statutis juris obtemperat, non indulget propriae voluntati, nihil preparatum & meditatum de domo defert, sed sicut audivit, ita judicat, & sicut se habet natura, decernit. Obsequitur legibus, non adversatur, examinat causae merita, non mutat. Let him be a judge, that is led with no hatred to give sentence, with no offence, with no lightness. A good judge doth nothing after his own will, nor after his own mind: but in giving sentence, followeth the Laws and Statutes, he submitteth his own judgement, to the decrees of Law, he yieldeth nothing to his own private affection, he carrieth never out of his house, any determinate judgement, devised and appointed of himself before hand, but as he heareth, so he judgeth, and as the nature of the matter is, so he giveth sentence: he followeth the law, and is not against it: he trieth what the cause deserveth, and he doth not change it. But if ye had rather hear the sound, out of Rome Church, than out of Mediolan Church, hear what Leo Bishop there, speaketh.  
Licet non nunquam accidant quae in sacerdotalibus sint, reprehendenda personis, 
Dist. 45. licea.  plus tamen erga corrigendos agat benevolentia quam severitas, plus exhortatio quam comminatio, plus charitas quam potestas. Sed ab ijs qui quae sua sunt quaerunt, non quae jesu Christi, facilè ab hac lege disceditur: & dum dominari magis quam consulere subditis placet, honour infiat superbiam, & quod provisum est ad concordiam, tendit ad noxam. Although there chance many times, things worthy of blame in the persons of the priests, yet let humanity rather be ministered in their correction, than severity: exhortation, rather than commination: charity, rather than authority: but of such as seek their own, and not jesus Christ, this law and Canon is lightly transgressed. For while it better delighteth them, to be stern lords over their subjects, then friendly counsellors, their honour puffeth them up into pride, so that, that thing which was provided for a quiet, is turned to a mischief. And Eleutherius Pope, 
In moralibus.  cuius open Lucius rex Britanniae factus est Cristianus, decrevit inter caetera, neminem de suo gradu dei●ci debere, nisi accusatus reus criminis convinceretur: exemplo seruatoris, qui errorem judae licet rei, nondum tamen convicti, ita aequo animo tulit, ut quicquid interim egisset pro dignitate apostolatus, ratum firmumque manserit: Prohibuit etiam ne absent eo quem accusator raeum facit, ulla in causa decerneretur. Hanc sententiam Damasus Papa confirmavit. Plat●na. Martinus in Chronicis. That is. Eleutherius Pope, by whose means Lucius' king of Britain became Christened, he decreed among other things, that no man should be put from his degree, unless upon his accusation, he were convinced to be guilty: following therein the example of our saviour, who with so mild a mind, bare with the wickedness of judas, who was guilty, so long as he was not convict, that whatsoever he did in the mean season, agreeable with the dignity of his Apostleship, it stood firm and sure. Yea, that Pope also forbade, that in the absence of him, whom the accuser would impeach to be guilty, there should ●o sentence of judgement be given in any matter. The same saying hath Damasus the Pope confirmed. Platina. Martinus in Chronicis. Whereupon chargeth Gregory, that all Ecclesiastical matters be the more diligently and carefully considered, after long proofs and examinations, that thereby through the spirit of charity and peace, all matter of slander, all presumption of envious men, and all oppression of our poor brethren, be expelled out of the Church. And as no man of the brotherhod would ●e glad, to be prejudiced by the judgement of other: even so let not himself rashly do to an other, that he would not have done to himself. 
Dist. 50. pond  That sentence (saith Calixt) which excludeth mercy. I require you brethren, neither to stand to it, nor yet once vouchsafe to hear it, but flee from it: for mercy is to be preferred, before all sacrifices and oblations. Oh (saith Cicero) satis est homines imprudentia lapso● non erigere, urgere vero iacentes aut precipitantes impellere, certè est inhumanum. Sed illudere etiam quos afflixeris, extrema improbitatis linea est It is enough not to lift up them, which for lack of taking heed, have caught a fall, but to thrust forward them that run headlong, and to tread under foot them that are down, that is surely much uncourtesy: but to scorn them also, whom thou hast grievously harmed, that without all peradventure, is the greatest villainy that can be. And yet, let all this be spoken and meant, not as charging all that have been executors of this sentence by office, that they all without exception, should proceed in extremity of will and indignation: For even among them hath there been compassion perceived, as far as the pretence of their commission would bear them. Who remembering themselves to bear about a body of like metal, and subject to law, have advertised themselves, to expend the cause of other pressed with law, without extremity sought of their own hand: of whom no less hope is conceived, but that as time and place will serve them, they will in spiritu charitatis, in a charitable spirit, be mindful to repress the rage of others, and to be solicitors to save, and not to destroy. Even in like manner must charity compel men, not to judge evil of many others of the Clergy beside: aswell for their indiffrencie, as also for their continency, who by the secret gift of God's grace, which, in occulta interrogatione tentationis, 
De virgin. Capi. xlii●●.  i. in secret discusment of their temptation, (as S. Augustine writeth) is perceived in themselves, and by further assistance of the said grace, need not that remedy, that other were of conscience compelled to resort to: to which kind of men no worse shallbe said of me at this time, but that they glorify God, in the thankful use of their gift, that they despise not the poor Publicans, confessing their infirmities. Nam unusquisque proprium donum habet a deo, alius quidam sic, alius autem sic. For every man hath a peculiar gift given unto him of God, some after one sort, some after an other. And as the said S. Augustine saith. 
Cap. xl.  Qua equitate ille faciat alios sic, alios autem sic, homini nosse aut impossibile, aut omnino difficile est: & fortasse ideo latet, ut plus timeatur, & minus superbiatur. With what upright indifferency God hath endued some men, to be of this sort, and some of an other, that is, either altogether impossible to be known of man, or else very hard: and perhaps it is therefore hid, that men the more stand in awe, and less be puffed up with pride: And that they hear again what he admonisheth. 
Aug. de virgin.  Sectatores & sectatrices perpetuae continenciae & sacrae virginitatis admoneo, ut bonum suum ita preferant nuptijs, ne malum iudicent nuptias: neque fallaciter sed planè veraciter ab apostolo dictum noverint, qui dat nuptum benè facit, qui non dat, melius facit: & si acceperis uxorem non peccasti, & si nupserit virgo, non peccavit. I admonish them that be continual followers of continency, and holy virginity, both men and women, that they so prefer their good state unto marriage, that they judge not marriage to be evil: and that they know for a truth, that the Apostle spoke unfeignedly, and not deceitfully, when he said: He that bestoweth his virgin in marriage doth well, but he that doth not bestow it, doth better: And if thou take a wife, thou offendest not: and if a virgin marry, she sinneth not. And with saint Gregory, Ita preeminere virginitatem coniungio sciant, 
In pastora. part. in Ca xxix  ut tamen se super coniuges non extollant, quatenus dum & virginitatem praeferunt, & se postponunt, & illud non deserant, quod melius esse estimant & se custodiant, quo se inaniter non extollant, & ne superioris ordinis celsitudine, se caeteris praeferant, cum ab inferioribus quanta se melius agantur, non ignorant. That they may know, how virginity doth so excel marriage, that yet they do not extol themselves above the married: so that while they prefer virginity, and base themselves, they neither forsake that which they esteem to be better, and for all that keep themselves so, as they do not vainly exalt themselves, neither prefer themselves to others, by reason of the excellency of their higher state, knowing how great things, are better done of their inferiors. By which humility and charity, they should move God, not only to stablish in them that, which he hath begun, and to bring it to good end: But also further to grant unto them, Ceteras virtutes verae virginitatis pedissequas, 
Aug. in Psal. 75.  quae verè ornant ipsam virginitatem, & sine quibus ipsa virginitas vel in se mortua est, 
Chri. i Co. seven.  vel etiam turpis Nam in hoc definita est virginitas, ut sit sancta & corpore & spiritu, ut adhereat deo absque ulla distractione. i. other virtues, which as waiting maids follow virginity, which in deed do beautify virginity, and without the which virginity herself either is as dead, either is scarce cleanly. For herein is virginity certainly described, that it be holy both in body and spirit, that it clean unto God without any separation. Such as these be, qui ita humiliter de se sentiant, ut supra caeteros se non extollant, that think so lowly of themselves, that they extol not themselves above others: for that they be, docti divinitùs ut diligant invicem, taught of God to love one an other: 
Rom. v.  Et quia charitas dei diffusa est in cordibus eorum per spiritum sanctum, qui datus est illis, and because the love of God is powered into their hearts through the holy Ghost, which is given to them, they need no other impulsor to move them, no other solicitor to insist upon them, to do good in the turn of their tyme. 
Ephe. vi.  Illud scientes, ꝙ unusquisque quod fecerit boni, hoc reportabit a dno. Knowing this, that what good thing soever any man doth, the same shallbe rewarded at the lords hand.  
But as for such other, what name soever they have, that neither have the true chastity in deed, nor yet have any zeal or desire thereto, & yet make most boast thereof, which of mere malice and perverse will, rage as they do: either to satisfy their own corrupt hearts, for lucre sake, or to flatter other, to win a thank: I can pronounce them to be no other, but those of whom S. Paul propheceth, should come in the latter days, of whose conditions I shall report you a part. 
two. Timo. iii.  Homines amantes sui, avari, fastuosi, superbi, maledici, ingrati, carentes affectu, calumniatores, intemperantes, immites, proditores, praecipites, inflati, habentes formam pietatis, sed qui vim eius abnegarint. etc. Men that shall stand highly in their own conceit, covetous, great boasters, proud in themselves, with the hurt and contempt of other, cursed speakers and reporters, unkind and unthankful to them that have done them good, without affection of humanity, quarrelers and promoters, riotous in all intemperancy, unpitiful, more like furious beasts than men, betrayers of their friends, rash, doing all things on head, blown up with persuasion of vanity, pretending holiness and good living, but yet denying the virtue and truth thereof in effect. Such be they as can not abide the wholesome doctrine, seeing their ears itcheth and glow at the truth, and therefore turn them away from it, and betake them to lies and fables. For the gorgeous setting for the whereof, they call to them such doctors and writers by heaps, as be answerable to their lusts and filthy desires, to blind the eyes of the unlearned, coumpting themselves great clerks and doctors of the law: 
i Timo. i.  But yet saint Paul writeth, neither understanding what they speak, nor what they affirm: of whom in conclusion, the last part of saint Paul's prophesy, shallbe fulfilled, how finely so ever they counterfete it out: Scz. quia resistunt veritati, homines mente corrupti, reprobi circa fidem, non proficient amplius: siquidem amentia illorum manifesta erit omnibus. Because they resist the truth, as they be men corrupt in heart and mind, and for that they err in the faith, they shall not prevail at length, for their madness shallbe uttered to all men.  
But as the number of good and sincere men hath been always the fewer: So at these days may we see, what swarms there be of ignorant and wilful men, 
i Timo. iiii.  of whom S. Paul maketh mention, which have their consciences marked as with an hot from, despising the institution of God. 
in Mat. 24. tract. xiiii.  Duri praeceptores, as Origen saith: Qui non solum quae docent non faciant, sed etiam crudeliter & sine misericordia, & non secundum existimationem virium uniuscuiusque audientis: Sed maiora ipsa virtute ipsorum iniungunt ut putà qui prohibent nubere, & ab eo quod expedit, ad immoderatam immunditiam compellunt. Hard masters, as Origen saith, who not only leave those things undone, which they teach, but also injoygne cruelly, and without any mercy, greater things than themselves be able to bear: not according to the expending of the strength of every one of their auditors: namely they that do forbid to marry, and compel them from that, which is expedient for them, to uncleanness immoderate. They pretend to be lovers of purity, but yet be bond slaves to all corruption. Quia polluta est & mens, & illorum conscientia, for both their mind and conscience are polluted: of conscience they do not that which they do, 
In quest. novi & vet testamenti.  faith S. Augustine. Sed hoc in hypocrisi, inimicitiarum causa facere denotantur corrupta mente, aliud sciences, aliud profitentes. etc. Et quia sanctitatis & castimoniae amatores esse se simulant, nuptias esse dicunt damnandas, ut per hoc commendentur, & populum a veritate avertant. That they do, they do it in hypocrisy only for enmities sake, of a corrupt mind, knowing one thing, and professing an other. etc. And because they would appear to be lovers of holiness, and chastity, they say marriages be nought, so to win a praise, and to turn the people from a truth. For that, they be proud of their false righteousness saith saint Gregory, they despise all others, they will condescend to no mercy, in the infirmity of their brother, but show only disdain, and indignation. Against whom Chrisostome inveigheth sharply, 
Sermone de anathe.  furibundi, nugaces, contentiosi qui neque faeiunt quae dicunt, neque de quibus affirmant: in hoc uno tantum audaces quod Dogmata statuant, & Anathemata declarant ea quae maxim ignorant. Furious, vain janglers, contentious, which knoweth neither what they say, nor foreseeth what they do affirm. In this point only wondrous bold, that they make articles of the faith, and that they award curses and excommunication, for such things whereof they be ignorant. Hereof riseth it, saith he, that we be but a jesting stock to extern nations, and to the enemies of our faith, and be reputed as though we had no manner regard at all of honesty of lief. Multi sacerdotes, saith he, pauci sacerdotes. Multi nomine, pauci opere. Many priests, but yet few priests. Many in name, but few in work. And yet these be they, which must and will have the highest rooms in Synods and Convocations, which will not be judged by their faith, 
De prescri. haere.  but by their persons, contrary to Tertulians' rule; ex personis probamus fidem, an ex fide personas? Do we allow the faith by the persons, or the persons by the faith? They profess to know God in word, passing all other: but by their doings they plainly deny him. Yea, they persecute him in his members: they persecute the faith and doctrine that he hath left behind him. What though they pretend to honour God, to honour his Prophets, to reverence his Apostles: Yet they he no others than successors of the pharisees, saith Chrisostome: Prophetas quidem & Martyrs colunt, filios autem Prophetarum & Martyrun, 
Homelia. 4 in Matth.  persequuntur. Mortuorum sanctorum cultores, & vivorum persecutores. Si autem martyres colunt, quasi qui veram confessi sunt fidem: quarè persequuntur eos qui fidem eorundem Prophetarum & Martyrum confitentur. etc. They honour the Prophets and Martyrs, but they persecute the children of both Prophets & Martyrs. They reverence the saints that be dead, and persecute such saints as be a live. If they esteem the Martyrs, as who confessed the true faith: why persecute they them, that profess the self same faith, of those Prophets and Martyrs? And as Chrisostome perceived it true in his time: so doth holy Barnard complain of it in his days: Heu, heu, domine deus, quia ipsi sunt in persecutione tua primi, 
Sermonede conversione Pauli. Et sup Cantic, serm. 33.  qui videntur in ecclesia tua primatum diligere, gerere principatum. Misera eorum conversatio, plebis tuae miserabilis subversio est. Copiosissimae siquidem pietatis inveniuntur in accipienda animarum cura, & de animarum salute novissima cogitatio est. And again, Paucos habemus heu pastors, multos autem excommunicatores, & utinam sufficeret vobis lana & lac, sititis enim sanguinem. Quapropter vae generationi huic, a fermento Phariseorum quod est hypochrisis, si tamen hypochrisis dici debet, quae iam latere prae abundantia non valet, & prae impudentia non quaerit: parum est nostris pastoribus quod non servant nos, nisi & perdant. etc. ad Eugenium  
Alas, alas, O Lord God, saith Barnard, they be the first in persecuting thee, which be seen to love the first rooms in the Church, and to challenge the primacy. Their miserable conversation, is the miserable ruin of thy people. They be of a very large devotion to take cure of souls, but as for the health of souls, is furthest from their thought. Alack few Pastors we have, but many excommunicators, and would to God that the wool and the Milk would satisfy you, for you thirst blood. Wherefore, woe to this generation, for their Pharisaical leaven, which is hypocrisy, if at the least way, it may be called hypocrisy, which for the abundance thereof, cannot be hidden, and for impudency, seeketh not to be hidden. It is a small matter for our Pastors that they do not save us, except they destroy us. They be ministers of Christ, saith he, but they serve Antichrist. Honourably they go in the gifts of the lord, but to give the lord his due honour, that they will not. To have glorious tables, saith he, to eat and to drink, to have their purses full. etc. For these things desire they to be, and so they be, saith he, in deed. provosts of Colleges, Deans, archdeacon's, Bishops and archbishops. To such surely may we impute it, we be in perpetual contention of doctrine, and never at a stay, to live that we believe: 
ad Tit. ca ●.  and we do, saith saint Jerome, not for the love of the truth, but only for the boast of glory, to be counted learned of them that hear us, or else by such brutes we follow, and hawk after our filthy gain and lucre: These will be only called the catholic members, and pillars of the Church, and whom they pronounce heretics, so must they be taken. But in the mean season, as Theophilact writeth, they are but praecursores antichristi, 
in Mat. 24.  & quia multiplicabitur iniquitas per imposturas antichristi, exasperabuntur & efferi erunt homines, ita ut neque cum familiarissimis seruent charitatis vinculum, sed mutuò se tradent. They be forerunners of Antichrist, and because wickedness shallbe multiplied, by the subtle deceipts of antichrist, men shallbe made vengeable, and turned out of kind, to be made brute, in such wise, that they shall not keep the bond of charity, no, not with their most familiars, saith he, but shall betray one an other. 
Contra auxentium.  What a Church, saith hilarius, is this: that is terrible by imprisoning of others, where the true Church was imprisoned themselves: that will chase away the Priests and Ministers, which would gladly have lived in their natural countries, without offending of Laws, but yet for the quarrelling captious extremity, and raging of divers, are compelled to cast themselves to extreme perils, as out laws. I can not, saith S. Jerome, by the search of all stories that I have read, find any other to have divided the Church, or that have seduced the people out of God's house, beside them which were set of God, as Priests and Prophets. These be they, which be turned into captious snares, and stumbling blocks in all places. Living as Daniel Prophesied of them in lusts, 
Ca 11. judae.  burning in concupiscentes of women, raging waves of the sea, and by manifest fruits of their lives, foaming out their own shame: which manner of counterfettes, because they of all men, can not abide to hear what they deserve, especially of such as they will esteem me: I desire them to give ear yet to saint Paul, where he desireth them: 
Ephe. 4.  Omnis amarulentia, & tumour, & ira, & vociferatio, & maledicentia, tollatur a vobis cum omni malitia. Let all bitterness, and fierceness, and wrath, and roaring, and cursed speaking be put away from you, with all maliciousness. And yet for their further instruction, I will send them to a sermon of saint Augustine's making, sent to the holy brethren, that lived in holy chaste life in wilderness: and challenged de condigno, of just worthiness, to have the name among the people. And lest they might be deceived, to take one for an other, let them bear in mind, that the Sermon is the xlvij and not the xxxvij for this maketh not for them. For in this they may read, that fornication is far more forbidden to a Priest, then is marriage, and there should they read, that Priests had somewhere wives, and yet in such an abstinence, as saint Augustine writeth, that if these aforesaid chaste Prelates, went no ofter to their harlots, than they did to their wives, their fair ladies would not be half so glad, of the overthrow of priests marriages as they be. Well, that they may be sure of that Sermon, I will tell them how it beginneth by S. Augustine. Audite nonfratres charissimi, sed principes Sodomitarum, percipite auribus legem dei vestri populus Gomorrae. Audite, & auditum facite filijs vestris, O gens plena peccato, gravis iniquitate, semen nequàm, filii scelerati. Eccè dereliquistis deum, blasphemastis sanctum Israel, & alienati estis retrorsum. A planta pedis, usque ad verticem, non est in vobis sanitas. Ideo terra vestra deserta, civitates vestrae succenduntur igni. Regionem vestram coram vobis alieni devorant, & desolabitur civitas, sicut in vastitate hostili. hearken, O ye, not sweet brethren, but Sodomitical Princes, hear the law of your God, ye people of Gomorra, hear ye, and make known also unto your children, O ye people laden with iniquity, and full of sin, ye ungracious seed and abominable children. Lo, ye have forsaken God, and blasphemed the holy one of Israel, and have turned back. From the sole of the foot, unto the top of the head, there is no soundness in you. Therefore is your land become a wilderness, your cities burned up with fire: Your country do strangers devour before your face, and your land is laid waste, as with the enemy's invasion. And thus to make a short lesson, with you Latin men I will conclude, with a Latin Tu autem, 
Apoca. 22.  and to all men in general, thus will I say: Qui nocet, noceat adhuc, & qui in sordibus est, sordescat adhuc, & qui justus est, iustificetur adhuc, & sanctus sanctisicetur adhuc, usque dum dominus venerit cito, & merces illius cum eo, ut reddat unicuique ut opus illorum erit. He that doth evil, let him do evil still: and he which is filthy, let him be filthy still: and he that is righteous, let him be more righteous: and he that is holy, let him be more holy, until the Lord come shortly, and his reward is with him, to render unto every man, according as their deeds shallbe. Concluding with the last words in all scripture, Amen, etiam veni domine jesu, So be it, even so, come Lord jesu. Gratia domini nostri jesu Christi, cum omnibus vobis. Amen. The grace of our Lord jesus Christ be with you all. AMEN.    

General considerations.  
AS it standeth all men in hand, to look well about them, lest they be deceived with the subtle cloaks of hypocrisy: So it were most agreeable for them that bear the names of learned men, and be in the rooms of judges and Commissioners, specially in Ecclesiastical executions, to have good grounds, both of God's Laws, and men's laws, to answer both God and man at all times, to keep themselves within learning and discretion, to the conservation of the laws of their own natural country, according to the charge that is committed to their trust: and not to hang the surety of their doings upon other men's sleeves, as is at these days commonly perceived in divers Chancellors and Comisaries, which partly by their hasty running before laws, without Commission: and executing their offices so extremely, in depriving and divorsing the late married Priests, alotting them no manner of living out of their benefits, whom they admit again to ministration, as the queens majesty commandeth them, 
Articl. 8.  in the articles of Commission: I say it may appear that many of them, have neither eye to that, which God in his law requireth of them, neither yet, what their own Ecclesiastical laws bindeth them to: neither regarding, what the dignity of the laws of the Realm, might advise them, nor yet what the queens authority commandeth them, but in abusing all, take advantage of all, to set forth their own private stomachs, or else belike, taking comfort and counsel at this late set forth book, think all is Gospel, that they read there, and to be executed to the uttermost. Which if they do, peradventure Christ's words may take place of them. 
Math. 15. b. Luke. vi.  Si caecus caeco dux fuerit. etc. If the blind lead the blind, both shall fall into the ditch. For if his authority be no greater for their warrant, than the substance of his truth and doctrine, as he handleth himself: I fear me that he will be to rotten a post for them, sound to lean unto, when they shall see him once thoroughly examined by learning: which thing might be soon perceived of themselves, that be led by the persuasion of his book, and therefore do as they do, if they were learned in the matters, which he reporteth, or yet indifferent to expend his reasons, which universally, be so untruly alleged and so violently contorted, that I wonder, that either himself was not ashamed, so openly in this learned world, to abuse men's ears that be ignorant, or that they that be trained in learning, should esteem the cause the worse, for his handling the matters as he uttereth them: To expend but half of his untruths, aswell in learning, as his slanders in depraving, would require as great a book as his whole is, for the worthy setting out of them.  
Now to give you some taste of his sincerity till we shall expend, how he handleth himself in the body of his book, note his clearkelie dealing in his charitable preface, or Epistle written to the Queen's highness, wherein because ye might judge of what here he is of, it pleaseth him to tread in Albertus Pighius steps right up and down, as in most of his writings, reasons, and allegations, and in corrupting of the same he followeth him at the hard heals. 
Controversia. 15.  Pighius in his book of controversies, complaineth of the common contempt of Priests, as it is now a days to be seen, and attributeth the same first to the great swarm and multitude of Priests, 
As Mass Priests. Dirige Hriestes. Chaun●t●rie Priests. Sacrificing Priests, to the great injury of Christ's blessed sacrifice, once for all made by his blood, for the renussion of sin.  over many: secondly too the great unworthiness of them for lack of learning and knowledge: and thirdly to the vile slanderous incontinent lie● they openly lived in, as this Civilian also in like form of words doth utter, the self same grounds out of the which, spring this open contempt of Priests here in England, saving that it pleaseth this Civilian, not to lay the whole burden of this matter, in thadmission and choice of the Ordinaries, as Pighius doth, but chargeth the patrons, from whose corruption and covetousness, this unworthiness proceeded, who, as he saith, for friendship, more than for learning, for goods, more than of goodness, elected many into their holy orders, neither of age, neither of learning, nor of discretion, worthy to take so high a function upon them. expend here good reader, the sleight of this Civilion, in that he would insinuate to the reader, that the patrons of Benefices for covetousness sake, are in this matter most culpable, who useth to elect such vile persons in to the Clergy, by which means he would seem to lay the burden in their necks, and remove it from such as had by their office, charge to admit none, but such as by diligent examination should be found able and worthy. For who is in the fault, the Patron, who presenteth his clerk to the judgement of the Ordinary to be examined, worthy or unworthy, and so by him to be admitted or repelled, or the Ordinary, who would against the laws, admit such blind Asses, such corrupt men of life, to such high functions? How be it, by the way, the great high dignity of such Massing Priests, as they used to elect and admit, were fit enough for such as they were commonly, whose offices were but to sing Masses for money, mumble up their Matins to make a pretence of praying, to be at tables, and in the ale house all the day following, where they should have been at their books, but what needed they to be given to learning, where Massing might as well be performed, of an unlearned beast, as of a learned man, and what needed they to study to preach to their flocks, having such number as many of them had never regarded, nor once seen in all their lives: either with teaching in their own persons, either relieving them in hospitality, or leading them to virtue by good example of life. And for that commonly they supposed preaching, to be but vain labour spent, and dangerous to have the people wise in knowledge, and thought that much preaching brought in but heresy, where ignorance was the mother of obedience, and quiet behaviour of the people to their Laws. But if any of them thought good for manners sake, to have some sermons in their Cures, they had Friars at their hands, ready to supply such parts at their pleasure. And what needed they to be resident, where they were otherwise set on work, some to be surveyors of lands, some receivers, some stewards, some clerks of the Ketchin, many gardiner's, and orchard makers: for commonly this was the trade, the better benefice, & the cure the more, the seldomer was the Person or vicar resident at home. But I marvel how this Civilian can be so impudent, to lay the great fault of all these disorders upon the patrons, as though they had the orders of clerks, either in their admissions, or in their residencies. Again if the Ordinaries were (as justly they might be) charged for giving such occasion of contempt of the Priests, why on God's name did they not provide for to repress this enormity? Why made they not Laws and Canons, or if they made such, why did they not execute such Canons, to reform this foul disorder whereof they so much complain? Is it reason to cry out against other men, who justly saw cause to despise such rabble of rude and filthy Goats, and they themselves whose fault only it was, for such to be admitted, to go quite under such a ●●ie form of complaining, as this Civilian here gloriously laboureth, to blind the Queen's eyes with? Though he would not in so plain and manifest a matter, dissemble the cause of this contempt of clerks, yet would he have it other where drawn, then where it should be laid. O crafty and wily Foxes in their generation. The penner of this solemn preface, might well have taken himself by the nose in this disorder, and laid his hand on his own heart, and seriously to have confessed his fault, with other of his brethren, and earnestly to have laboured with his brethren, to have reform it. For of conscience, in this preface I must excuse this seely Civilian, whose wit and study could not couch up such matter, in so glorious a style. He was abused by others, who set him a work to bear the name, and to desire a fame of so gay a book, rather than the author of it in deed, yet because he delighteth to be father thereof, he must be spoken to as the author thereof, which be like he so much glorieth in.  
But sir Civilian I pray you, if this matter be worthy so tragicallie to be cried out on, what meaneth it, that it is not at the last reform in these times, now that the fault is so manefestlie speed? Do we not yet see by what means, by what deservings, and worthiness men be now presented and admitted, into the clergy? Do we not see horse keepers, and the basest sort of all men, without all knowledge of God's word, now adays admitted and allowed? Do we not see how they intrude themselves most ambitiously? And yet be not repelled by the Ordinaries? If this be so grievous an enormity, that should over reach their power to redress, why do not they sue by petition to the queens highness, to have it reform among such other great surmised deformities, whereto, not covertly, but openly, and therefore the more impudently this Civilian only imputeth the decay of true Religion, and right estimation of the ministery, as the pretence of his Epistle doth necessarily minister to the reader that he meaneth? Except peradventure Pighius his leader, and lantern in this whole cause, telleth him not so far: or except he forgot of purpose, what great occasion was offered thereby to him, to have said somewhat more for redress, if he had meant in deed, the true reformation of things amiss in the Clergy. Wherein, good reader, note this civilians Philosophy, how wittily and gravely, he thinketh to wade in the deep of this cause, believing to go so invisibly in this matter, that his friends will not, and his enemies can not spy him, or if they do, he careth not greatly, so that certain be pleased. I assure you this his beginning well expended, declareth what a free upright mind is in him, far from flattery, to take upon him to teach, or go about the earnest redress of things out of order. Moreover let it be considered, how little truth he purposeth to perform in the process of his principal matter, when he forgetting his truth, chargeth them whom he calleth heretics, with so many untruths and lies, untruly, in his Episile, even in the entry, saying, that they make the ministery but a bare ministration, in that the profane the holy Sacrament of Orders, and deny it to be an holy thing: if ye had said, that the order of ministery is an holy thing, none of them would have reproved you, but to make it a Sacrament, to make it an office of sacrificing, that must they still deny: ye say that the heretics (as ye call them) make the ministration, but a bare ministration, as though ye would have men think, that your ministers be not dumb ministers, but ministering to the people's edification in all their doings, not bare and naked Ceremonies, but the lively and savoury mysteries of Christ. Ye avouch, that the heretics, would have the people to elect them, where belike your ministers come in immediately by the holy ghost, and not by men, as these days declare how they enter. Ye say that the heretics affirm, that every man in Baptism, is appointed to the extern Office of priests administration, without exception: by which saying, ye show yourself to be a captious depravour of their sayings, or else declare your envy, to the holy word of God, which attributeth the name of a priest, and of a king, only in respect of Spiritual rule, and offering Spiritual Sacrifices to God, to every lay christian man and woman. But belike ye would have your Priests anointed, to have only the authority of sacrificing Christ's body, and none to be in fellowship with them in that action. Ye say that the heretics would have all order and decent distinction of estates in apparel, and other notes, to be banished, and that they should affirm, that all Priests and bishops, must of necessity marry, whether they have the gift of sole life or no: and these ye note for grounds, whereon the heretics build. Sir, it is a shame for you so impudently, to slander their sayings and writings, that any where they should so write: but what care ye to charge them with lies apparent, when ye be not ashamed to say, that they be so beastly and ignorant, that they should teach, that the fellowship and company of a woman, in a spiritual man, is a mean to perfit Religion: and single life to be an hindrance to the same: and that they should despise all manner of virginity and single state, in them that have the gift of God, pronouncing it (as ye say) wicked and abominable: and that they should term single life, to be the doctrine of devils, and the invention of Antichrist. Be not these your words master Doctor? Is not this your charge, wherewith you falsely bourden the Protestants? Sir, they say with saint Paul, that the prohibition of Matrimony to them that have not the gift, cometh of the doctrine of devils, speaking lies in hypocrisy. Surely they were very ignorant and blind, if they should so write, as you feign of them, where belike ye would have the writers of your Church to be believed, and to write nothing unadvisedly, and to ensue nothing but pure holiness, and perfect virginity, who can not err, as of the head of your Church ye do plainly affirm, that it is impossible for them to err in doctrine, for that they be the Vicars of Christ, successors of Peter, followers of the Apostles, equal with them (as some of them write) in authority, 
Augusti. de anchona.  and yet not bound, to succeed them in holiness of good life: and that they make laws of prohibition of marriage, and yet be no Ta●ianistes: and that they may apply, or rather abuse the texts of Scripture, speaking against the works of the flesh, 
Qui in carne font. etc.  contrary to the fruits of the spirit, to the estate of wedlock, and yet will not be noted faulty in the condemnation of Matrimony: and that their Canons be of so high authority, excelling the scriptures, that the scriptures do but counsel virginity and single life, but their Canons do command it, as this Doctor in his precise circumspection writeth. But I pray you sir, whose fault is it, that the contempt of Christ's true religion, is issued forth, of the contempt of his ministers? If ye doubt thereof, hear Leo the first, who crieth out against them, which commit the Pastoral dignity, 
Episto. 44.  to the unworthy. Hear ye what he saith. Non est hoc inquit consuiere populis, sed nocere: nec prestare regimen, sed augere discrimen: principatus quem aut seditio extorfit, aut ambitus occupavit, ipsius inicij sui est perniciosus exemplo, & difficile est, ut bono peragantur exitu, quae malo sunt inchoata principio. This manner doing (saith he) is not to provide for the safety of the people, but to destroy them, & this is not to perform good governance, but to increase the common peril: for governance won by sedition, or obtained by ambition, is hurtful for the example of the attempt, and hard is it that any thing should have any good end, which is begun in so evil a foundation.  

In Acta Apost. con. 3.  And where is the fault to be laid of these unworthy Ministers? upon the Patrons? or upon the Ordinaries? let Chrisostome be judge, if the Priest or Deacon do commit any offence, the crimes of them all do redound upon their heads, saith he, who did admit them. Further ye say that the loss of the priests estimation, is chief risen of the unability and unworthiness of the Priests. Alas why is it not then foreseen of the Ordinaries, to provide chaste Priests in chaste Matrimony, rather th●n by the filthiness of their living, so to shame their state, and deface Christ's religion? But when I pray you, was religion more in honour then when Priests were married at will without compulsion? though diverse others having the gift of soole lief, continued in their gift, not despising others, who for conscience sake fled to the institution of matrimony, so charged by saint Paul qui se non continet, nubat, & melius est nubere quam uri, he that can not live chaste let him marry, for it is better to take a wife then for to burn in filthy lusts. When kept they their vessels in honore & sanctificatione in honour and sanctification, more safely, then when they had the liberty of marriage for the peril of incontinency? when was hospitality and residentie better kept, then when the Pastor had his family in a place certain to move him homeward? when were their houses kept in better reparations, then when they wéere resident? when had the people more relief by them, than when they kept houses? But ye writ that the liberty of marriage should induce a dissolute living of the Clergy, and ye say, that marriage offered to an incontinent minister, is but to offer present poison to destroy the hole body. Is this the spirit of holiness? that forceth you to write such impieties, or the spirit of error clean contrary to Paul's spirit, 
Ad Heb. 13.  who affirmeth Matrimony to be honourable in all persons, and the bed undefiled. But yet ye say, that this forced chastity, was by the counsels confirmed, by all thancient writers approved, and that this liberty of marriage, tendeth altogether to the contempt of the holy institution, and thereby also to the overthrow of Christ's religion, and that this teaching of marriage began with Lechery, continued with covetise, and ended in treason, these be your own slanderous words Master Martin. Which how true they be, the world may soon judge. But thus ye utter the malice of your stomach, so being gladded to hurie others. And surly if malice should take place, all wéere awry. Actum esset, (ut inquit Erasmus) in rebus humanis, si malitiae par animo suppeteret nocendi facultas. It were the ruin and overthrow of all men's fortunes, if man had like power, to hurt in deed, as his malice were ready to wish the same. And thus having rehearsed the sentence of Erasmus, ye shall hear moreover his judgement in this matter, which we have in hand, whereby we may then consider, whether this learned Divine, should speak more truly than your M. Martin, a poor silly Lawyer, uttering your determination so arrogantly, thus he writeth, ex vita sacerdotum palàm dedecorosa, palàm contemnitur eorum doctrina, & inde perit fructus verbi dei. Quòd si ijs qui non continent concederetur matrimonium, & ipsi viverent quietius, & populo cum aucthoritate predicarent verbum dei: Of the open filthy life of priests, their doctrine is despised, whereby the fruit of God's word is lost. But if Matrimony were granted to such as live not chastely, both should they live the more quiet (in conscience) and should thereby preach the word of God with more authority unto the people. Lo, this is Erasmus judgement. What an impudent boldness, is it then for a young poor Civilian, or to an old indurate Canonist, to affirm the contrary of that, which so ancient and known learned divine, after his long deliberation in Ecclesiastical causes, hath pronounced. And what a lewdness is it, to ascribe to the protestants, that they should commonly hold amongst themselves, that no wight can live chaste, where in deed they teach with saint Augustine, 
De virgini. cap. xl. xli.  that, that man may live chaste, to whom God by his secret judgement giveth his gift, and that to some he giveth it not: But these lies with such other many, be the flowers of your virginal preface, in letter wise presented to Queen Marie a virgin, as ye can flatter her, as your manner is to flatter Princes, to maintain your own partial causes. Ye profess to dedicate your book to her highness, because ye have taken upon you the defence of virginity, but your book is rather, a bolsterer out of all uncleanness, a defacer of God's holy institution of Matrimony, a defence of unpure living, under the cloak of virginity. Ye make her believe, that God hath sent her to travail for the reformation of the Church of England, and for restitution of the Catholic faith again to the same. I will to this say no more, but God grant that, which is pretended to be performed, in opere & veritate, in deed and truth.  
Yet one thing had I almost passed away, which were worthy to be expended. This Civilian affirmeth manifestly, that the doctrine of priests marriage, was first invented by Archeheretiques, and practised also of their disciples. In which saying, I would know how he can discharge saint Paul, who in doctrine prescribed to Timothe & Titus, reckoned marriage among the ornaments of a Bushop, 
Ad Oceanum.  as Jerome nameth it. And Leo the first faith, that among the rules and Canons of the election of a Bushop, such one is to be ordered, who is certainly known (fuisse, 
Ad episcopos Aphricanos Epistola. xlix. two. ad cor. 11.  aut esse unius uxoris virum) to have been or that now is, th● husband of one wife. And where this doctor saith, that the practice thereof, should be in the Archeheretiques disciples, let him answer, whether he meaneth Peter, and almost all the Apostles, or no? For all the Apostles, saith saint Ambrose, except John, and Paul had wives. Thus he writeth, Virgins vult eos esse in fide, hunc est, hij sunt qui cum mulieribus non sunt coinquinati: In mulieribus, errorem significans, nam si mulieres, mulieres intelligas, ut ideò putes dictas virgins, quia corpora sua incontaminata seruaverunt excludes ab hac gloria sanctos, quia oens Apostoli, exceptis joanne & Paulo uxores habuerunt: & vide an conveniat accusare Petrum Apostolum qui primus inter Apostolos est. etc. That is, he willeth them to be virgins in faith, therefore it is said, these are they which are not defiled with women: by women is signified error, for if thou shouldest understand by women, women in deed, to think that the Apostles therefore were called virgins, because they kept their bodies undefiled, thou shalt then exclude holy men from this glory, for all the Apostles, except John and Paul had wives, and see whether it be convenient to accuse Peter, the chief amongst the Apostles. Thus far saint Ambrose.  
Saint Augustine also writeth, 
In questionibus novi & veteris testamenti ex utroque mixtis q.  Natus ex Anna sanctissimus Samuel, filios genuit, non tamen justiciae suae merita minuit: & Zacharias sacerdos vir justus in senectute sua, dei nutu genuit filium, quo nondum nato, meruit Prophetare. Qua ergo ratione accusatur, quod minimè obesse probat? Et quis neget bonum debere dici▪ quod neminem ledit? Et ut hoc loco aliquid de Apostolis dicatur, quod ad robur pertinet causae. Certè S. joannes castimonae suae erat custos, condiscipulus autem eius S. Petrus, uxorem habuisse cognoscitur, & primatum ut acciperet inter Apostolos, non ei obstitit generatio filiorum. Quomodo ergo condemnandum putatur quod non est impedimentum? Hinc Apostolus eum qui uxorem habeat, si in caeteris servet mandata, sacerdotem fieri posse, debere ostendit. Quod si illicitum erat, non poterat utique peccatorem dicere, debere fieri sacerdotem. The most holy Samuel borne of Anne, did beget children, and for all that, did not lose thereby the worthy praise of his righteousness. And Zacharie the Priest a righteous man, by Gods bidding in his old age, did beget a son, who before he was borne, deserved to have the gift of prophesy: by what reason then, is that thing blamed, which is thus proved to be no hindrance? And who can deny, that aught to be called good, which hurteth no man? Furthermore, to speak now in this place, of the Apostles somewhat, which may make to the confirmation of this cause, though saint John kept his chastity, yet it is known, that his fellow disciple, that is to say, S. Peter had a wife, and that it was no impediment to him, though he begat children, to obtain the chief place amongst the Apostles. How then can that thing be thought worthy condemnation, which is no hindrance at all? And thereupon the Apostle proveth that he, which hath a wife (if beside forth he keepeth God's commandments) may be and aught to be a Priest: which if it were unlawful, he could not say, that a sinner ought to be made a Priest. Hitherto saint Augustine. So likewise Ignatius doth testify, that Peter and Paul, and other of the Apostles were married men. Qui non libidinis causa, sed posteritatis subrogandae causa, coniuges habuerunt: which had wives, not for pleasures sake, but for increase of the posterity. Yea, saint Clement to reprove such (as Eusebius affirmeth) that defamed marriage, 
Lib. 3. ca 30  saith. a & Apostolos improbant? Petrus enim & Philippus, & uxores habuerunt, & filias etiam viris nuptum dederunt. Sed & Paulum non tedit Apostolum, in quadam Epistola sua, mentionem vel salutationem facere comparis suae, quam ideo se negat circumducere, ut ad predicationem evangelii expeditior fiat. Do they disallow the Apostles? Peter and Philip truly had wives, and married their daughters to husbands. Yea, the Apostle Paul, was not ashamed to make a certain mention, or salutation of his mate and yokefellowe, in a certain Epistle of his, and saith, that he would not for this cause lead her about, that he might be the lighter to the preaching of the Gospel. And this same Clement being with Peter, 
Lib. seven.  a perpetual companion in his preaching progress, saith that Peter's wife was with him. And some stories saith, that he carried his wife and his daughter petronel with him to Rome. And the said Clement saith: Beatum Petrum cum vidisset uxorem suam duci ad passionem, gavisum esse electionis gratia, ac regressionis ad propriam domum & exclamasse ad eam cum duceretur, ac proprio nomine compellantem dixisse, O coniunx, memento domini. etc. When S. Peter saw his wife led to martyrdom, he rejoiced for her elections sake, and for her return again to her own home, and with a loud voice calling her by her proper name, as she was led, said to her, O wife, remember the Lord. Such were the marriages (saith the story) of holy persons, so perfect was the love and affection of these blessed folks. And Druthmarus an old author, writing upon saint Matthewes Gospel, affirmeth of him thus. 
Cap. nineteen.  Quod Christus beatum Petrum coniugatum, praeposuit omnibus ordinibus, ne virgines superbirent, aut coniugati disperarent, non posse pervenire ad illum perfectionem, quas virgines essequebantur. That is. Christ made Peter in his marriage, head over all orders and degrees, lest that virgins should be proud, and married folks should despair, to attain to that perfection, which the virgins had obtained.  
Moreover, if such priests as practise marriage, be heretics disciples, why did that holy confessor Paphnutius, in Nicene counsel (which yet neither had himself the experience of Matrimony) pronounce with the assent of three hundred Bushops and more, (of which Bushops Nicephorus writeth, that some were Married, though at the first, the most part were otherwise purposed) that married priests ought not to be divorced, or yet separated from their wives, affirming that wedlock was honourable, and that it was chastity, the man to company with his wife, and so counseled them, not to make any such Law, saying: that else there were great cause given, which might be occasion of fornication, either to themselves, or to their wives. And thus grievously reproving them, willed them to beware, lest by to sharp a law, the Church should be much oppressed, every man not being able to bears such austerity of life, and to be void from all lusts and affections: whereupon the whole counsel with one voice, did agree to this sentence. In confirmation of which sentence of Paphnutius, the Law of Honorius and Theodosius was written. A A.L. eum qui. C. de episcopis & clericis, which is at this day in the East Church yet observed.  
But here it willbe objected peradventure of this writer, or of some other, that the Apostles left their wives, after they were called to be Apostles, as not meet to be with them in progress when they went in preaching into diverse parts of the world: and farther, they may look to have it resolved, whether priests already consecrated without wives, may marry after their orders or no, either by God's law, or by man's dispensation: and whether there have been any examples in this realm of England, that Priests or Deacons had attempted to marry, after their orders: and whether that the fruit coming of such marriages, were legitimate or no. Until we come to answer such objections whether Priests, consecrated unmarried, may marry after, let us bear in mind, that it is affirmed and proved already by the testimony of ancient Doctoures of the church, that Peter and the most part of the Apostles had wives. Now whether they left them by mutual consent after their apostleship, or whether they ought so to do, by reason of their vocation, until this writer can justly prove that they did so by scripture, story, or probable reason, able to countervail scripture, story, and reason that may be brought in to the contrary: we shall give him leisure to seek. In the mean time, we will further go on to prosecute that we have begun, that is, to expend how proveablie and truly this Civilian hath written in this controversy, how boldly so ever he set a good countenance on his matter and as though he had already the victory.  
And here we purpose to examine the substance of the first Chapter of his shameless book. But to follow on particularly all his untruths, were to tedious for the hearer. And therefore we will deal the more briefly with some of his matter in this Chapter, wherein he confidently affirmeth, that heresy and lechery be commonly joined together: and in the fourth leaf of his book he saith, that heresy misseth not to keep lechery company.  
¶ The examination of doctor Martin's first Chapter, and answer to the chief points of the same.  
IN this shameless lying books first chapter, Martin confidently affirmeth, that heresy and lechery be commonly joined together, and farther saith, that heresy misseth not to keep lechery company: whereto, may be added this minor, or mean proposition: but the Papists be heretics (as hath been at large otherwhere fully proved, 
In Doctor Ponnettes Apology and first answer to Martin's book, and the rest of his complices.  that they have taken part in the most principal parts, with all the heretics that have corrupted the true religion of Christ) Ergo, the papists be lechers. Lo it is often times seen, he that will be busy to cas●e stones up into the air, may have them light again upon his own pate. For else to what purpose doth he speak of Simon Magus, Basilides, Carpocrates, and such other heretics, if it were not to give him occasion that should confute his foolishness, to search how the opinions and lies of the Papists & theirs agree together? If it were to declare that because they were heretics, they must also be lechers: the same induction being now brought against him and his fellows, must be no less able to prove him and all other Papists lechers, seeing they do so well agree with the manners of heretics. If it were to prove that priests which be married, are heretics, because they feign with their lying tongues them to be Lechers, than it should follow that all whores of the stews and whoremongers (as many of themselves be) were heretics: which I am sure, the Papists dare not so say, for fear of inquisitio hereticae pravitatis, that is now entered into England, and like with the Spaniards to destroy the liberty of Thenglishe nation, whereby no doubt, shortly the noses of the nobility shallbe holden to the grindestone, & the necks of the commons tied under the priests girdles, from which misery, I beseech jesus Christ, save so many as favour from the bottom of their heart, Christ, and the noble realm of England. Amen. But it may be, that ye sought some occasion in the beginning of your book, to devise a quarrel by colour of your Retorique called canina eloquentia i dogs eloquence, 
Martin's weak kind of reasoning.  whereby to bring married priests into hatred, in alleging that the first married priests in Spain, in Rome, in France, in Italy, and so forth where ye will, were heretics. And yet if ye had minded that proof, ye should have named no heretics, but such as were married priests. But seeing all these heretics whom ye name were unmarried, as it is evident by their opinions condemning marriage: Your argument is turned against yourself, for that they were heretics, and lechers as you hold, and unmarried virgin priests, as your papists be. And what would ye conclude thereof, if it were true? Would ye by this define, that all married priests be heretics? That kind of reasoning is not unlike to this. The first borne child that Adam had, 
Gene. iiii. Sam. xv. Titus livius dec. i lib. 2. Albertus Grang. q. 3. can. 18. Ostro gottorum. Poli. in the history of England. The sowers of the old heresies in sundry countries were unmarried priests▪ that pretended virginity. 1. The first heretic that ever was after Christ▪ abhorred the Godly marriage of priests, and kept a whore. 2. The first heretic in persia abhorred the marriage of Priests. August. epis. 74. Deu●erio. 144. after Christ. 3. The first Anabaptist was an unmarried priest 4. The i heretic in Spain abhorred the Marriage of priests. August, de here. 5. The first no table heretic in England was an unmarried monk Anno do. 400. 6. The first notable heretic in Africa was an unmarried priest. 7. And the first in Paphlagonia & Aemenia we unmarried priests  was a wicked man, Cain by name: the first borne child that Abraham had was wicked, namely Ishmael. The first borne child that Isaac had was wicked, namely Esau. Ergo the first borne and eldest children of all men be wicked. Or else this way, Saul was the first king that was chosen to rule Israel, and he was a wicked man. Romulus the first king in Rome, who like a most traitorous tyrant, killed his own brother Remus, wherefore, he also was an evil man. The first king in Spain was a tyrant, that came out of Gothia. The first king in France that obtained any general rule, was the tyrant Clodoveus, which when he had overcome the Persians, occupied the Kingdom of France by tyranny. The first Emperor was julius Caesar, who entered by civil war, treason and tyranny. The first king in England that reigned alone, drove out the other Kings, and occupied their lands and possessions by tyranny: will you now therefore conclude, that all kings be naughty men, and tyrants? If this kind of reasoning seem so good in your sight, than I pray you hearken to this other, like thereunto.  
The first heretic that ever was in all the world, after Christ's death, was Simon Magus of Samaria, who having not the gift of sole life, would not enter the holy estate of Matrimony, but following, or rather beginning the Popish kind of chastity, kept an harlot named Selene or Helena, as some do call her. The first heretic that was in Persia, was Manes, first root of the heretics called Manichees, who lived in such chastity, as the Popish priests do, not only refusing to marry himself, but condemning Marriage in the ministers of his sect, whom they called (as saint Augustine Epist. 72. saith) Electos. The first Anabaptist in Rome was Novatus the heretic, an unmarried priest, whose sect allowed not marriage in their priests, and denied repentance to offenders.  
The first heretics that sprang in Spain, were the Priscilianistes (as S. Augustine saith) about the year of our Lord 〈◊〉. who so much abhorred the marriage of priests, and of other of their sect, that they caused the same practice, which now most shamefully is practised in England, that is to say, they caused to be divorced, viros a nolentibus faeminis, & faeminas a nolentibus viris i Husbands from their unwilling wives, and wives from their unwilling husbands (as saint Augustine saith). The author of that sect was Priscillianus, an unmarried bishop of Abile in Spain. The first notable heretics of England, was pelagius a Monk, about .400. years after Christ, who lived such a single life, as the Papists do now. And about an hundred years before him, in Africa was Arrius an unmarried priest of Alexandria, as both Epiphanius, Eusebius and other do witness. The first heretics in Paphlagonia, and Armenia were, Eustachiani, whose chief heresy was the condemning of priests marriage, so that they refused to receive the Communion, at the hands of such Priests as were married, for the which thing they were condemned, 
Anno domini .324.  in the counsel holden at Grangris about the time of Nicene Counsel, which was confirmed by the sixth Synod in Trullo, holden at Constantinople. And from whence came the doctrine of Machomet, which now is followed of the Turks and Sarcens, and is much largelier spread abroad then is the doctrine of Christ? 
Sergius an unmarried Monk, was the first beginner of the Turks law.  Came it not from Sergius an unmarried Monk, and fled for his naughtiness from Byzans, of whose lessons Mahomette made his Alcoran? And all the heretics before the time of helvidius (if it be true that you say, that helvidius was the first married priest in Christendom) were unmarried Priests. 
Heresy and Lechery met together in unmarried Priests. S. Cyprian lib. 1. Epis. 3. The Sophistical reason of the Papists, disclosed▪ and by the like confuted.  Yet were some of them Stupratores virginum, & depopulatores Matrimoniorum, Ravishers of Uirgines, and defilers of Matrimony, as saint Cyprian saith, writing of Novatus. Some lived in luxuria & voluptatibus, as you testify, as Carpocrates. etc. Now to conclude, all these of whom I have spoken, were Priests, and unmarried Priests and heretics: Ergo, all your Popish virgin Priests (if your reason were good) that marry not, be heretics. And now you see what ye have won with reasoning, ab indefinito, ad universal. If now Marten can not devise some pretty kind of shift, he hath shamed himself with this first chapter, the some whereof standeth upon this point, that Heresy and Lechery be commonly joined together, which saying he proveth none otherwise true, then that the first married priests in some countries were heretics, and by certain notes. etc. And like as it is a shame for him, in such a weighty matter, to make such a bald reason, though his grounds were true: so his grounds being untrue, his rebuke is increased. For who knoweth not, that S. Peter was a priest, and the Gospel testifieth that he had a wife. The Evangelists say that Christ healed Peter's wives mother of a Fever. 
Math. viii. Luke. iiii.  And Clemens Alexandrinus testifieth, that he did not put her away, but continued with her, till she died in martyrdom for Christ's sake, 
Stromaton Lib. 7. Clemens Alex.  which Marten denieth. And the same Clement saith, that Peter spoke to her when she was in dying, saying to her. Vxor memento domini, wife, remember the Lord. And that this is true, saint Jerome against jovinian, can not deny. And I am sure that Martin will not deny, but that Peter dwelled xxv years at Rome (for so you Papists hold). Now if it were true that the first married priest in Italy (as Martin doth allege, for the proof of his purpose) were an heretic, then by this means should Peter be an heretic, unless the man will say, that Rome is not in Italy. For that it was not helvidius, it shallbe reasoned hereafter. 
Martin can not prove, that the first married priest in France was an heretic, by Turonense consilium as he allegeth. To. 2. pag. ●.  And for further proof of this purpose, he saith also that the first married priest in France, was an heretic, which saying he proveth by the second Counsel, holden at Towers (a worthy Counsel) of eight French Bushops all a great, gathered together without the Pope's consent (which marreth all the matter, by the judgement of the Papists) but let it be granted, that it had been a general Counsel (as it was none) & that the Bushops being all Papists, had not been so, yet doth not the .20. Canon by him alleged prove his purpose, that the first married priest in France was an heretic. But it saith that this opinion (or heresy as this jolly Counsel nameth it (à quodam presbytero primum surrexit, sprang first of a certain Priest, not naming where he dwelt, neither whether he were married or unmarried. But upon this plac●, 〈◊〉 noteth in the margin of his book. The first married priest in France was an haeretique, where all men may see, of that place it may aswell be gathered, that it was an unmarried priest. The place serveth aswell for the one as for the other. Yea, and it is to be thought, that heresis presbyterorum, not to be of the marriage of priests of France, but some other heresy begun by certain priests. For if it had been an heresy, married priests should not have been suffered to receive the Communion. Look back in the book of general Counsels, further one hundred year, and ye shall find an other Counsel, holden in the very same place at Towers, in the time of Leo the first, where the Counsel found fault, with their forefathers, which had made Laws, whereby to remove married priests from the Communion, 
D. xxxiiij. cum in preterito, in glosa.  and took upon them to moderate that wicked law, which was before that time made by Pope Siritius (a man altogether unlearned in the Scriptures) as by his reasoning, hereafter shall appear. By which moderation it is evident, that they did condemn the extremity, and ungodly judgement of Siritius, and other the enemies of priests marriages. The words of the Canon be these. 
The strait law of Pope Siritius, against the marriage of priests, condemned by Consilium Turonense ● Canon 11. 44●. after Christ.  Although it hath been ordained by our forefathers, that whatsoever priest or Deacon were convicted, that he gave himself to the procreation of children, he should abstain from the Communion of the Lord. Nos tamen huic districtioni moderationem adhibentes, & justa constitutione mollientes, id docrevimus. etc. We notwithstanding that ordinance (saith the decree) adding a moderation to this rigour, and tempering it with indifferency, thus have decreed. That a priest or deacon, which remaineth in the desire of Matrimony, or else abstaineth not from procreation of children, let him not ascend to any higher estate or promotion, neither offer Sacrifices unto God, or minister to the people. This only may be sufficient for them, that they be not removed from the Communion, 
Married priests be not removed from the Communion. 442. after Christ, it was no here●e for a priest to have a wife  but that they may keep these things, they must cut of drunkenness, the mother of all vices. etc. By this Canon it is plain (good reader) that 440. year after Christ, it was no heresy in France, for a Priest to have a wife, nor whoredom, neither (as Martin vilely termeth it) was a filthy thing. For than should the Counsel have done amiss, to allow him to receive the Communion, which was a more holy thing, than ever was their Idol the Mass. And although the superstition of these French bushops, do somewhat appear, in denying him to minister the Communion to other, yet doth their foolishness appear withal, in that they allow the married priest to receive it himself, if he were (as Martin saith) an heretic. 
The papists seem to hold that the uncleanness of the minister h●r●eth the Sacrament ministered, as do the anabaptists & Eustachians. Gangrenes. Consilium. ca 1. e●. 4.  Who can judge a matter of less weight, to receive the Communion, then to minister it? Belike they were of this opinion, that the uncleanness of the minister did hurt the thing ministered, which was the opinion of the heretics, named Eustachiani, as it appeareth by the first and fourth Canons of the Counsel holden at Gangris, and is at this day the opinion of the anabaptists. And Martin with all such Papists as say, that a Priest may not marry, because of the uncleanness that should be in the minister, after lying with his wife, and therefore may not minister the Sacrament, do declare that it is the plain opinion of the sect of the Papists, as I have partly before touched. I pass over, that even in the same second Popish Provincial Counsel of Towers in France, the xiij Canon granteth the Bushop to have his wife, as his sister, and so rule the Ecclesiastical, and his own house, and also that the xiij canon of the same Counsel, maketh mention of the bishop's wife, 
Episcopa.  calling her Episcopa, that is to say, the Bushoppes' wife, or bishop is, charging all bishops that lack wives, that they shall have no company or train of women following them. etc. unless they have wives. And to set one Papist against an other, and to beat you with your own Doctors: Look in the book called Manipulus curatorum, 
Manipulus curatorum,  where the Papist Guido de Monte Rocherij, confesseth, speaking of the Sacrament of Orders, that in the primitive Church priests had wives, and they were called Presbyterae. 
Presbyter●.  And these be his very words. Presbytera autem vocatur, quia secundum morem primitivae Ecclesiae, erat uxor Presbyteri. That is to say: The priests wife is called Presbytera, because, that according to the fashion of the primitive church, she was the priests wife. And thus ye see, that we do not only prove by your own Doctors, that priests ha● wives in the primitive Church, but we also show how they were then named.  
And I will also teach ●artine, that this is written of saint Hilary, 
S. Hilary bishop of Potiers in France was married .1200. years ago. The words of bishop Hilary to his daughter Abram.  bishop of Posters in France (200. years before the second Counsel at Tow●es, that he alleged) that he was both a bishop, and a married bishop. And lest Martin should say, that he abstained from his wife, which he had before he was Bushop (as he falsely saith all Bushops did) I shall desire thee to call to remembrance, the Epistle that he wrote being an old man (as he saith himself there) to his daughter Abram, who was so young, that he doubted whether she could understand his writing, or not, and therefore said unto her. Tu vero siquid minus, per aetatem in hymno & Epistola intelligis, interroga matrem tuam. If by reason of your tender age, you can not understand the Hymn and the Epistle, ask your mother, and immediately he calleth her his most dear daughter. Whereby it may appear in saint hilaries days, it was lawful for a Bushop in France to have a wife. For otherwise the holy man Hilary, would not have used it. And the age of himself, and the youth of his daughter, seem to prove that she was begotten after he was made Bushop. But, Martin like himself triumpheth saying: No bishops had wives, but heretics, wherein his railing tongue, 
Martin condemneth S. Hilary for an heretic.  condemneth Hilary for an heretic, if any man would believe him. But his tongue is no slander, to all such as know him, God be praised. Also for the further proof of his purpose, 
Martin belieth Saint Jerome.  he allegeth out of saint Jerome against helvidius, that the first married priest in Italy, yea, in the whole world was an heretic. Mark now good reader, and thou shalt hear a glorious lie of martin's. I call it glorious, because he hath set it forth with such a glory, not here only, but hereafter in the 118. leaf also. Martin's words in his first place are these.  

Fol. 3. Martin's own words.  In Italy the first Priest that married: was he any better? (Meaning than an heretic.) Saint Jerome saith it was helvidius the heretic, which denied our blessed Lady to have continued a virgin. These be the words of the great Clerk Master doctor Martin the Lawyer (as of himself he saith) but I might better have said, of doctor Martin the liar, for doubtless he is a thousand fold better seen in lying, then in lawing. Which appeareth not only by the most part of the notes in the margin, in his first chapter (pointing to the text of like truth) that be most commonly lies: but also by this place, and an infinite number of other, where he belieth falsely the old writers, not only in falsely turning them, & writhing their sayings against their meanings: but also in most falsely advouching them to say, that they say not, as in this place he maketh a most shameful lie upon S. Jerome. For I assure thee, good reader, that S. Hierom saith not in all his book against helvidius, that he was (as Martin reporteth) the first married priest in Italy. No, S. Jerome saith not that helvidius was married. And how may it then be true, that saint Jerome saith, he was the first married priest in Italy? So now ye see, that Martin is not contented, to make one lie upon saint Jerome, but he must also lay one in an others neck, reporting saint Jerome to say, that helvidius was the first priest that married in Italy, because it is a lie, that he was married at all: and yet saith Martin, saint Jerome reporteth, that he was not only married, but also the first married priest in Italy.  
And in this point also Martin is not a little to be blamed that he doth not only bely S. Hierom, 
Martin ascribeth a lie to S. Hieron.  but also the thing itself is a lie which he feigneth S. Hierom to say. But you will ask me how I can prove that saint Hierom saith not so? Forsooth, two ways. first I am contented to be judged by the whole book which saint Hierom hath written against helvidius. secondarily, 
Martin's words.  I am contented to let Marten himself be judge, for these be his words which immediately follow this lie before written. And (saith Marten) he saith no. (meaning by saint Jerome) that he was the first Married Priest in Italy. Lo good reader, what need I any further condemnation for Martin in this point, than his own pen? Well, doth S. Hierom say so? No verily saith Martin, why then for shame suffereth he those lines before in the text, and that note in the Margin to stand in his book without adding unto it, some such note as this is? Believe not Martin in this place, 
A note to be put in that mergent of Martin's book. Note that Martin turneth the word Sacerdos by the English word spiritual.  for here he lieth egregiosly. Why, but I pray you is it not enough for Martin to say that S. Hierom saith not so? Yes forsooth, enough to prove the other saying a lie. But to proceed if saint Hierom say not so, I pray you what saith he? Marry (saith Martin) he saith not that he was the first married Priest in Italy: But the first priest that became both spiritual and temporal in the whole world. Now belike Martin hath looked so narrowly to his matters, that he will not be taken with his accustomed fashion of lying. But what will you say, 
Martin defendeth one lie with another  if this also be alley? Think ye not then he were a meet man to lie for the whetstone? verily good reader, this is no less lie than the other, for this is not in all S. Hierom neither. Whereby ye may see his tongue so accustomed to lying, that he can not when he would, say the truth. But I pray you what saith S. Hierom of helvidius? forsooth that which followeth in Latin in Martin's own book, these be his words. Solus in universo mundo laicus simul & sacerdos. Thenglishe whereof is this, he only in the whole world was both at once a priest and a lay man. In the which words thou mayest see good, reader, that there is no mention, neither that he was the first married priest in Italy, neither that he was the first married priest in the whole world, neither that he was married, unless ye will say that all lay men be married. Yea if it were true that all lay men, were married men, yet is there never a word in saint Jerome neither of (Italy) neither of (first) nor of (last) nor of marriage. 
Martin's manifest untruth in alleging old authors.  Now may you see what credit is to be given to Martin when he allegeth old authors. But it may be, peradventure he will say the Printer deceived him, and put it in of his own head. But Martin can not escape so. For in .118. leaf .1. G. pag. 2. he maketh the self same lie again, and saith also there, that the Heretic helvidius was the first married priest that we read of in all Christendom. It is the property of some liars, when they have told a lie once or twice, or oftener, that by often telling of their lies to other, at last they think them true themselves. And so it may ●ee, that Martin by often telling this vain fable, doth now think it is a most true story. But seeing it is plainly showed, that Martin faileth in the proof of his grounds, where he intendeth to prove by induction, the first married priest in Italy, and in France, and so forth were Heretics (though he were able to make some proof of other married priests in other countries) yet can not his reason hold, as I have at large before declared, because some parts of the induction being improved, the reason runneth but from an indefinite to an universal. Which kind of reasoning, young Sophisters in Cambridge be shent when they use. But Martin, fearing lest all his brabbling will not serve his turn, hath picked out a piece of S. Hierom, where he seemeth to note certain properties and qualities, which he saith be commonly in heretics, & striveth to apply the same to such, as had professed Christ's gospel in England. The words be these as he doth allege them. Rarò haeretici diligunt castitatem, & quicumque amare puditiciā se simulant ut Manichaeus, 
Notes picked out of saint Hierom by Martin whereby to know an Heretic.  Martion, Arrius, Tatianus, & instauratores veteris haereseos, venenato ore mella promittunt, caeterum juxta Apostolum quae secretè agunt, turpe est dicere. The english whereof (as you Martin have handled it) doth evidently prove that you understand not the Latin, or else meant to blind the reader: for this place doth plainly set forth the properties of the Popish virgin Priests, and of the other papists, that in all saint Hierom there can not lightly be found a better. Wherefore that the reader may understand the true sense of it, I will translate it truly, that your falsehood in translating may appear, when my translation and yours shallbe laid together. 
Hierom. li. 2. in O●c. 9  Heretics (saith S. Hierom) and all such as pretend that they love chastity, do very seldom love it in deed, as Manichaeus, Martion, Arrius, Tatianus, and the renuers of the old heresy. They promise honey with a poisoned mouth, but according to the saying of th'apostle, it is a shame to speak, what they do in secret. Now mark good reader, S. Jerome in this place inveigheth sharply against the old Heretics, which would not marry themselves, nor allow marriage in other, but pretended such an holiness with a show of virginity, and hatred of marriage, that with their holy looks and sweet words, they deceived the people. Whereby thou mayest well perceive, that this place of saint Jerome maketh fully against such Priests as say, they have the gift of chastity, and have it not, that live in whoredom and marry not, that pretend holiness in the sight of the people, but lead a filthy life in corners, and in secret. And for example, he nameth a number of heretics that were unmarried Priests, as the Popish Priests be, and thought marriage to be to unclean a thing to be in a minister, as all the papists do. Let Martin himself deny if he can that these were unmarried, so that there is nothing here, that agreeth not fully with the papists. Lo how ignorance blindeth Martin's eyes. You may see how he is felled with his own weapon. All the wit he had, could not, or else of frowardness he would not make a sense of this place. But note his impudency in his translation out of the latin into the english, he putteth in these words (against the Sacrament of matrimony) which is not in the latin, minding, as it seemeth, by a sleight for want of other proof, to persuade the unlearned reader, by this piece of saint Hierom, that marriage is a Sacrament. Which if it so did, yet were it no more for his purpose in this place, than any vain talk of the Moon or other by matter. So in this place, we have also an other testimony of Martin's falsehood, and see plainly that the notes, 
Martin's own marks declare him to be an Heretic.  whereby he minded to have (with the authority of saint Jerome) described us, do paint himself and his Popish virgin priests evidently to our eyes. But Martin suspecting belike that these notes also, either could not at all, or not sufficiently serve his purpose, he proceedeth to an other piece of saint Jerome, deducing as before his reason a posteriori. trusting that now he hath found out such notes, whereby to prove us Heretics, as we can not avoid, and his notes be these. They give themselves to gluttanie, to delicateness, to eating of flesh (whom therefore Martin calleth fleshmongers) to haunting of Ba●mes▪ they smell of Musk and Perfumes, and with other sundry ointments, they procure themselves to be beautiful of body.  
All men know right well, that as abstaining doth not prove a good Christian man, so doth not eating of flesh prove a man an Heretic. 
These old heretics were condemned amongst other opinions, because they dissuaded men from eating of flesh.  Manichaei, Tatiani, Montani, Cataphriges, Aeriani, Priscilianistae, Saturninus, Basilidiam, and many other old● Archeheritiques abstained from flesh, and taught this doctrine, that the eating of flesh did defile a Christian man, and yet notwithstanding their doctrine and abstenance, they were rank Heretics. Wherefore it seemeth that saint Jerome did not find fault with them that eat flesh, but with them that eat it not for the satisfying of their hunger, but of their pleasure. And in such case the eating of fish, or of bread either, is not commended. The Christian man abhorreth superfluous diet, 
The diet of a christian man.  and the vain pleasure that is increased of eating without necessity, and without respect of the kind whether it be fish or flesh: knowing that all creatures of God be good, if they be taken with thanks giving, 
1. Timo. 4.  for they be sanctified by the word of God and prayer. And also that which entereth into the mouth defileth not the man, but that which cometh out of the mouth defileth the man, that is to say evil thoughts, murder, adultery, whoredom, theft, 
Math. 15.  false witness, and slander. And whereas Martin thinketh the other notes, as smelling of musk, and washing in hawmes, painting of faces, etc. be notes whereby to know Heretics: Then it is an easy matter in Princes courts, 
Martin with his notes maketh the Papists heretics.  and Bushoppes' houses, and many other men's houses also, to find out Heretics by the nose, without the Pope's kind of Inquisitio haereticae pravitatis. If I say the savour of Civet, Musk, Perfumes, and ointments be sufficient notes to prove an Heretic (as Martin's divinity out of saint Jerome seemeth to infer) then must it also follow, that the greater and stronger savour, shall prove the greater and stronger Heretic. And then if a man would find out the rankest Heretic in a Company, his best way is to get him to a Popish procession (for sermons be laid aside, which reproved the abuse of such things) or to Mass, specially upon an high day, and he shall try out by his nose, who is not only an Heretic, but also who is the most arrant and most rank Heretic, above the rest. And it is like, the faierer and greater nose shall do in this case the better service, and therefore it might be thought good, that the Queen in bestoing her Bushoprickes, should consider not so much the learning of the party, as whether he have a fair nose or not, that is skilful in savours: for the bishop's nose (by this doctrine of Martin) shall do him as good service, as some handsome Summoner, and in deed might sometime smell out his master, for the most cankered heretic in the company. Well, seeing it is so, that we be condemned for heretics, because we smell of perfumes, and hot savours and delicate fare etc. (If it be true that Martin saith) then take you heed you field sold Papists, of your needles breakefastes, of your stretch belly divers, of your gluttonous suppers, rear suppers, blousing banquets, and Epicurious fare. Take heed of your hoot wines, of your hot spices, and continual iuncketing cheer. Take heed heed how you use balms or strong savours. Take heed ye paint not your faces, to make you seem more beautiful than you be in deed. Take heed ye carry not cloves or some like thing, in your mouths to save your breaths from stinking. Take heed ye dwell not in the North (which is an other of Martin's notes) for in case you offend in these things, your great learned proctor master D. Thomas Martin the Lawyer, by his divinity hath proved you all Heretics. And as touching myself and other whom it pleaseth Martin to call Heretics, we are contented, let this be the issue: whether of the Papists, or of us, have more of these notes, let them be called Heretics with shame enough. And let the other side be called Catholics and Christians, according to his clarkly determination. Oh (saith Martin) if saint Jerome had lived in our days, trow you that he would have written less of our married priests? verily it might be thought if he were a live at these days, & saw Martin's writhing of his writing, he would not judge Martin one of the wisest, applying that S. Jerome spoke of the filthy unmarried Heretics, to the godly married Priests of our days. For besides all other profess, this one (where S. Hierom saith he speaketh of them qui pudi●itiam amare se simulant, as Martin also allegeth, that is, which pretend they have a love to chastity) showed plainly, that his sayings must be applied to such unmarried, as the Popish Priests be, and can not be applied unto them which without dissembling their infirmity, for the avoiding of fornition take them wives, and live the godly estate of Matrimony. Also besides his plain words qui pudicitiam amare se simulant i. which pretend that they love chastity: the Heretics which saint Jerome rehearseth for proof and example were unmarried priests, & therefore (as thou seest) must needs be applied to such a wifeless dissembling generation, as S. Jerome noteth Antichrist their holy father. Yea, and it is further to be thought, that if he were these days alive, he would commend doctor Luther, Oecolampadius, Doctor Capito, Bucer, and Doctor Peter Martyr for the sincerity of their doctrine, and for that with writing upon the scriptures, they have given such a light, as S. Hierom his eyes would be joyful to see, though it were with the retraccation of other things, beside those wherewith his friends charged him in his books against jovinian, & such like as I have noted before. It is like that you fell into this wish of S. Hieromes life in these days, because ye would find some way to tell the world (that Oecolampadius, Capito, and Munster, were Monks or Friars, and afterwards married men. No man can judge otherwise that noteth your process, and perceiveth the desire that your tongue hath to lying. Well, seeing Capito was no Monk nor Friar (as you report him you shall not chose but suffer me to say, this is an other of your lies. For it is true that of these all that you report, he was neither Monk nor Friar. And in case they had been as doctor Luther, doctor Bucer, and the other were, it could neither further your matter, nor hurt ours, unless it be to ease your tongue a little, when it is desirous to rail. And where you say, their marriage was both against the Law of God, and the Law of man: and also where in the second Chapter of your book, you say it is an old heresy, new scoured, I doubt not, before I have done with you, 
The marriage of Priests is an old truth newly made heresy by the Papists.  and your fellows, ye shall see it proved before your face, that it is an old truth, taught by Christ and his Apostles, newly by you Papists and Gods enemies, made heresy. In which discourse it shall also appear, that D. Luther, doctor Martyr. etc. were not the first founders of this religion (as you sclanderouslie report) but the patriarchs, the Prophets, and Christ and his Apostles. But seeing Martin brought in this matter but for a railing purpose, I will leave it of for this present: And will tell thee, good reader, of an other solemn lie that Martin hath made, whiles his tongue runneth railing after D. Luther. He saith there, that Luther hath written in his book, de captivitate Babilonica: Si uxor non possit, aut non vult, ancilla venito. (That is to say) If the good wife can not, or will not, the good man may take his maid. Speak again Martin, where saith Luther these words? Thou sayest in his book, De captivitate Babilonica. The self same lie, maketh Pighius of Luther. Take that book in thy hand (good reader) and read it over, when thou findest there, as doctor Martin doth report, I am content, let it be said that I have slandered Doctor Martin, if not, testify with me, that he is a lying witness, and one of those Doctors, whom the Apostle calleth Pseudoprophetas in populo, 
i. Peter. two.  & falsos doctores, qui clam inducent sectas perniciosas. That is, false Prophets amongst the people, and false lying Doctors, which shall privily bring in pernicious sects.  
I assure thee (good reader) that is a foul lie, that Martin and Pighius his fellow maketh of Luther: For that saying which they all allege in Latin, as though it had been so by Luther penned, is not in all that book, where Martin most shamefully avoucheth the same to be. Shame ye not you Papists, that such a loud lying bablar, and so false and vain a man, hath taken upon him the defence of your cause? Whose own mouth and pen condemneth him for an open liar? Tremble ye not to shed any man's blood, upon the report of such an impudent man, as he is? I will not hide from thee, good reader, Luther's judgement in that book, concerning that matter. In one place there, speaking of the impediments of Matrimony, he saith, that if the man be such a one by nature, that is impossible for him to do the duty of a husband, 
The papists can not abide Luther when he teacheth their own doctrine.  than his contract with a woman, shall not bind her to be his wife, and this is his reason. Quia error & ignorantia virilis impotentiae, hic impedit matrimonium. Because, saith he, the error and ignorancy of the impotency of the man, in this case letteth the Matrimony, which saying, if you papists would condemn, ye condemn the doctrine of your own father the Pope himself. For Gregory bishop of Rome, writing to the bishop of Ravenna, saith on this wise. Virro & mulier si●se coniunxerint, & dixerit postea mulier de viro quòd coire non possit cum ea, si possit probare quod verum sit per justum judicium, accipiat alium. If a man and a woman be married together (saith the Pope) and the woman afterward say, that the man can have no carnal knowledge of her, & can bring forth lawful proof thereof, let her take an other. Moreover before in the same question, and afterward in the chapter (Si quis) these words be plain, and in manner the very same that Luther hath spoken, Impossibilitas reddendi debitum, soluit vinculum coniugij, The impossibility of doing the matrimonicall due●ie, breaketh the bond of matrimony: Understanding the same defect to be natural, as Luther by the plain words there declareth that he doth. And the self same doctrine is largely set forth and allowed by the master of the Sentence. Lib. 4. d. 34.  
Wherefore, like as for this saying Luther can not be charged with any new doctrine, for that the same is taught by the Pope himself and the master of the sentence, 
Magilier se●●one. lib. 4. D. ●4 read the place and judge.  and Gratianus &c: So can not the same discharge Martin of his former evident and most manifest slanderous lie. If the Papists have none of more credit than Martin the lewd Lawiar, is to defend their quarrel, their doctrine must needs lie in the dust, for lack of men of honesty and credit to defend it. If Martin were not shameless, I would not but marvel why he should so report of Luther, concerning his doctrine of Matrimony in that book, for he is there so aware of his words, and so circumspect with his pen in that point, that he will define nothing, as by the very last words there entreating upon matrimony, it is most evident, which for brevity I will omit. Many times it chanceth, that self will breadeth much ill, and never more, than when it lighteth upon a great parsonage. Which saying were proved very true by Martin's story of Michael Paleologus, if it were truly reported. But his mouth is so full of lies, that a man can not tell when he may believe him. He saith he hath read that history of Michael Paleologus in a Greek author. And that may be true, but it is very unlikely, because the histories do declare, that there were diverse Emperors of the eas●e, whose names were Michael, but no more named as (I remember) Michael Paleologus, saving Michael the seventh, and last of that name Michael, who was .1260. years after Christ, as Chronicles do witness, that is to say about 300 years ago. But the history that Martin ascribed to the Emperor Michael Paleologus, was (as he himself saith) when Pope Nicholas, about the year of our Lord .860. sent out an excommunication against Photius, patriarch of Constantinople. And so it followeth, that Michael Paleologus the Emperor was (if Martin's tale could be true) four hundred years before he was borne. Whereby it should seem, that Martin's talk in this place, is a notable feigned ly● and so much the more like to be ally, because he is in all the rest of his book so given to lying. 
another lie of martin's.  But let it be true that Michael the sixth (between whom and Pope Nicholas the first, the contention was for Ignatius and Photius) were named Michael Paleologus, (which I say Martin cannot prove) yet the history that Martin joineth to his matter (that is) that he hath red the cause of the contention, between Pope Nicholas the first and him, was for a pleasure that the said Emperor should show to his uncle, for the putting away of his lawful wife, and marrying his daughter in law, I think be not altogether true: but that somewhat in this history is added of Martin's own forging, desiring to have colour for his quarrel, when he intendeth to slander King Henry the eight the queens father, 
King henry the viii.  which intent of his appeareth, when he wisheth, that the like had not been practised elsewhere. And somewhat this my suspicion is increased, by that Martin refuseth to name the Greek author, whom he allegeth. And again, whereas in the books of general Counsels, the earnest Epistles written from Nicholas the Pope, to the Emperor Michael the sixth (for in those days there were none named Paleologus, as Martin saith) spoke of the putting out of Ignatius, and the putting in of Photius, into the office of the patriarch, no mention is made of any such matter, which is not like the Pope would have left out, being (as Martin allegeth) the chief cause of their falling out, and speaking so stoutly to the Emperor, and touching him so vilely, as his Antichristian boldness doth. But how much soever of the history is true, this chief point that Martin allegeth the history for, (that is, that the heresy against the holy ghost, and the contention thereof, sprang upon this occasion) this, I say, is manifestly false, 
another lie of martin's.  as by sundry substantial reasons, I will prove plain, to such as have any knowledge of the doing in general Counsels, 
Martin falsifieth histories  and be not as Martin is, arrogantly wise, wise I say, in their own conceit, and not in deed. For proof whereof, first and foremost, it appeareth in the first book and tenth chapter, in the history of Theodoret, 
Theodo●●●. li. 1. ca 10.  an old Greek author, by the confession of Pope Damasus (500 years before the time of that Emperor, whom Martin falsely nameth Michael Paleologus) which confession he sent to Paulinus Bushop of Thessalonica in Macedonia, that anon after the Nicene Counsel, sprang contention, for doctrine against the holy ghost, and that such a business ensued thereof, that the Fathers were feign to punish the offenders therein, by excommunication. Whereupon it followed, that both in Toletano consilio. 
Toletum conc●●▪ 1.  1. about .400. years after Christ, and also in the second Counsel, which some name the seventh Counsel of Nice, the bishops did put into the Crede, the proceeding of the holy Ghost, from the Father and the Son, as ye may read in those Counsels.  
The Latin seven. 
Nicen concls 7.  Nicen Counsel was holden in the time of Pope Hadrian the first, 
Hadrian was Anno D. 772. and the Emperor Michael. Anno D. 25●.  100 year before Michael had the contention with Pope Nicholas the first, in whose time, Martin saith, this error first began: and .500. year before Michael Paleologus was borne, of whom Martin falsely fathered this story. Which saying of his, if it were true, how could Theodoretus wr●●e of it, being dead in the time of Leo the first Emperor (as Gennadius witnesseth) many hundred years before? Will Martin make men believe, that the first Counsel at Tolet in Spain, and the 7. Counsel of Nice, amended things so many hundred years before they were amiss? And that Theodoret could talk of things, that were done about .300. year after he was dead? You favourers of Martin, behold your own folly.  
Furthermore, the decree of Eugenius the fourth, whereby the union of the east and West Churches were declared, doth show (as the same Pope Eugenius doth confess) that this dissension for the proceeding of the holy ghost, began, Nongentis & amplius annis (that is to say) more than .900. years before his tyme. And Eugenius the .4. began his rule in the year of our Lord .1431. out of the which number, if ye take .900. and more, according to Pope Eugenius account, it shall appear that Michael Paleologus (though he were in the time of Nicholas the first as Martin falsely reporteth) was above 300. year after this dissension began, which Martin for the maintenance of his lies saith, began in his tyme. If I should bring in the first caunsaile holden at Constantinople against Eunomius for denying of the procession of the holy Ghost from the Father and the Son, what can Martin say? Against this Eunomius, Basil and other have written plentifully. Thus ye see concerning the beginning of this heresy against the holy Ghost, Martin is found a falsifier of histories, not only by the supputation of years, but also by the very testimony of the Pope himself his God. Now concerning the cause of the disention between the Greeks and the Latins wherewith Martin charged the Emperor Michael Paleologus: The learned man cardinal Bessarion patriarch of Constantinople and Archbushoppe of Nicaea, writeth a whole Chapter for declaration of the cause of this schism and dissension, showing that the bishop of Rome was the causer thereof, for that he, Suà unius authoritate fretus, advocata synodo generali particulam illam communi symbolo fidei, non cum communi ascensu, ascripsit. that is, when he had called a general counsel, he took upon him of his own private authority, to add this parcel (of the proceeding of the holy Ghost from the father and the son) to the common creed, without the consent of the rest of the other bishops there assembled. 
The Pope was the cause of the dissension between the greek and the latin Church contrary to Martin.  Behold good reader, a plain proof, that it was the rash and temerouse boldness of the bishop of Rome that caused this dissension, who of his own authority would do that tumultuously, which he might have done with others consent quietly, and that was it, which caused first all that dissension that ensued, & also the latter ruin, mischief, destruction, and Turkish captivity, which Martin saith, is this day lighted upon the church of God in Grecia. But Martin will say, the thing that he did was good. Yea, but the manner of the doing was such, as I think Martin, if he thoroughly know it, as he would seem to do, himself (for all his folly) will not yet defend it. And the inconveniencies that followed the Pope's brawls and beastly audacity, declare that the means which he used in compassing his doings, were wicked and devilish. So that whereas Martin imputeth the breach and contention, between the Greek and the Latin church, and the overthrow, both of the Grecians Church and kingdom, to the lecherous life of the uncle to the Emperor Michael Paleologus: it is proved, that the Pope the author of all mischief in the Church of God, was the only match that kindled this fire. A worthy matter doubtless, to deprive the Pope for ever after, from bearing any rule, though there were nothing else, wherewith to charge him. And thus is Martin once again overthrown with his own reason, 
Two lies of Martin's at a cast.  and taken with a double lie, aswell for the alleging of the heresy against the holy ghost, to begin so lately, which began so many hundred years before: As for advouching the dissension, which rose between the east and the West Church, to proceed first of lechery and ambition (as he termeth it in his note in the margente) of the Emperor Michael Paleologus and his uncle, which proceeded first (as ye see by the testimony of Bessarion) from God's great enemy the Pope, the Archeheretique in Christendom.  
Now to make answer to that few lines, which remaineth in Martin's first Chapter, I need not to take farther pains, because they be nothing else but lies and railynges, grounded upon false grounds, as I have before declared, only to this end, that Henry the eight the Queen's father, might appear to the world both a lecher, an Heretic, and a man full of all other wickedness, out of whose naughty life, Martin would have all the preaching in king Edward's days, which he calleth heresy, to have his first original.  
And the proceedings of the late Parliament, in the second year of the Queen's reign, wherein all her father's doings in religion be condemned, seem to confirm the same. So that the queens Father (if he had been such a man as the Papists report him) were now condemned with us. Wherefore it is to be thought, seeing that almighty God hath permitted, some of us to suffer martyrdom by fire, by bloody persecution, and the tyranny of the Pope's Law, and torments for professing the truth of God's word: that now the body of that noble Prince the queens Father (because he was the beginner of all this, as Martin reporteth, and the continuer of it xxv years, as the proceedings of the Parliament seem to pronounce) shallbe taken up at Windsor, and burned as Wicklifes' was. All men of wisdom and discretion may judge of thee (if thou were not as thou showest thyself, a shameless railer, void of all regard, against whom thy tongue talketh) that it had been thy part, to have covered the fault of the Queen's Father, if thou hadst any fault wherewith to charge him, lest the world perceive some unnaturalness in her, so to suffer her noble Father now being dead, to be railed upon, by one who showed himself a traitor to him, when he was alive. All the world right well knoweth, that there is no spark neither of God's spirit, neither of good nature in those children, which are not grieved to hear their dead parents evil reported, and their faults revealed. Such is the reverence due to them that be dead, unto whom we ought obedience in the time of their life. And what good opinion may any man ever hereafter conceive of such a Papist, and of a great rabble of the rest, who glory in nothing more now, then that they have been rank traitors these many years? And what thing shall have the name of vice, where treason is made a virtue? Or what justice can be ministered, where a traitor is the judge? Who knoweth not, in a Counsel, where there be but twelve, what a perilous thing it was to have one judas, though none of the rest loved him? How much more is it then perilous, where all the rest allow his counsels and doings, and make as it were of an old judas, a new Christ. Here had I a great field to walk in, describing these dissemblers with princes, and with such realms where they bear rule, but we will cease, to utter their deservings, and return again to that matter, which doth more properly appertain to the argument of our writing, and therefore will resume that was begun in the .32. leaf B. continued unto .35. B. before, sm, that the Apostles had their wives, as all writers ancient confess the same, and all reasonable men will agree thereto.  
Now if it can be borne of men's ears, to hear that the Apostles had wives: why should this author by his tragical exaggerations make it so odious for bishops and Priests (the apostles successors) to have their lawful wives? I think he will not say that the best of his chaste Priests, be better than the Apostles.  
Again, to consider what Paphnutius said and counseled for the priests of his time: not to be separated, and that it is chastity to company with their wives, and that to separate them, might be an occasion of great inconveniency in them both. If in that holy time, when God was truly honoured, his word and Sacraments most holily ministered, priesthood was then in great high estimation, and that in married priests and bushops, as by name shall be hereafter expressed: why doth this author so stiffly cry for separation in Priests married, now sequestered by power, and not by right, from ministration, where they of Nicene, were suffered with them in ministration? If like peril may be feared in the parties now coupled together, why should they be separated more than the other? If their Sacraments were none other, nor holier than ours, their word none other then that we have: why may not our order stand with marriage, as well as there's? If like necessity of Ministers in this realm, be as great as hath been in other places where married Priests did minister, and yet doth in some places of the Occidental Church: Why should this writer exclaim so unlearnedly against English Priests marriage, as though it were not decent, nor tolerable, but against God's law, and man's law, lying against them both, and saying: that order and Matrimony: that a wife and a benefice, can not stand together. And in the bolstering out of this matter, is almost all his book employed: against antiquity: against the practice of the primative Church: against the word of God written: against the practice of tolerations in the like case of diverse counsels, and de●rees of the bishops of Rome, as shall be proved, when it cometh to place.  
I trust this Civilian is not yet so addict to the Canonical proceedings, that the matter lieth only in this point, that if the Bushop of Rome allowed the matter, all were well: for me think so he can not mean. For if his assertions be true, he must prove the bishops of Rome, diverse of them, to be very Antechristes', if they have dispensed against God's express words: yea, he must condemn a great many of canonists, and of schoolmen, and a great many of Catholic writers, traveling in controversies of this time, which peradventure hath read as much in Divinity and Canon law, as I think this Civilian hath done in his Civil, which be of clean contrary assertion to this singular man.  
But yet I hear this writer object again, such an objection, as was once made by a Canonist, in the expending of this very point: Distingue tempora (saith he) & personas, & concordabis leges & Canon's. Weigh the difference of time and of persons, and so shall ye make the laws and Canons agree. Then was then, and now is now. For the case, saith he, is far unlike betwixt the priests of the Greek Church, which were married before they were priests, and the priests of our Church & time, which he married after their order. And this he thinketh to be an high witty invention, and insoluble: and by this shift, he pronounceth the victory of the cause, before any stroke be stricken, standing stoutly in the difference of the time, marriage to go before order, or to come after.  
To answer: if it be true, as he can not deny, but that it was not lawful by their sayings of the Counsel of Nice to be separated, by Laws and constraint: and that it was chastity for the bishops and priests, to keep company still with their wives: yea, when they were ministering bishops and priests, in an other manner attendance and holiness, than the best chaste bishops and priests of our time practise in their doings: so that by their judgement, the one state dishonoured not tother, nor was impediment to the other, as hereafter shallbe proved by the testimony of their own canonists and Doctors: what difference is there in the substance of the order, in them of the primitive or Greek church, and in the priests of this Latin church, and Occidental church, but that order and matrimony, may stand together in one figure, in them both? As for vow, or promise shall be hereafter considered: open protestation, or no protestation: chastity of congruity depending or included by the nature of order, or for the Church constitution, shall be hereafter answered and expended.  
Now I say, if the priests of the Greek Church, lived godly in ministration with their wives, why may not the priests of the Occidental church, be judged to live as godly in Matrimony, and as lawfully to in England, having the highest Law in the realm on their side? But here this doctor will be offended to have any thing brought in, for declaration of this cause out of Grece, and maketh a great matter that men should so do, and repelleth all their doing thus: what is that, saith he, to the matter, are not we of an other territory and jurisdiction? If I should answer you so, master doctor, with your own objection, then might it be a full sufficient answer by itself alone, to all your whole book, to say when ye bring romish Canons out of Spain, out of France, out of Grece: I might so answer you, what be all these to the matter, are not we of an other territory and jurisdiction? When ye allege from Provincial constitutions, Synods; national laws of Emperors, Civil and Panim laws, what are all these to the matter of our Imperial laws, are not we of an other territory and jurisdiction? And thus your book is fully answered, and ye may now put up your pipes, with all your choristers of foreign Laws and Canons. Moreover, in the seven Chapter ye also say, that it bewrayeth the weakness of the cause, for priests to wander into Grece, to bring in their manner of living of marrying, & ordering. If that declareth the weakness of the cause, I pray you then, what is the strength of the cause ye have taken in hand? For ye be not content to rail and wander over all the Realms, and Churches of Europe: but ye run into Asia, and Africa, and bring in Panim priests to set out the matter. There is nothing in your book, written or unwritten, devised by your own brain, or surmised by hearsay, but ye make strong arguments, for your own vain and feeble cause. But briefly to answer this witty devise, of the difference of the time, till a ●uller debatement of that point, I shall answer, as once saint Hierom was answered, in a matter of Priests and bishops wiving and ordering, by a certain disputer, who defended the constitution of the church, as it was then, and as it is at this day, where S. Jerome is on the contrary part, holding that to have one wife before Baptism, and a second wife after, was not therefore an impediment to be admitted to priesthood, 
Epistola ad Oceanum.  or to a bishop's office. Nun legisti ab Apostolo, unius uxoris virum, assumi in sacerdotium, & rem, non tempora definiri? that 'tis. Dost thou not read (saith he) that by the Apostles authority, the husband of one wife, is to be chosen into priesthood, and that the cause and matter is thereby defined, and not the time? If this catholic disputer would have the saying of S. Paul to be weighed, in the nature of the order and marriage, rather than drawn to the circumstance of time, and that he must be the husband but of one wife, either before or after Baptism, at the time of his ordering, and therefore may be eligible to be a priest or bishop: And as saint Hierom himself writeth afterward, that it is rather looked for in a priest or bishop, what he is for the time present, than what he hath been: why not as well may saint Paul's text and authority, serve for a priest and a bishop, to be lawfully qualefied, if he be the husband but of one wife, whether he had his wife in the time he was no priest, or he take a wife in the time after he be in his priesthood? So he be as it is said, the husband of one wife, yea, successively. Wherewith ye may quarrel by authority of some expositors, though not with the manifest word of God. But to be the husband only of one wife before order, and after order, once for all, as ye say the Greek Church useth to do, ye can not quarrel rightly by God's word, nor yet by reasonable authority of man's Law, or Canon, in such necessity, as ye force and infer of their sayings.  
As for the other piece of Nicene Canon where it is said: that according to thancient tradition of the Church, such as were not as yet married, and were partakers of holy order, should from thence for the contract no marriage: And as for the Canon of the Apostles, which ye stand so strongly to, or yet for the saying of saint Augustine, immediately following the place, which is here before alleged, lest ye should cavil as ye do, that I left out the pith of the matter, and would slide slightly over the whole place of the authority, and bring them in by patch meals, with violent wresting, as ye use to do: I will hereafter bring them, & put them all together, to the judgement of the reader, to give sentence betwixt us, how far they weigh in this cause.  
Yet in the mean time, to make some insinuation to you of saint Augustine's question, note ye well his words, not as a subtle Lawyer, but like a Divine: and wrest not saint Augustine's licet, 
Cap. 4. have E. two a. Vt notatur. ca & ●i Christus. de Iureturā●o.  and, non licet, out of their nature as ye do. Quaedam illicita sunt in sui natura, quaedam civiliter i iure positivo, vel consuetudinario: quaedam sunt simoniaca, quia prohibita, quaedam sunt prohibita, quia simoniaca. Quid autem liceat, aut quid non liceat, pleni sunt libri scripturarum. August. in Psa. 147 qui confirmat vectes portarum. etc. Some things are unlawful of their own nature, and some by Civil constitution, that is, by positive law: Some things are simonical, because they are forbidden, and some are forbidden because they are Simonical: but what is lawful, and what not lawful, is fully set out in the books of scripture. And then again note, if S. Augustine openeth not his mind by the like, licet, and, non licet? saying. Antequam Ecclesiasticus quis sit, licet ei negotiari, facto iam, non licet. That is: Before one hath taken upon him the state of an Ecclesiastical person, he may give himself to worldly affairs, but afterward he may not. In like manner Consilium Aurelianense, saith. Episcopum, presbyterum, aut diaconum, canes ad venandum, aut accipitres, 
Non licet 〈◊〉 negotiari, interest ludis. etc. Distinct. 88 per totum.  aut huiusmodi res, habere non licet. It is not lawful for a bishop, Priest, or Deacon, to have hounds, hawks, or such like. Now call to your remembrance, how your Law qualifieth this licet, and non licet, till we tell you more in this matter. In your expending, if ye take not quid pro quo: ye shall do the better.  
But because the reader may further hear what saith S. Jerome, in the defence of his opinion, as is spread in the process of his said Epistle: and that the prudent reader may expend, whether his Rhetoric might not be applied against the adversaries of this cause, as well as he used it in the like cause: I will report his words, what he writeth further there, and lest ye should mistake the Epistle, I will show you how it beginneth. Thus therefore he writeth: Nunquam fili Oceane fore putabam, ut indulgentia principis, calumniam sustinerer reorum: & de car ceribus exeuntes, post sordes ac vestigia cathenarum dolerent alios relaxatos. In evangelio, audit invidus salutis alienae: Amice, si ego bonus, quare oculus tuus nequam est? Conclusit deus omnia sub peccato, ut omnibus misereatur, ut ubi abundavit peccatum, superabundet & gratia. Caesa sunt Aegypti primogenita: & ne iumentum quidem Israeliticum in Aegypto derelictum est: & consurgit mihi Caina haeresis: atque olim emortua vipera, contritum caput levat. Quae non ex part, ut ante consueverat, sed totum Christi subruit Sacramentum. etc. Dicit enim esse aliqua peccata, quae Christus non possit purgare sanguine suo: & tam profundas scelerum pristinorum inherere corporibus atque animis cicatrices, ut medicina illius attenuari non queant: quid aliud agit nisi ut Christus frustrà mortuus sit. etc. A paraphrasis of the same.  
By sweet saint Mary and good saint Martin to, I would never have thought (gentle master Martin) that it would ever have come to pass, that the grant and concession of that most Christian Prince king Edward, in his high Court of parliament, grounded upon God's almighty word, should ever have been quarreled with, and drawn into such accusation, that his loving subjects taking the benefit thereof, should be reputed as persons guilty: or that they, which be faulty themselves, and needeth the like pardon, that they would be greeue● and grudged therewith. I would never have believed, that master Martin, coming so late out of the stinking dungeon of Sorbon, after his miserable captivity, and Egyptiacal servitude, of the rusty and heavy chains of Popish divinity, and Romish laws, would have been angry at his return again into England, that other were released and enfranchised: the rather for that he, which is envious of the wealth and health of an other man, may to his shame and rebuke hear out of the Gospel, by the mouth of this good and Christian Father, and Prince of the household of England: friend, if almighty God, and I be good, why is your eye and intent nought? Do you not know how God hath so revealed the old pretenced Clergies chastity, that almost it may be said: all hath sinned, God hath searched them out, and hath charged them, and hath found them within the compass of this sin, to the intent to show them mercy, that repenteth them of their filthiness: that where sin so freely reigned, notwithstanding Law after Law, Canon after Canon, Constitution after Constitution, in this old pretenced and forced chastity: now should Gods grace the more appear, for the deliverance out of that intolerable burden, such a burden, as neither the Clergy of our time, nor our old fathers before time could so clearly bear, but all men saw how they spilled in the carriage. And that now at the last, the grace and gift of honest wedlock should appear in the Clergy, as once it was commendable in the fathers and priests of the primative church.  
Surely and without doubt, the virginal chastity is to high a tower for the most part of them, and is not fit, but only to such, as specially be called thereunto, by the rare and singular gift of God. The priests dear babes, and the bushops nephews, that in the old Babylonical Captivity, were most made of, and promoted, be now by God's word uttered to be but adulterous imps, 
Sap. iiij.  and bastardly broods, which do but testify of the wickedness of their progenitors and fathers, in the interrogation of their consciences, where the issue of chaste matrimony coupled with godly temperance, of them that fear God, shall be spite of the Devil, 
i Timo. iiii.  and all his Tatians, allowed of God, and so approved of men that know the truth. Where, I say, in the word of the Lord it is testified, that God will so judge fornicators and adulterers, that the plenteous multiplication of bastards, the friarly fry of Nuns and Munckes unlawful generation, shallbe never voucheable. What though the blind of the world, prefer these copulations, before the fruit of honourable wedlock, in the Bushops and Priests? Yet will God judge fornicators and adulterers. Though now Priests married be priest down, yet they shall stand upright in a good conscience before God, and trust no less even than so to appear, when he shall come to judge the secret of men's hearts. Where the adviterous plants shall take no roting, and there Parents have no permanent joy, but with the wind of God's mouth, in this world shallbe tossed like the dust of the earth in the vain doctrines of men, and at the last shallbe blown with there imps into the burning fiery lake of brimstone, the place appointed for Sodomites and Gomorreans: I say, these first begotten heirs of these Egiptiacall Locusts, be revinced and slain by God's word. And that there be come forth out of this Egypt I trust in conscience infinite numbers, so that there is not one left, to bear this beastly and intolerable yoke, if they have not the gift, and will yet come forth, if any yet remain still, to save their souls in wedlock, as is better for them, as holy barnard telleth them no less, 
De contemptu mund●  saying: Esse sine dubio melius nubere quam uri, & salvari in humili gradu, quàm in cleri sublimitate, & deterius vivere, & distractius judicari. Sumptuosa quidèm (loquitur de caelibatu) turris est, & verbum grand quod non omnes capere possunt. It is, (saith he) without all doubt better to marry then (not only, not to live in fornication) but to burn. And better it is to be saved in a lower degree and s●ate, then to be in the hieromes of the Clergy, to live there worse, and so to be the more sharply condemned. virginity and soole life, saith he, is a very high tower to climb to, and the word is very great which all men can not take. 
De cura pastoral●.  Audiant (inquit Gregorius) peccatorum carnis ignari, quam per semetipsum de hac integritate veritas dicit: Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc. Quod eo innotuit summum esse, quo denegavit omnium. Let them hear (saith he) such as be vne●perte of the sin of the flesh, that the truth itself pronounceth, with his own mouth, of this purity: not all take this word. Which he notified to be a very high thing, even herein, in that he plainly affirmed it not to be every man's gift. And yet these advertisements notwithstanding, riseth me up again, a barking Heretic, a very cain in deed, an envious murderer of his brother, and holdeth that all may have the gift for ask, who that will, and that chastity (as Pelagius affirmeth, whom saint Augustine confuteth) is of our election.  
See how this dead viper, under the green herbs and fair flowers of Catholic names, hath long lurked, and now beginneth to hiss out again, and would lift up his head so ●attred and broken, as saint Austen hath vanquished him: where before time, yet this Papistical Heresy denied matrimony but in part, to them that were votaries: and made no secular priests votaries. Now this hissing Hydre cometh forth with his monstrous heads, and doth deny the whole institution to Priests and other Ministers: neither lawful before orders, nor after orders. Where yet the fathers of the primative Church, would not dissever the marriages, no of votaries: but firmly did decree, in doctrine, to be very marriages, and pronounced that they do grievously offend, that separate such.  
Now this Goldsmith of S. Martin's, setteth out his fine polished ware, with such facing and staring, that he destroyeth the whole ordinance, as well in votaries, as no votaries, and defaceth these their marriages taken and entered by the strength and authority of a just law, of the supreme head of the Church of England, to whom belongeth of duty of his office, to constitute laws for redress of sin, and for good order of the Clergy: even in spiritual matters (writeth my Lord of Winchester in his learned book de obedientia) so spiritual matters saith he: that though they be the whoredom of spiritual men, yet his power and authority hath incidently in his princely government, to make laws therefore. Which matter he may see there debated at large, beginning at my said lords book printed by Thomas Barthelet the xiiij leaf: fancy .2. and so forth. Yet notwithstanding, this Civilian saith, the marriages be so great offences, that they cannot be forgiven by no manner of means, no not by Christ's blood, but only by separation. And saith furthermore, that bushops & Priests have so great deformities and scars, yet remaining in their bodies and souls, for their old incests (as he calleth them) that they cannot be mitigated with any gentle medicine of mercy and christian clemency: No not purged yet, nor sufficiently punished, with the deprivations of all their livings, but must look for much more yet, Cursis, Excommunications, Excoriations, Confiscations, open penance, yea the Devil, Hell and all. Thus far in the imitation of S. Hieromes invections. What meaneth this lawyer to forget so many laws, which I am sure he hath red? Intelliguntur legittimê contraxisse, qui authoritate legis contraxerunt. Qui peccat Legis authoritate, 
26. di. deinde 23. q. 4. qui peccat. August. in questi. ex utroque mixtim. ca 127. In regul. juris.  non peccat. Frustra accusatur, qui a judice laudatur. Ipse sui accusator est, qui reum dicit, quem leges defendunt. Indultum a iure beneficium, non est alicui auferendum. Quod fit juris authoritate, non habet calumniam. Quod deus constituit, nefass est crimen appellare. Quod deus coniunxit, homo ne separet. They may be said to have lawfully contracted, which have contracted by the authority of Law. He that offendeth by authority of a Law, offendeth not. He is accused to no purpose, which is allowed of the judge. Noah, he is rather an accuser of himself, which calleth him faulty, whom the law defendeth. A benefit granted by the law, ought not to be taken from any man: It should not be quarreled with, that is done by the authority of the law. That which GOD hath constituted, it is a wicked deed to call it a crime. That which God hath coupled, let no man separate.  
Yea, but these laws must be now glossed, and we must now call into question again (after so pregnaunte a determination, of my lord of Winchester's obedience, attributing to a Prince full government, spiritual, and corporal to be of his jurisdiction) whether the supremacy may meddle with these matters. etc. As this Lawyer plainly showeth his fancy, or rather frenzy in the end of his ix Chapter, where he maketh a Prince in his realm to be luminare minus, and the Pope to be luminare maius, which is a cloudy and dark distinction, saith my Lord, and worthy to be mocked out, for it maketh division. But I say to this young Lawyer, that hath not yet, nor never shall answer the reasons of my said lords book, in the debatement of this and other such points: I would wish rather, that he being yet but a young man, and because he is one of the Masters of the Chancery, and may have so good and ready access thereby to my Lord chancellor, to go and confer with his Lordship: Whereby he may as well by reading of his book, as further communication with him, be reform in his vain head, to leave such childish Sophistications, in such weighty matters of almighty God: and matters already at quiet in the realm. In the mean season, I will answer him with his own Civil, Qui rescriptum principis maliciosè vel astutè interpretatur, infamis est. 
C. de ligi●▪ De 〈◊〉. signi. Ca Olim. F. De const. Leg. vlt.  He that will maliciously or craftily gloze, and interpret the charter and grant, or writ of a Prince, is made infamous thereby. For the grant of a Prince, saith the Law, must be most liberally interpreted. And again saith the Law: The grant and bountefulnesse of a Prince, should be rather enlarged by interpretation, then restrained.  
But this Civilian will object again, that it is not his mind alone: there be good divines, bushops of the best, & other worshipful priests of the Clergy, which think that married priests, are to easily dealt with, and shall never be content, till they see them all out of the way, that their possession may be quite out of quarrel, what world so ever come. Then let such Divines, hear as good a Divine as themselves speak unto them, Chrisostome by name: or the author writing upon the xxiij Chapter of saint Matthew, 
26 97. alligani.  De opere imperfecto: and if they be canonists, let them see it in their Law, that they both together, may hear their part verse out of Christ's mouth: Alicante onera gravia & importabilia. etc. Tales sunt sacerdotes, etiam nunc, qui omnem justitiam populo mandant, & ipsi nec modicam servant. Videlicet non ut faciendo sint, sed ut in dicendo appareant justi, and so forth there more at large. They lay heavy burdens and importable. etc. Such be the Priests, saith he, of these days: they prescribe to the people all perfection, but themselves k●pe but a little, whereby they may outwardly appear in words to be holy, and not to be so in deed by doing. They lay undiscreetly (saith he) such penance, that must needs compel the party, either to cast it of from him, and so give him occasion to sin the more, or else to be pressed, and broken under the burden. Furthermore, saith he, though were go out of the way, when we enjoin little penance, is it not better to make an account to God for mercy, then for cruelty? For where the master of the household is liberal, should his steward be a pincher? If God be bountiful and merciful, why, a God's name, doth his Priest delight to be sour and cruel? Wilt thou appear holy? Be sharp toward thine own life, but toward thy neighbours be gentle. Let men hear thee to charge easy things, and let them see thee do great things: Strange priests, that can favour themselves, and of other exact great things. etc. Thus far Chrysostom. But now to return again, to report more sayings of saint Jerome, beating down this cain's heresy, this irremissible faul●e, as he here and there sprinke●eth his Epistle with, Si omnia, quae in ordinatione queruntur Episcopi, non praeiudicant▪ ordinando, licet ea ante baptisma non habuerit (queritur enimquid sit, & non quid fuerit:) quare solum nomen uxoris impediat, quod solum peccatum non fuit? etc. Omnia scorra & publicae collwionis sordes, impietas in deum, parricidium & incaestus in parents. etc. Christi font purgantur: & uxoris inherebunt maculae? Et lupanaria, thalamis praeferentur? Audiant Ethnici, audiant cathecumeni, ne uxores ducant ante baptisma, ne honesta iungant matrimonia, sed promiscuas uxores, communes liberos habeant. Imò caveant qualecunque vocabulum coniugis, ne postquam in Christo credederint, noceat eyes, ꝙ aliquando non concubinas, nec meretrices, sed uxores habuerunt. Recolat vnusqui●que conscientiam fuam, & totius vulnera plangat aetatis. Audiat increpantem jesum: hypocrita eijce primum trabem de oculo tuo, & tunc videbis eijcere festucam de oculo fratris tui. Verè Scribarum & Phariseorum similes, culicem liquanres, & Camelum glutientes. Decimamus mentham & anetum, & dei judicium praetermittimus. Quid simile, uxor & scortum? Imputatur infoelicitas coniungis mortuae, & libido meritricia coronatur? Ille, si prior uxor viveret, aliam coniugem non haberet. Tu ut passim, caninas nuptias iungeres, quid potes excusare? Forsitan timuisse te dicas, ne si matrimonium copulasses, non possesses aliquando clericus ordinari.Ille in uxore optavit liberos, tu in meretrice, sobolem perdidisti. Illi scriptum est, honorabile● nuptiae: tibi legi●ur, fornicatores judicabit deus. Ipse proijciet in profundum maris omnia peccata nostra. Quomodo in lavachro omnia peccata merguntur, si una uxor supernatat? Beati quorum remissae sunt iniquitates, & quorum tecta sunt peccata. Beatus vircui non imputabit dominus peccatum. Arbitror ꝙ possumus & nos huic aliquid cantico iungere: Beatus vir cui non imputabit dominus uxorem. etc. Ab omnibus inquit mundabo vos sordibus, in omnibus nihil praetermittitur. Si sordes emundantur, quanto magis munditiae non coinquinantur?  
If all such qualities (saith he) which be required in the consecration of a bishop, be no prejudice to him at his consecration, though he had them not before Baptism, (for it is rather required what he is now for the time present, and not what he hath been) why is only the name of a wife a stop to him, which only was no offence? All whoredom, all manner of wickedness against God, murdering of parents and incest. etc. be purged and washed away in Christ's water and Baptism: and shall the spots of a wife remain still? Shall whoredom be preferred before marriage? And there in that place saint Hierom doth vehemently inveigh, against such as reckoneth it a great fault to have a wife, but to have whores and concubines, they are not so much grieved therewith, saying. Let them hear that are Gentiles: Let them hearken that are yet scholars in Christ's school: Let them beware they marry not wives, before they be baptized: Let them take heed they join not themselves in marriage: Let them rather take women at all adventure, and have children in common. Yea, let them beware by any means the names of wives, lest after they come to believe in Christ, it be hurtful unto them, that they never had concubines and whores, but had Lawful wives. Let every one examine his own conscience, and bewail the wounds of his whole age. And then hear the Lord jesus rating them, thus: O hypocrite cast out first the beam out of thine own eye, and then shalt thou see to pull out the mote, from thy brother's eye: and woe be to you Scribes and pharisees, hypocrites: ye tithe Mint and Anise, and have left the weightier matters of the law undone: ye blind guides, which strain out a Gnat, and swallow a Camel, what similitude is there betwixt a whore and a wife? The having of a wife (saith he) is much charged for a miserable case, and the whore's lechery is advanced. etc. Let us understand the Apostle, not in the honourable testification only, and quality of having one wife, but in all other qualities, which he there rehearseth. I will saith God, cleanse you from all filthiness. If filthiness be cleansed, how much more is cleanness (meaning marriage) not defiled? How be all offences drowned in the water of Baptism, if a wife only swim a fit? It is said (saith he) in the Psalm: Blessed are they whose sins be remitted. Happy is that man, to whom the lord will not lay his sin to his charge. Belike now (saith he) we must join and add some thing more to this verse, and say: Blessed and happy is the man, to whom the lord will not lay his wife to his charge, and so forth. A bishop (saith he) may not be a new converse, a youngling in learning and life. etc. I can not (saith he) marvel enough to see how great the blindness of men is, to brabble of wives married before Baptism, and to draw that thing, which is dead in Baptism, or rather revived in Christ, to accusation, where as so evident a precept is observed of no man. Yesterday but a Novice under instruction, to day a bishop. At night a jester in a gamplaie, at morning a Priest at the altar. Was the Apostle ignorant of our brabbling cavillations, saith he? knew he not the childishenesse of our arguments and reasons? He that said the husband of one wife, even very he also commanded, that he should be without blame, sober, prudent, honestly appareled, harbourous, a teacher, modest, no drunkard, no fightex, no quarreler, not covetous, no youngling: at all these (saith he) we shut our eyes, but at a wife we set them wide open. In conclusion (saith he) when they object against us a wife before Baptism, let us require at their hands all such things, which be charged them after Baptism: they pass away lightly, things that be unlawful, and lay to great blame, that is granted and lawful.  
Thus and in many more such words, doth saint Hierom spend his whole Epistle: whose words the rather I desire to be expended, because this Doctor and Civilian bringeth him solemnly in for a great authority, in the parts of his disputation, whom I dare say, this writer will not allow in this point, how vehemently and earnestly soever he speak. And if he rejected saint Hierom in this opinion, as not to be holden, as their own law doth so condemn him in deed, we may be as bold, to except against him in his other sayings written against the word of God: Or at the least way, when saint Jerome is drawn out of one place of his writing, we may be bold to answer him with himself or with some other of as good authority as himself, if we want God's word in the particularity of any matter in our disputation. But certain it is, that S. Jerome in this point, condemneth all the late catholic church, and calleth them Hypocrites and superstitious to their faces, with the words aforesaid. 
Ca 1.  And writing furthermore upon Titus, he saith: many supposeth more superstitiously, then truly, that they which in their gentility, had one wife, and after her departure married an other, after they were Christianed, may not be chosen to priesthood. Which if it were to be observed, rather such should be hold back from being bushops: which before followed their lecherous lusts abroad with harlots, and after their regeneration took one wife. And much more detestable it is, to be a fornicator with many, then to be twice married. Montanus and such as follow the schism of Novatus, say that they have taken presumptuously upon them the name of chastity: which thinketh, that second marriages ought to be forbidden from the Church's Communion. Where the Apostle charged this thing of Bushops and Priests, and released it to other, not that he moveth to second marriage, but giveth pardon to the necessity of the flesh. And surely to be a Bushop of Priest without blame, and to have one wife, is in our power, thus far S. Jerome. And here again may we learn what it is to fight in controversies with man's reasons & humane authority, yea though they be not craftily couched together, & contorted, as the brag of this man's book standeth wholly upon that point, and to exclude the scripture, or else to bring in the sci●iptures for a countenance, but yet with violent gloss to draw them against the here, to apply them to that sentence that is satteled in his head already before he cometh to them, as it is this man's great grace in his whole book. And again here we may expend how circumspectly the canonists of Rome, affirm that the writings of the doctors and holy men of the Church, must be holden to the uttermost inch. Yea, they be now, commanded to be holden (say they) in all that they writ to the uttermost title. 
Distinct. 9 Nol●  For so they speak in the book of the decrees. If this be true, then let Jerome be holden in this point, or else, let them rather force no further man's sayings and authority, then of right the authors themselves would be taken and red, and as they themselves used to take other men's writings, of what antiquity & authority soever they were. There is a great difference saith S. Augustine betwixt th'authority of the Canonical scriptures, and the writings of Bushops, whether it be of our own, or of hylarius, or Cyprian, or any other. And therefore saith he to Vincentius the Donatiste: 
Epistola. 41.  stir up no quarrel of their writings, for they be not so to be red, that in such wise their testimonies be brought in, as though it were not lawful, to judge and think contrary, if perhaps they thought otherwise then the truth required. These are his words. Noli ergò frater colligere velle calumnias ex episcoporum scriptis, sive nostrorum, sive Hillarij, sive Cipriani, quiá hoc genus literarum, ab authoritate Canonis distinguendum est. Non enim sic leguntur, tànquam ex eis testimonium proferatur ut contrà sentire non liceat, si fortè alitèr sapuerint, quam veritas postulat. And in an other book of his, de peccatorum meritis, 
Libro primo, Ca●itulo. 22.  he saith: cedamus & consentiamus authoritati scripturae sanctae, quae nescit falli néc fallere, hominum est labi, hallucinari, falli, fallere, decipi, & decipere, Paulo dicente: Videte nèquis vos decipiat, etc. divinae aunt scripturae robur, nullum eiusmodi defectum admittit. Let us give place, and give our assent to the authority of holy Scripture, which can not be deceived nor deceive. It is natural to men to slide, to be blinded, 
Collossians. 2.  to be deceived and to deceive, to err, and to induce to error, as saint Paul saith: take heed lest any man deceive you by philosophy, and witty reason, and by vain subtility, according to men's traditions, according to the elements and ordinances of the world, and not after Christ. As for the stability of the scripture, is not subject to such default. And therefore saith cyril: 
Ad Reginas de recta fide.  Necessarium nobis est divinas sequi literas, & in nullo, ab earum praescripto discedere. It is necessary for us, to follow the holy scriptures, and in no point to shrink from that they do prescribe. Yea, let us read saint Hierom and all other, with that same rule as himself red other. For in his Epistle to Mynerius and Alexander he saith: Non praeiudicata doctoris opinio, sed doctrinae ratio ponderanda est, & sciat me illud apostoli libentèr audire: omnia probate, quod bonum est tenete etc. Meum propositum est antiquos legere, probare singula, retinere quae bona sunt, & a fide Ecclesiae catholicae non recedere. It is not the opinion of a writer (in his judgement so before declared) that must be weighed so much as the reason of his doctrine For I am glad (saith he) to follow saint Paul's precept: prove all things, and hold that is good. And also to give head to the words of our saviour saying: be ye wise and approved triars, that if any Coin be fourged, and have not the figure of Caesar, nor is not stricken like the currant Money, let it be reproved: and that which clearly beareth the face and Image of Christ, let that be laid up in the purse of our heart, for further saith S. Hierom: I profess this as well in my youth as in my age, that Origen and Eusebius were very great learned men, but yet did err in the truth of doctrine. In the end he saith, it is my constant use and purpose, to read the old writers, to examine every thing, to hold fast that is good, and not to recede from the saith of the catholic Church. But he●re, lest this writer should take advantage by these words (from the faith of the catholic Curche it is not his mind to include the faith of the Catholic Church in such notes, persons, and places, as now men forceth on us the faith of the Catholic Church. For the authorities & writings of the Clergy in his time, was not taken of him to be the catholic church, for his said opinion was clearly against the constitutions of the bishops in his tyme. And as he saith in a certain place add Heliodorum: 
●. q. 7.  Non omnes Episcopi sunt Episcopi, attend Petrum, sed judam considera etc. Non est facile stare in loco Petri & Pauli, scilicêt, tenere locum, iam cum Christo regnantium etc. All be not Bushops that have the name of bishops, mark Peter, consider judas, it is no easy thing to stand in the place of Peter and Paul, that is, to hold the cheer of them that reigneth with Christ. They be not the children of the saints, which occupieth the place of the saints, but they which perform their works. Infatuatum sal ad nihilum prodest, nisi ut proijciatur foràs, & a porcis conculcetur. The salt that is unsavoury, is good for nothing, but to be cast forth out of the doors, and to be trodden under foot. And saint Augustine saith: Non omnis qui dicit pax vobis, quasi columba audiendus est, Corui de morte pascuntur. Hoc Columba non habet etc. Not every one that saith, pax vobis, must be hard as a Dove, for Ravens feed of carrion, the Dove useth not this, she liveth of the fruit of the earth, her feeding is without hurt. And that Church (saith saint Jerome) is to be counted the catholic Church, which by the help of God's grace, wandereth not from the path and trade of the Apostles traditions. Again he saith: 
●4. q. 3.  Transferunt principes inde terminos, quos posuerunt patres eorum, quando immutant mendatio veritatem, & aliud predicant quam ab Apostolis acceperunt. etc. The head men and rulers do remove the marks and dooles, which their ancestors have laid, when they change the truth into lies, and preach other things, than such as they have received of the Apostles. Therefore, if the Church of England, can declare herself to pr●ceade nigher the rules of the Apostles, than that Church, which of duty challengeth the only name: it must be preferred before that private Catholic congregation, as this author bringeth in two authorities, 
Cap. ●. lran f. 1. Panorm. ●ignifi. de elect. Dist. 31. ●●ena  of Ireneus and Origen for his purpose, which subverteth all his pretence. Yea, they confess the Laws themselves, that one lay man having scripture, or a reasonable cause, is more to be received, than a whole Universitée together without the same. For the Church is not so builded upon Peter's person, or yet upon his See: but upon that sure confession, which came from him, that article of the faith, which he confessed (thou art Christ the son of the living God) so that Christ builded his Church, 
Distinc. 19 Ita dominus.  upon himself, saith the canonists themselves. This author cometh all to late therefore, what post haste so ever he make, or how so ever he use to blind this age, with romish articles of their faith, saying: The Church of Rome can not err, though they remove the marks of the Apostles precepts. And that it must be ever presumed, that the Pope is all holy, and may not be judged, and can not err: that his sayings are of equal authority with Christ's doctrine: and his deeds must be interpreted, 
Distinc. 40. N● 〈◊〉  as the murder of Samson, and the felony of the jews, and as the adultery of jacob: For it were a kind of Sacrilege, to call his fact into disputation: with infinite more such articles, as be every where in his decrees, and canonists writings.  
But yet I think this author urge still upon me, for the diversity of Priests marrying before order, and after order, and will require, what Counsel, what Canon, what example I can allege, that a priest ever married? To make short answer, till we come to particular debatement of these causes, as they be sundry in nature: so ought they to be sonderlie entreated, and not craftily mixed and chopped in together, to blind the unlearned reader. first I answer, with the words of a Catholic writer in a like cause. Quid si destituamur exemplo hominum, si habeamus praeceptum dei? What maketh matter, though we had no example of man, if we have a precept of God, and a confession of his Apostle, left yet safe unto us, as Alfonsus' Episcopus Canariensis saith? yea, after our orders, and promise whatsoever it be. Secondly I say, that by dispensations of the bishops of Room, diverse and many have as well married after orders, as after private vows, and solemn vows to, as shall be advouched good store of such examples, out of authentic stories, & some examples of others, that married after their order, without dispensation, and not thought to be the less Catholic for it. thirdly, I can allege to this English writer, two English acts of Parliament, so assented unto by the subscription of the whole Clergy, by the whole body of the Imperial state of the realm, which I will here after prove, to be of as good value and authority, for the defence of their marriages which were made by them, as a great sort of his Synods, and general Counsels to, that he reporteth in his Book so thick in every leaf, as though scripture were utterly to be laid a side, to give them room.  
And I marvel much, what this writer meaneth, being an English man, and offereth his service so ready to the Queen's majesty's, that can envy the crown of England, of that prerogative, that is by God's word incident thereunto, being so oft proved and confessed, yea, and sworn unto, by the whole Realm, and so much established by the learned assertions, sermons, orations, and other writings of the ancient Fathers, and most catholic men, that be at this day known, and had in reverence and authority, for their great wits, learning, and gravity of life, by the space of twenty years perpetually inculked, which now to call again into question, may entangle many a good man's conscience in the Realm, who were most chief induced by them, both to swear, yea, and to jeopard their souls therein, and many be departed in the same belief already.  
Moreover, I would wish this professor of Civil to consider, or at the least the (gentle reader) to note, with what charity he could so slander his own country men, the Queen's subjects to her grace, in his Preface, with so odious accusations of incest, heresy, covetousness: and because he would leave nothing behind, to promote them to the Queen's grace's credence, with treason also and malice to her grace, and that without exception of any one man, entered into the said state of marriage: who as they be many, so had they diverse respects in their doings, and have at this day diverse cogitations in their hearts. And though he could charge some, or many with the said crimes, as God be thanken, I think his own conscience telleth him, that his pen lied: and as I trust is not the suspicion of a great many, of as good hearts to the Queen's highness, as he Thrasonically bloweth out in his Book to bear her, yet he eccepteth none, but universally and singularly, charges all in assertion, solemnly pronounced with no further proof, but, ipse dixit. And where was his remembrance, to jeopardy the fame of many other of the same coote, whom I am sure he favoureth well enough, noting Heresy and Lechery, so jointly to be knit together, that where the one is, their is the other, as sister's inseparable. So that by this man's assertion, being one of the principal and first articles, whereupon he growndeth all the building of his book: we must needs believe, that where unchaste life is, there is Heresy covertly covered. Let him consider if this principle be resolved, whither and how far, the world can soon judge it goeth. In very deed his assertion hath some ground of authority, beside that he bringeth in of Simon magus out of Epiphanius. For Chrysostom writing upon the first to Tymothe the .4. of such as shall departed, (not from the Bushop I say (but from the faith: giving heed to the spirits of error etc. Hic loquitur (saith he) the Manichaeis, & Encratitis, & Marcionitis, omnique illorum officina. Per hypocrism loquentes mendatium etc. Nempen ipsa quae mentiuntur, non per ignorantiam nèque inscij, sed simulando loquuntur, cum certè veritatem non ignorent. verum, conteriata, id est, vita slagitiosa sunt. He speaketh saith Chrisostome of Manichees, Encratites, Marcionites, yea and of all such artificers and crafts men, that they shall depart from the faith, yea, he speaketh of the Manichees, saith he, and also prosecuteth those things, of such like heads and leaders of error. But what is it, saith he: speaking lies in hypocrisy? Mary saith he, the lies which they speak, they speak them not for lack of knowledge unwittingly, but by simulation. For certainly they be not ignorant of this truth, but their consciences be marked with a hot iron, that is to say, they be of life most shameful, and abominable. So that this foresaid assertion of this Civilian, may be more truly charged upon such of the Clergy, who liveth either in manifest, or secret lecherrie, by God's word without all controversy, so of all men taken, & so of themselves infinitely, confessing it in their private confessions before they go to their Masses, without any effectuous repentance or purpose to leave it, in the most part of them, then of such copulations which yet be in controversy, whether they be lechery or chastity, or rather out of all controversy among indifferent learned men, to be wedlock chastity. So that your first chapter M. Martin & all that you bring therein, may be a sleeve to wipe your own noses with, how soever ye apply it: wherein I appeal to the whole world: to judge who be they that counterfeit chastity, and in secret live viciously: & then, who be those heretics & fleshmongers. justinus the christian Philosopher & martyr, was never the more defamed, though the barking Philosopher Crescens Cynicus reproved him, tamque gulosum & mortis timidum, luxuriaeque & libidinum sectatorem. As Hierom writeth: that is, a glutton, fearful of death, an haunter of riot & lechery. But of this matter, is sufficiently before said. But now this Civilian will reply, and appeal to all the world, to judge upon whom, such authorities of Epiphanius & Chrysostomus & of others such, are to be verified: whether upon heretics as the authors themselves termeth them, or upon the catholics, who will not be acknown to depart from the faith, but lay that fault altogether to other men's charges and burn them in their pretence of departing from the faith. In deed I must confess, that here the Catholics (so taken) hath the better hand of the heretics, so named. For they have so bewitched the people, yea, the great part of the wise of the world, such as be contented to have both their eyes put out, and after to be led by them, that the common understanding and hearing of the word and name of heretic, is strait way conveyed to them that be slandered therewith, and the name of the Catholic, is forthwith most commonly meant upon them, that have that word most in their mouths, though in their lives, and in a great part of their doctrine, they be so far repugnant from the Catholic fathers in deed, as the jews which most bradged of their father Abraham, were furthest from his faith. But the world is somewhat wiser some where, then so lightly to be led blindly by the nose, to be deceived with vain names, by stout facing, and bold bolstering. When the world saw Christ and his Apostles bragged out among the pharisees & Lawyers, who did repute them to be seditious and erroneous teachers in their new doctrine: the common appellation so prevailed against them in deed, & they themselves called themselves, and were so reputed to be the maintainers of God's glory, of God's Sabbath days, of Moses, of Abraham's faith & of the prophets doctrine: But John the baptist who with his fan could sever the Corn from the chaff, called them by their own names in deed, progenies viperarunt you adders brood, & bad them no more so brag of their father Abraham, except they had the faith and deeds of Abraham. Yea our saviour Christ called them Hypocrites, blind leaders, and painted walls, dissemblers, and deluders of the people, under pretence of father's traditions and Laws: under pretence of prayers and fastings, and such clookes of holiness, the virtue of those deeds being far out of thestimationestimation, as they ought to be used.  
Though some of such writers as this Civilian is, laboureth with all shift of wit, to shift of S. Paul's sentence to Tymothie: of such as in the latter days departeth from the faith, giving heed to deceiving spirits, and to the doctrines of devils, in Hypocrisy speaking lies, having their consciences marked with an hot iron, forbidding (not condemning) to contract Matrimony, commanding to abstain from meats which God hath created to be received with thanks giving, for all that God hath made is good, and not to be rejected. etc., applying this place to the Tatianes' and Martionistes, and such other: yet they can not so be discharged, 
Libr. 1. ca 3●. Nicephorus l●. 8. cap. 25. Constaminu● vult Arianos ut suffragatores eius Porphyrianos nominari, ut quorum imita●● sū● mores, eorum quoqite obimeant appellationes.  For as Ireneus saith: Qui quoquo modo adulterate veritatem, & praeconium ecclesiae ledunt, Simonis Samaritani Magi, discipuli, & successores sunt. Quamuis non confiteantur nomen magistri sui ad seductionem reliquorum, attaméns illius sententiam tenent. Whatsoever they be that corrupteth the truth, and doth deface the commendation of the Church of Christ, be the disciples & successors of Simon Magus of Samaria, although they will not acknowledge the name of their master, to the seducing of other, yet they teach his opinion: and though in one sort they be not found, condemning Matrimony as evil in all men, yet they forbidding it to some men, show what they be, for as Epiphanius saith: Heresi. 67. lib. 2. to .2. of such. Serpens enim alatus hic est, & Scorpius alas habens secundum multos modos, & volans, & imitans quidem Ecclesiae virginitatem, non habens aunt puram conscientiam. De hoc enim & similibus impletur illud, cauterio notatam habens conscientiam prohibentium contrahere matrimonium. etc. subsannantur autem perfectissimè propter eas, quas habent singuli, inductas mulieres. etc. This serpent is winged, and this Scorpion hath wings, and flieth after many fashions, and it counterfeiteth in deed the virginity of the Church, but hath not a pure conscience: of this truly and of such like is that fulfilled: they have their consciences marked with an hot Iron, forbidding to marry, but worthily scorned they be for such women, which every one of them have within their houses.  
Saint Augustine, de unitate Eccesiae, in a like matter, writing against the Donatists, saith: If they can first teach us, saith he, that we be sepulchra dealbata, painted sepulchres, as they call us, and lay to our charge, we can not refuse to be reproved, and beaten back with such words of the holy scriptures. So that the proof and trial of all the matter, resteth not in the abused name, and appellation, but in exterior acts, and doings, the fruits whereby do judge the trees.  
Moreover it can not help them, to allege saint Augustine, and other such old authors, in the exposition of these words prohibentes nubere: where saint Augustine saith: Manichei abhorrebant nuptias tanquam malas, etiam propagationis causa, & damnant creaturas ciborum, ꝙ natura malae, & immundae sint. 
Co●●ra faustum M●niche. li. 3.  Ideo ij dicuntur prohibere: non qui huic bono, aliud melius anteponit. The Manichees did abhor Matrimony as evil, even in respect of procreation, and that they condemn the creatures of meats, as evil and unclean of their own nature, and therefore, such are to be said to forbid marriages, not those which prefer to this good thing, an other better.  
Now I appeal to all the counterfeit Catholics, wheresoever they dwell. Do they so prefer single life, and virginity in priests, that they call not yet their marriages no marriages, that be so already passed and married: or rather do not they pronounce such marriages, to be adulteries and incest, clean contrary to saint Augustine's doctrine. 
Li. 1. Ca iii.  Iraeneus adversus heresies: A Saturnino & Marcione, qui vocantur continentes, abstinentiam a nuptijs annunciaverunt, frustrantes antiquam plasmationem dei, & obliquè accusantes eum, qui masculum & foeminam ad generationem hominum fecit. The continentes, so called of Saturnine and Martion, hath Preached the abstaining from marriage, so making voide the creation of God, and by a subtle fetch, they accuse him, which made man and woman, for the generation of men. Where Ireneus hath obliquê, Eusebius hath subtiliter accusantes illum▪ craftily, not with open condemnation, but by a crafty devise, not appearing to every man's eyes. Is it not all one to condemn Matrimony as the Manichees do, & by laws to forbid it as Papists do? Saint Paul speaketh of forbidders to Mary, and of such as shall be in the latter days. But i● this doctor will say, that he followeth neither Martian, nor Tartian, but good S. Jerome, whose sayings he bringeth in very oft, without choice and discretion: in good faith, I believe him well, that he doth so in deed, as the most part of all that sect. And how far he and they differ, in praising of virginity, & condemning or forbidding Matrimony, ye shall have a little taste of his opinion, writing against jovinian, where in some places he writeth thus: jubet Apostolus ut semper oremus: si semper orandum est, nunquam ergo coniugio seruiendum. Quoman quotiescunque uxori debitum reddo, orare non possum. Again, puto ꝙ nuptiarum finis, mors sit, fructus continentiae, vita aeterna. Again Nuptiae per se non sunt bonae, & comparantur incendio. Qui in carne sunt, deo placere non possunt. Again. Nullum periculum ne pereant nuptiae, etiam si multos cohortemur ad virginitatem, stultorum enim semper infinitus erit numerus. Again. Ex quo ostenditur virginitatem non mori, nec ●ordes nuptiarum ablui cruore martyrij. And contra Heluidium: Non negamus maritatas sanctas mulieres inveniri, sed quae uxores esse desierunt. etc.  
The Apostle giveth a precept, that we should alway pray, if prayer must alway be had, ergo, wedlock is not to be used, for so oft as I render due benevolence to my wife, I can not pray. Also I judge, that th'end of marriage is death, but the fruit of continency is eternal life. Also, Wedlock for itself is not good, and is compared to a fire. Again, they that be in the flesh can not please God. Also, there is no danger that Marriage should be left, though we exhort many to continency. For of fools the number shall be ever infinite. Also comparing John a virgin, and Peter a married man, he saith: whereby is declared, that virginity shall never die: but as for the filthiness of marriage, can not be washed away with the blood of martyrdom. Also writing against helvidius, thus he pronounceth: we do not deny, saith he, but that it is possible to find married wives, holy women, but such (saith he) which cease to be wives. Of which place, Erasmus could gather no other, but that he should mean, that marriage is not to be allowed, no not for fruits sake. And such other sayings innumerable hath S. Hierom, whom this man reporteth with such authority. But in the next part of this treatise, all such causes shall be more fully expended, to see whether the feigned Catholics of these days, be not far fallen from the true Catholics, of five hundredth years next after Christ: and be not relapsed into the plain heresies of the Tatianes', Manichees, and such other: how soever they cover themselves close, as they imagine. Sed omnia dum produntur in lucem, manifesta fient. But all things when they are showed at the light, be made manifest.  
Furthermore, I would wish to have some considerations more, to be weighed of this gentle and courteous Civilian, how he could be so rigorous and extreme, without any moderation, or indifferent equity, so sore to charge Bushops and Priests for marrying in this realm: with such inevitable necessity, and with so undispensable a bond, to contain under pain of eternal damnation. And further, so highly to magnify this late doing against them: that they be gently deprived of all their whole livings: and that, not for five, or ten years, as the equity of some Canons prescribeth, but for ever. And to say that they be driven favourably out of their ministrations. Specially where he may read what indifferency and toleration is granted in some counsels and decrees: yea, in other christian realms and dominions: and standing the assertion of so many learned Divines, and canonists, & of the old ancient writers in the church, I say, that he could so pass away in his reading and collecting: all their moderations: and only way, the most extreme rigour he could find in any of them all, against the said marriage of Priests here in England, so married by law, as they be.  
Where, he readeth, I am sure, how tenderly and favourably his canonists expound and gloze the hard laws and canons that be written against Priests, living in open adultery, and manifest fornication: And yet could not sprinkle some drops of such holy water, to ease the heat of the hoot zeals and stomachs of some certain of the Clergy, which for pure honesties sake, in respect of their faint lives, dare not once touch any of the polluted benefices, and promotions, that the unclean married Priests have so long defiled with their wives, unworthy as they be, once to be said, ave, unto in salutation. And furthermore most unworthy reputed to come to their Tables, to their presence, for disteining their holiness and angelical vows of chastity: but must needs blow so fast these fiery coals, not only to inflame the stomachs, of some of the said Clergy that be already incensed beyond wit, honesty, and learning, against them: but also to move the Nobility, to incense the Commons rather to repute them for worse than Heathen or Turks, if his entendment should have like success to proceed, as his stomach pretendeth.  
I am sure he cannot be ignorant of the soft gloss, that the canonists make for the excusing of fornications and adulteries in Priests without wives. 
Dist. 〈…〉  As for example. Presbyter, si sornicationem fecerit, quanquàm fecundum Canones Apostolorum debeat deponi, tamen iuxtà authoritatem beati Siluestri. etc. Decem annis poeniteat. Though a priest that committeth fornition ought to be deposed, according to the Canons of the Apostles: nevertheless, by th'authority of blessed Sylvester, let him have, ten years, penance. etc.  
The gloze thereupon saith: for fornication sake, at these days, no man ought to be deposed, as is commonly said, except he continue therein. And this is the reason: because, saith he, our bodies be more frail, then before time they were. And here again, saith he, you may see that the Counsel dispenseth against the Apostle, in the pain.  
And lest, ten years penance, shall be thought to hard for fasting: the glosser telleth us of two good remedies. The one is, that it may be dispensed withal. The other is, that a man may fast by an other, and so be delivered, and for a great need, may dispense with himself to. 
Dist. 34 Fraternitatis  Also. Quamuis multa sint, quae, in his & huiusmodi casibus observare canonice iubeat sublimitatis auctoritas: tamen quia defectus nostri temporis, quibus non solum merita, sed corpora ipsa hominum, defecerunt, districtionis illius non patitur manner censuram. Ideo. etc.  
Although, saith Pelagius (not that heretic, for whose condemnation this Civilian impudently writeth, that the English heretics, as he calleth them, be angry with S. Augustine: but the holy father that was Pope of Rome) the high excellent authority of the Canons, saith he, chargeth many things to be straightly observed in such cases: nevertheless, because the decay of our time, cannot bear, that the censure of so much sharpness should abide in strength: in as much as both the very bodies of men, in themselves be weakened, and for that also men's virtues be decayed: and in consideration of the age of the party, of whom by likelihood of his age, there is no great fear to be had of any incontinency hereafter, we have granted him licence, to take thorder of deaconship, and as for Micene his wench: let her be put into some Monastery, to profess chastity. Eccè casus (saith the Gloze) ubi plus juris habet luxuria, quam castitas. Lo a case, where Lechery hath more right and privilege, than Chastity. For the chaste should be put a back, if he had contracted with the second, but not so the fornicator, as this Civilian writeth, that the church for mercy's sake putteth not jovinians law the Emperor (making it death to ravish a professed virgin) in ure, yet hath the Church, saith he, always used great grievous pains against vow breakers. Cap. x. Litera. V i.  
Also out of the fourth Tolet Counsel in Spain, Quidam clerici, legittimum non habentes coniugium, extranearum mulierum, vel ancillarum suarum (quae interdicta sunt) consortia appetunt. Ideo, quaecunque clericis taliter coniunctae sunt ab Episcopo auferantur, & venundentur. etc. Some of the Clergy, for that they have not lawful Matrimony, covet the company of outward women, or of their maidens, which is utterly forbidden. Therefore, 
Glosa corrumpe●s ipsū●●xtum non loquitur dè uxoribus sed de mulieribus ut in concilio Toletano 3 ca 5 Liquet.  whatsoever women they be, that be so coupled to the Clerks, let them be plucked from them by the bishop, and let them be sold: and let such clerks, whom the foresaid women have infected with their lechery, be bound in penance for a tyme.  
The glosser there (to be sold) saith he, understand it when they make contract of Marriage with them, as with wives, for else I will not grant, that they ought to be sold, or yet to be brought into any bondage for simple fornication. 
Dist. 81. Cap, Maximianus.  For, saith he (Ca Maximianus) it is commonly holden, no man should be deposed, for simple fornication, seeing few can be found without that fault.  
Here unto agreeth that great Lawyer Astexanus. lib. vi. titulo. x. 
Li. 6. titulo 10.  Fornication is a Canonical crime, and a deadly sin, the pain whereof is deposition: Dist. 25. ca Si. & Dist. 83. Si quis & Ca Romanus. But I answer (saith he) that these chapters expresseth the rigour: But that Dist. 34. Fraternitatis,) containeth the equity, which must be far preferred before the rigour. And therefore the matter of fornication, must be much more easily handled, because few can be found clear of it, and the multitude must be spared, saith he.  
Also out of an old ancient Counsel of Neocesar, 
Dist, 28. Presbyter: Ca●. 1●.  where it is written. Ca primo: Presbyter si uxorem duxerit, ab ordine illum deponi debere: quod si fornicatus fuerit, vel adulterium comiserit, amplius eum pelli. etc. A Priest if he Marry, let him be deposed from his order, but if he commit fornication or adultery, let him be more charged & forced, and put to penance ●mong the laity.  
From his order (saith the gloze) that is from his office, not from his benefice. And by this (saith he) following saint Augustine's authority, in sermone 37. ad fratres in heremo. The priest should be more punished that committeth fornication, than he, which contracteth lawfully. And this is the reason: for that he (sc the fornicator) doth against the holy order, & also against the law: And he (sc the married priest) doth less offend that marrieth a wife, because he believeth that it is lawful for him so to do.  
In the ix Canon of the said Counsel, it is said: he that committeth a corporal offence, that is to say, fornication, and yet after taketh upon him thorder of priesthood, if he confess it, that he hath so offended before his orders taking, let him no more offer (that is, minister or officiate) yet let him remain in other offices, for the profit of his study. Here saith the gloze: is a good argument, that there is less punishment for fornication, then for any other crime: the reason is, because so few be found without that crime.  
Ex consilio Toletano nono. Cap x. anno. seven. Reccesinulli regis.  

The law reporteth it thus: xv. q. 8 Cum multae super innocentiam ordinis. which is all one with an easy gloze.  Cum multae, super incontinentiam ordinis clericorum, hactenus emanaverint sententiae patrum: & nullatenus ipsorum reformari quiverit correctio morum: usque adeo sententiam iudicantium protraxere commissa culparum, ut non tantum ferretur ultio in authores scelerum, verum & in progeny damnatorum. etc. Where as there hath passed before time, many decrees of the fathers, upon the incontinente life of the Clergy, and yet by no manner ways their correction of manners, could be brought to stay: whereupon their incorrigible manners, hath so far provoked the fathers, to give sentence and judgement, that not only due punishment should be executed upon the authors themselves for such enormities: but also upon the issue of these damnable persons: Therefore, what soever he be from a bishop to the Subdeacon, that shall hereafter beget children on their maids, free or bond, in such detestable Wedlock: the said children shall not only not inherit their father's goods, but also shall be in perpetual bondage in that Church, where their fathers ministered. Beside that, the fathers themselves shall be condemned by the Canons. etc.  
understand, saith the gloze, that this rule serveth for Priests which do lawfully marry wives: for such be more grievously punished. But what soever (saith he) is here said, seiing the church hath not used this law, she loseth her right in this point.  
Ex Canone Apostolorum. 24.  
Presbyter aut Diaconus qui in fornication, 
Dist. 8●. Pres●●t●●  aut periurio, aut furto, aut homicidio captus est, deponatur: nòn tamen communione privetur: dicit enim scriptura: non judicat deus bîs in idipsum. A Priest or a Deacon which is taken in fornication, or perjury, or felony, or murder, let him be disposed. But let him not be excommunicated, for the scripture saith: God judgeth not twice upon one thing.  
Taken, 
Dist. 50 si qui. Ca Dnon sanct.  saith the gloze: nay by saint Marie, not taken only must suffice. And in the same Distinction, he saith, that though the Canon of the Apostles be the better, because it is the more ancient than the other canons: 

According to the words of the law Clericis Laicos infestos opido, tradit antiquitas, Laici in accusationem uèl testimonium Clericorum nón sunt adn●●●t●na● exir, lib. 3. cap. 3.  
De immunita te E●●le●iarū. Marry God forbidden one to bewreye an other except it be in confession. D●st. 81. Cleric● In glosa.   yet it is prejudiced and derogated by the later. And there he teacheth that though the Canons be repugnant one against an other, yet they be all made by the instinct of the holy ghost.  
But to the gloze again: Taken. But how shall the lay men prove that, saith he, seeing they can not be witnesses against a Clerk? And when they be so admitted for witnesses, yet they are not to be credited, except they have seen the clerk even from the beginning in his adultery. Yea, beside all this, lay men may not be believed in this point. For the laity, saith he, is alway utterly against us. The very words of the canonist.  
But I put you a case, saith this good lawyer and favourable patron of the Clergy, that two clerks do witness against one, and avouch that he hath committed fornication with such a woman and such a day: and then in this case: ij. lay men on the other side affirm that he was with them all the day long in an other place: I hold, saith he, that then those two lay men ought to be better believed, because they stand on his side that is accused. And here ye may see, saith he, a good authority, ●hat a clerk may purge himself some time with lay men.  
Furthermore, be it in case that a Priest do lie with an other man's wife in the church, the woman confesseth the fault, the priest denieth it: in this case commandeth Pope Alexander the three that she be put to penance for a fool, for bewreiing confession. The Church must be cleansed with holy water, the Priest must be put to his purgation of priests of his neighbours, more or fewer as please the bishop. If they will depose for him, then let the priest continue in his office notwithstanding. But what if the matter be so apparent, that both the mother with her oath, the child with his face avouch it, and at the last the priest confesseth it? What remedy for such a mischief to save the honour of the Church?  
Marry, after he be examined privily in thordinaries chamber, he is enjoined penance, but secret to, for the slander of the Church: For it is decreed by their Laws. Dist. 28. Presbyter. solennem poenitentiam Clericus facere non debet. A Clerk may not do open penance. As once I hard of a priest, examined of a bishop that was alive within these twenty years, in his inner chamber: which, for such kind of blessing his spiritual daughters, was followed with earnest commendation of a gentleman in the parish. The Priest confessed the deed before the Bushop and certain other so chosen. Wherewith the Bushop was very angry, for that he denied it not, and blamed him much, that he took a single woman. Ah nodie, saith he, hadst thou no more wit but so: A man's wife daw, I tell thee, a man's wife.  
I trust that if this bishop were alive, he would be more gentle than some Bushops be now, except he had such conscience as some Bushops have now.  

Dist. 81. Si qui sunt.  Now cometh in Gregory in the same distinction, and thundereth with wonderful words, to all manner men, throughout the dominions of Italy and Duchland: Si qui sunt presbyteri, Diaconi, uèl Subdiaconi, qui in crimine fornicationis iaceant, interdicimus eis ex part dei Patris omnipotentis, & sancti Petri authoritate, Ecclesiae introitum, usque dùm paeniteant & emendent etc.  
If there be any Priests, Deacons, or Subdeacons, which do lie in the crime of fornication: we forbid them or interdict them of the behalf of God the father almighty, and by the authority, of holy saint Peter, once to enter the Church, till they be repentant, and have amended it. But if any of them will rather have a desire, to persever in the offence, let none of you all once presume to hear their Mass or service. For their benedictions shall be turned into maledictions: and their prayer shallbe turned into sin. For so the lord testifieth by the prophet: I will curse, saith he, your blessings.  
Now whatsoever they be, saith Gregory, that will not obey this wholesome precept, they shall incur the sin of Idolatry etc. The gloze there, 
Dist. 81, si quis Understand this yet but upon married Priests saith the Rubriche, as this learned Lawyer co●torteth it  in the Chapter following, saith, that they which be constitute in holy orders, may not resort or train to their Concubines or wives, for if they do it continually, they must be deprived of their ministery, and benefice too.  
I marvel that where civilians and canonists by such iontly and commonly proceeding in degree together, and therefore have great agreement and affinity together: and that of this Civilian it cannot be said, that he, is over seen in the law Cannone: But may be called Can all: And then again hath such a pleasure to bring in his Tolet counsels out of Spain so oft, and so thick, that they bear the greatest rule, in his great muster of his strounge laws, and great Canons: because he would not flatter, as ye may be sure: that he would not yet bring some of these laws, gloss, and divine Canons, where by yet he mought have declared how thoroughly and universally seen he is in the Canon law, and expositors of the same.  
But peradventure he meaneth the advancement again of the Church, to restore the old purity and chastity of the Clergy as hath been practised: And therefore would have all the world believe, that married priests be the most unlearned priests in the world: most slothful and negligent in ministration: and that it is most impossible for them to be oft in the pulpit, or visiting the sick in the night, as he saith, not keeping hospitality in the day: nor be at home resident: and that they be most covetous to glean and scrape for their wives and children, and therefore keep no houses at their benefices: and that they be most uncareful, and unnatural for their nephews, and that they do nothing else but sit by their wives side, and dance them on their laps all the day long, and that they cannot be well judged in any thing that they do: but are to be suspected, in all the town beside, for their experience: and are to be judged that they can not be contented with one woman alone.  
Now on the other side, he would have good catholic men brought again to good belief, to thancient faith of the church, to the good opinion that they have had of the clergy before time, to suppose well of all their doings: not to suspect them in any case, because they look so sainctly, they speak so devoutly, and carp so catholicly: not to fear them, though their wives call for them o●te in their sickness, to be visited in the night, and to be confessed: and though they know by Lente confession, for whom they shall pray for all the year following: not to judge their doings, but to presume alway well of them. And therefore, he would have the world won again, to the Articles that be in their holy Canon law. Where it is written by th'authority of Pope Antherius. 
●i. q. 3. Absit  Absit, ut quicquam sinistrum de his arbitremur, qui Apostolico gradui succedentes, Christi corpus sacro ore coficiunt, per quos Christiani sumus. Qui, claves regni coelorum habentes, ante judicij diem judicant. etc. God forbidden, that we should think any thing sinisterally of them, which being the successors of the Apostles in degree, make the body of Christ with their holy mouth: By whose means, we be Christian people. For they have the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and do judge before the day of judgement. In the old law, saith he, who soever had not obeyed the priests, either he was cast out of the host, and stoned of the people, or else had his head stricken of with a sword, and so the contempt revenged by his blood. But now (saith he) the disobedient is cut a sunder by spiritual execution, or else is he cast forth of the Church, and is rent in pieces with the ravenous teeth of the devil. The gloze noteth thereupon.  
Clericus amplectens mulierem, presumitur bene agere. Si ergo clericus amplectitur mulierem, interpretabitur, ꝙ causa benedicendi eam, hoc faciat: ut Dist. 96. In scriptures. quamuis Canon, solam confabulationem interpretatur in deteriorem partem. etc.  
A Clerk embracing a woman-muste be presumed that he doth well. 
Some old peevish Canon of the Apostles or of the primative Church.  If therefore a Clerk take a woman by the middle, it must be interpreted, ꝙ he, that he doth it to give her his blessing: as in the .96. Distinction. Ca In scriptures: although, saith he, the Canon, will interpret the only talking with her, into the worst part.  
Yea, S. Peter is brought in, in the same distinction to speak, when he ordained Clement to be his successor. 
Dist. 96. ca quicunque.  Quicunque contristaverit doctorem veritatis, peccat in Christum, & patrem omnium exacerbat deum: propter quod, & vita carebit aeterna. What soever he be that will molest, and make sad a doctor of the truth, he offendeth against Christ, and doth provoke God the father of all, for which cause, he shall also want eternal life. Thus they would have the people brought again, to their old faith and credulity: and not to be to suspicious, of them that profess virginity. But of the married Priests, let them think as evil as they can devise: for he so desires it, and to much punishment, is to little for them. And yet themselves stand in doubt some time, whether they may perform this common catholic faith one of them to an other In so much, that in respect of their holy chastity, 
24 q. ● Quis vid●●  belike (whereof they never have hearty repentance) their own canonists say: Quis vidit dignè sacerdotem poenitentem? Who ever saw a priest worthily sorry for his offence? And therefore saint Hierom in that distinction searching the old stories, saith: I can not find any other to have rend the church, and that have deceived the people, but only those, which are set of God to be the Priests and Prophets: th●se be they, which be turned to crafty snares in all places, giving slander. Chrysostom agreeth to him, de poenitentia. Dist. i Quis aliquando vidit clericum citò poenitentiam agentem, & si depraehensus humiliaverit se, non ideo dolet quòd peccavit, sed ideo confunditur, quia perdidit gloriam suam Who ever saw the spiritual man turning from his fault? For though he be taken and humbleth himself, yet he is not heavy, for that he hath offended, but for this cause he his confounded, for that he hath lost his estimation. And in deed there be some mysteries in doctrine in this matter: that priests committing fornications with twenty women, and so live all their life long, be not yet half so evil, as Priests that have wives. Which wholesome doctrine a man may some time hear, not only of mean learned men, but of some of the highest learning, that holdeth so. Which secret mischief me think this man Marten should have in his head, by the manner of his writing. For where he laboureth with great travail of his wit, to prove secular priests votaries: that the priests vow standeth in this point, sc (never to marry) that is to abjure marriage, and to contain from marrying: which vow some Lawyers and divines to, do call, votum negatiwm. Now say they, the priest if he Marry, he surely breaketh his vow, and is in great danger: but if he commit but adultery or fornication, he breaketh no vow, for he vowed but the abjuration of Marriage, and no refusal of fornication, though peradventure chastity may be thought to be annexed to his order, by some scrupulous & Pope-holy observation: But yet in great disputation among them, whether single fornication be sin or no, and great arguments, pro & contra, and long occupied in the Schools: yet at the worst he breaketh no vow, nor is any heretic, as the Priest that taketh a wife. Such conclusions being so openly expressed in summary books, it is no marvel though they repent so seldom, and though they themselves can not trust well one an other of chaste living. For Nicholas Panormitan being an head Lawyer, and in chief authority among them, saw so little cause by his experience, to be out of suspicion toward the Clergy, that he giveth a rule to spiritual judges in this cause, saying: that an oath may never be given to him, of whom may be taken a vehement suspicion, that he will break it: and there upon giveth a great charge to the Ordinary, that he compel not the Clergy to swear to forsake their Concubines: the judge sinneth deadly, saith he, to offer and exact such oaths. And Alexander the third, Extra. de cohab. cleri. & mulie: prescribeth it, as a Law, that the Clergy ought not to be compelled, to abjure their concubines. They both saw what presumptions might be taken, that they would never forsake them: yea, there is nothing more earnestly restrained in their Canons, then that any Priests should have any women in their houses: where at the time of Nicene Counsel, and in Cyprian'S da●es, they were yet contented, that priests had in their houses, their mothers, their daughters, or sisters, or their wives, but yet no maid beside. So in the latter days it was decreed, in a Counsel at Magunce, that they should have neither sister, aunt, nor mother in their company. For saith the Counsel: it is well known, that by the instigation of the Devil, abomination hath been committed with them. Thus, though themselves, were never of that belief (for they saw by invincible experience alway the contrary) so that they could not trust thereto themselves: yet the laity must believe their chastity, to be of the old ancient faith of the church, that they may not be evil thought of: and so commanded by Nicholas the first in his rescriptes, 
Tit. 14. de presbyteri. distinct. 28 consulendum.  de presbyteris. Vobis qui laici estis, nec judicandum est, nec de vita eorum quicquam investigandum. Of the priests, you that be lay people, may not once judge of them, nor yet to make any search of their lives. And to prove that it was the common faith many hundredth years ago, and so accepted by the examples of the highest potentates of the world, as of one of the most and first Christian emperors, that ever was, or ever shall be, thus it is there written, what he would do if he saw a bishop lie in bed with an other man's wife, as Nicephorus telleth the story. In scriptures narratur, Constantinum Imperatorem dixisse: Vere si vidissem proprijs oculis sacerdotem dei. etc. peccantem, chlamidem meam expoliarem, & cooperirem eum, ne ab aliquo videretur. etc. It is told in the scriptures that Constantine the Emperor said thus: Truly if I should see with mine own eyes God's Priest, or any of those that be in the habit of Religion to sin: I would do of my clock or purple rob, and would cover him, that no man should see him. Lo, this Constantine was our country man, the rather should English men, be good to priests Concubines. I think it would be a great while, ere this holy Martin of his Civilitée, would extend his charity so far, as to cast, to poor married priests, any part of his cloak, to cover their lawful Matrimony, from the eyes of envious and ignorant people: as this Emperor of his charity would cover the priests harlots. But it maketh no matter, seeing that Elie the Prophet hath cast down the cloak of God's word, to defend the married Priests from the cold frozen hearts of wicked ignorant Lawyers, and captious Sophisters: They need care the less, to come under his patched beggars Cloak. But let us hear what is more said to the advancement of the catholic faith? The self same Constantine being president in the holy Counsel of Nice, when he heard that there should be brought to him complaints of certain bishops, said openly: Vos a nemine diiudicari potestis, quia ad dei solius judicium reseruamini. Ys may not be judged of any man, for ye be reserved to the judgement of God alone: which catholic saying, saint Gregory reporteth to Maurice the Emperor, with some further circumstance, thus. The Ecclesiastical story, saith he, witnesseth, that when there were presented certain libels of accusation against certain bishops, to Constantine of Godly memory: he took them in his hands, 
Not the bishops, but the L●bels.  and he called the self same bishops before him, and casting them into the fire, said: go ye and order your own Counsels among yourselves. Ego vos non iudicabo, a quibus debeam ipse judicari, I will not give judgement over you, of whom I ought in mine own person to be judged. For it beseemeth not our worthiness, that we should judge Gods. In which sentence, saith Gregory, he wrought himself more honour by his humilitée, than he did to them, to whom he showed such reverence. Although yet my Lord of Winchester writ, quam vocem, presentis reverentia virtutis, non potestatis aliquando expresserat, which saying declared more the humilitée of his present virtue, then expressed the truth of his authority. The uttering of which his affection, ought not so to be forced (saith my lord) that ye should mock out or defeat the charge committed by God to the Prince's authority. Dioretus lib. i. cap. xx. reporteth an other manner of saying, by him spoken (whereof they li●●e to make no great boast) to the bishops of Nicomedia. Si habemus Episcopos castos, orthodoxos, humanos, gaudemus: & si quis audacter inconsulteque ad memoriam, ac laudem pestium illarum exarserit, illius statim audatia, ministri dei, hoc est, mea executione coercebitur. If we find the bishop's chaste, catholic, and courteous, we will be glad: but it any will boldly and rashly revive again by his furiousness, the pernicious examples that be paste, his presumption shall be restrained, by just execution of myself, that am God's minister. But these sayings be nothing so pleasant, nor so often uttered of Emperors and kings, as that other, which Pope Paul the third, in his admonition to Charles Emperor that now is, could repeat again as his predecessors hath always been wont: but the times be changed, and Pope's manners be known to well in these days.  
Furthermore, saith the said Gregory, seeing GOD in his scripture, giveth them such honour, that he himself calleth them Gods or Angels: what marvel though you honour them? And thus we constitute, saith he, as well generally, as specially for all Priests. For that excellent Preacher Paul biddeth, judge not before the tyme. Yea, and that they should not fail, of their full due honour in deed: it was decreed in a Synod, called Consilium Matisconense secundum, about the time of Pope Pelagius the second, where ye may read a letter of king Guntran, (by whose licence and authority, 
Guntranus rex 〈◊〉  they made that Counsel) what primacy and authority he expressed over that Clergy, as much as ever was used in this realm yet, as new as men would make it. The number of bishops gathered there, were above forty, which made a jolly Gaudeamus omnes in domino, between themselves, that they had won of the king, a liberty in Counsel to see one an other: thus they decreed. ca xv. If a lay man should meet in the way some better man of the Clergy, the Say man should in the lowest manner of courtesy stoop reverently, and bow down to him: if the Say man be on horse back, and the Priest also, than the Say man to put of his hood of his head, and do his duty of salutation. But if the priest be on foot, and the lay man on horse back, incontinently he must light from his horse, and perform his due honour to the said Clerk. Now to bind this holy Canon the stronger, in the end thereof it is knit up thus: Qui vero horum quae spirtu scton dictant sancita sunt, transgredi volverit: ab Ecclesia, quam in suis ministris dehonorat, quamdiu Episcopus illius ecclesiae volverit, suspendatur: Whatsoever he be that shall transgress these Canons, which be decreed by the inspiration of the holy ghost: 
This King was long before King Henry the 8. or King Edward either, yet had their judgement.  let him be suspended out of the Church, which he will not honour in her ministers, even so long as shall please the bishop of that See. But now in the end of that Counsel cometh in the king, and telleth, that how so ever they have provided for their priests, if they cover their sins, or will cloak them with their Spiritual merchandise, if they will not reform them by the Canons, which he calleth his decrees: he would have his temporal judges take them in hand: And even there enjoineth both the bishops and their Priests too, that between them they should provide, that his people be taught the word of GOD, and that every sunday, or else etc.  
Thus good reader, though I may be tedious in reciting a few places out of the church laws, as there be wonderful many of this vain: yet to ease thine ears I will hear cease. But yet I desire thee to pardon my fault. For seeing this Civilian hath taken so much pain to bring in so many laws and Canons in his book, meaning thereby be like to have thee learned in the counsels and determinations of the Church, to help somewhat his godly zeal in the furtherance of thy teaching, I have added some more to his, to make thine understanding the better: And to make thee see, that although this Civilian would have thee think, that he is only seen in the law Can none, and would win the name at thy hand that he can all, and that in Paris he hath seen all: yet thou mayst see that he hath not rehearsed all, not be an infinite number, of as good stuff as this is, or of his either, if a man would take pain in so ghostly a matter. Yea, if the third man came in betwixt us twain, and would hold on neither sides, like a good indifferent man, but would be a pacifier betwixt us, or a neutral to us both: there is yet left matter in the texts and gloss enough to hold, pro & conta, to say what ye will: So stable and constant be their determinations and sayings: So thoroughly may a man build his conscience upon Church laws and Canons, for sure determination. In so much that it is said by Petrus Cantor Parisiensis, 
De verb abbr●u●●o.  that Alexander the Pope, (not he that first devised the holy water for Spirits, but an other Alexander) should say: that if he were moved with like reason and probability, he would be as ready to judge for a negative, as he was before for the affirmative. For which cause saith he, because positive justice is so mutable and inconstant, that ye can not be fully resolved therein, M. Ivo Carnotensis, of pure indignation and anger of heart, threw the book of Church decrees at his feet, as vile and unprofitable. And there he saith, that one Canon is derogated, by the contrariety of an other: Some time by the silent consent of the Rome Church, And some time by the use of the contrary.  
Wherefore saith he, the best way is, to recourse, as isaiah biddeth, to the testimony of God, & to his law: to allege out of that, whose power can no man's authority withstand or deny: Where the decrees be very movable, in that they be written and graven in the chest of the breast of the lord Pope, that he may interpret them which way he will, and that must be law to be sticken to, what soever it be. For Christ (pardie) will not permit his immediate vicar to err, according to the scripture: Ego pro te rogavi ne deficiat fides tua. I have prayed for thee, that thy faith should not fail. Yet this lawyer taketh away all authority from scripture to be a judge in matters of disputation, though S. Augustine ever more called upon the Donatists & such other, 
De unitate Ecclesiae ca ●6.  to stand to the judgement of the scriptures, and said plainly, as bewriteth. Quia nec nos propterea dicimus, nobis credere oportere, quia in Ecclesia Christi sumus, aut quia ipsam q tenemus commendant Milevitanus Optatus, vel Mediolanensis Ambrose▪ ●el alij innumerabiles nostre communionis Episcopi, aut quià nostrorum collegarum concilijs ipsa praedicata est etc. Non ideo ipsa manifestatur catholica. Sed ipse dominus jesus cum resurrexisset a mortuis, & discipulorum oculis videndum, manibus tangendum Corpus suum offerret: ne quid tamen fallaciae separati arbitrarentur, magis eos testimoniis legis & Prophetarum, & Psalmorum, confirmandos esse iudicavit. For we say not ourselves, that therefore of necessity we must be believed, because we are in the Church of Christ, because we hold that church which is commended and approved by Optatus Bushop of Milevitane, by Ambrose bishop o● Milan, or by other innumerable bishops of our own Communione: or else for that it is so set forth in the counsels of our brethren in office with us. The Lord jesus himself, after he was risen from the dead, and after he had offered his body to his Disciples, both to their seeing and to their feeling: yet lest they might fancy that they were holden with some Fallax or deceit, he thought it more convenient, to have them confirmed by the testimonies of the law, and of the prophets and Psalms.  
Yet notwithstanding this assertion of saint Augustine, and o● many other such in their writings, this Lawyer maketh it h●s chief ground to stand on, and setteh it for one of his first principles: that the church can not err, and that the determination thereof, is a most sovereign remedy against heresies. Now ye know out of what church he draweth his testimonies of laws and Canons. 
Cap. 4. ●rā. D. iij. i Really present.  The Counsels saith he must needs have the holy Ghost: and that Christ is really present there: and therefore it is the ready mean to abolish Heresies. And that as the Church, so must we of necessity be driven to demand and stand to the sentence of general Counsels: and that the word of God can not be judge, but is to bear witness only of the matter.  
Now if ye will grant him such grounds, in the beginning of his tale, and to stick to such arguments as he deduceth out of the scriptures: full substantially be ye sure, he may th●n ●roue what him listeth.  
Marry, if he happened of one that had answered him as frowardly, as the boy answered one Cayus, a Poet once at Cambridge, reader of Terence, then might he seek for other grounds, or else those better chosen and applied, to build up his strong ga●e building, as it is gorgeously erected.  
If ye list to hear the tale, thus it was. Cayus for his pleasure, playing with a boy of his, being a young sophister, said that he would prove the boy an Ass. Which when the boy denied: well ꝙ Caius, thou wilt grant me this first, that every thing that hath two ears, is an Ass. Nay marry master will I not, ꝙ the boy. No wilt thou not ꝙ Caius: Ah wily boy, there thou wenst beyond me, for if thou wouldst have granted me that, I would have proved thee an Ass anon. Marry master ꝙ the boy, ye might well, and so might every fool do. Well ꝙ Caius, I will go an other way to work with thee. Thou wilt grant me that every Ass hath two ears. Nay marry will I not master ꝙ the boy. Why so boy ꝙ he? Marry master ꝙ the boy, for some Ass may hap to have never one, for they may be cut of both. Nay ꝙ Caius I give thee over, for thou art to froward a boy for me.  
And so if all be granted that ye would, ye might soon then prove, the partial reader of your book, that liketh all that ye say, as wise a beast as Caius would have proved his boy.  
But yet I must bear with this Civilian. For he had it not of his own invention, but followed a crafty Romaniste, who first devised this prophyrical assertion, even pestilent Pighius for so saying: that great divine, the father of all the Sermons & books, that be now a days written of Papists in matters of religion. For he pronounceth: That the scripture is of no certain determination to define any thing. But is like a nose of wax, which ye may wrest to and fro flexibly to what side ye will, to what sense soever ye will have it agree to, and there to set it. What though, Athanasius confesseth the contrary, saying thus: Fateor ego quod ex scriptures, exactior est quam ex caeteris veritatis probatio? I do confess, that there is more exact proof and trial of the truth by the scriptures, 
In decretis Nicem sinodi contra Eusebium.  then of any other things whatsoever: but neither Pighius nor all his faction, care one halfpenny for Athanasius or any of them all, for all their loud crying to have them credited infallibly in all their writings, but for their own purposes. Is not this foresaid saying of Pighius an high commendation, think ye, to the scripture, thus to trifle a way the weight and authority thereof? And yet if ye should ask him, whether scriptures be commendable: he could not for shame say nay. If ye asked whether it were an unsufficient book to teach all truth, and to revince all error? He would without all shame say yea.  
Even so, ask him whether Marriage be honourable and commendable? He will not say nay: because he would be seen to escape the name of a Tatian. But ask whether Marriage in an unadvised votary, or in a priest no votary, be Marriage? He could not in his conscience say yea, because he pretendeth to be in so saying, a Catholic. But yet in so saying, he shall be a Tatian, and a ranker heretic than Tatian, to prohibit it to them that have not the gift, but by violence of Law.  
If he say that he hath saint Augustine for him, De bono viduitatis: to whom he appealeth, and so doth this counterfeicte Pighius, most untruly and contortly: in so much, that first I wonder that Pighius pretending to be a divine, for shame would so falsely corrupt the very text of saint Augustine, as he doth in his book of controversies: And secondly that this Civilian would craftily lay away the first part of S. Augustine's text unanswered: and training the reader to the latter part, falsely expounding it, contrary to the plain words of saint Augustine, there and otherwhere oft repeated, saying: That marriages of the very votaries be Marriages, and not adulteries. And then blow up the trumpette of an high challenge, 
Cap. 10. lran t.r.a.  which saying: I demand of all the priests in England, and aswell all unmarried heretics, as married Priests, whether they will stand thoroughly unto saint Augustine's place there cited. etc. Sir, seeing ye use in your book so oft demanding therein, and provoke so stoutly all manner of men to answer your book, whereby if ye be detected, ye must blame yourself: Ye shall hear a short answer, of a man neither heretic, priest married, nor unmarried, but yet was like to have been a priest married, if the world had not altered: that if they be wise, they will not shrink from that place of saint Augustine, for the misty gloze, which ye cast upon that place. For I pray you, take on your spectacles even again: And yet look more narrowly upon that place, and examine whether such matrimonies, even in them that he votaries, be worse than adulteries? Or rather that he saith: the slidynges and fallings from the holier chastity, be worse than adulteries. Saint Augustine saith these words there. Proinde qui dicunt talium nuptias, non esse nuptias, sed potius adulteria, non mihi videntur satis acutè considerare quid dicant: fallit enim eos similitudo veritatis. etc. They that do say the marriages of such, to be no marriages, but rather adulteries, they appear to me, not to consider wisely enough what they say: for they be deceived with a similitude, and appearance of truth. Chrysostomus ad Theodorum, epistola. Angelorum enim societati semel iunctum illud relinquere, & uxoris laqueis implicari, adulterij crimen incurrere est. ●uis frequenter hoc ipsum nuptias voces, ego tamen & illud adulterio, tanto pei●s affirmo, quanto maior ac melior est angelus. To forsake that state, which is so nearly knit to the society and fellowship of Angels, and to be wrapped in the snares of a wife, is, to incur the fault of adultery: & although you never so oft call it Marriage, yet do I avouch, that it is so much worse than adultery, by how much an Angel, is greater and better. Ergo by this aucthorie, they be adulterers: respondeo. The bishop of Winchester in his third book against Bucer, noteth upon this place brought in by Bucer, that he in these words consenteth with saint Augustine de bono viduitatis, and so the manifest form of the words importeth. Then be they not by this authority affirmed adulterers, and no Marriage, what soever blame they be worthy. Also the form of such words must be interpreted as Pope Evaristus teacheth. Aliter legitimum non sit coniugium, nisi petatur a parentibus, & sponsetur, legibus dotetur, cum precibus benedicatur & solemniter accipiatur, biduo & triduo orationibus vacetur. etc. Aliter presumpta, non coniugia sed adulteria, non continentia, sed vel stupra aut fornicationes potius, quam legitima coniugia esse, non dubitatur. Let it not otherwise be counted lawful matrimony, unless it have the parent's consent, and the parties be trouthed, and according to the laws endowed, and blessed with prayers, and solemnly received, and give themselves ●o prayer two or three days: for if they come otherwise together, it is not to be doubted, that such are not marriages, but adulteries, not continency, but either whoredom, or fornication, rather than lawful wedlock. Astexanus lib. viii. tit. viii. sic interpretatur: Non sic intelligendum quod non sint legitima, sed quod non habent decorem & honestatem debitam, & fiunt contra prohibitionem, & sic habent culpam: & hic locum habet quod scribitur. 22. q. 4. Innocen. parag. unde datur intelligi. etc. It is not so to be understand, that they are not lawful Marriages, but that they lack the comeliness and honesty due unto them, and are made against the prohibition, and so are faulty.  
And here now, do I demand once, for your six times demanding in your book, of all the Finers and Goldsmiths in saint Martin's lane in London, and all the counterfettes in England to, with all their gay gilting, and fine polishing of a plain piece of Coper: Let me hear what gloze they can set upon these foresaid words, that can so shine and glister to bewitch their eyes that have half their sight, yea, though they be brought but to your half lights, and can not spy what the metal is: How fair a piece of glass soever ye set out gorgeously with subtle foils beneath, to make it appear a fair Diamond above, whereby ye deceive sometime a good jeweller: Let me hear, how ye can make these places before alleged, to teach your wicked, malicious, and slanderous opinion.  
Sir, there ye may read, expended so by Erasmus (as well seen in saint Augustine and Chrysostom and others, 
Cap. 11.  as ye be:) Solutio voti mala, 
Cap. 10.  coniugium tamen bonum: the breach of the vow is evil, nevertheless the Wedlock is good. And again: Quae voto soluto nubunt, dirimi non debent: such as marry after the breach of their vow, ought not to be separated. And again: Quae post votum nubunt, verum contrahunt matrimonium, such as Marry after their vow, contract true Matrimony.  
Now master doctor, is there any man in his right wits, that will say S. Augustine here defineth priests Marriages, yea, regulars, to be adulteries? As ye unlearnedly force saint Augustine to speak? What danger and blame soever it be, that votaries be worthy for the breach of an holy vow: yet their marriages, be marriages, and good. May not I now say in your own words, that ye declare yourself far destitute of the grace of God: Not only utterly banished from truth, but also neither to have conscience at the heart, nor shame in the forehead, which so shamefully do interpret an author, and to lie so impudently as ye do in your tenth Chapter. T. ij. that saint Augustine was demanded whether such virgins as came to Nunneries with a full purpose to live in perpetual chastity, betwixt God and them, made a vow: if such married, whether their marriages might stand etc. Where have ye learned that this question was so propounded? But to this shift ye be driven, to pervert S. Augustine. But we shall hereafter, put this, and such other places, to the judgement of the reader: And will discuss your Bamberie gloze, and vain distinction, of Votum simplex and Votum solemn. Which, though it may have his place sometime: yet in this saying of saint Augustine simply it can have no place, how solemnly soever ye set a face on it. And then he shall judge whether I refrain not justly my stomach, to contorte again, some such pretty names, as ye in your hoot zeal sprinkle upon poor men. But it is not the name that changeth the nature of persons, for we be, as we be, howsoever we list one to name an other.  
But sir, as ye follow Pighius, or some Sorbonicall divines judgement, and report his saying blindly, in the expending of saint Augustine: So, belike ye stolen away with you, when you came last out of Paris, some of their spectacles, and never saw the places yourself. So truly do ye report the books name of saint Augustine, in this place. For where ye allege in your x. Chapter. Litera. T. i. a. this place to be in saint Augustine: de bono coniugali ad julianam, a woman: Master Martin, ye be foully deceived. For this book which is written, de bono coniugali, is in the 6 Tome, written contra julianum an obscure man and an heretic: and this place, which ye report to be de bono coniugali, is in the .4. Tom, de bono viduitatis, written as some think, by one julian a catholic man ad julianan a noble & catholic woman, and not as ye say de bono coniugali. But this is a Common grace in you, untruly to report authors, books, and names, and then boldly to gloze them: Or else, your use is to send us to books that be no where, but in your own study: or else to some book, that is of a dozen long leaves to read over, and yet after our narrow search to try your truth, not to be found there neither.  
But now if ye can lay that fault to other men's charges stoutly and lowdlie: than ye think no man will believe, that you be fawtie therewith.  
But here may ye note good readers, how sincerely this man can write of this controversy: ye may have great trust to his gloss upon the text, when belike he never saw the text itself, but with other men's eyes.  
I could say some thing here, even that same that he objecteth to other, seeing he misconstrueth his authors, misreporteth his allegations, misnameth the persons, feigning a woman to be a man, a man a woman, an Heretic a Catholic, and a Catholic an Heretic: and all to this only end, that he might frame a probable argument, in an unprobable matter. I trust good reader, thou canst judge how to credit his honesty. I would desire this Civilian (whom I hate not before God) to be better advised in the next book he shall make of matters of divinity, and for conscience sake, not to abuse the ears of the realm, with untruths in God's causes. Det Dominus nobis omnibus intellectum, & illuminet nos, ut cognoscamus in terra viam eius, & sciamus qùia omnis caro faenum, & omnis gloria eius, tanquam flos agri: Vbi verbum Domini manebit inaeternum. The Lord grant unto us all, understanding, and give us such light, that we may know his way here upon earth, and have in mind continually, that all flesh is grass, and all the glory thereof, as the flower of the field: whereas the word of the Lord, endureth for ever.  
But ye will say, it is a small matter to misname one author, or book, for an other. In deed, the weight of the cause standeth not therein. But how then can ye excuse this by any gloze? When ye allege an authors testimony, and then gloze him, and make him to say, that was never meant or spoken in the place. If ye long to hear it, 
Qui nititur mendatijs hic passit ventos proverbio. 10. Lran. ●. i. a. Lran. k. i. ●. Lrā●. a. a.  whereby ye may beware of light credence hereafter, thus it is.  
Ye report in your book no less than thrice, in the second, sixth, and eight chapters thereof, one place of Origine on the Numbers: By the which words ye note substantially diverse worthy matters. First that Origen writeth, that Priests ought to make vows: how from the beginning Priests could not be married. How the Pristes standeth at the a●●er, & therefore must be girded with chastity. How Orignes place, is a plain place, for the oblation and sacrifice of the Mass, which ye note to be the endless sacrifice so meant by Origen.  
Now you desire in the true report of this place, and such like to have all your credence hang in this cause.  
Now good master D. Martin, for all your loud & bold unshamefast noting and glozing, your report is nothing true, for the mind and purpose that Origen uttereth ther. For neither is your Mass sacrifice once meant, nor priest standing at th'altar rehearsed, neither priest vowing, nor priests marriages once dreamt on. If we should now verify your own law upon yourself, which ye charge upon others in your book, 
Cap. ●●4.  saying: Semel malus, semper praesumitur malus, in eodem genere mali. A man that is once evil, is ever to be presumed to be evil, in the same kind of evil: And then say to yourself in your own words, where ye have so unshamefastlie uttered your own untruth, thrice stumbling at one stone. Can ye of reason require us, to believe you any more upon your own bare report: that men say so, that stories tell us so, others did invent these matters, and so forth.  
Now if ye yet list to hear one or two more, till we hereafter detect unto your own face a great heap: so many, that if they were all taken out of your book, with texts wrested and craftily curtalde: I durst take in hand, to read over the rest of your book deliberately in an hours time, and run not out of breath neither.  
In the xiij Chapter of his book, littera kk. ij. pag. ij. he raileth on Ponet, as ignorant in Law Canon, and saith, he reporteth and falsifieth the author of his text, ascribing it to be of the bishop of Rome's saying, where it is, he saith saint Augustine's own words, in a book written upon the xxx Psalm. If it be so great a fault for a divine, to father a text upon a wrong author, which thing is yet oft committed by Gratian in the Decrees: How much more shame is it for a professed Lawyer, to lay it upon saint Augustine, that is not found there in his place of the xxx Psalm alleged, and yet may be clearly perceived by the text itself, where it is written, that it is not saint Augustine's saying, but Gratian'S very words, as every blind buzzard may soon espy, that will see the text itself. And after a triumph made upon Ponetes ignorance, and falsifying of the author, to bring in a shameless gloze, to say that saint Augustine in that same place saith, that priests be bound, by the Law of the Church, never to marry after Priesthood: which words or sense is not meant of saint Augustine of the Psalm xxx For he speaketh only, but of lots, how they be not evil. etc. and no more is vouched in the decrees, to be saint Augustine's words, nor yet did Gratian speaking these words, Copula sacerdotalis. etc. infer any such matter, as doctor Martin would make the reader believe he doth. And again, he belieth S Augustine to refer to him these words. Antequam evangelium claresceret. etc. which be Gratian'S words, and he also belieth the words, framing a gloze that is not borne of the words there. Lo, here ye see his common sinceritée, to find fault where none is, and to fall in that oversight, which he himself blameth. Because I will go forward, & for that I have promised to tell you of some more of his lies: you shall have a couple shortly couched up together in the compass of v. or vj. lines at once, so unlearnedly, and so untruly uttered, that I would wonder more at it, if he were not a professor of Law only, and not of divinity.  

Lran. ●. 3.  Look in his eight Chapter, where he sweateth painfully, to show that seculare English priests be votaries: and to bring in strong arguments, invincible reasons, of the best and finest sort, that it may appear to to manifest, to such as be half blind, which no man can gainsay: He putteth the reader in mind, not to look in the glass windows, I warrant you, but on the priests very crowns in England, which is an infallible evidence, saith he, that priests be votaries. For thus he writeth: Every priest beareth in his crown, the sign of his vow, like as the Nazarees assoon as ever they had vowed, the shore of strait way their here. Now if ye will not believe him, except he avouch authority for his saying, he sendeth you to S. Hieromes works, and to Isodore, and there find it, if ye can, and telleth you, that many other old writers so expound it. But yet, there is some mystery mente, that he neither reporteth any such, nor yet referreth us to the place, where specially S. Jerome so writeth. In deed if he had named the place, ye should have perceived one inconvenience or two, 
xii. q. r. Duo sunt.  which had been evident at the eye: one that he belieth saint Hierom in this matter, whereby ye should have espied his truth, sc, in advouching his doctor: and that ye may perceive it, thus saith saint Hierom. Priests be kings for ruling themselves, & others in virtue: and thus have they a rule and a kingdom in God. This thing, saith he, is tokened by the crowns in their heads. This crown have they (affirmeth the said Jerome) by the institution of the Rome Church, in token of that kingdom that is looked for in Christ. And by the shaving of their heads, saith he, is meant the deposition, and laying away of all their temporalties, and so forth.  
Lo good reader, if he had reported S. Hieromes words, or would but have alleged his place where to have seen it, ye should by and by have espied his lying, and beside that, have seen an other inconvenience, which I think he would not wish should be learned of saint Jerome, 
Intelligendum est a●● Antoninus lib. 3. tr. 23. ca 5. secundum illa tempora cum vivebant in communi Cleri●●, vel de religiosi●  as eloquent a doctor as he is (nor in good faith were reasonable for Christ's Religion it should be) that the priests should forego all their temporalties, and stand at the courtesy of men's devotions, as it is now adays. But yet saint Hierom maketh that to be the signification of their crowns: which inconvenience, if it should the rather by the busy brain of this Civilian chance: I dare say, that all the priests in England, would in good sadness beshrew his pen, and himself should not much win by that neither. For if they had no temporalties, how could he have any great rewards of them, for writing his painful book. For as for the spiritual blessings of the head priests: I think verily he is not so ghostly, to set more by them, than the beggar did: which desired rather out of the bishop's purse, 
Plati●a saith before that ●aie all the Popes were Martyrs and from that day never one since.  one poor halfpenny, than two of his best blessings. Yea, I dare b●e bold to say, that both this Civilian, & all the canonists to in christendom, had rather suffer the married priests with their wives still, with a very mischief, rather than upon the occasion of racking and writhing of such texts of doctors, to prove them votaries, they should be so far imperiled: and then if to this opinion of saint Hierom, some other new fangled head should join further matter, 
Durandus in quarto, dist. 24. q. 4. tondentur in signum depositionis superflu●e curae, quia verò preperunt ad ministerium dei, ●ui servire reg●are est, ideò ●aduntur in modum coronae que est signum regale: Religiosi vero non appli●antur ad ministerium divinum. v●de walden ●●ira witcliffe, ●itu. 7. ca 64. de Ordinis Sa●●amentalibus Fol. 139.  to report what that heretic, either Platina or Valla writeth of good saint Catholic Constantine's gift of his patrimony, for healing of his corporal Leprosy: what dolorous voice was heard, when Pope Silvester accepted it: Surely, the more of such matter, the worse. I trust though this Civilian affirmeth plainly, that all the sleeping Canons of the Church, be awake again, to bite the married priests, by the Queen's grace's statute of repeal: yet he would not wish such sleeping sayings of Doctors, to be raised up, to bark so odiously as the words pretendeth. It is an old saying: Malum, bene conditum, ne moveas, that is: Stir not up an old mischief, once well buried, much like to this English Proverb: It is ill to wake a biting bandog. Well, thus ye see that he hath won nothing, either to himself, or to the crowned priests, by advouching saint Jerome, as craftily as he reporteth his name, and suppresseth where to find it. But what shall we say to Isodore: peradventure he saith that priests crowns, signifieth their vow: here I do say, that Isodore saith not so. But if our English pontifical had known it so, I think that where it bringeth in three or four significations of priests crowns, it would not have overleaped that signification, especially, for that it should seem, that be reporteth the authority of his saying, either out of Hugo de sancto victore, or else out of Isodore. For there it is reported, that it is a sign in the priests, that they be elected into one portion of godly ministery, and that their here is shorn in manner of a round crown, and their head shaven a loft, to express the regality in Christ, and also to signify, that there may be no covering betwixt God and them: but that the priest may see the glory of his majesties open face. For a clerk saith he, may not be ignorant of gods secrets, as the Say man may be: for he is a messenger to the Say people, and therefore this superfluous here must be torced away, even to the sight of his eyes and ears, that no worldly business, nor earthly ambition hinder him from hearing and understanding God's word. These be all the significations that be in the pontifical: and if ye turn over both the gloss and the texts in the decrees, where priests crowns be entreated of, ye shall find no such signification, as he reporteth here to be a strong argument, to prove English priests votaries. As for other writers what they be. I can not tell, and searching among many, I can not find that signification. Yet after that, I went to other kind of writers in such matters, and came to one Petrus Bercharius, who wrote a great Dictionary of words in divinity, and there he writeth thus of crowns, saying: Quod corona praelatorum est dignitas Ecclesiastica: vel etiam quorumlibet just praesidentium & magnorum. Isti enim ad litteram portant coronas, que sunt signa dignitatis & excellentiae status sui: quod etiam ipsa natura videtur facere, quia Basiliscus qui est rex serpentum, dicitur esse quodam circulo candido coronatus. etc. The crown of prelate's, and all other that bear rule and be great men, is their Ecclesiastical dignity. For these after the letter do wear crowns, which are hadges and tokens of the dignity and excellency of their estate. The which thing, Nature also herself seems to show: for as the Basilisk, which is king of serpents, is said to have a crown of a certain round white circle. etc. But of that signification of vows, he speaketh not a word. And furthermore, where Doctor Martin in the same place of his Book, telleth you that the Heretics in Spain, abhorred to wear crowns, and to go in priests gowns: If ye will know the truth of this matter, ye must either stand to his credence, that he can not lie, and that all is authority that he speaketh: Or else, if ye be more froward, and will not be answered: than ye may go into Spain and look over the Chronicles yourself, or else peruse over the Counsels that were kept at Tollet in Spain, as there be a good dozen, with the more that have been kept there, and so reported in the volumes of the Counsels, having some of them above three score Canons apiece, and some one of these Canons, as long almost as the whole four score and four Canons that be ascribed to the Apostles.  
But yet here is a prudence. While you that be so slow in credit, except ye see it proved in deed, truly thus stand in a mamering of his doctrine: he winneth a good time in the hearts of other gentle readers of his book. And so, when they be grounded in their opinion: than ye come to late to sta●e them, when it is so deeply sunk in their heads already.  
Well. First note how he saith, that as soon as the Nazareans made their vow, they shore of straight way their he●re. M. Martin, what divine in Paris told you that? In scripture ye shall find, that all the time of their vow, they kept on their here still, and did not shave it of. As Samson▪ was a Nazarean, of whom it is written. 
a Iud.▪ 13. es. 16 O●igines in leviti. ca 20. ho. 11 De naz●reis scripta sunt, ut comani ●a●●tis nutrirent nec ascenderet ser●●●uper caput 〈◊〉, toto voti sui tempore. Ibid. nazareorum vota non perpetua.  Ferrum nunquam ascendit super caput meum, quia Nazareus, id est, Domino consecratus sum. There never came Razor upon my head, because I am consecrated to the Lord. So that this is an untrue and an unlearned surmise, to say that they shore of their here, as soon as they had vowed: and that they were shorn in the time of their vow: Where it is plain, that they did not shave their heads, till their vow was past and finished. As appeareth manifestly in the sixth of the numbers.  
Moreover the name of Nazareans, was not given them, for shaving of their here: but for the contrary. That is, for the nourishing of their here. For, 
b Epiphanius ●ūtra 〈◊〉 li. 3. to. 2, H●r●si. 80. pag. 317. ho● testatur de Nazar●is. Vbi seribit historia Eccesiastica Petri Comestoris, unde sort quidam pingant christins & Aplons crinitos. Idem confirmat Breviloquus aegregius author in verbo Nazareus. Ibid. idem Petrus ca 8. dicit Levitas rafisse omnes pilos carnis sue in 〈…〉 capill●.  Nezer, signifieth in Hebrew, as some men deriveth the word Comam, that is the here or bush of a man's head. And, Nazareus, quasi dicas Comatus: A Nazarean, is, as if thou shouldest say, one that keepeth on his here, and suffereth it to grow still. As Moses saith: Nun. 6. Omni tempore consecrationis suae, novacula non ascendet super caput eius, etc. Sanctus erit crescente caesarie capitis eius. All the time of his consecration, there shall no razor pass upon his head, he shall be holy, suffering the here of his head to grow. 
c 〈…〉 redire poter●t.   
Then ye see how aptly the Priests of England followeth the examples of the Nazareans in shaving their little crowns on their heads. It should be rather a token (if such trifles should be advouched for arguments) that priests be no votaries, and that it is well proved, by the shaving of their here in their crowns, following the examples of the Nazareans, which after their vow was done and performed, did shave their heads.  
God commanded the Priest in the levitical law, as appeareth Levit. xxi that they should shave neither head nor beard, because such shaving was a sign of heathen, and Idolatrous Priests: who used so to do, in the service of their false Gods. And for this cause, say the expositors, was it so commanded, to the detestation of their Idolatry, and that God's Priests should be unlike to them. And for this cause also (writeth some Interpretatours) did not the Nazareans shave their heads in the time of their consecration. And that the pagan Priests, did use that rite, 
Chap. 6.  it may appear both in the prophet Baruch, as also in the 55. Chapter of the counsel holden at Liberta. If ye now expend this matter, ye may note, how much learned divinity appeareth to be in this Civilian, and how good a signification he hath brought us to, for english Priests holy crowns. Ye see then, that they can not be like the Nazareans, except he referreth this manner of shaving to the fact of Samson a Nazarean, who because he doted so much upon the strumpet Dalila, and bewrayed God's counsel to her: she thereupon shaved him in the crown, as they say, and confounded him, whereby his strength was abated, and the spirit of God departed from him, and he was afterward one spirit with an harlot. And so he forsaking the institution of God (by suffering his here of consecration to be shorn from him, which should have grown still all the time of his vow) God forsook him, & he was cast into the hands of the Philistines: who (through his own folly) deluded him most shamefully, and made a laughing stock of him, and so by that means, he gave the occasion, that gods name was spitfullie blasphemed. Whereof yet at the last he repented, and died constantly, in revenging Gods enemies. But peradventure Martin meant of those Nazareans of whom saint Augustine speaketh: 
De heresibus Heresi. 9  who though they confessed Christ to be the son of God: yet they observed the jewish constitutions of the law carnally, not spiritualy. Whose disciples yet to be, peradventure would not much mislike those crowned Priests, forasmuch as that smalie Jewish fault may be seen in their holy father, of whom they bear that mark. For Pope Gregory the second, being asked of Boniface th'apostle of the Germans, whether they might eat Horses, yea, or nay: He answered, that it was unlawful to a christian man, to eat any horse, either tame or wild, for it was unclean and accursed. And the same Boniface ask of Pope Zacarie, what fowls and beasts they should eat, and after what time Lard should be eaten: To the first he answered, that Pies, Choughes, and Storks, ought utterly to be eschewed, of christian men, but much more Gray, Hares, & Horses, of the wood, must be refused. And further, sendeth him in these doubts to the scripture among the jews constitutions. As for the Lard, he writeth to him, although he have no scripture for it, yet he doth advise him, that it be not eaten, before it be either dried by the smoke, or sudden by fire. And if he lest to eat it raw, it must be done after Easter. Now, whether S. Augustine may mean of such constitutions, let M. Martin expend. But to return, it may chance that this Civilian, to avouch his other saying, will outface the matter, with the Spanish stories or counsels in Spain, to prove the married Priests in England, to be like the Apostatas and Heretics in Spain. And then ye know, he hath sore charged them with an heinous name, beside the note of dissolute contempt, of good and ancient orders in the church, and say: that of very like craft and subtlety belike, they put away their crowns, as other Heretics and schismatics, put forth lay men's books out of churches, by which they might have read many a good Catholic lesson, if they had remained still. And even so might the Say people, by beholding the priests shaven crowns, have had a fair letter thereof, to have red there, that they had vowed chastity. For what else, might they say doth that fair weekly shorn mark, and circle declare, so well looked upon, that at every sacring of the Mass, it is as soon, and as well espied, as the Sacrament, the which some poor simple purblind people, do some time mistake the one for the other, and in stead of their wheaten God, worship a baulde crown. And if it were not a sign of the holy vow of their chastity, ye may be sure, that that holy Pope Anicetus xiij yea, full xiiij hundredth year ago, so nigh Christ's time, that he was the tenth, as saint Jerome recordeth, or the eleventh bishop of Rome at the furthest, in succession to Peter: He I say, would never have ordained, that a clerk should in no case suffer his here to grow, contrary to the precept of the Apostle (as Platina writeth) and so to have a crown fashioned like a little circle, as Petrus de Natalibus writeth, and Cronica Martini avoucheth the same: If there had been no mystery in the matter. The priests of the Catholic Church, would not so oft in their Masses, have crossed it and blessed it, with the self same part of the paten of the Chalesse, where with a little before, they had touched the Mass cake, which they call the body of Christ: If it were not an holier token, than master Polidore maketh of it, to be but a sign of the paring away of the affection of worldly possessions, and that their affections should be set on high up to heavenward. And thus ye see, may this Catholic Civilian say, how craftily the heretics meant to blot out such letters of credence, which were signs of their vow of Chaslitée: and so removed the old marks and dooles, which the fathers before them did lay: which full many an holy man hath used, time out of mind, in all ages, and in all countries, even from Anicetus days, who died a glorious martyr, and not like to die for trifles. Good reader, if I should make no answer, to this weighty conference, but stand mute: or if I should stily slide, and steal away with a by matter, with a crafty figure, called lieger du Maine, this author being so well skilled in this trope and figure: I should be espied. For it is hard halting before a crepell, they say, for then strait way, should the victory be proclaimed against the cause. And therefore I must say somewhat.  
First I answer, that this Civilian shamefully slandereth the married priests, to resemble them like to the heretical priests of Spain, that will wear no crowns, nor put on gowns. And again, it is as untrue, that the English crowned priests, be like the Catholic priests, that of old time were in Spain. For what story or Chronicle he followeth, I call not tell, nor it forceth not much, though I never knew. But I read in a Counsel of Spain, even at Tolet, the fourth Counsel and forty Canon, thus. Omnes clerici, vel lectores, sicut levitae & sacerdotes, detonso superius capite toto, inferius solam circuli coronam relinquant: 
Catholic priests in England be like Heretic priests in Spain.  Non sicut hucusque in Gallitiae partibus facere lectores videntur, qui prolixis ut laici comis, & solo capitis apice, modicum circulum tondent. Ritus enim iste, in Hispanijs hucusque hereticorum fuit. undè oportet, ut pro amputando ab ecclesiis scandalo, hoc signum dedecoris auferatur. Et sit una tonsura, vel habitus, sicut totius Hispaniae est usus. Qui autem hoc non custodierit, fidei catholicae reus erit.  
Let all Clerks, or readers, aswell the Levites as Priests, shave of the upper part of their whole head, and leave but only a crown of a little circle beneath: not as the readers be seen to do, to this day, in the parts of Gallitia, which do but shave a little circle in the only tip of their heads, and have beside long here, as Say men have. For this rite and custom in Spain, to this day, is the heretics guise and token. Wherefore it is necessary, for the abholishing of this slander from the church, that this sign or shame be taken away, and that there be one rasure, and apparel, as is the guise of all Spain. And whatsoever he be, that will not observe this, he shall be guiltée against the catholic faith. Thus far the Spanish Counsel.  
Now read the words of this Civilian, and compare his truth, and remember again his own Law: Qui semel malus, semper praesumitur malus, in eodem genere mali: He that once is evil, is supposed ever to be nought, in that kind of naughtiness. And then let him reckon on the winning, to see what he hath won to himself, and what the married priests have lost thereby.  
Ye may also spy good catholic shorn priests in England in the high tip of your heads what ye have won, also how ye be honested by your mark. For this Spanish Counsel affirmeth, by the instinct of the holy Ghost, which was precedent in the Counsel, and therefore could not err, that it is the mark of shame and dishonour: it is the token of Spanish heretics, it is a slanderous sign, to be abolished out of the Church: it is the rite of such Priests as be guilty of the Catholic faith. Hath not this your Proctor and prolocutor think ye, done you much pleasure, so suddenly to come out of France, to set his pen, post haste, to the book, to make you Spanish Heretics, Schismatics, and uncatholikes? Hear I would wish the Commenter of the decrees and decretals, with all his distinctions, to take this matter to gloze, to make it whole and sound.  
But marvel not (good reader) though if he appear not much to care though he be taken. Taken? Nay, taken only will not suffice. Or else that he thinketh, that he can not be reproved in that thing, which to search for, in the trial of it, must cost you the reading and looking over all saint Hieroms' works, and Isodore beside: and many other old writers also, yea the Spanish Libraries too, if we should seek whither he may seem to send us.  
But here peradventure, this grave Civilian will be offended, with such my words, and interpret my sayings to be scoffs, and not weighty arguments: and that he will quarrel, that it is talk, such as men spend for pastime, rather than deliberate debatement of so weighty a cause.  
In deed to confess a truth: When I had considered the odious and impudent countenance of his preface, the swinging tail of his lamentable conclusion, the monstrous body betwixt both: and then again, marveling where and how he had gotten so much matter, and pregnauncie of wit, far above that which I looked would have been in him by this day, by the guess of the talk that I had last with him: & considering that he doth somewhat more than scoff or board, in diverse parts of his book, as if I should so beastly scoff with the serious & reverent articles of our faith, drawing them to such an obscéen and filthy sense, as he doth rail in his ix Chapter, of Carnis resurrectionem, & vitam eternam. verily if he called me Pighius, or Pogius, or Porphyrius, or julianus, he might well do it. And then considering him to be a young man and a Civilian: I could not refrain my pen, but thus sportyngly, to be a Comentar of his book.  
And yet sir, to allege a poets authority, to a Civilian, whose word hath yet no great authority: Ridentèm dicere verum quis vetat? & hae nugae seria ducunt. A wiser man than we both be, may some time ride on a long reed, & yet keep gravity of countenance, when he cometh where gravity should be showed: as some have done here in England before now, in as serious matters as these be, by open writings, wherewith I dare swear, not all of the Clergy hath been much offended hitherto. And if ye will learn how tolerable it is in writing, ye may resort to sir Thomas moors first Chapter of his Dialogue of ꝙ I, and ꝙ he, and he will prove it unto you. I am sure, yourself, as high as ye now cast up your head, will come lower some time, when ye be pleased, and that ye repent ye not of your own merry scoffing, in many parts of your book, which be sometime not merry boards, but sharp checks, and dangerous taunts to. verily M. Martin, the discoloured insolency of your book, put me in remembrance of some Poetry: Scribimus indocti doctic poemata passim. Semper ego auditor tantum, nunquam ne reponam. & c? Which drew my pen, whether I would or no (as before this day, it never was occupied for any printed ware) to bungle with you.  
But yet for the truth of all that I say: if ye find any thing misreported, and not truly advouching mine authorities: I desire you to tell it in your next book, as sharply as ye can. And if ye will bear with me, for my mirth now, as I bear with yours, which I do interpret, that ye used it to solace yourself, & to hold the reader of your book from weariness, to meddle some softer music, among the dint and din of your terrible great Canons, shooting nothing but hail shot, all the time of your stout debellation of this your won fortress, where in no man was to resist you: and that is a valiant conquest, who can say nay: I will so rule my pen in my next book (if almighty God will so have it) that ye shall, I trust, perceive yourself gravely answered. And not so much you, but all others grave writers, and divines in deed by profession, of whom in part, you stole your book: that this matter shall not so obscurely be strangled up, but that it shall show both life and light.  
And yet (good reader) I desire thee, impute not this to any arrogancy, as though I would advance myself so high, of mine own poor reading and understanding: but the grave and very Catholic writers, in the first beginning of the church, shall be my warrant, not as authors and judgers of the scriptures: but as good faithful witnesses, in their confessions of the same. So that, I trust, the harmony shall not mislike indifferent men, though I hit not all my purpose. But now again, further to show your dexterity (master Martin) in avouching your allegations: ye tell us very prettily, how in the Library of Magdalen College at Oxford, there is an old book written of Ignatius: wherein is not expressed, that Paul is named for a married man, to have had a wife, although the Heretics of Germany have corrupted him in the printed copies, ꝙ you.  
If ye be asked who told you so? we may know, that master doctor Smithe in his wise book, written against priests Marriages, hath reported so, and many good students and worshipful men, that hath been fellows in that College, can tell (say ye) that they have had a written copy of Ignatius. 
Sin this may be true▪ and yet you may lie to say that Paul's name is not there.  But now, good reader, lest yet thou shouldest take upon thee, to journey so far thither, to seek and find him how true he is in his tale: he discourageth thee of going thither, for he telleth thee even there, that perhaps some brother of late years, hath stolen the book away out of the Library, and lo, thus thou mightest lose thy labour. And therefore search no further, neither spend any labour to try him, but simply trust all that he telleth thee. Is not this a proper allegation think ye, and well handled? But yet ye must believe, that ye see not with your eyes: for Beati qui non viderunt & crediderunt: blessed are they that have believed, though they never saw it. Yea, ye must think that he reporteth all things uprightly in all his allegations, specially in Law Civil and Canon, wherein he is most skilled: in stories, wherein he is so deeply traveled: and in expounding of scriptures, wherein he is wonderful, as he handleth saint Paul's place to Timothe: te ipsum castum custodi, keep thyself chaste: so purely, with such integrity, that Lyranus, & Hugo Cardinalis (as great bunglers as they be) thought to be of some (but yet be worthy the praise) be ashamed so to expound the places there. But yet he setteth such an earnest gloze of his own head, that ye would think he must needs be of himself an incomparable divine, and exactly seen in the Greek tongue, in the Greek commentaries and schoolies, as ye know by the exposition of Nazareus. He is thoroughly well seen in the Hebrew tongue, understanding all the Rabines rites and customs to the uttermost. In Rhetoric he is incomparable throughout all his book. As if ye list to have the sight but of one proof, look in the beginning, where he confuteth doctor Ponettes book, 
Cap. xi. littera ●i●. b.  which is but six sheets of paper, whereof three leaves be yet void, and printed in octavo, in a very great letter, both the Latin text, and English.  
Yet this Rhetorician saith, by a colour of Rhetoric, that if he should make but a collection of the untruths of that book only, it might grow to a just volume, of no small quantity. Lo, now ye see how by Rhetoric he can make of a Gnat a Camel. If he should but pike out the lies in that book, and leave all the rest, it would amount in bigness, all the Law Pandectes, and great huge volumes he hath in his study. And yet I durst undertake, to print in six only leaves of his own book, with some print that is there, all the whole book of D. Ponettes, from top to tail, both truths, and those which he calleth untruths. But this is his Rhetoric whereof he is full, up to the chin. In Logic he is so well seen, specially in Aristotils' Elenches, that no man can go beyond him in paralogisms and Fallacies: for how soon espied he doctor Ponet, reasoning a non causa ad causam, in such a cause, causeless quarrelling, that yet remediless it will appear I fear, in most of the Clergy, a cause in deed that was alleged for a cause. And for an other proof, see how aptly (specially for the tract of his process) he bringeth in an argument a forc●ori in his tenth Chapter, 
Cap. x●. litera v●ij a.  it is wonderful if ye resolve it by itself, it be●yng to unreasonable strong. And as for Arithmetic, his wit passeth. If ye will see a trial of it, how cunningly by addition, and subtraction, by division and multiplication, he showeth a proof: look in the thirteen chapter, 
Lran. ●. 4. a.  littera L.i. where in the very end of his book, to make the matter quite out of doubt, that it were nothing expedient for this realm to have priests marriages suffered, though neither scriptures, Laws, Counsels, and Decrees, before brought in by him, might fortune not to appear so invincible, to disprove the said marriages, to the judgement of them that be learned: Or for that they could not be comprised of such simple souls, as be not skilled in so high learning, to see that weight: yet for that he would so open the matter at the eye, to every man, though he had no more wit, than himself hath, that it were not at the least way, meet for the policy of the Realm, for the peril of hunger that might ensue for want of food, for such innumerable multiplication, as were like to grow thereof, if it should be suffered: so great, that neither this Realm, nor any other, were able to nourish them: no, to hold them (he saith.) He maketh marvelous demonstrations on his fingers, or with his counters, that it can not be avoided. For imagine, saith he, that there be of such married persons in the realm twelve thousand, or sixteen thousand. Note first the wit of this accomptor. If he had first begun with sixteen, and then if it had been thought somewhat to much, to have been content to come down to twelve thousand, and upon that to have proceeded, then had it been customable: but then had it not been half so subtle and witty a point in such accounting. For ye know, every fool in the guess of two numbers, useth for concessions' sake, to take the less, and so goeth on. Again, note that this accompter leapeth with one jump, from twelve, strait way to xvi. For iii. or iiii. M. ye know, is but a small number to put out or in, in xii. or xvi, as afterward in the conclusion, he leapeth from ten thousand, to twelve, from twelve to twenty thousand.  
Furthermore, he put the case, that one with an other, hath had three children a piece: although, he saith, many have had four or five, in these five years last paste. If ye ask him how he knoweth that? Marry sir, he was at the delivery of them all. And to be yet more sure of his account to go strait, he sent for all the midwives in England, to help him to make his reckoning, without quarrel or gainsay. But put the case (he biddeth) they have but two a piece: Lo here ye see, he useth variety and copy in manner of his accounting. And here he dissenteth from the fashion he used in the beginning of setting his cases: For else he should have here said six or eight a piece. Now lay them together. Of sixteen thousand, springeth sixteen and sixteen. Make the sum. Sum xxxij thousand: even just. Then count the father for one, and the mother for an other, and one and one maketh two, if they be well considered: though some time they be not odd betwixt themselves. Now of these two riseth sixteen, and sixteen, and then forget not, as ye were learned a little before, that twice sixteen maketh xxxij Then writ summa summarum lxiiij thousand mouths, that the Realm is charged withal to find. Is not this a marvelous matter, think ye, and an importable burden, to the little Isle of England?  
Now, further consider what would grow thereof in process of years, of twenty or thirty years, saith he, if such marriages were permitted: and then if they begin to marry, for their part so soon as they do now a days, which will not tarry till they be thirty years, I warrant you, neither maid nor man: Undoubtedly, the marueilousnesse of this account, must needs astonish any man's wit in the realm, it is so incomprehensible. And yet, lest ye should have but one experiment of his cunning and wit in this science (and ever ye know, the more examples in teaching hard points, maketh the matter more clear) he telleth you of an other imaginative case, as wondered as this other.  
Imagine, saith he, four generations of only one man's issue, & every of them to be married. And see what this will grow to in few years? As for example, saith he, let there be one man that hath five children. And let every one of these five children, have other five children. And lest you should mistake him, that he should mean, that these first five children, should beget their five children a piece, strait way after they were borne: he putteth you in mind, that he meaneth of their begetting, when they be marriable, and not before. Now he maketh there upon his account thus. The second generation multiplied by five, shall yield the increase of five and twenty. Note this witty point, that five times five, multiplied, maketh xxv just, neither more nor less. Now sir, their generation multiplied by five, must needs grow to the number of. Cxxv. And here by the way, mark that he reckoneth but twenty to the score, and yet five score to the hundredth. And then ye know, five times xxv is six score and five, that is, after the rate of five score to the hundred, a. Cxxv. just as can be. Pythagoras himself, the first author of this science, could not more truly have hit it.  
Then go now to the fourth generation, still multiplied by v. it must increase to the number of hundreds at the least, even six hundredth xxv persons. Ye see how precisely he goeth on, to bring all with him, leaving neither out the odds score, nor yet the little five. All this number, he saith, may grow within the compass of lx years. Whereby ye may learn, that he giveth them sooner liberty to begin to beget their children, than the old Canons gave to Priests, to be admitted to that order: that is, not before thirty, how worthy so ever he were: and deacons not before xxv and virgins to be professed, not before xxv. no, some xl and widows not before xl where saint Paul is straighter to them, & appointeth lx For ye know, if they should go to it so slolie, his reckoning could not be so well made up. And therefore ye must dispense with his generations, for such ages as the Canons appointeth.  
And again, ye must grant him an other case imaginative: that not one of all these generations may die, before he have begotten his five, for than he should come short of his reckoning. And one miss in this account, ye know must make a square: for it is not in persons, as it is in inches. And yet he must crave more fantastical cases of you. You must grant him, that all these must be men children, that must beget these five multiplied numbers. And ye know, they may not be any such neither, as Christ telleth us of in the xix of Matthew, of three kinds of eunuchs, for they can not speed his purpose generative. Marry, if he might have among these his four generations, some of those married priests, to whom he ascribeth such fast multiplication, they would make him the sooner a true man in his reckoning. But I dare say, of his conscience he had rather be false still in his reckoning, then to grant such an absurditée.  
But now at the last, when he hath brought orderly his account, to such plain demonstration of six hundredth and five and twenty: he concludeth thus. If the first man, saith he (yet he meaneth not Adam, but the first of his four generations) were ten, or twelve, or twenty thousand: what city, yea, what Realm or country, could be able to hold the generations of a few years, in so great a liberty of marriage?  
And here again note good reader, he meaneth no other generations but of Priests married. For he accounteth not these, that be gotten of priests unmarried: for it would help his number but little God wot, though he so did. And again, ye know most commonly they be not without their fathers, that must avouch them, and can not spare them in the tale of his example, of these four generations. But if, after his great labour in busying his wit, 
He that needeth not to learn a point of arithmetic, or is to grave to come so low to such trifling trivial sciences, let him look over the leaf, & go by.  to make this matter plain (as I warrant you, he sweatte at the brows, and was in as cold a study again, sudavit & alsit, before the conclusion was fully spied) some rude and dull Asseheade would marvel, how his two principal sums in both his examples cometh to pass. Then for a more familiar manner of handling the matter, he would have him imagine: that he goeth so to work with him, as if he would first make a reckoning that every ass hath eight ears. And to prove that to him, he beareth him in hand that every Ass hath four heads: and there prick the sum four heads. And at this he may not stand, but must quickly go on, and fall to the account, thus: ij. ears on a head, of two heads, maketh four ears. For two and ii maketh four Then the third head hath other ii (if none be cut of) Now lay them together: put two to four and then ye know, their must needs result vi and so many ye have of three heads. Now go wisely to the fourth head, and there ye find other two ears: put these two to your former vi. and so ye have four heads, eight ears.  
It is so evident to your eye which he telleth you, that you can not be deceived in this manifest reckoning: that is that every ass hath undoubtedly iiii. heads, and eight ears.  
But to make an end, for this man's worthy reward, let us put an other Imaginative case, that to this Civilian, (though he came of late from Paris, as poor as job when he sat on his dung hill): yet for making of this excellent work of his, should befall to him as many Asses in conclusion, as were given again to job at the last. And imagine that all these Asses were bred in Arcadia, where they be best, or in Antrothessaliae, where they excel in greatness, all other Asses: either in Paris, or Padua: and then he should come with every one of these Asses, into the city of Samaria, when it should be besieged by Benedab the king of the Syrians, where he might sell all his ass heads, every head for four score silver pieces readily, as the market was once so good there, and may chance to be here near at home in England, where his gain should be the more, for saving of his carriage, in uttering his ass heads to his special friends, if there be not some speedy proviso, to stop the foresaid multipliing marriages.  
Then if this man, to make an even account of his asses of four heads for every ass, iiij. score siluerlynges for every head, beside the bodies: and if, to be sure in his account, what it would amount to, he would counsel with Budeus de Ass, what every one of these iewesse pieces drew to in our currant money: what a notable rich man, think ye, would this man be in such multiplication, by giving every ass four great heads? To sell every head for four score siluerlynges, every siluerling worth ten of our English pence at the least. Let them be laid together, and now rule briefly the sum total, and ye should see what an huge sum he should put up in his purse, in clear gain, though he sold not his own head neither. Yea though he kept unsold, Balaams' ass still, to serve for his own riding, to carry and recary him, the faster for his lucre to his Martes: where he might curse G●ds people, whom he would have blessed.  
Whereof I doubt not one day, his very ass will tell him, and reprove his blindness and madness: as true a prophet as he judgeth himself to be.  
But because he is so good in casting, not the dice, but in counters: I remit him to them, to know his gain, how it shall arise at length to him. For he can do it strait way in his wit. Ye see how expediently he dispatcheth his other two cases: whereupon you must needs think, that he is wonderfully seen in all sciences.  
But yet how well seen soever he would be taken to be, in all the seven sciences, by his former writing and accounting, I w●ne, wise men, will think he lacketh all his five wits, for such a reckoning. As for any show hereby, that he should be endued with any of the three theological virtues, faith, hope, and charetie: or yet with the four Cardinal virtues, to make up an even number, to match his said seven arts, I believe all the calculation that is in his head, will make but a course demonstration, if he were well searched.  
For what remedy, think ye, doth he prettily insinuate, for this his so greatly feared mischief, that might grow to the common wealth, to declare either his faith to God, or a charity to the poor married priests children. Which if they be so many as he maketh tale of: what charity is it to drive so many to beggary? Let God judge, cui cura est de omnibus, who hath care over all.  
If I should construe that he meaneth to instill that policy into Christian Princes heads, which he saith is the use of the great Turk, or the Sultan: that is, to pick quarrel of wars, to the destruction of their people, and not for conquest: I dare not judge him so far. For if he should so mean, if I were a soldier, I would not wish him my Captain. And I pray God, we have not many wars fought, 
Now, that is in Queen Mary's ●ares.  under his banner.  
King Henry the eight, (of whom now men preach a broad most dishonourable reports openly in pulpits, and yet be reputed catholic favorars of the queens highness proceedings, was wont to say, that he would not lose a man, if he might be saved, for winning any sum of money. He had well considered the saying of Solomon the wise, In multitudine populi dignitas regis, & in paucitate plebis, ignominia principis. In the multitude of people, doth the dignity of a prince appear, & the fewness of the people, is the dishonour of the Prince. And that noble king of the Macedonians, Philip by name, having a tender heart to his people, would say, that he would not lose a man, for to win a City, to whom when it was upbreided at a time, because he brought more things to pass by gift, then by fight, that not Philippe, but the gold of Philip, conquered Greece: He answered, that therefore he spent his money, because he would spare his men, for he counted it more honourable to have men without money, than money without men. Well, I could say somewhat more to this carpet lawyer, if I had him alone in confession.  
But sir, for all your great prudence and policy, in stopping unmarried priests generation, if ye could bring it about, as ye never shall, ye might thereby procure to the realm fewer than it hath, I fear, by a great meinie in a few years. And so where ye see over many, ye might fortune to bring it to over few.  
If many a sorry man in England, master Martin, had not better help than at home: good master parson could not have so many Crisoms as he hath: Nor yet ye master doctor, when ye shall be a great man, have so many follow your tail, as your stomach would wish to have.  
As for the victuals of this realm, 
D. Martin had the oversight of Denizens, at this time in office.  if ye would not make so many Denizens for your own lucre (although profitable and gentle strangers, aught to be welcome, and not to be grudged at) and if ye would not sue out Placardes, for the immoderate carrying out of our Corn and victuals, to the singular gain of a few, but to the famishing of them, who sweat for it. And moreover, if ye would call on, upon such as hath authority, to search how Takers in the queens name behaveth them selves in the countries, under colour of her graces necessary provision. Again, if such victual, as is out of markets, gotten for such provision, were so diligently looked to, that great numbers of Beiffes, were not cast away, for want of salt and powdering: I doubt not, but that God blesseth this realm abundantly enough with plenty of victuals, to fill men's mouths. For though of late ye have peradventure felt many a hungry meal, and saw no such abundance at Paris, as ye may see in England: & so for fear of hunger that might fall here in England, by your Caiphas profeciing, ye might be driven again to your hostesses, with whom ye have been at board. And if by your mad talk, any folly might be provoked (as God of his mercy ever defend the realm) ye be sure again of your refuge. And when men at home try out the rest of your begun tale and policy: in the mean time, ye be drinking your vinum Theologicum, Theological wine at Paris.  
Yet M. Martin, how glorious so ever ye be now, in pelle Leonis, in your Lion's skin, and though ye be counted of some folks, to be never so Catholic: yet beware you prove not at length Asinus apud Cumanos, to be such an Ass as was once at Cumae. In the mean season I tell you, that ye be not faithful to God in his providence. And for all your high offered service to the queens majesty, for reformation of the Realm: I tell you, you want prudence, and circumspection to. But ye be like to such as of late, came out of their dungeons, and saw not of long time the light abroad, nor the behaviour of the people, and so your eyes being dazzled: yet ye must needs have all the world follow your contemplations: or else no peace offered, but every man to stand at his adventure.  
I trust your words yet mean not, as you purport: God forbid. But as for the fartilitie of your own native country, how so ever ye be degenerated into French nature, to slander the Realm, what plenty and increase hath been before time thought to have been here, I will tell you a tale by the way, which I heard of as wise a man, as ever ye be like to be, for aught that ye have yet uttered, and as natural a man to his country of England in deed (as ye brag to be in words) which stood not full twenty foot of, when the matter was first spoken and uttered.  
It chanced, that there came a French Ambassador to the kings highness, king Henry the eight (I trust God hath his soul) with letters I trow from the French king, not long before that, sent to him from the holy father of Rome. This Ambassador sitting at the Counsel table, began to set up a stout countenance, with a weak brain, and carped French exceedingly fast: which he thought should have been his only sufficient commendation of them all, that were at the table, that he could speak so readily. The matter of his talk was universal every where. But the substance was partly, much noting the gluttony of Englishmen, which devoured so much victual in the land: partly, magnifying the great utilitée and necessity of the French tongue, which he noted to be almost throughout the world frequented. And in his conference, he marveled of diverse noble men that were present, for that they could not keep him talk, or yet could not so much as understand him, to perceive his gay wit. Among the number of the Lords there, sat the old honourable Captain, the Lord earl of Shrowesburie, looking at his meat, and gave neither ear, nor countenance to this jolly man, but gave other leave to talk, and sat, as he might, shaking head, and hands, in his Palsy, which was testimony enough, whether he were not in his days a warrior, lying abroad in the field, to take air of the ground. This French Ambassador was offended with him, and said: what an honour were it for yonder old noble man, if he could speak the French tongue? Surely it is a great lack to his nobility. One of the Lords that kept him talk, asking first leave of this mon sire, to report part of their communication, to the lord Shrewesburie: Made report thereof yet in most courteous manner, with easy & favourable rehearsal, as might touch a truth.  
When he heard it, where before his head by great age, was almost grovelling on the table: he roused himself up in such wise, that he appeared in length of body, as much as he was thought ever in all his life before. And knitting his brows, he laid his hand on his dagger, and set his countenance in such sort, that the French hardy Ambassador, turned colour wonderfully. saith the French whoreson so, saith he? Marry tell the French dog again, by sweet saint Cuthbert, if I knew that I had but one pestilent French word in all my body, I would take my dagger and dig it out, before I rose from the table. And tell that tawny whoreson again: how soever he have been hunger-starved himself, at home in France, that if we should not eat our beasts, and make victual of them as fast as we do, they would so increase beyond measure, that they would make victual of us, and eat us up.  
When these words were reported again to this French gest, he spoilt no more victual at the dinner after that, but drank wondrous oft. Which, whether it was his countenance, because he had left talking, or, whether for that he was inwardly dry: the reporter of this tale, could tell me no further: but said, that his eye was never of him, all that dinner while after.  
Now master studente of Paris, this very noble man in deed, and worthy to be had in long remembrance, was of better experience in the fertilitée of this Realm, than ye would seem to knowledge: And had an other manner of faith to God, for the continuance than ye have, to fear such a lack and scarcitée.  
And as for the multitude of the people, that of old time hath been in the realm, in comparison that be now, as it is yet at this day, much replenished, by the spare of God's hand from plagues, wars, and other mortalitees, he be praised therefore: yet ye may go into three hundredth Parish Churches, at this day, and find not on the Sundays so much people, that the Churches be pestured with to many. But as for populositie of people that have been in this Realm, I think some men could say somewhat. I dare say, for Linne, and Lincoln, not the third man now there, that have dwelled there some tyme.  
I remember, that being once at a merchant man's table in London, which was in the very last year of jubilee, so counted commonly, I heard a man rehearse, how that Platina writeth, that Pope Boniface the eight, which did write himself the Lord of all the world, both of Spiritualtées and Temporaltées to, and that thereupon, the possession which Constantine gave to the Church, was not a gift, but rather a restitution to the right Lord and owner, as the canonists say: that, I say, the said Boniface did constitute, every hundred year, for the year of jubilee, and did privilege those years of jubilee, with great indulgence, and pardon of clean remission. In respect of which great grace, to be gotten in those years, for such as will dispose themselves thereto, Pope Clement the sixth, brought it to fifty years, and Pope Paul the second, changed that from l year to xxv year, and that as Fasciculus temporum noteth, in favorem animarum, ut quia abundavit iniquitas, superabundaret & gratia, saith he, that is: of great zeal and favour to men's souls, that because wickedness did redound, so should grace also abound the more. At which talk, there was an honest plain man said: that reading sometime in the English Chronicles, he noted, that he read of two recourses of years of jubilee, which were not very gracious to men's bodies, within the Realm. The one he said, was about the thirteen year, in the days of king Henry the seventh, in which year died in London above xxx thousand people: tother year of jubilee, was about the xxiiij year of king Edward the third, in which year and about the same, there was such an universal Pestilence, that neither the parties beyond the sea was free, as in Paris died fifty thousand, at saint Denis fourteen thousand: As for Italy (Platina writeth in vita Clementis vi) that there was not left scant ten, of every thousand men. Which Pestilence he importeth to the great confluence of people, that came into Italy this year of jubilee for pardon. But in England every where innumerable destroyed, in so much, that he told it out of Fabian, that after they had buried in every Church yard within London, and among the Religious houses to, they were feign to use the great Church yard of the Chartor house: in which only were buried above fifty thousand corpses. And as it chanced there was a man, which seemed to be a credible man, of the city of Norwich, which declared that they had in their city, a record of those that died at that time in Norwiche, which he said, amounted (as he was well remembered thereof) lvij. thousand CCC.lxxiiij. beside Ecclesiastical persons, and poor waifairing people, and beside xxxix which died of the Monks. He supposed it to be a greater number, than was in these days in the whole city, and five miles about. He told further of so marvelous a plague, that was once at a town thereby called Yarmouthe, and there recorded, that he marveled how the town could hold so many. notwithstanding yet this great mortality, king Edward, that victorious king, who wan Calais, (which almighty GOD long defend) wanted not people the very same year, to encounter with a great Navy that came out of Spain, and had the victory: Nor yet wanted people in the years next immediately following, to pursue that he had begun in France. At which time, he furnished his first begotten son, Prince Edward with an huge army, wherewith he went to Gascoigne, and so by Tholouse to Nerbon, brenning and spoiling all the country as he went, by his great power that he had with him, without resistance. And nevertheless, about that same very time, the king himself in his own person, went into France, and there did what it liked him. In which pastime, it was brought him word, that the Scottish king was stolen into his Realm, and had won Berwick, and that he made daily assault to win the Castle there. Whereupon the said king Edward, returned again, and recovered the said town of Berwick, and went further into scotland, and pursued the Scottish king so narrowly, that he compelled him to submit himself to the kings grace as prisoner, and resigned his power into the kings hands.  
And whiles this was in doing, the said prince Edward his son, warred upon the French men, and lastly came to Bordeaux, with many rich prisoners, and Pillagies to his great honour. In which said passage, although the earls of Armenacke, of Foyz, of poitiers, and Cleremount, with sir james de Bourbon, and many other knights were in the same countries, yet went he through without battle. In which season (to declare that immediately after the said great mortality, the realm wanted no people) the duke of Lancaster had an other army, and entered the Country of Constantine. And if this master Martin, would look in the Chronicles, he should espy, how prosperously this said Duke did in that voyage: and on the other side, how valiantly the said Prince Edward achieved his journey, being in such confidence of victory and honour that would ensue, that he would not be induced or entreated to any peace, how oft and how diligently soever, that good Innocent the vi then Bushop of Rome, sent his Cardinals to that same effect. I name him good, for he decreed under pain of eternal curse, that every prelate should be resident upon their benefices, and for that he brought his family to a less number, & choosed them out of the best. But the said Prince Edward I say, notwithstanding passed fourth to poitiers, where was a wonderful battle fought and won by him. In which were slain of the french part, diverse Dukes, and men of war, to the number of eight hundredth, and of Baronet's, liiij. beside Knights and other meaner men of war: And were there taken prisoners, john the King, Philip his fourth son, with other Archbushops, Bushops, and men of name to the numbered of xv. hundredth and above. If this accounter would therefore take his counters, and lay the likelihoods of these matters together, peradventure he might be brought in doubt, whether that this smaller part of the Clergy (whose multiplication, he so much feareth) and therefore would so feign have them stopped, and yet that greater part of the Clergy too, (whom by the collection of his writing, he enfraunchiseth very liberally to be rovers without danger where they will at there pleasure) how fast soever they plied themselves: should yet come to short a great deal, to make the realm comparable with that numbered, that God in those days fed and maintained, with less succour of foreign things brought into the realm, then is used at this day. Marry peradventure not so much stolen then out of this realm by some such private lurching Cormarantes, as now be spoken to be abroad. But as concerning such records of the plenty of the people, over that it is now, which hath been before time in England: notwithstanging, yet this faithful charitable man is in such wanhope, that if Priest's marriages should be suffered, the realm could not with all the increase that might grow therein, sustain the multitude: Noah, not once able to comprehend them, and therefore should of force be compelled to practise Turk's devices, and Soldiers policy for debating, and for foreseiing of this high policy in tyme. I marvel, if he have not some friends, to advance him to be of the counsel, for ye may be su●r he hath highly deserved it.  
I beseech almighty God, keep all such clawbacks, such hoot spurs, from Prince's Counsels. God send us slow judges, & speedy Batliffes: Not so hasty masters of the Chancery, the Court of Conscience. Again to note your sincerity, how you handle that proposition of saint Paul: propter fornicationem vitandam, unusquisquè uxorem suam habeat, & unaqueque suum virum. For avoiding fornication, let every man have his wife, and every woman her husband: Ye say that. D. Ponet falsely bringeth in, to prove thereby that all men have liberty to marry, for the avoiding of fornication: for ye say, and that by th'authority of saint Jerome, 
Cap. xi. x.1. b.  that all the question of saint Paul, standeth in this point: whether the Corinthians, should now (after they had received the faith of Christ) put a way their wives that they had married in their paganism? And further, ye say, if in this point and nothing else, was the sum of all the whole question, as Jerome affirmeth that it was: than hath. D. Ponet and all the sects of Germany, most shamefully alleged this place of. S. Paul for their purpose, to infer and prove there, that all men and women without exception, either aught to marry, or may marry. 
Cap. xi. u.4. a  And these be your own words. And further ye say, that to disprove this, ye will cite three or four of the most ancient writers, with this further assurance of credit and warrantise, that there shall not be found any some of the old fathers or ancient writers of the Church, that dissenteth from them. And then ye recite Tertulian, Chrisostome, Ambrose, and Hierom. Now in this point of your warantise and credit: let us try your truth. But first, before we shall recite you some of the old fathers, how they have used this place, in that sense, that ye deny saint Paul meant therein, and that all the question was but in one point, & nothing else: we shall allege to you one that is a diligent, although but a late expositor, which upon deliberate expending of the purpose there propounded, perceived more questions & answers, than ye list, for the hate of the cause ye have in hand, to see and spy. Faber stapulensis expendeth, that there were xiv. several answers and doctrines set forth by S. Paul, orderly written to the questions of the Corinthians. first, if a man be not joined to a wife, it were good if he did not couple himself to a wife, and utterly not to touch any woman at all. Secondly, lest some occasion of fornication might steal in upon a man, than it were lawful to every man to have his peculiar wife, and to every woman her proper and peculiar husband. For a proper and peculiar man is (saith he) a lawful husband. Thirdly, he that hath a wife, may not without his wives consent contain, but render to his wife due benevolence, and so on the other side, the wife to the husband: the cause is declared, for that the husband hath not power of his own body, nor the wife power of her own body. The fourth, whether it were lawful to the husband and wife, to live asunder and privately, and so forth, doth the said Faber note the residue of the questions and answers. But be it in case, that we had no scripture to lead us to judge of that matter, yet the very context of saint Paul showeth plainly, that by his answers, he had more questions propounded to him, then that only. Which thing ye might have learned, even of your own Jerome himself, and in that place, if ye had not listed rather to quarrel, and to confound a truth, then to search a truth. For somewhat before these words, which ye allege so mangled: thus writeth saint Jerome, of the diversitées of the questions, that were propounded to him by the Corinthians, being five in number, whereof he maketh mention. Inter caetera, Corinthij per literas quesierant, utrum post fidem Christi, 
Contra julianum Libr● primo.  caelebes esse deberent: & continentiae causa quas habebant uxores dimittere. An si virgins credidissent, inirent matrimonia? & cum e duobus Ethnicis unus credidisset in Christum, utrum credens relinqueret non credentem? & si essent ducendae uxores, Christianas' tantum accepi iuberet, an & Ethnicas? Videamus igitur, quid ad haec Paulus rescripserit. De his autem quae scripsistis. etc.  
Among other things, the Corinthians inquired by their letters, whether after the faith of Christ, they ought to live a sole life? And whether for continency sake, they should forsake their wives, which they already had? Whether if they that were virgins, when they received the faith, might take Matrimony upon them? And if both parties were paynim, and one should receive the faith, whether the believer ought to forsake the unbeliever? And if wives were to be married, whether his mind was, that they should marry Christians only, or also paynim? Let us therefore expend, saith Jerome, what Paul did write again to these matters, when he saith: Of those things whereof ye did write to me. etc. Now sir, I pray you, is all & the whole question only in this point, by your own Jerome, whether married men should leave their wives? Moreover, saint Hierom writing de virginibus. 31. q. 1. Quando saith thus. Quomodo virginibus, fornicationis periculo concedit nuptias, & excusabile facit, quod per se non appetitur: ita eodem fornicationis periculo, concedit viduis, secunda matrimonia contrahere. Now expend wherein the chapter is fornicationis periculum named, but in the first part. Ergo by S. Hierom himself, it is spoken to virgenes, & not married only. Moreover, S. Hierom as well in that place against jovinian, as in his apology to Pammachius, inferring this place of them that were unmarried & widows: Bonum est eyes, si manseriut ut ego. Si autem se non continent, nubant: It were good for them, if they tarried, and were as I am, but if they can not live continently, let them marry, addeth these words, idipsum dicens quod supra, saying the same he did before, propter fornicationem autem, & ne tentet vos satanas propter incontinentiam vestram, for fornication, and least Satan should tempt you for your incontinency. So that it may appear by saint Jerome, that though the first question were concerning persons in Matrimony, yet here he applieth also to the unmarried, and to the widows, this sentence propter fornicationem. etc. But ye will say, that it is not like that he should dissent from himself. I answer, that Pighius, whose pipe ye follow in all your masking and dancing, proveth in his Hierarchy lib. two. cap. x. that in the difference of a bishop and Priest, he varieth from himself. And Erasmus noteth no less by him, for the diversity of wresting this text of saint Paul. Divisa est mulier & virgo: and if these will not serve you, Jerome himself, will not stick to say that he did it for the advantage of his cause: and writing to Ruffian saith thus. If we have slipped at any time, and may appear to be frivolous to the wise reader, for that we have written, let him lay the fault upon the author. For we did write these things, being sick in bed of a long sickness, and did indite them in haste, to be written by our Secretary. And where ye bring in Tertulian, Ambrose, and Chrysostom: they say that Paul was asked that question, but that not only saith saint Jerome (as ye would make him to speak.) So that saint Jerome, either purgeth himself of your slander, that ye make upon him: or else that he writeth variously for the commodity of his cause: As he writeth dangerously in the whole cause, if he be taken as his words sound. But how so ever he agreeth with himself, yet if he mean that saint Paul should have given full liberty to lecherous life, if he had granted marriage to them that can not contain, as he seemeth to write: he should both disagree from himself other wheres, and from many others that useth this first saying of saint Paul universally, for that cause and intent. Furthermore, to go to the clause of his warrantise and credit, that no doctor, or old writer useth that place of saint Paul universally, and indifferently upon all men, sc: Propter fornicationem vitandam, unusquisque suam uxorem habeat. etc. Look upon S. Augustine, who exhorteth men to virginity, saying: Illud potius excellentis continentiae bonum, qui potest capere capiat. 
De nupt●● & condemp. liber. ● Capitulo. 16.  Qui vero id capere non potest, si acceperit uxorem, non peccat, & faemina, si se non continet, nubat. Bonum est enim homini, mulierem non tangere. Verum quia non omnes capiunt verbum hoc, sed quibus datum est, restat, ut propter fornicationem, unusquisque suam uxorem habeat, & unaquaeque suum virum habeat, ac sic infirmitas incontinentiae, ne cadat in ruinam flagitiorum, excipiatur honestate nuptiarum. 
De bono viduitatis cap. ●. 32 〈◊〉 sunt ●i.   
They that can receive that better gift of excellent chastity, let them take it. But he that can not take it, if he do marry a wife, he sinneth not, and the woman if she contain not, let her marry. It is good for a man, not to touch a woman. Nevertheless, because that not all men take this word, but they to whom it is given, this remaineth, that for avoiding of fornication, let every man have his wife, and every woman have her husband: and so, lest the infirmity of incontinency, should fall into the overthrow of enormities, let it be borne up, with the honesty of marriages. Thus far saint Augustine.  
If now, master Martin, I sought more the victory at your hand, then that ye should see your own fault, I could say somewhat hereunto. Saint Augustine's words I think be plain enough. And I trust ye will not deny, but that he is an old father, and an ancient writer in the Church: which if he be, then be you a young, fond, and a new start up wrangeler. But because ye be a Lawyer, I shall report you a Counsel, and a Law to, that useth this proposition universally, and not within such narrow limits as ye drive it up, even a counsel of Spain, holden at Tollet, the second Counsel, the first Chapter, in the v. year of their king Amalrike, and about the time of Pope John the second, which is a reasonable Canon, in respect, both for the age of him that is received to order, & also for the liberty that is given, either to abide, or to recede from his purpose of subdeaconship or deaconship. Hijs aunt, quibus voluntas propria, interrogationis tempore, desiderium nubendi persuaserit, concessam ab Apostolo licentiam (i. Cor. seven.) auferre non possumus. But as from those, who by their own proper will are persuaded, and have a desire to marry at the time of their examination, we can not take away from them that liberty that is granted them by the Apostle. I pray you what other sentence or licence is concluded in the seventh Chapter in the section. a. but this: propter fornicationem autem, unusquisque uxorem suam habeat. etc. For the avoiding of fornication, let every man have his wife. And in the Law ye shall find the self same again reported, 
Dist. 28. de hijs  where the glosser saith thus upon the very place: Quod ergò de iure communi competit, negandum non est. The benefit of the common law, may be taken away from no man. Moreover Chrysostom upon that place: Bonum est homini mulierem non tangere, it were good for a man not to touch a woman: Where as he saith, some would have it applied particularly upon Priests, he saith upon the consideration of the circumstance of the place, that it is not so particularly to be taken, but universally: and concludeth, non ergo sacerdoti dum taxat hoc dicitur: this is not spoken to the priests only. Which discourse followeth immediately upon that place, brought in by the said master Martin, upon which words, Theophilact writeth thus. Bonum & eximia res est cuivis mortalium, nec soli sacerdoti, promde ac nonnulli malè intelligunt mulierem non attingere, sed virginem permanere. Tutior autem, nostramque plurimum imbecillitatem adiwans, est matrimoninij res. Et postea, quia si se non continent nubant: vides sapientiam Pauli, quomodo meliorem monstret esse continentiam, nec interim tamen cogat, si quis non possit, ut ne peius flagitium committatur. Si enim multam inquit, vim sustinet, & ustionem, (magna enim concupiscentiae tyrannis est) discede a laboribus istis, ne quando subvertaris. It is a good and an excellent thing, to every man in the world, not to touch a woman, but to continue a virgin, and that not only to the Priest, as many men do evil understand it. notwithstanding, the matter of Matrimony is more sure: for it helpeth very much our weakness. And upon that place (if they contain not, let them marry) the said Theophilact noteth: thou seest the wisdom of Paul, how he showeth that continency is better, and yet notwithstanding, he compelleth not thereto, if any man can not, and that, least worse inconvenience should be committed. For if he suffereth much violence (sayeth he) and brenning (for surely the tyranny of concupiscence is great) recede from those labours, lest thou be'st overthrown at any time. Then master Martin, upon these two old writers sayings, I argue. If Paul did write this matter, aswell to priests as to Lay men, than either must ye grant, that saint Paul would priests then married, for fear of fornication, should retain still their wives, which they had married already: or else that priests unmarried, must for avoiding fornication, get them wives. Which, whether soever ye grant, is the subversion of the most part of all your whole book. 
In chroni. abb. urspergensis.  But will ye hear what Huldaricus bishop of Augusta, writeth to Nicholas the first, of whom ye may here your name. He reciteth the text: Propter fornicationem dixit. unusquisque suam uxorem habeat, ꝙ specialiter ad laicos pertinere, mentiuntur hypocritae, qui licet in quovis sanctissimo ordine constituti, alienis reuerav xoribus non dubitant abuti, & ꝙ flentes cernimus, omnes in supradictis saeviunt sceleribus. Hi nimirum non rectè scripturam intellexerunt, cuius maxillam, quia durius pressere, sanguinem pro lact biberunt.  
For fornication he said, let every man have his wife. Which saying and confession, to pertain specially and only to the lay folk, is a plain lie of the Hypocrites: which in what holy order soever they be set, yet without boubt they force not to abuse other men's wives. And these be they, which do rage in the foresaid crimes. sc, of abusing their father's wives, to use the filthy occupying of mankind, and of brute beasts, which filthiness we can not behold saith he, but with weeping tears. These be they, which do not understand the scriptures aright, whose breasts whiles they press so hard, they suck out cruel blood, in the stead of sweet milk. And further in the end of his Epistle, chargeth them with the crime of heresy, that enjoin such constrained chastity: where ye affirm Chap. ix.q.x. that they were all heretics, that did continue with their wives, which they had married before their orders. And here to prevent your cavillation, where ye might say, that I should have gone a little further with this bishop's writing, for sooth I answer, I would all the whole were written in English, that lay men might see, how it maketh for you, that would have Priests divorced. For the whole Epistle is an utter confutation of your book. But sir, till hereafter, stand upon that which followeth, as strongly as ye can, and yet shall ye never be able to extend that saying upon secular priests ordered in England, who have made no profession or vow of perpetual chastity. But ye will reply upon occasion of Chrysostom, & Theoqhilact sayings before rehearsed: that this former text, Bonum est mulierem non tangere, it is good for a man not to touch a woman, to belong aswell to the lay man, as to the priest. But this saying (for avoiding fornication, let every man have his wife) to pertain to lay men only: which yet Huldarichus showeth the contrary. Sir, if ye be so hard for nigardshippe, to hold the priests to the strait of the first sentence, and not to give them the liberty of the sentence following: I ween ye will be answered of the priests married and unmarried, as servants in the country will answer their niggard masters that will join them to fast on the vigils in hay seile and harvest. That is, if we be compelled to fast in the vigil preceding, we will surely make holy day and play, all the day following. But sir, for the universality of S. Paul's sentence, if ye list after these old authors, to hear a new writer or two till here after we shall bring you more store of the old: Look upon Bushop Alfonsus' tractation, where he holdeth plainly, that the priest hath yet that indulgence and sentence of S. Paul, to remedy his infirmity, yea, after his order and promise past, & the regular also after his vow. And again, resort ye to joannes Genesius in his first leaf, and there shall ye learn, that he defineth, that God did twice institute Matrimony, which yet every divine will not grant him. And that the second institution, was by these words of saint Paul (it is good for a man not to touch a woman) but yet for fornication, let every man have his wife, and every woman have her husband: And that this institution was purposely made of God, for the remedy of man's infirmity. Well, these notwithstanding, be it in case that he could win, that the said sentence of saint Paul were so particularly applied & restrained, either from all men unmarried, or from priests to be married: What exception can he make in this sentence of saint Paul in the same Chapter, spoken to widows, & to them that be unmarried. Quod si se non continent, contrahant matrimonium. If they do not contain, let them marry, for it is better to marry then to burn. But ye will say, it is better for the lay man, but not for him that is a priest, or a Regular. Why, may man's institution and vow, defeat this second institution of God of matrimony for incontinentie, that any of his creatures may be debarred from his remedy? Is it better for the priest to burn then to marry? Is it better for the regular to burn, then to enjoy Gods gentle liberality in his second institution of marriage? Shall the priest rather chose to go to the devil, for the want of the remedy of his infirmity, then for the shame of the world for his mutability, acknowledging his frailty, go to god? were it not better to cast from him his right eye, as dear as it were, for his estimation & promotion of the world, if it be a let to him to heaven, rather than with his dear eye of weltering promotions to have all his body cast into hell fire? I speak it not to give the bridle of dissolute living to every light head, but yet I would not have man lay snares to jeopard men's souls. But ye will say, every man can if he will. Christ saith, they only can take it, to whom it is given. Paul saith, that every man hath his gift: some thus, and some thus. Christ denieth it not to be some man's gift, but not every man's gift. Some men, and many men, may by prayer obtain it, as of his gift, and with gods further assistance, & by prayer & fasting, & other such helps, keep it: but it is not given to every man. For to some he will answer, Sufficit tibi gratia mea, my grace sufficeth thee. And as Primasius writeth i Cor. 7. non oens capiunt verbum hoc, sed quibus datum est: All do not comprehend this word, but they to whom it is given. Nam si generale esset, quòd potest unus & oens possunt. If it were general, the one might, all might. And where ye (M. Martin) pronounce in diverse places of your book, that virginity is in our election, & in our free will: If ye were understanded as ye understand D. Ponette, ye should be rather like to be angry with saint Augustine for writing against the Pelagians, which did hold, that God had committed the gift of continency to our election, as ye may read it Contra julianum: 
Lib. ●. Cap. 7.  then english preachers, whom ye call Heretics, that they should be angry with saint Augustine for writing against Pelagian, against whose opinion, no men be more leaning to S. Augustine, than they be. Yea, some be thought to be to much inclined, etiam cum imuria liberi arbitrij, in hijs, quos spiritus liberaverit. But yet we will take your meaning by other places of your book, (if perhaps ye be of any other meaning in deed) which courtesy yet ye show not to doctor Ponet. For where he said, a Bushop must be the husband of one wife, and because in that very place he did not circumscribe his saying, as he doth after in his book, writing that if the Bushop be in peril of fornication, or if he can not live sole, and yet ye strain him at these words, and slander the late bishop of Lincoln too, with your contorted violence of words, 
D. Taylior.  both untruly and dishonestly, as though they should mean, that no Bushop could be a good Bushop without a wife. And when ye saw his qualefication before your face, as ye report it yourself: yet ye say, that it is but a craft of him so to circumstance his saying. Is it a craft Master Martin, for a man to declare his own meaning, against captious readers? But for this, and for so much as ye lay to his charge: aetatem habet, respondeat pro seipso, he is old enough, let him answer for himself. Peradventure ye will say, why doth saint Augustine and other doctors say and affirm plainly in diverse places: ꝙ non licet nubere ijs qui voverunt continentiam. etc. that it is not lawful for them to marry, who have vowed continency. It is true, that by the Law and Canon of man's constitution so long as that standeth, and by reason of the vow, it is not lawful, for by penal Laws it is forbidden, as ye say yourself. But yet to avoid peril of damnation, by God's Law, it is both lawful and expedient. For to commit fornication or to burn, is alway both unlawful and unexpedient. But to marry, or not to marry: is some time lawful, and some time unlawful. For else saint Augustine, saint Jerome, and other more, would not say and affirm in manifest words, that to the votaries after their profession, if they burn, it were better even for them to marry. Saint Hierom writeth. Non expedit homini, 
33. q. 5. qui 〈◊〉.  ad coelorum regnum tendenti, accipere uxorem, sed difficilis res est, & non omnes capiunt verbum illud: ubi Glosa: Non expedit: Verum est propter onera matrimonij, sed expedit propter fornicationem vitandam. It is not expedient for him that travaileth towards the kingdom of heaven, to take a wife: but that is an hard matter, and all can not comprehend that saying, where the Gloze saith: it is not expedient, that is true, in respect of the troubles of Marriage: but it is expedient, to avoid fornication and uncleanly life. Again saith Hierom, Matrimonium, 
32. q. 1. quomo.  propter se, non est appetendum. Verum est inquit glosa, quia non ducit ad vitam, sed tamen appetenda est, causa vitandae fornicationis & propter prolem. Matrimony is not to be desired for itself: That is true saith the Gloze, for that, it helpeth not to life: but yet it is to be desired, that fornication may be avoided, and for issue sake. Thus upon occasion of your words, we have strayed a little further than we purposed, and yet I trust not unprofitably to the reader.  
But to you master Martin, I writ thus much. Yourself performed no manner of sinceritée, in reporting either your adversaries, or your friends, for all your assured assurance of credit, and your promised warrantise. As in reporting saint Jerome, ye do violently rack him, and leave out that which he did write a little before, for the chief declaration of the matter: so ye do even the same, in reporting the saying of Chrysostom, leaving out that, 
Cap. 10. ●. i  which immediately doth follow to open the truth. And yet ye writ in your book thus: that it is the nature ever of the heretics, to take a piece of the authors words, and not the whole sentence. If this be a true mayor, and then to you the minor is so manifestly agreeable: what will the indifferent man then knit up, think you, in the conclusion? How fast soever ye call other men heretics, and yourself catholic, 
Math. 12.  Ex operibus, saith Christ, iudicate, of the fruits and deeds, give judgement: Ex verbis tuis iustificaberis, & ex verbis condemnaberis: Of thy words shalt thou be justified, and of thy words shalt thou be condemned. And if ye would yet see this assertion proved an other way & with an other reason, I would desire the reader to expend, an excellent point of his corrupt wresting & wrangling, to judge whether he in the beginning of his writing, put not on his natural visure and chaste forehead, quae nescit erubescere, which knoweth no shamefastness: Even to say with the good Prelates, of whom isaiah writeth in his prophesy: 
Cap. 28.  Posuimus mendacium spem nostram, & mendatio protecti sumus: we have laid lying for our hope and foundation, and with lies be we armed. In his seventh Chapter, 
Litera. N. 1, Lib. 4. cap. 23.  he reporteth a story out of Eusebius, of an Epistle, which was written by Dennis bishop of Corinth, to Pymrus a Busshpppe in Creta, of which story he marveleth very much, that none of our men, nor the Germans, ever alleged the place in their writings. But yet he saith, when he had thoroughly considered the story, he left his marueiling, because he saith, it maketh quite against them. first I might retort his own check, that 〈◊〉 keveth to the lord of Cauntorburie (in that he saith, 
Ca 5. 〈…〉  that no ancient writer maketh sufficient proof, that Clementes Epistles were all true, and not counterfeit) For hath M. Martin so read all the Germans, that he can so say, that it is not alleged of them in their writings? If I would so spend paper, I could refer him to half a dozen, that do expressly allege the story for a strong place against him, & all such as will lay heavy burdens of compelled chastity, as is there written, or as Nicephorus termeth it, 
Lib. 4. Cap. 8.  onus caelebatus, the burden of sole life, as of necessity, in the necks of their Disciples, by the which, their infirmity might be in great danger. Which sentence thus uttered by Dionysius, the said Pynitus, did well accept, as for the better counsel, and by his letters did desire the said Dionysius, to write to him after that, some further matter of stronger meat, to feed his people withal. etc. Now sir, he leaveth quite out the first sentence, written by Dionysius: and also how Pynitus allowed his counsel for the better, which is the pith and chief matter of the Epistle and story: and then violently draweth the last words of stronger meat, to sound to that purpose, that to live in single life, and men to renounce their wives Lawfully Married, should be that strong meat, wherewith he should feed his people.  
Which is so impudently wrested and falsified, that a man may wonder what he meaneth thereby: Where saint Jerome in cattle. script. Ecclesi. making mention of Dionysius letter and Pynitus answer, draweth no such sense out of them. And he can not say, that he followed some man's reporting the place, or had not seen the place himself. For he saith, that he had thoroughly considered that story, to see Eusebius conclusion, as he hath here uttered it. Is this your through seeing and considering matters of weight, thus to pervert evident stories, which be in every man's hands, and yet for shame be not a shamed? For verily your thoroughly considering this cause, which ye have in hand, is but thoroughly falsifying the truth thereof, with your wilful writing, & sleighty overseeing. And how soever ye would blind the reader, yet Nicephorus story, will sufficiently try out the truth of this matter, if there were yet no other help, to maintain the said story.  
If the reader will now take your mayor again, where ye say that it is the nature of Heretics to take a piece of the authors, words and not the whòle sentence, how might he proceed in problem against you? And that ye may better perceive how thoroughly he hath considered other of his authorities and doctors, 
Lran. Ee. iiij. b.  if ye do but only look upon one page in his xii. Chapter, ye shall see how thoroughly he hath belied more of his authors, and how negligently he hath considered what he there writeth. In the beginning of the page, he would make you believe that S. Ambrose wrote that whole sentence. Vri est desiderijs agi ac vinci. Ne vincamur aunt, in nostra potestate est, per dei gratiam. And then he Englisheth it thus. That is to say. To burn, is to be vexed with concupiscence, and to be overcomed: But that we might not be overcomed, is in our power through God's grace. Master D. Martin, for all your thoroughly advised writing, ye have falsified saint Ambrose in two points. For first saint Ambrose saith: uri est desiderijs, agi vel vinci. And not: agi ac vinci. To be carried with desires, or to be overcomed, and not: to be carried with desires, and to be overcomed. For as well agi desiderijs as vinci desideriis (as other interpreters expound the place) is, ustionem pati. That is, to burn. And to avoid either of them, saint Paul granteth marriage. For either of them exceedeth Volatiles & Lubricas cogitationes innatae concupiscentiae: the sudden and transitory cogitations of lust that is in man. But he, saith S. Ambrose, that seeth himself not able to persever by the violent motions of his flesh, let him marry, rather than burn, and so peradventure he may afterward obtain this thing. So that he which either lieth in the flame of perpetual desire of the other kind in heart, or in outward deed, or executeth further his just: is said to burn. Marry to feel desires, and to overcome them in deed, is a point of a strong and a perfect man. Secondly, that other part of the sentence is not Ambrose words there, though your text and your translation would so blanch it out. But so doth your blind guide, whom ye followed in this allegation, and in others, that impudent Pelagian Pighius: who, in his books condemneth saint Augustine in that very Catholic doctrine, which he defendeth against Pelagius: the taste and suit of which counter doctrine, like a good hound, ye follow on a great pace. And so in the next allegation ye misreport saint Augustine, still following your master Pighius, which in his xv. controversy reporteth this saying upon saint Augustine as ye do, untruly. Which part of your book ye stolen out there verbatim, because ye would be sure to tread in his steps, like a learned man. Ye avouch, as lying Pighius doth, that upon this place of the Apostle▪ every person hath his own gift, one after one sort, and an other after another sort: that S. Augustine should say further in this manner, unusquisque juxta votum suum etc. That is to say: every person according to his vow and desire, hath the gift of God. So that if the party self will, he may contain and have possibility by the grant and pleasure of God. In which sentence ye do use much violence in your translation, to make (votum) there to signify a vow, as ye speak of vows. For (votum) there signifieth no more a vow, than it doth in this place of S. Ambrose, writings de virginibus Non enim imperari potest virginitas, sed optari. Nam quae supra nos sunt, in voto magis quam in magisterio sunt. virginity may not be commanded, but it may be wished. For such things as be above our nature, be rather in wish then in will. Then upon this ye conclude an argument, Ergo. etc. where saint Augustine writing upon this place: every man hath his proper gift of God. etc. saith thus. Who then giveth these things? Who doth distribute to every man his proper gift, as it pleaseth him? verily God, in whom there is no wickedness or parcialitée. And thereupon by what equitée he maketh some thus, and some thus, it is to man either impossible to know, or else very hard. Thus writeth saint Augustine upon that place, although that other sentence, so taken as it is meant, and written by the author thereof, is godly, but not as you and Pighius suspiciously would draw it.  
Also where ye define, that it is in our power and election to live in virginity, if ye will do as saint Paul did, ye say, when he said, ter dominum rogavi. etc. that is: for the which I have prayed thrice to our lord, that he would take it away from me. etc. Very well sir, but then in this request, because saint Paul was not heard, for all his thrice asking: what else may we learn by that example, but that God will not give all things that we ask? Then this place, whereto ye bid us go, beateth down quite your assertion, that every man may have virginity at his pleasure for the asking. 

De adulterinis comugijs.  
Lib. 2. cap. 18.   Saint Augustine saith thus. Qui potest capere capiat. Ergo, qui potest, capiat, quod nōomnes capiunt. Possunt autem capere, quibus hoc praestat misericordia dei occulta, sed non iniusta. He that can take it, let him take it, ergo, he that can, let him take it, which all men take not: but they be able to take it, to whom God granted it by his secret mercy, but yet righteous. And again he (of grace and free will) writeth thus: Not all men take this word, but to whom it is given. Now to whom it is not given, either they will not, or else they fulfil not that which they will. For to whom it is given, so they will it, that they may perform that, which they will. Whereupon that this word (which is not taken of all) may be taken of some, it is both Gods gift, and free will. Thus far saint Augustine.  

Capitulo 12. Latera E●. 1. Lib. de ca●itate dei. Cap. 4.  Also ye say, that the will, must go before in man for this said chastity, and then God will surely follow with his gift and grace. etc. Saint Augustine saith plainly, that God must first give the gift, and prepare the will, alioqui, saith he: ex illis essent potentibus, quorum infirmatus est arcus, or else they should be of those strong men, whose bow is to weak. And further he saith: it is he that giveth the vow to the vower. For no man can vow rightly any thing to our Lord, except he do receive that which he will vow. And the Counsel Aransican, kept about the days of Leo the first, 
Cap. xj.  saith thus of the bond of vows: No man can rightly vow to our Lord any manner of thing, except he receiveth it from him, as it is written: Such things as we have received of thy hand, we give it unto thee. etc. And Cyprian: 
De baptismo Christ's.  gratias ago tibi Clementissime deus, quia quod quaeris a me, prius ipse donasti. I give thee thanks, O most merciful God, for thou dost first give me that, which thou requireste at my hand. And Prosper writeth in verse.  
Optima vota deo, quorum est dator ipse voventur,  
Hoc sursum dignum est ire, quod inde venit.  
Those vows be best vowed to God, which he giveth himself, and that is worthy to return again, from whence it came. Also ye affirm, 
Cap. 12. liter● Ee. 4  that it is bawdry doctrine to teach, that the spirit of God must give testimony to the conscience of man that hath so vowed, whether he perceiveth by the stirring of his flesh, that God hath so called him or no. Saint Augustine himself than uttereth bawdry doctrine. 
Cap. 44  For writing of holy virginity, he saith thus. What then shall the virgin think (saith he) the secret judgements of God, that is to say: the gifts of God, which do not bewray and declare themselves to every man, but in the trial and interogation of temptation: and that ye may the better trust that it is saint Augustine's doctrine, Primasius his own very scholar, writeth not much from him. For thus he saith: 
1. Cor. 7  Nam si unusquisque hoc ad carnem suam revocet, & videat se virginitatem servare non posse, nubat, ne fornicando turpis appareat. that is: for if a man will fall to a reckoning with his flesh, and perceiveth that he hath not the possibilitée to keep virginity, let him marry, lest by committing fornication, he should appear dishonest.  
Also ye call it a beastly, 
Cap. 13. F●●j.  saying, to allege saint james circumstance, if GOD will, if we live, of such men as will make vows, which doctrine ye writ, to be reproved by the next text of saint james that followeth. Which ye report thus: Nunc autem exultatis in labiis vestris, and ye do English it even so: but now ye rejoice in your lips. But how truly, let the very Cobbler judge what lips ye have. And as for the conditions aforesaid, the blindest of all the Lawyers and School men, which do entreat of vows thoroughly, defineth plainly, that in every made vow, this general condition is implied and annexed: If it please GOD, if I may, if I live. etc. In omni voto (saith some) considerari debet, quid liceat, quid deceat, quid expediat. And again: Sicut juramentum factum in materia juris, recipit omnes limitationes juris, sic & votum, cum ambulent pari passu. that is to say: In every vow must be considered, what ought to be done, what may be done, what becometh to be doen. And as an oath made in form of Law, receiveth all the limitations of the Law: even so doth the vow, for both of them walk after one gate and fashion.  
But because ye be a lawyer, ye may peradventure think, that yourself is of as good authority as these Summaris●es be. I will for your learning, bring you such a writer, as I think ye will never be so good a Civilian, as he is known to be a Divine. 
〈◊〉 9 cap. 18.  ciril by name, who writing upon S. john, and upon Peter's bold promise, confuteth your unlearned writing in that whole part of your book, which ye do so boldly bolster out. Quoniam quae priscis acciderunt, ad doctrinam nostram scribuntur: hoc loco moneri nos arbitror, non oportere quicquam deo a nobis promitti, ut certum, quasi nos domini rerum essemus, partim quia quod posse a nobis fieri credimus, vires nostras non nunquam excedit, partim, quia non sine arrogantiae crimine, hoc nos, aut illud facturos dicimus. Illud enim in omnibus, quae agere volúmus dicendum est, quod discipulus Christi nos docuit: Si dominus volverit. Voluntas enim, apparatusque animae, nobis bene agendi, semper messe debet. Viam autem, potestatemquè agendi, quam non habemus, temerarium est nobis attribuere. Sic & deo rerum omnium nostrarum gubernationem, ut decet, accomodabimus, & tutiûs faciemus non voventes, qùam ea voventes quae reddere potestatis nostrae non est.  
Forasmuch as such things as chanced to the old fathers, be examples written to us for our learning: In this place, I judge, that we be put in mind, that nothing, as certain, aught to be promised of us to God, as though we were the Lords of things. Partly, because that it exceedeth our ability many times, which we believe may be done of us: partly, for that we can not say, that we shall do this or that, without the crime of arrogancy. For this must be alway said and spoken in all matters that we will do, that same which Christ's disciple hath taught us: If the Lord will. For a will and an endeavour of mind, must be alway in us to do well. But to attribute to us, the way and power to do that is not in us, is a soolehardie boldness. And so by this means, shall we, as it is meet for us, refer to God the governance of all matters, and more safely shall we do if we vow not, then to vow such things as are not in ●ure power to render and to perform.  
Also ye affirm five or six times in your book, 
Ca 12. P.M.  that saint Augustine called the marriages of votaries, worse than adulteries, and ye make him to say thus. Non dubitaverim dicere, tales nuptias esse peiores adulterio. I doubt not to affirm, that such marriages are worse than adulteries. Where in very deed saint Augustine proveth them to be marriages. And saith in that conference: Non possum dicere quidèm, a proposito meliore lapsas, si nupserint faeminae, adulteria esse, non coniugia. Sed planè, non dubitaverim dicere lapsus, & ruinas a castitate sanctiore, quae vovetur deo, adulterijs esse peiores. That is: I cannot (saith he) call the marriages, of those women, which be fallen from the better purpose, if they marry, adulteries and not marriages: but plainly I would not doubt, to call their slidynges and fallings from their holy chastity, which is vowed to God, to be worse than adulteries. S. Augustine confirmeth this to be his judgement, writing upon the 75. Psalm. saying: Quae autem respexit ad nuptias, non quia voluit nubere, damnatur, sed quia iam ante recesserat, & fit uxor Loth, respiciendo retrorsum. She that hath looked back to marriage, is not dampened because she would marry, but because she went back before, & is made like to Loath his wife, by looking behind her,  
Also ye teach, 
Ca 12. E●. 〈◊〉 Ca 2. C. q  that saint Paul exhorted Tymothie not to marry, and make him to say these words: Oportet Episcopum puduum esse: A bishop must be chaste. Yet Chrisostome upon the Epistle which he writeth to the said Tymothie, saith, that though he wished every man as himself was, that is to mean, continent: yet did he not require that perfection of bishops, but was content, to prescribe to them not so high a charge: Less, saith he, the Church should want necessary and honest ministers. Of whom ye may learn, that S. Paul meant not to bind Bushops from lying with their wives, if they were not endued with the gift.  

Cap. xi. y. ij.  Also you teach that the old law is confounded by the new law. Meaning that this text, crescite & multiplicamini, grow ye and mulplie, is confounded by the writing of saint Paul: art thou free from a wife? Seek not then to have one. Where all divines hold, that that text standeth yet as strongly for the institution of all marriages till the worlds end, as this text: He that striketh with sword, shall perish by sword, standeth strongly to maintain the law of the sword to the worlds end. 
De habitu virginum.  But Cyprian writeth more learnedly and truly, and saith, that this first sentence grow and multiply, commanded generation. The second sentence counseled to continency. Yet but to them, which be able to attain to continency, saith he.  

Cap. 3. D. 1.  Also ye affirm stately without all doubt, that Pope Calixtus, whom ye allege to be so nigh the Apstles days, that he might have known them (for ye say that he was within one hundredth year after that the longest living apostle died. Where, if ye had said within twenty year of saint Ihons' death, 
Dist. 82. proposuisti.  ye had spoken more like, that he might have known him, as Pighius saith, but yet so should ye both lie in so saying. But to go on) he should (as ye say) decree, that priests, Deacons, Subdeacons and Monks, should neither marry wives, nor have concubines: and that their marriages should be dissevered, and committed to penance. And further ye writ, that Pope Lucius, which was about the year of our Lord. CClxv. should decree that none should be received to the ministery of the altar, but such as would observe perpetual continency. I answer. Sir, ye have a great delight to make those your best arguments, where either the authors did write worst, or where they lied, or where the collector of their sayings, or the Printer might easily err, in the recital of their names. For first ye shall not find these among the Apostolical decrees of those two bishops, written by them, except ye have any secret written decrees yourself alone. Furthermore, stories report commonly, that Siritius, which was Pope anno Domini. 388 did first inhibit Priests and Deacons marriages: 
Gregoriu● 〈◊〉 dixi●: Sul atacom● semel factu, 〈◊〉 non nubere.  For so among others testifieth Polidore. And so writeth the glosser of the Decrees Disti. 84. that Siritius brought in continency to the Priests and Deacons, as Gregory did to the other ministers, that is, to Subdeacons. And Gratian himself affirmeth. Dist. 28. De syracusane, that before the Counsel of Ancyran, which was anno Domini. 308. the continency of ministers was not yet brought in. Moreover the ninth Canon of the Counsel Agatense, under Celestine the first, reporteth Siritius to be author of this prohibition. And Innocentius the first, which was nigher those days, in his Epistle to Exuperius, about the year of our Lord. CCCC. referreth the same to Siritius, saying: si ad aliquos forma illa Ecclesiasticae vitae pariter & disciplinae quae ab ipso Siritio ad provintias commeavit. etc. If the form of Ecclesiastical life and discipline, which was derived from bishop Siritius, be not yet come to their knowledge. etc. Where if it had been Calixtus or Lucius discipline, he would rather have referred it to them, than alleged it upon the latter bishop, for the greater authority of antiquitée, as ye do (ut supra) And in other places, with wresting and violent contorting, ye would make the Apostles to teach all that you say, sometime vouching their Epistles, sometime their Canons (so counted theirs) making the doctrine of them equal, with the authority of the Gospel immutable. But ye will answer, that ye find them in the book of the Decrees, alleged upon them. Sir, because ye have many obscure copies, look in some written book of the Decrees, whether one be not named for an other, as some books referreth the Canon of Gossyprike, to Paschal the first, and some to Paschal the second: which things may be seen diverse times in the books of the Counsels, so noted by him that did set them out. And sometimes the Canons of the Counsels were falsified by heretics, as may be seen in the sixth counsel Constantinople. And sometime corrupted by the Pope's themself, as Pope Zozimus untruly corrupted the Canons of Nicene Counsel, for the advancement of his usurped jurisdiction, but it was proved false, by the diligence of the Bushops of Africa in their Counsel, where at saint Augustine was present: As my Lord of Durisme noteth his falsehood in this point, in his Sermon before king Henry. And sometime the romanists of set purpose, will corrupt the authors for their purpose: as Gratian for the advancement of the Rome See, and for the authority of the Decrees, falsifieth a place of saint Augustine de doctrina Christiana lib. i Cap. viii, and alleged Dist. nineteen. In canonicis: which is thus noted by Alphonsus de castro adversus heresies. Lib. i ca two. And how truly the Epistles which be ascribed to Clement be his, for all your gorgeous blaunching out of this matter, against the Lord of Cauntorburie, he that hath but half an eye, may soon judge, as the Decretal Epistles of Anacletus, Evaristus, Sixtus, Victor. etc. how conyngly they be counterfeited, if the matters therein contained would not bewray the reporting of the scriptures in them, out of saint Hieromes translation (which was a good while after them) may show the falsehood. And therefore it is no evil counsel of saint Paul: Omnia prabate, quod bonum est tenete: Prove all things, but keep that which is good. Quia multi seductores exierunt in mundum, & seducunt, si fieri possit, etiam electos: For many deceivers are gone forth into the world, and do deceive (if it were possible) even the elect.  
Also ye teach, that all the Priests have married against the Apostles doctrine: and that Greek priests married, could not be suffered to be made Priests, except they promised conversion, and no more to keep with their wives. Also ye affirm, that the prohibition of priests marriages, was the teaching of the Apostles: where the Apostle saith plainly, that the prohibition of marriage, is the devils teaching. And as for keeping their wives, ye yourself can not deny, but Priests might use their wives, except only at such times, when their turn was to serve in the Church, to say Mass, as the Law prescribeth. Dist. 31. Quoniam in. Moreover it is plainly affirmed in the Law, and saint Augustine is advouched for it, that the Church hath constituted many things, 
Dist. 84. cum in  that the Apostles did never order. That is to say: Of the continency of ministers, and that they made no institution, of not using marriage already contracted. For if the Apostles had so done, the Priests of the east Church would have acknowledged it, and received it. Yea, it is manifestly decreed in the sixth general Counsel, holden at Constantinople: in these evident words: 
Dist. 3●. Quonian.  Quoniam in Romani ordine canonis. etc. Whereas we know that it is decreed, by the order of Rome Canons, that they which take the order of Deacon or Priesthood: do confess that from thenceforthe, they will have no Matrimonicall company with their wives: yet we, following the old ancient canon of the Apostles diligence, 
Ponder these words, the Canons of the Apostles, which 〈◊〉 answer his weighty 〈◊〉 in his seven Chap. A●. ●▪ Pondera h●c verba, quod Aposto●● do●uerun●. etc.  and the ordinances of holy men: will, that lawful marriages from henceforth to be advailable. minding in no wise, either to separate their companying of wedlock with their wives, or yet to deprive them of their familiaritée, betwixt themselves in time convenient. And there further is it said, that neither Subdeacon, Deacon, or Priest, if they be diligent in their office, aught to be repealed from such order, though they keep company with their wives, and that in the time of their orders taking, they ought not to be compelled to promise chastity, or to abstain from their lawful wives. And further this general Counsel saith, that such as of presumption will deprive any of the foresaid Priests or Deacons, from their lawful wives, contrary to the rules of the Apostles, should be deposed from their livings: and that such Deacons and Priests, as for holiness or religion sake, will expel their wives from them, aught to be excommunicated. And if they persist, to be deposed, which said Counsel yet ye wrest, to make it sound that Priests should be bound to promise a conversion, and a forsaking of their wives, in your seventh Chapter, when ye allege the second national Counsel, 
Cap. 7. M. iij.  holden at Carthage, wherein ye say was decreed, that Deacons, Priests, and bishops should be continent, with these words: ut quod Apostoli docuerunt, & ipsa seruavit antiquitas. etc. Where ye admonish the reader to ponder those words: quod Apostoli docuerunt. etc. that is: which thing the Apostles taught, and the Elders have observed. In which glozing and noting, master Martin, ye make shameful work, as to him that will compare these Counsels together, will appear. For first ye belie the Apostles, to say on their heads, that they taught such conversion from their wives, as ye may see evidently here in the sixth Counsel at Constantinople, the contrary. Also this second Counsel at Carthage, did nothing else but ratify that decree, which was made in the first Counsel there. And that was no other, but that deacons, priests, and bishops, being single at their admission, should not marry wives a new, after their orders: and not to forsake those, which they had married before hand. And where ye would have these words pondered: quod Apostoli docuerunt. etc. I pray you master Martin, where did the Apostles teach such doctrine in all their Epistles? If ye allege the xxv Canon ascribed to the Apostles: then is that a pleasant Canon for your purpose, to have so many senses contained therein, sometime to import that Priests may not marry after order: and now that Priests married, may not use their wives married before. I perceive ye may draw what sense it pleaseth you of that Canon. 
Dist. cum inpraeterito.  But when ye have all done, M. Martin, ye must come to the gloze, that is commonly made upon those words: Apostoli docuerunt: id est, docuerunt exemplo, by example (as the text in the decree saith) opere, & admonitione: non institutione vel constitutione, that is, by deed & doctrine, not by institution & decree, as the gloze saith. And this is the glosers mind on the decretals whom also I do avouch for this your confutation, and detertion of your crafty perverting the said Counsels. But yet how sound this gloze is, that the Apostles taught by their example, that after Apostleship they forsook their wives, the story will impugn it. But thus I set an old tried and authorised Canonist, against a new start up Civilian, or a self-willed Lawyer.  
Also ye affirm that Clement, the second Pope (as ye contend) after Peter, made a decree, that Priests and Deacons should not lie with their wives. And upon this authority, ye make a great a do, and ask, how can this be avoided with any face or colour. etc. and ye say, that it was saint Peter's doctrine, and that saint Peter commanded him to write his books, to james. 
Cap. 〈…〉  etc. How truly ye say it, let the Counsel before spoken be judge, and let Paphnutius also be judge, whom for shame ye can not but avouch in your book, who resisted that any such Law should be brought in, who was a good while after saint Clement was dead, and rotten: And he called such companying of priests with their wives, chastity: where ye call the self same marriages, that Paphnutius meant of, licentious living and liberty. And further ye call such Priests as continued with their wives, 
Cap 9 Q. ●.  that they had married before their priesthood, flat heretics. Also ye deny plainly, 
Ca 13. GG. ●.  that Philippe the Apostle was married, or that he had any daughters, where Eusebius affirmeth it plainly, that both Philippe the Apostle had three daughters, and Philippe the Deacon and evangelist had four.  
Also ye do avouch it by Nicephorus story, that Philippe the Apostle lived ever a virgins life, 
Cap. 13. GG. i  and was never married. Where the self same Nicephorus evidently writeth thus. 
Lib. 2. ca 44 How stōo●th it with this that the Apostles forsook their wives, and carried other women about with them.  An isti tamen Apostolos quoque reijcient? Petrus sequidem & Philippus, liberis creandis operam dederunt. Et ꝙ idem Philippus Apostolus, tres filias habuit. That is to say, will these (a God's name) reject the Apostles also? For truly Peter and Philip did give themselves to beget children, and that the said Philip the Apostle had three daughters: and where ye say, that Philip carried about with him his sister Mariamna, and ye report these words upon the said Nicephorus: Cum ipse caelibem vitam duceret: when he on his part lived a single life, and was unmarried, and never married. The truth of the story, even by the same Nicephorus saith. Cum ipsa vitam per virginitatem sibi exigendam statuisset: when she on her partée, had purposed with herself, to live out her life in virginity: which could not be spoken of Philip, if he had three daughters, and gave himself to get more.  
Also ye labour to proof that all the Apostles, except Peter, were without wives, 
Cap. 13. 〈◊〉 Ca 13. 〈◊〉. 1. Cor. 11.  where saint Ambrose, as ye allege yourself, affirmeth plainly, that all the Apostles had wives, except John and Paul. And Orygen saith, that some of the Apostles were in wedlock. And Ignatius testifieth in a book printed before Luther was borne (whom, 
〈◊〉 Epistola ad philadelphien●●.  and the other Germanies ye defame to have corrupted the books, such is your foul shift) writing thus: Sicut Petrus & Paulus & caeteri Apostoli qui nuptijs fuerunt sociati. As Peter and Paul, and other the Apostles which were conjoined in matrimony.  

Ca S.P. ij.  And where ye number S. Luke the Evangelist among them that were never married: Platina saith, that he lived in Pope Cletus days, and lived four score year and three, and had a wife at Bithynia. And Platina his report may be true, though saint Jerome say that he lived four score year and four, then having no wife. For though he died without a wife, yet it followeth not, that he never had one. And again, saint Jerome was not very indifferent to marriage, as appeareth in applying salomon's text to married folks: stultorum infinitus est numerus: and furthermore in the overmuch praise of virginity, he would say more then enough. As in his book of Ecclesiastical writers, rehearsing Lucius Seneca among them, he writeth, that he was vitae continentissimae, that is, of a most continent living. Yet stories make mention what an excellent woman he had to wife, which would needs die with him, in the like death that he was judged unto by Nero. Let Nauclerus be witness.  

Ca 13. hh. 4.  Also ye affirm boldly that Peter earied not his wife about with him, but might have some other sober Matron, to attend upon him, 
Ca 12. CC. ij. z. ij.  and that he forsook his wife, and all by avow. And where in your xi. Chapter ye seem to doubt, whether Peter had a wife in his Apostleship or no: forgetting yourself in your xiii. Chapter, 
●. h. iij.  ye conclude, that she was dead, when Peter was called to be an Apostle, though Tertulian tell you there the contrary. But ye say, that probable reason induceth this truth. And further ye say, 
〈◊〉. 13. GG. iij  that all other the Apostles, had not their wives following them, but other rich women that ministered to their necessities. 
Lib. 7. Recog●it.  Sir, saint Clement (whose Epistles ye labour so earnestly to make authentic) writeth plainly, that she was with him in his peregrination when he preached, and saith thus: that Peter would have no body with him, but that could without hurt of his Godliness follow him. id est: that he should not forsake his faithful wife or his Parents etc. And saith, that his mother was with Peter's wife, and iorneied with them, and afterward avoucheth her for a witness. In presence, saith he, of the wife of my Lord Peter. And Peter's wife, saith he, testified, that it was true. 
Li▪ 7. stroma●●  And both Eusebius, Clemens Alexandrinus, & Nicephorus telleth, that Peter did put her in mind of the Lord, when she was going to her passion: and that he rejoiced, that she was called unto martyrdom, & spoke to her by her own name, 
Mat. 19  and by the name of wife. And as for forsaking her, where ye speak determinately: yet Origen being nigher his time, than ye be by half a score years, doubteth of that matter, & writeth thus. Petrus uxorem fortè reliquit. Peter peradventure did leave his wife. 
Dist. 31. 〈◊〉 ●●fitemur.  And Pope Leo the ninth, Panormitan, and the glosser of the decrees, be of opinion with the scripture, that the Apostles carried their wives about with them, saying thus. Quod Apostoli ducebant uxores secum, ut seruirent eye in cibis parandis, & ab eye pascerentur, cum essent pauperes, de mercede praedicationis. That is: the Apostles led their wives with them, that they might serve them in dressing their meat, and to be fed of them, being as they were, poor, of their stipend of their preaching. Where ye say fond that the Apostle speaketh of eating and drinking, 
Cap. 13. 〈…〉  and not of writing.  
Also ye say, 
Cap. 13. 〈…〉.  that scripture t●acheth us, that prayer & fasting, be the means for us to live in chastity. As ye prove it by poetry, and is ye say, a better remedy to take a way brenning, then is marriage. For the company of a woman, ye say, increaseth the appetite, rather than extinguisheth it. And for this ye bring in the example of lay men's outrage in this matter. And ye say, before marriage a man had but only the burning of the flesh: where as after marriage, he shall have both the burning of the flesh, & the burning of conscience for ever▪ Ca 12 Ee. 4. O vain doctrine & jeopardous: where S Paul's wisdom was for this inconvenience to appoint marriage if they can not live chaste, saying, let them marry. And God's wisdom then belike, both in his first institution, & second institution, as joannes Genesius writeth, lacked your wit & counsel in his ordinance. May not S. Paul worthily speak to you: O homo tu quis es, qui exaduerso respondes deo? O thou blether-blowen wise man, 
Ro. ●.  what art thou, that thus frowardly and over-wharthly bawiest against God? Where saint Augustine and all other of the holy chaste fathers of the Church, appointeth marriage to be the remedy. Yea, they say to the votaries, that marriage is better for them, then to burn. And counseleth them, and all others to resort to the haven of Wedlock, who doth teach, lest the infirmity of man should fall into danger of incontinency, let it be holden up and stayed with the honesty of matrimony. That marriage represseth the concupiscence of the flesh, hear what Damascene saith. Damascenus Libr. 4. ca 25. de orthodoxa fide etc. Damascene after his praise of virginity, in comparison of Matrimony, saith, Haec enim dicimus, non nuptijs derogantes. Absit enim. Nam scimus dominum, presentia sua, nuptijs benedixisse, & eum qui dicit, honorabiles nuptiae. Sed bonis nuptiis meliorem virginitatem agnoscimus. In virtutibus enim & intensiones & remissiones sunt. That is. While we say these things, we do not derogate marriages, for God forbid. For we know that the Lord by his presence hath blessed marriage, and we know him that said, honourable is marriage, but we confess virginity to be better than the goodness of marriage. For amongst virtues, there be degrees, more or less. Lo this divine calleth marriages good, and numbereth it amongst virtues. And further saith clean contrary to your corrupt assertion, wherein y● say that marriages rather do excite concupiscence, then quench it, for thus he saith by and by after. Bona quidem liberorum procreatio, quam nuptiae constituunt. Et bonae nuptiae ob fornicationes quas prescindunt, rabiem concupiscentiae, per legitimam commixtionem, non sinentes ad iniquos furere actus. The procreation of children assuredly is good▪ which marriage doth ordain, and marriage is good for fornication, which it doth cut of, not suffering the fury of concupiscence (by reason of the lawfulness of marriage company) to rage's to wicked acts. And S. Gregory saith: 
In passion alibis  Peritus medicinae caelestis Apostolus, non tam sanos instituit, quàm infirmis medicamenta monstravit, dicens: de quibus scripsistis. etc. Bonum est etc. Propter fornicationem autem unusquisque suam habeat uxorem. etc. Qui enim fornicationis metum praemisit, profecto non stantibus preceptum contulit. Sed ne fortasse in terram ruerent, lectum cadentibus ostendit. The Apostle being skilled in heavenly medicine, did not so much instruct such as be whole, as he showed medicines to the sick, saying: of such things as ye wrote unto me. etc. It were good for a man not to touch a woman: yet for fornication, let every man have his wife. etc. In that he putteth before the peril of fornication, undoubtedly to such as do not stand, he made it a precept. But lest they perchance should fall upon the ground, he granted a bed for their falling.  
Also ye magnify much, 
Cap. 13 II. iij.  Innocent the first, for his slandering of Marriage: and ye call him that holy writer, as ye report Hildebrande, 
Cap. 12 Ee. 4. Cap. 13. KK  Gregory the seventh, very honourably, and call him in one place, saint Gregory. And ye say the Emperor Henry the fourth, was most charitably and courteously rebuked of him. And ye say, that Hildebrand reform the priests, which were in the time of that Schism newly stolen into Marriage. Where Nauclerus expressing the story, reporteth, that when the Archebushoppe of Mogunce, sentiens non parva constare opera, ut tanto tempore inolitam consuetudinem revelleret. etc. Understanding that it would cost him no small labour, to undo and dissolve that custom (of marrying) by so long time rooted, and to reform the whole world in her old and weak age, agreeably to the rules of the primative Church: determined to deal more moderately with them. And Cardinal Benno, which was a Cardinal in his days, declareth how cruelly the Emperor was handled by him, that when this foresaid saint Gregory's counsel took no place, where he hired a desperate man to wait the said Emperor in his oratory (where he used to say his prayers) to have slain him, by letting a stone fall down from the roof upon him: at the last after the said Emperor had lain long flat at the feet of one of the Pope's legates, asking and craving the Church's mercy▪ which was utterly denied him: was finally deposed from his Imperial dignity, as the story is lamentably written by the said Benno.  
But as for this said Innocent the first, how holy soever he was, in such holy decrees, so soon following his noble predecessor Siritius, in whose words and phrase, he treadeth in, as holily and as nigh, as ye tread in Pighius steps: yet I think, ye obey not all his decrees. For he decreed, that saterday should be fasted: because, saith he, Christ lay in his grave on the saterday, and the Apostles fasted the saterday. Which decree of his, for fasting, is as well kept, as his decree for chastity among the most part of his shaven subjects, or as Telesphorus statute is by foolish gloss trifled away in the decrees. 
Dist. 4. statu●●●s.  But how holy soever he was in his vow of chastity, belike he vowed not wilful poverty. For his infinite vessels of plate, which he gave to the church of Rome, his wonderful buildings of churches, houses & common Baths there, declareth that he died no great beggar. Neither in deed was he bound to that vow now, for it was after the gift of Constantine, after whose days, the bushops of Rome never were made themselves Martyrs or saints: but then became to Canonize saints, that were catholic like Constantine, and made Martyrs of other men, such as were barkers against the liberties of the Church. In deed, this holy Innocent was from Peter, as Marianus Scotus writeth, the xxxix Pope, where Melciades was the last Pope martyr, which was in order from Peter, the xxxiij which did shed their blood, saith Fasciculus temporum, for the holy Testament of Christ. And as this Innocent was far from Peter in succession of time, so was he further from him in succession of life and conversation. For Clement showeth, that he was so far unable to advance the Church of Rome, as this Innocent did, that he reporteth these to be Peter's words: Panis (inquit) mihi solus cum olivis & raro etiam cum oleribus in usu est. Indumentum hoc est mihi quod vides: tunica cum pallio, & haec habens, nihil aliud requiro, hoc mihi sufficit. Only bread is my usual food, with Olives, and seldom with wortes and herbs. As for my gramentes, be such as ye see, a coote with a cloak: and having these, I require no more, saith Peter, for this sufficeth me. And Christianus Druthmarus, an old author, about the year of our Lord. 800. writing upon Matthew the tenth Chapter, saith, that Peter held his Busshopricke in Rome xxv years, and yet had not for all that in his possession, so much as five foot of ground of his own. It was great pity, that good Constantine was not in these days of the Church's infancy. But yet perhaps Peter would have taken no such things at his hands, as Silvester was infected with, for his vow sake. As this Civilian maketh it an article of doctrine, that Peter by a vow left all things, house, land, ship, nets, wife, and all. So that by that example of his, his successors have sworn a vow, to draw all things to themselves (wives only except) and yet in stead of them, some other things. It might be wondered at, what should make Peter so poor and beggary, if this Civilian had not a ready answer to show this cause, as he doth declare in his book the like. Surely the charge of his wife, & his nice daughter Petronil, made poor Peter to go in a threadbare coote, or else for scraping and purchasing land for his wife, & to set out his dear daughter, the better for her marriage, he spoiled the Church patrimony, and left but bare walls, 
Pag. ●33.  neither Cope nor Uestiment, nor silver Chalice neither, and yet kept but bare hospitalitée, to the great dishonour of the Church. And these were like to be the causes, that he could not leave so much by Testament to his own Church, as this Innocent in the man age of the Church was able to do. But without doubt, Peter was in an unlucky time, and so was his See as unhappy, for xxxiij of his next successors lost their heads: some as charged with treason, and some with heresy, one after an other: which evil luck, if it should return again to the bishops in Rome at their See: I would be surety for them▪ that they would not judge the ambition for the place, so honourable as they do. Although yet S. Gregory the first writeth, 
De ●ura pastor part. 〈…〉  that it was then honourable to desire to be a bishop, when he was like to be the first, to go to martyrdom for his flock. But now the Church is better confirmed, and counteth it honourable for bishops, to brenn● their own brethren bishops, if they will take upon them to stand for the holy Testament of Christ. But let us here what names this holy Innocent giveth to innocent matrimony: No holy names, 
Cap. 13. II. iij  I warrant you. For he calleth it in the same Chapter of that decree, that master Martin calleth him an holy writer for, carnal concupiscence, filthiness, infidelitée, and a life of the flesh, that can not please God. Whose veigne in holiness, this holy Martin followeth right up and down, in his book. For he calleth the second marriage of Say men, more lawful than honest, and bringeth in many aucthoritées of profane authors, that calleth their twice marrying, but lawful incontinency, and nameth them adulterars by Law, 
Ca 4.  and concludeth, that Paul thereby was moved, to forbid Priests to marry twice. But here it is meet to note, what monition saint Augustine gave against such bletherblowne wise men: writing de bono viduitatis: Sicut bonum sanctae virginitatis, quod elegit filia tua, non damnat unas nuptias tuas: sic nec viduitas tua, cuiusquam secundas: hinc enim maximè Cataphrigum ac Nouatianorum haereses tumuerunt: quas buccinis sonantibus, non sapientibus, etiam Tertullianus inflavit, dum secundas nuptias tanquam illicitas dente maledico confudit, quas omnino licitas Apostolus sobria ment concedit. Ab hac sanitate doctrinae, nullius indocti, nullius docti disputatione movearis, nec ita extollas bonum tuum, ut quod malum non est, tanquam malum, crimineris alienum.  
Like as the goodness of holy virginity, which thy daughter hath chosen, doth not condemn once marrying: so neither doth thy widowhood, condemn second marriages. For from hence swelled the heresies of the Cataphriges, and novatians: which heresies Tertullian blowed up with trumpets, that sounded greatly, although they were not very wise, when as through his railing, he confounded the second marriages, as unlawful, which notwithstanding, the Apostle very descritly granteth as lawful. From this soundness of doctrine, see thou be not moved, by any man's disputing or reasoning, whether he be learned, or unlearned: neither so extol thine own good thing, that thou shouldest accuse as evil, and lay it to an other man's charge, that which in deed is not evil.  
Marry in deed, 
Cap. ●.  which I had forgotten, his foresaid holy writer Innocent, in the same Epistle of Decrees, telleth us, that yet it is written in scripture: unius uxoris virum, & iterum, sacerdotes mei semel nubant. Et alibi, sacerdotes mei non nubant amplius. That is: an husband of one wife. And again: Let my priests marry once. And in an other place: Let not my Priests marry often. Now, whether he wrote thus, that God meant it of his Priests, or Paul meant it of his priests, or Innocent meant it of his Priests: I wot not, but our romish bishops and Priests of these days, meaneth it of no priests now. Therefore they agree like Harp and Harrowe: yet they agree all with saint Jerome, whose authority is of itself to be had in credit of every good Christian man, 
Cap. xi. ●. ●●  saith master Martin: which Jerome giveth so many slanderous names, to Say men's marriages: that Tatian never spoke half so many. Whom this master Martin followeth so well, 
Cap. 13. HH ●  that he saith, that marriage is the basest state of life in Christ's church, yet he saith it is very honourable. lo, ye see how he honoureth it, even as the jews honoured Christ, when they set a crown of thorn on his head, and put a purple rob on him, and saluted him with the name of a king. Even so doth this man kiss Marriage, with, ave rabbi: Hail master. 
Cap. 13. II. ●  Yet he saith, that married folks can not come to the feast, and the feast is no other but eternal life. And saith, that upon this place, saint Paul grounded his saying: scz, he which hath a wife, is divided. And saith, that marriage is half dissuaded by saint Paul, 
Cap. xi. BB. ●  and moreover calleth Marriage, but distraction, bondage, a vexation of the flesh, pentifulnesse, and knitteth up the matter, and saith: who can deny, but that Paul counteth him that hath a wife, to be tied, bound, troubled, distracted, and in servitude? Now when this doctor wringeth in saint Paul in such contorted insinuations: yet the Say men must think, that he hath made a witty book, that they laugh prettily at, & hath good sport therewith, where I think if Paul were alive, 
Lib. 2. Heresi. 6. ●.  he would say that he were distracted of his wit, so to abuse his places and sayings. Yea, if Epiphanius were alive, he would say no less by him, than he did by a certain heretic, called Hierax: who to like purpose, and after the same manner distorted these texts of saint Paul: Innupta curat ea quae sunt domini: divisa est uxor & virgo: propter fornicationem unusquisque uxorem suam habeat. etc. The unmarried virgin careth for the lords matters: but a wife and a virgin are two: yet for the advoiding of fornication, let every man have his wife. Upon which places, he concluded (saith Epiphanius) that Paul praised not marriage, but bare with it, to avoid further mischief. Which said heretic, with his adherentes, did so reject Matrimony, as also saint Augustine testifieth the same of them, that they would not have any such of their company, that had wives. Thus (saith Epiphanius) they pretend the pure virginity of the church, but yet had no pure conscience, but a conscience marked with an hot iron, forbidding marriage. Nevertheless, they were well and justly scorned, saith Epiphanius, for their dissimulation, seeing they had, notwithstanding, women amongst them, whom they coloured, under pretence of doing them service. Now compare D. Martin and his complices, with D. Hierax and his disciples, and then consider how far they disagree.  
Marry as for priests marriages, doctor Martin calleth them incestuous, and detestable enormitées, sacrilege, sin and adultery, worse than adultery, prevarication, whoredom and beastly bitcherie, abominable, untolerable, and last of all, that ye may see the whole bottom of his bouget turned up, that he hath spent all his Rhetoric bag, he resembleth it to the crime of a cut purse. And I warrant you, he that will not allow this gear, thus excellently written: if he may come by him, it shall go hard, but that he will procure to have his ears nailed to the Pillory. And here master Martin, following you thus far in one of your unlearned lies, I leave you.  
For if I should follow you to note your slanderous lies, as I have in part noted some of your lies in learning: I fear I should make both myself weary to write them, & the reader angry with you to read them. Although you peradventure would not be much ashamed to see them uttered. For it may be well verified of you, that ye contort to another. He that is once over his shoes, forceth not afterward how deep he wade in the mire. He that once hath cast of the face of shame & honesty, taketh no great thought after that, who looketh in his tail. As for examples of your slanderous depraunges, ye bely the Germans & others, whom ye call the new preachers, to say that they call prayer liplabour: fasting, hypocrisy: chastity & abstinency, the devils doctrine: contempnyng the sacrament of th'altar: calling men from chastity, to a life contrary to the same. They call your pattering praiour, which is at this day used of your ministers without affection of heart, or sense of understanding, a very howling into th'air, with S. Paul: a vain babbling, with our saviour Christ. They call your sanctification of your Sabbath days, as ye keep them in your high feasts, such as at Lyncolne was kept on Pentecost last, but abominable to God, mockage, and very Bacchus' feasts, & Sacrifices of Venus in filthy tales and stories, 
Concil. Mog●●tinum cap. 48. Anticio●or. council. cap. 9 Contra judeos.  condemned by your own counsels. They call your manner of fastings, but mere hypocrisy, yea, worse than hypocrisy, in such circumstances as ye have many a day used them, & dare pronounce with Chrisostome inveighing against the jews fasting: that your fastings be worse than very drunkenness. They call your filthy feigned chastity, a bandy Sodomitical careless living. As the practice declareth to manifest to stand in, to prove. They call all such as have not the gift & by their yearly experience: seeth the impossibilitée not from chastity, but from filthiness of brutish buggery and boyly bestlynesse, to marriage chastity. Ye never read, or hard, of any such writers, such as ye would slander to the world, I say of the known, and commonly approved writers out of Germany: But that doth excite the readers, in their books, to Godly and oft prayer: to pure abstinence from all excesses: and to a christian mortification of all their vices and affections, to continency and soole living, if God will so have them to serve him in that state. And if God by the experience of themselves, unfeignedly calleth them to wedlock, as to a remedy of their infirmity, or a domestical comfort in their hospitalitée: they counsel (with all the doctors of the Church) to take the surest way to save their souls. Although the said old authors, were the most part of them, very untreatable to remit that discipline, but when very necessity moved conscience, to remit the rigour of their said Canons. In deed, the old fathers and their Clergy, had a great opportunity by the manner of their living, to be further from danger of temptations, to have the more professors, and keepers of their chastity, than the state of this world, will suffer. Yea, such a Clergy as ye will frame here in the realm, and for all their diligent discipline, and calling on: yet how oft do they complain of the numbers of them which lived to the slander of the rest? In deed it can not be denied, that they had great zeal to live in virginity and soole life, when the fathers in Nicene Counsel, and some other counsels after that, decreed, that all such as should geld naturally themselves, should not be received into the Clergy. Belike Paphnutius was moved in conscience, upon the knowledge he had of them that came single to the state of order, whom the old traditions of the Church charged so to live: not to agree to such law, where they would have constituted, that married priests should abstain from their wives, and so to jeopard a greater number in this fire of temptation: he was content to save yet some part of the house from danger of the fire, though he could not save the whole. Affirming, that it was enough that they, which received orders before they married, according to the old traditions of the Church, should from thenceforth abstain from marriage. I do not say that his mind was, to move the whole Clergy to marriage: but counselling then all, and singularly to soole life, as more free to serve God in that vocation. But yet not of such strait mind, to prescribe Laws of necessity, to force them to tarry even still, will they nill they: But left them to the rule of their own conscience. For what other thing was meant, master Martin, in the first decree either of Lucius, if it be his, or Siricius, or urban the second, but to leave that liberty yet to such as was of the Clergy, if they would not or could not contain, to suffer them to live in their Matrimony afterward taken, if they would not relinquish their Ecclesiastical degrees. And what meant the third Canon of the third Council at Carthage? the .v. Canon of the Council at Tollet, or the sixth Counsel holden there, when saint Augustine was present? Or the three and thirtée Canon of the Council called Elibertinum about Pope silvester's days? Or the Council holden in Grece, before silvester's days, called concilium Ancyranum, with many other more, where they decreed, that such as being subdeacons, deacons, or Priests, that would choose to marry, should not enjoy their Ecclesiastical livings? But I do not as yet read, that in all of those Counsailles, they were compelled from Matrimony, whether they would or no, or that they were separated from their wives after they were so deprived, or their Matrimony called adulteries. As of that Council whereat saint Augustine was present, I think, I dare boldly say, they were not, seeing his judgement is in his works, to the contrary. As for the sixth Council, holden at Constantinople, permitted both wives and livings too. And in other Councils, their wives and livings, so they would but in time of their ministration abstain from their wives. But to contend with him in such causes of Counsels, Canons, and Stories, which he contorteth by all shift of wit, to make them to ply to his ghostly purpose, were a long business. But marvel not, gentle reader, though he take so much upon him, in such infinite and intricate Church Laws, wherein he thinketh to lead thee in a maze, as not ready for every man to see and expend: for thou mayest see his impudent boldness otherwhere. For if ye note him well, ye may find him hacking at the Laws of the Realm, clipping the Queen's coin, the best that her grace hath (next to the word of God) for defence of her Princely estate: the Acts of parliament I mean: because he would be ready in service to her highness, to the best of his wit and power. Note, how he traverseth and wresteth with his gloss, an Act of the very first Parliament, that her grace hath here caused to be had, since her reign and coronation, not so long since, that it can so soon be out of remembrance: nor the Acts so hard to come by, but that all the world may expend them. I mean, how he forceth and draweth the Act of repeal, in the cause of priests marriages, not only to import to take away the liberty that was therein granted, for such Priests as used not the benefit thereof, as at that time (of which number, though there were a great sort more hasting a good pace thereunto, and were half agreed (as they say) by words of the present time, and present suit to: yet be now many of them as hot, against the state in open pretence, as can be) but also to infer a plain dissolution, and revocation of such Marriages, as were authorized by the said Acts before. Wherein the very original of the Act, is plainly expressed in open words, that the said King Edward's acts be repealed, but for hereafter, as other more in the said act.  
Is not he, think you, a trusty glosser, to be so bold in gloss, not only in his own Laws, but thus to gloze the Laws of the Realm, so lately made, clean otherwise, then as wise men as he in the Realm do construe them: and by the practice of diverse other things, of like nature and condition, in the like case appeareth? Seeing this writer advanceth himself so highly, to expend, and to expound the laws of the realm, in such prejudicial manner, as he doth: I would feign know, how he can gloze that Act of parliament, made in the xxxij year of that noble King Henry the eight, which is not as yet repealed, but confirmed a new for some part thereof, concerning the prohibitions of the levitical Law, and standeth in sure force at this very day: wherein is plainly expressed, that no reservation or prohibition (God's Law except) shall trouble or empeche any marriage, without the said levitical degrees. And that all such be lawful persons to contract, which be not prohibited by God's law to marry. I think this man can not say, that priests marriages be within such degrees: Ergo, they ought not to be troubled or impeached, as this Law commandeth.  
And where this doctor writeth, in th'end of his ix Chapter (full learnedly be ye sure, 
R. ij.  specially for a great master of the Chancery) that the two acts in King Edward's days, authorizing priests marriages, doth not take a way the penalties of the Canon law, which assertion, for the like, how far it may be extended, let wise men judge. But if they did (he saith) yet could not the priests take any advantage by them, longer than they did continue. And he addeth his reason: because (saith he (the ancient laws of the church, as soon as the said two statutes were taken away, came strait in force again. Further, saith he, for that they were never extinguished, but only for a time shadowed and brought a sleep: And this (he saith) is the opinion of the chief Doctors of the Civil law. Now Master Civilian, if ye had alleged this opinion, as of such as be learned, and beareth good hearts to their own natural law of the realm: your saying had been better proved in my conceit. And I doubt much, whether it be true that ye say, that the best civilians agreeth with you. I think, if it were searched, there might be found as good civilians comparable with those, whom ye note to be the chief Doctors of the Civil, that be not in your judgement, in this your gay book. And whether ye have any man, learned in the temporal law, that will join in this opinion with your chief doctors in the Civil Law: I would yet wish eu●n those, though ye have craftily trained them into such opinion by the odiousness of this cause of the poor priests: yet to advise them well, for such causes might arise to themselves, in compass of seven years, in the like cases, that peradventure, they would wish not to have it, so universally concluded, as ye conclude it.  
But sir, yet let me ask you a question, by the occasion offered of that Law, of King Henry, Anno. xxcij. where it is determined in law, whereof I think, ye cannot show the like in this realm, since Brute came first into England: and ye know, that it is a great wonder to your wit, for things to come in law, that few men hath seen the like example before times: I mean I say, for the nature of precontracts, which by that statute, be utterly void, if a second contract followeth, and be consummated with bodily knowledge. Ye know that this act for precontracts is repealed again Anno secundo, Edwardi sexti, and restored to that force, as once it was, and so long before continued many hundredth years. What do ye intend with such marriages, as at this day be a great meinie in England, which began and were advailable by force of that act, seeing this act is now repealed? Whether may ye dissolve such marriages, and pronounce them nought, seeing ye say the ●orce of the old Canons, yea, the force of a statute law too, is in strength again, and debarring every man to use that kind of second contracting for hereafter? When ye have well answered this one question, I think such as be learned in the law, could devise more of such kind, to set your gay wit on work. And if ye list, ye may read, that such equity was provided for, in the first year of King Edward the sixth, in the xj Chapter, concerning the peaceable enjoying of men's interests, given by act before, though afterward followeth a repeal, by the Kings letters patents of the said acts, & the parties might plead the said acts repealed for there grants, so enjoyed by law.  
I pray you consider, whether these rules of the laws following, might not have place in this cause, where it is said: Factum legitimum, retractari non debet, licét casus postea eveniat, quo non potuit inchoari. A fact that was once lawful, ought not to be called into question again, although afterwards there happen something, that might hinder the beginning of it. Et multa prohibentur fieri, que facta tamen tenent. Many things are prohibited to be done, which when they once be done, must yet stand. Indultum a iure beneficium, non est alicui auferendum. A benefit granted by law, must be taken from no man. If any cause might be reduced to the equity of these laws, I think, the cause of Matrimony, being God's ordinance, aught to be indissoluble, and not to be retracted.  
Moreover, if these marriages aforesaid, ought not to be dissolved, but must enjoy the benefit of that statute, when it so stood, though it be repealed for hereafterward: why should that act of repeal, made in the first year of our sovereign Lady the queens majesty, Queen Marie, taking a way only but the liberty for Priests to marry for hereafter, impeach or hinder those lawful marriages of priests before (authorized by as good law and as often times before these days seen) more than king Edward's repeal, can, or aught, molest these marriages, for their manner of contracting? Furthermore, if upon repeal of acts, as ye do say, your sleeping Canons should thereby be strait way in force, watching and waking to show their face, to bite and bark, as the ordinaries in some places, would have them: I doubt whether all the queens highness subjects, should have so quiet rest in their beds, as they would wish, and as their forefathers, before time provided for themselves, by keeping this sleeping tie dog in his kennel, not to come to far a brood for biting.  
And because this Civilian delighteth to scour his wit in lawest I desire his resolution in one doubt, rising by occasion of his foresaid determination, which is that all Ecclesiastical persons, lieth open to the old Canons of the Church, by reason of this act of repeal.  
King Edward in his first year made a statute repealing all manner acts before his time made, for punishment of Heresies, as well the act of King Richard the second, made in his first year: the act of Henry the .v. made in his second year: the acts of King Henry the eight, made in his xxv. year: the act of uj articles, made in the xxxj year, & one other act made in the xxxv year concerning qualification of the said act of six articles, and all other such whatsoever: I ask of this Civilian, whether because no great strong law is peradventure in force at this day in the realm, for punishment of Heresies, the whole realm, nobility, Clergy, and Commons, lieth fair flat wide open, to all the Canons of the Church or no, by reason of this foresaid act of King Edward's repeal? Whether his sleeping Canons, shadowed for a time, must now a wake, and come to light, to show their faces, and to play their parts? If this Lawyer say, yea, as he doth plainly in the case of priests marriage: I think all the realm that knoweth the tract of those Canons, and have felt the breath of them, will, I ween, as boldly say nay, and swear it to, in their own cases. And I think it should stand then all in hand, to hold that opinion, as strongly as they hold any Copy, or freée hold they possess. They might else peradventure, standing such ordinary judges, and Commissaries, as somewhere they show themselves, be driven out of the best holds they have. Which matter, because it is weightier than I am able to discuss, I leave it to be expended & noted among the Students of the temporal Laws, for their own gain, and their friends to: so it might hap ut ne pridie fortasse faciant, quod pigeat postridie▪ That they do not that one day, which they repent the next day. And if these students list to see but a little taste of the church laws in cases of Heresy, how indifferent and easy they be: let them look no further, 
6. decreet.  but on the laws of that holy father Bonifacius the eight, of whom Platina writeth, that he entered into his papacy and Busshopricke, like a For, lived therein like a Lion, and died out thereof like a dog. Upon whose death the said Platina writeth. Afther this sort (saith he) dieth this Boniface, whose endeavour was rather to cast a terror upon Emperors, Kings, Princes, Nations, and People, then true Religion. As for gold, he gathered of every hand beyond all measure. And here, therefore (saith he) let all Secular and Spiritual rulers learn by his example, to use their authority over the Clergy and the people, not proudly, & contumeliously, as he did, but virtuously and courteously, as Christ our governor did, and as his disciples and true followers used. And let them rather desire to be loved of the people, then feared, whence springeth justly, the destruction that is wont to fall on tyrants. Thus far Platina.  
But to return again to this man's assertion, wherein he defineth, that the church Canons be ready, watching straightway to fall into men's necks, upon repeal of such statutes as kept them back, which he doth so boldly, that belike, the wise and well learned Commissaries, in diverse places, without further advisement, taketh upon them wondrous stoutly, to separate not only regulars, but seculars too, against their wills and consents. Upon which their daynges, I would ask them a question: how they can gloze the words of King Henry's statute in his xxvij. year, where it is plainly decreed in law, that all manner Licences, Dispensations, and Faculties, obtained of the Archebushop of Canterbury, in matters not repugnant or contrary to the holy scriptures, and laws of God, shall stand in full authority and strength, without any revocation, or repeal hereafter to be had of any such licence. And I know diverse married Priests, which have such dispensations, some corroborated by the Kings broad Seal, some by the said Archebusshoppes' seal. I would feign learn, how they understand these w●ightie laws of the realm. Belike, as they have proceeded in deprivations of many men, never called or cited, never convict nor confessed: & some called on th'one day, and flat deprived on the next day, not examining whether he were secular, or regular, married before orders, or after, without all manner inquisition: So, belike, they desire to proceed in separations, against both God's law, & their own. And as for the laws of the Realm, they make but wash way of them, so little counting of them, that if a lord should see his tenants in his Court baron so little regard the buy laws of his courts, he would think them not unworthy to lose their Copies. And therefore me think, this Civilian doth little good service, to the majesty of the laws of the realm, nor yet any pleasure to the learned in the laws, whose profession is, to see the laws kept in strength indifferently, and as they profess it in their sergeants rings: Or else their occupation, will be s●ne out of estimation. Yea, if ye consider the drift of his book, ye shall perceive that he laboureth by all means, 
Look in his ix. Chapter. Litera. R. unto the end of that Chapter and expend it.  to advance all foreign laws whatsoever, far above thimperial laws of our country. For he saith, that it is but a poor shift for an English man, to stand to the statute law of the Realm, if the Church Laws be against him. And in his conference, bindeth strongly upon Civil constitutions of the Emperor. Yea, moreover, bringeth in a great army of Provincial constitutions, made of Clerks of Convocation only in other foreign realms, to countervail, yea, to deface and scorn out our statutes and temporal ordinances, as he maketh but a lip at them in effect. For he saith, that all statutes, made against the laws of the Church, be to be deemed ipso iure, & ipso facto, unleeful, void, and of none effect. And the Spiritual law must meddle with Spiritual matters: where the kings authority may go play him, his judges and sergeants may have in hand their leavings, and such as they will trust them with. Oh if king Henry were a live again, think you this man would so write, to teach his subjects? And hath king Henry, of all such as he hath promoted with livings, and lordships, no friends? Or rather the truth itself? yea, the honour of the Realm, no patrons to monish this Civilian, what he goeth about? Shall this gear be applauded to, and magnified? Let gloss be gloss, and will, will: but let law be law, against all captious civilians. And as for the Commissaries themselves, who adventureth, belike, upon his writings so boldly, may one day be called before God, to show how well they have proceeded, even in their own laws. Yea the Queen's maiestée, may fortune call them to account: Whose grace willed them, in these very matters to proceed, agreeably to learning and discretion. 
Articles of Commission in print published.  And in the very front of her grace's articles, chargeth the Ecclesiastical Ordinaries, to put in execution the Canons and Ecclesiastical Laws, no other, but such as were used in the time of king Henry the eight: And commandeth also moreover, that those should no further be put in execution, but as they may stand with the Laws and statutes of the Realm. I could here say somewhat, but that I will not for length cumber your ears, with convenient contemplations. Well, I leave them to this Civilian to muse on, for I know he hath such a wit, that no law or statute can be laid before him, but he can set his comment upon it, if ye will accept his gloss.  
If a man object, that the states of the Realm, hath made Law, and taken order in this cause, or any other such like, and therefore must stand against all the Laws and Canons of the Church: then straightway he will beat you back, with the authority of the Church, and say, as the most part of all his disciples and adherentes allege: that a particular Church, a little member of the whole, can not derogate the universal law of the church. Which saying, how sound it is, let that old law testify, which was made in a Parliament, holden at Northampton, in the days of king Henry the second, almost. CCCC. years ago, whereat was present a Legate called Hue, sent from Rome by Alexander, Pope then: and notwithstanding his presence, and though Thomas Becket sporned at it before, yet was it enacted clean derogatory to the Laws and Canons of the Church: that Priests, if the hunted in the Kings Parks, or committed felony, murder, or treason, they should be judged before temporal judges, according to the Laws of the Realm: which Law and others, is practised to this day. And furthermore, let this foresaid article of the Queen's majesty testify, which doth plainly determine this question: wherein her grace commandeth that her Laws, the Laws of her Crown, shall stand in strength, against all the universal Laws of our mother holy church. And I think, all her grace's progenitors, from time to time, hath foreseen that romish Canons, shall be but rules and Canons, taken and refused upon consent, and as shall be meet for the policy of the Realm. Which point of learning, is in such absolute wise debated learnedly, in a Book written here in England, entitled: De potestate Regia & Ecclesiastica: that neither this Civilian, nor all the canonists in England, shall ever be able to answer it. For it hath hitherto lain unanswered these twenty years, of all the romanists in Christendom. And if this Civilian will read it, and expend it over, and doubteth further of any point contained therein: let him consult with certain of the bishops, that be in most authority at this day, by whose learning and collection, the book was written, and they can further resolve him. And if that book will not satisfy him, let him resort to an other, entitled the Institution of a Christian man, presented to king Henry the eight, by all the bishops of the Realm, for stable doctrine to be universally preached, and so assured by the subscriptions of all their names, as ye may there read their names. Look over the exposition of the ix and ten article of the Crede, and their doctrine written in the Sacrament of Order, and consider their judgements. If it be further objected, that the king could do no more in dispensation, than the Pope was able, which (as some say) can dispense with the singular case of one or two in a Realm, but not with a whole Realm, or with the whole state thereof, as king Edward hath done with the whole Clergy: if their opinion be true, how could the bishop of Rome, Innocent the viii. as Volateran writeth, dispense with the whole country of Noruegia, to consecrated the Cup without wine, in Ale or Bear, contrary to the usage of Christ and his Church? How could he dispense with whole Bohemia, for receiving the Communion in both kinds? And how could Paul the third, offer the same dispensation to all Germany, as appeareth in his bull, for the reduction of the same nation, to Rome Church again? How could Gregory the first, dispense with all the Realm of England, for their marriage within the degrees prohibited? Or yet how could he dispense and give licence to Augustine our apostle, not to follow Rome Church so precisely in form of Spiritual governance, but had him devise a form himself, of the usages of other countrées, and to take the best: and so instill it, and other such things, as he could other where learn, into the tender minds of the English nation, as many of such nature might be alleged? If it be objected, that the Pope can not dispense with the general Counsel, that will not serve. For it is commonly holden of the canonists, that the Pope is above the Counsel, and may dispense with the Counsel, as they allege Extra. de consang. & affis. non debet. of Innocent the third, which released the prohibitions of consanguinitée & affinity, in Counsels before restrained, yea, in such degrees (as Gregory saith) who that dissolve them, believeth not that God's word will endure for ever. Can. 35. q. 10. Fraternitatis.  
Now, if this Civilian would have this point yet further debated, by the learning of the judges of the realm, scilicet, how far Ecclesiastical Laws are to be admitted: let him go to the statute of the xxvij year of king Henry the eight, and see what they reserve from the makers of Ecclesiastical Laws.  
Provided alway, say they, that no Canons, constitutions, or ordinances, shall be made and put in execution within this realm, by authority of the Convocation of the Clergy, which shall be contrary or repugnant, to the kings prerogative royal, or the customs, laws, or statutes of this realm. And in the xxv. year, in the like statute, fearing belike, the dint of these double strong Canons, that might be made: they speak more precisely in the like proviso: and say not only, contrary or repugnant, but derogatory to the Laws of the realm. And if the judges and sergeants of the realm, will now, for to do this man pleasure, give up their hold in these and such points, which their forefathers hath with tooth and nail always maintained before times: I ween it would come to pass, before twenty years should come to an end, that men would rather retain one poor Canonist for counsel in their causes, then fix of the best judges and sergeants of them all, whereby Westminster hall, might chance to be colder, both in Winter and Summer to, for their gain. I warrant you, these whom he calleth the chief doctors of the Civil Law, whom he avoucheth to be of this ●aithe and belief, would lose nothing by that bargain. If his chief doctors could but obtain, that thold act of proviso, made in king Edward the third his days, in the xlviij year of his reign, wonderful derogatory to the laws of our mother holy church, might in such a good season as this is, be thrown under foot: (although yet it were better it were at a more certainty) ye shall soon espy, that these civilians would not long tract the time, to be then the chief doctors of both the common & Canon law to. Which law of Proviso, although Pope Gregory the eleventh did much repine at, and said, that to make such a Law, was nothing else, but to divide Christ's church, to destroy Christian religion, and that it was against all Gods forbade: and though Pope Martin the v. of that name, wrote sharper letters to Henry the vi to have it revoked: yet the kings and the nobles aforsaied, would none of it, they would stand to their Laws which they made in their policy, how contrary soever Rome laws were against them, or how feign soever the Bushops of Rome would have had their eyes still bend upon us, as my Lord of Winchester writeth, in that their universal carefulness of Proviso.  
Well, look upon king Henry the eights Act, in his xxv year, and fourteen Chapter, for the preamble: and then smell, if ye can, what this Civilian meaneth, by this gay invention of his: to say, that upon a Statute of Repeal, the Canons succeadeth by and by, in full force and strength. And here, I much marvel, that one thing skapeth, not only this farcasting Civilian, but all his chief doctors of the Civil Law to. For if this device be so great a warrant, as he maketh it, to the Commissaries, in the married priests case: how chanceth it that (because king Edward's statute, before rehearsed, of his first year, repealed all his progenitors Acts, for punishment of heresies): they do not tell the Spiritual Lords, & others of the Convocation, which would so feign have new men's heads, under their old girdles, by the Act which was so much laboured for, for heretics at this last parliament, that seeing now all the old statutes be put away, for this matter of heresy, and the realm hath no Law in strength, and necessary it were (as true it is) that heresy should be bridled, that thereupon tumbleth me in, all the whole rabblement of the Church Canons, and Laws by heaps, with all their force and pains. And therefore this Civilian might bid the Ordinaries, and all their Commissaries, how sore and extreme soever they listed to be, be of good cheer, and despair not to want their wills: for if they look well about them, they have now, by the benefit of king Edward's statute (and in this respect, he might be called good king Edward, or king Edward the saint) more in their hands, than ever they had these. CC. years.  
Now, how this witty device would be received, and where it would be most thankfully taken, or whether it would turn to the wealth of the realm? Let other men expend, and make answer to this Civilian, and to other of his chief doctors: whether there were any mystery of mischief in it, or no.  
I think, that as in all Kings days sense the conquest, the wise and learned men of the realm, from time to time, hath alway moderated the Canons & laws of the universal church, (as small a member of the same, as the romanists of these days, in contemptuous comparison, would make their own natural country, to the advancement of a counterfeit and unnatural congregation at Rome) which Church they (full aptly) call the temple of God and took Canons but as rules of consent, and refused them again as freely by consent, and extinguished them and their pains with them: And yet were no princes of infidelity, as ye make a fair insinuation thereof in your v. Chapter. I. iiij. and ever preferred the Imperial Laws of the state of the realm, for their surest inheritances, as the queens highness at this day, doth even the same, with good deliberation. And yet the Queen's grace and her Nobles, nor her grace's progenitors, nor their old ancestors neither, not counted the less catholic to God, and to the true church of Christ for such bridling in of these sleeping and dreaming Canons: of which progenitors saith my Lord of Winchester, some of them be saints in heaven, and be so honoured and reputed at these days. So I think, the wise and learned men, at the making of the said act of King Edward in his first year, meant not, that where they devised it specially to resist extremities of laws, they should imprudently or wittingly bring in ten times more extremities, than ever they were under, before that act was made.  
When wise men, by the occasion of such cases, have pondered by themselves what signs and proffers be made by this Civilian by the case of priests marriages, which though the Devil and all his members laboureth by all means to foil, yet standing as they do, upon the rock of God's laws (specially for separation) and that separation being against the judgement of the best and eldest writers in Christ's Church, standing the authority of the kings Imperial crown, and so many laws knit and combined in such validitée, as they be made, I doubt not but some man at length will say: Quòd non est talis casus in tota lege, & quod est valdè difficilis. That there is not such a case in all the law, and that it is very hard, as easily as this lawyer passeth it over. And then again, raving in this one case, of poor priests marriages, whom to overcome in their private case, is no great mastery, nor no great care taken, although yet priests, to suffer violence of priests, will in th'end little advance the whole Clergy: I say what mire may be raked up, to make a shrewd perfume to their own nooses, in their own cases and states, I let other men consider. It was wont to be said: Qui uni iniuriam facit, omnibus facit. He that doth wrong to one, in effect doth wrong to all. But what forceth this Civilian, what laws soever be against him, so they be no better than statute laws of this poor outcast Isle and particular Church of England. And whatsoever be judged of him, so he may have the victory in this cause, what care taketh he, either what misery and mischief cometh to the priests, whom he hateth so spitefully: or what inconveniencies may ensue to the whole realm, by such barbarousness as is induced for want of ministers: or what inconveniencies of unspeakable whoredoms and filthiness, prettily in some places already begun and practised, by reason of such forced separations will follow, so he may have his purpose of this noble conquest. For if the glory of victory were not so unreasonably sought for, in his glorious book: and if he were not beyond all measure incensed with malice against them, as he appeareth: or if he were not the man, that belike hath so highly advanced himself in his own conceit, that he thinketh no man dare or will dissent from him: or else have set his forehead impudently, so headstrong against all men, that he careth not who looketh in his face: He could never be so far past shame as he is, so openly, & in so many places of his book to lie, in advouching such authorities as he doth, in the particulars of his probations.  
I marvel, before God, that he is not a shamed so boldly, and irreverently, to utter his lies to the Queen's highness, to the honourable nobility, to all the learned and wise men in the realm, and is not a shamed in his own conceit, or at the least way, stand not in doubt in himself, that he can not so scape with his untruths so clearly, but that some men will tell them at length to the nobility, & other grave personages of the realm, which hath not the leisure to peruse and compare his writings, with the originals themselves. But it is to true in him, that is said commonly: Malè examinat verum, omnis corruptus judex. Full evil is a true cause examined and expended, by the judge that is corrupt.  
In his eight Chapter, where he laboureth to prove that all priests be votaries, which he shall never be able to prove, of seculars Priests ordered in this realm of England, do the best he can: he hath diverse fetches. Some time by argument of taciternitie out of scripture, & there he glorieth highly that he hath scripture for the purpose, to the wonder of all men, to see how such French civilians wits can contorte sciripture. In deed it may be called an argument of Taciturnity: for there is so much silence of any vow making, that neither the Bushop speaketh any such matter, which the priest might for his silence bind himself: nor the Priest professeth any such vow, which the Busshops' silence should ratify. And then ye see how proper an argument it is out of the scripture, which he bringeth an example of: ye may see how good a Logician he is, how quick and witty. Then he cometh to the words that the Bushop speaketh to the Subdeacons (as he saith) and first putteth in the Latin, then Englisheth them, and after gloze them, and biddeth the readed of good fellowship, to expend the bishop's words, which he reciteth, when he giveth orders.  
Examine here with me good reader, 
Cap. 8. lran O. ij.  saith he, this the bishop's proposition, and thou shalt anon see, whether our priests be not votaries: and thou shalt espy also, what truth is in our new preachers, that have slandered the church. etc. Who would think that upon such protestation, he would even strait way for all this preamble, bléere the reader's eye with a manifest lie?  
Now good reader, as he desireth thee to examine this point, even so do I beseech thee. And then espy by thyself, what truth is in this new Civilian. And for the trial of his truth and honesty, ask him if ever he heard any bishop or suffragan in England, speak that proposition to the Subdeacons? And if he have, they have dreamt it of their own heads: for their have it not in their own pontificals, by the which they give all their orders. Therefore it is a most shameful boldness to bear the reader in hand that it is so said by the bishop, when it is not by him spoken. And therefore in this point, he is to impudent, to make his strong arguments upon such grounds, as be not advoucheable.  
But yet good reader, lest he should blind thine eye, with a slighty craft, as is all his doings in his book, peradventure he may for the advouching of his report, bring thee to a pontifical book, & show thee his words in deed. But yet before thou givest firm credence, desire his good mastership of his worship to tell thee, whether it be a very English pontifical book in deed: by the which, English secular priests, be consecrated in their orders And if he can prove that, then upon this point, I am content that my whole book be taken for false and untrue. If he can not prove his ●aiyng true, where he saith that our priests be votaries, by force of those words, believe him not in this lie, though ye have some cause to mistrust him in his other probations. Marry sir, if he bring you to a pontifical book of his holy father the Pope, whereby at Rome, and in Italy he giveth orders, to his Subdeacons and priests there: what doth that book bind priests in England, being of an other territory & jurisdiction, having an other several manner in their ordering, and hath so used before this man's great grandfather was borne or christened? wherein the bishop speaketh these only words to the priest, when he layeth the stole about his neck: Accipe jugum domini. jugum enim eius suave est, & onus eius leave. & stolam innocentiae induat te dominus. Take the yoke of the Lord, for his yoke is sweet, and his burden light. And the lord put upon thee, the stole of innocency. In deed, where in th'end of his xiii. Chapter this Doctor bringeth in like words as be in the English pontifical for bishops: 
L●ran. LL. ●.  but yet even there he useth a violent contorted argument against doctor Ponet, alleging these words: Vis castitatem ac sobrietatem cum dei auxilio servare? Wilt thou, through the help of GOD, keep chastity and sobrietée? Yet in the English pontifical, it is thus: Vis castitatem & sobrietatem, cum dei auxilio custodire & docere? Wilt thou, by the help of God, keep and teach chastity and sobrietee? I will not contend with him in this saying for the bushops, but in his former words of his allegation for Subdeacons of English making, he shall never make it good to his lives end, that those words be in the English pontifical. notwithstanding, he thinketh that he hath made most strong proof of his purpose, where ye see, by that that is hitherto perceived in his book, he hath made four principal grounds, that English Priests be votaries: first by Origens' authority, writing upon the Numbers. Secondly, by the manner of their Ordering. Thirdly, by the priests crowns. Fourthly, by an argument of Taciturnity. And that once done, he spendeth his eighth Chapter, in proving that vows must be kept, which belike must be his fift argument. And thus these arguments hold.  
The first, the Priests where Origen was borne, or where he did write, were votaries: Ergo English Priests be votaries. And yet Origen did not write so. But in that Homily speaking aswell to Say men, as to Priests, saith, that they be most meet to offer up the continual Sacrifice, of Morning and Evening prayer, that will keep continual chastity. And then his argument holdeth thus: They which can continually pray, keep continual chastity: Ergo, English Priests be votaries. But thus I argue: Priests married, may offer to God that continual Sacrifice of Morning and Evening prayer: Ergo, they need not to vow that chastity, which ye speak of. Or thus, Origen writeth not there any word of priests vows: Ergo, in that place he doth not prove them votaries.  
The second, for the manner of the bishop's proposition. The bishop speaketh such a proposition, to Priests in Spain or Italy: Ergo English priests be votaries. Now the truth is, no such proposition is spoken, to the English Subdeacon at all. Further, this Civilian writeth manifestly, even there thus, that the vow of chastity, is no otherwise conceived of our priests, then as it is propounded to them, by the bishop in such proposition. Then I reason thus. The bishop propoundeth not this proposition to our priests in England: Ergo there is no vow in them conceived, & so none begotten or brought to birth: Ergo, English priests be no votaries by your own concession.  
Your third argument hangeth thus. priests crowns in their heads signify a vow: Ergo, English Priests be votaries. Now I have proved that matter to be far unlike, that their crowns should be signs of any vow, but rather of other things. And that ye be fond deceived, as I trust ye do perceive by this time, and then I argue thus. The priests crowns signify no such vow. Ergo, by that sign English Priests be no votaries. Or thus. The Nazareans shaved of their here, when their vow was done and passed, the Priests be like the Nazareans, as ye say: Ergo, by the shaving of their crowns, they be passed their vow, and not under their vow.  
Your fourth argument of Taciturnity, holdeth thus. Priests Ordered by the Roman pontifical, keeping their silence at the Bushoppes' proposition, bind themselves by their Taciturnity, to a vow of continency: Ergo, English Priests ordered by their own potificall, wherein no such proposition is spoken, be v●taries. Furthermore, your own definition is of a vow, that it should be a deliberate or advised promise made to God, for a better intent and purpose. And further ye say, that by reason of the priests profession and vow annexed, he is a votary, & can not marry. Then thus I argue. English Priests make no such promise or profession, nor the bishop requireth any such promise, nor any proposition do include such profession or promise: Ergo, by the manner of their ordering, English Priests be no votaries, and therefore without let of any vow, may Marry. And joannes Genesius saith, that there is no greater impediment against their marriage, than their vow, such as it is. And then standing, that no such vow is made by them, it followeth, that the greatest impediment, is by his authority well wiped away: And all these arguments made for the negative, hold as well as all those, which he bringeth in for his affirmative. Thus ye see what doctrine he hath uttered, to Ecclesiastical judges to lean to, for their hasty proceedings of divorsing such persons married. And therefore, if either in his blindness, or malice, or yet ignorance, he giveth the occasion to unlearned Ordinaries & their Commissaries, to attempt wilfully that thing, which neither God's word nor man's word, can approve or bear: I would not be in his coote for such threats of Christ: We homini per quem offendiculum venit: & bonum erat illi, sinatus non fuisset homo ille: Woe be to that man, by whom offence cometh: and it were better for that man, if he never had been borne, for all the gains he shall have in the Chancery, as long as he liveth. He may have a zeal peradventure, as other good men may have: but let him consider, etiam atque etiam, ne sit non secundum scientiam, lest it be not, according to knowledge, lest cruelly crucified Christ, and poor stoned Stephen, be not without remedy compelled to say, and cry once again: Nesciunt enim quid faciunt: for they know not what they do. Deus conterat satanam sub pedibus nostris brevi, ut cognoscamus in terra viam suam? The Lord tread Satan down shortly under our feet, and grant that we may know his way upon earth? O Anglia: si lumen quod est in te, tenebrae sint, ipsae tenebrae quantae? Sed olim vobis, O patres, dicet dominus: Reddite rationem villicationis vestrae. Venite ad judicium.  
O England, if the light that is within thee, is become darkness, how great then is the darkness itself? But the Lord in time to come, shall say unto you (O fathers) give an account of your stewardship: Come ye unto the judgement. How can this doctor of the Civil Law, plaster up these matters, to prove himself either learned, wise or sincere, except he be skilled in such kind of glozing, to salve his ●iles, as the Doctors of the Law Canon be, that can save all that ever they read or speak, how contradictoriously so ever it be that they say, so ye will give them leave to expound their own sayings, and admit their own gloss and distinctions?  
Truly me think this man's wit, should be as fit to gloze the Decrees, and decretals: as he was that is the common approved groser. And so of many lawyers an● Divines, oft alleged for authority. Precipimus, saith he, id est, permittimus Statuimus, id est abrogamus: Dist. 4. Statuimus. Vxores ducere, id est, retinere. In deed this Lawyer, can in such sort gloze S. Paul's words, when he saith: unusquisquè p●opter fornicationem vitandam suam uxorem habeat. Habeat, gloseth he, id est retineat. But how truly: we have in part before brought in both his Doctors and Counsels, to try this truth. Praedicare evangelium (saith the said glosser) id est Legere: vir invita uxore, non debet orare: id est peregrinari, with infinite such, wherein he wandereth so far from the text, that many times he destroyeth the very text itself. And thereupon the divines of Paris, in articulis condemnatis, after the master of Sentence, detecteth this glosser, as a corruptor of the text self, with his perverse gloss, and biddeth beware of him, and all such Lawyers, and gloss, yet the pretence of this glosser is, to save all the old Laws, 
Ca 9 R. ij.  Canons, and Counsels.  
Marry, when they be to good, to pure, and to plain, to cavils away, than he runneth to this man's shift, to say that the first Canons be abrogated, by the later, that is: the better, by a great deal the worse. For he forceth all his wit and labour (as this man doth even the same) to frustrate the word of God, to make it of no effect, that the traditions of man, may come in the place thereof. And doth evacuate all old good Laws, and Decrees of the fathers, to stablish the laws present, to temper all our religion, in faith and manners, to the present state of the Church, as it is now, and hath been so corrupt, this five or six hundredth year: as a sort of Cardinals not long ago, most manifestly did acknowledge diverse corruptions in the church, to Paul the third, in their supplication. But commonly it is seen, that the more part ever overcometh the better, so that there came no profit thereof. For the others would not have the state or the honour of the church, altered in any wise, or decayed. And this is the only mark, I fear me, that this author shooteth at, in all his tragical doings: neither Gods holy honour truly meant, neither the pure immaculate spouse of our saviour Christ, his true Church, regarded: but an other Church more glorious in outward shows, more gainful in goods and possessions: Not the true Priestly chastity, and godly state of sober living, sought for, to the like commendations in the bishops and Priests, as diverse of the old holy bishops and Priests lived in, but an other manner Clergy and Church, of other manner notes and tokens, then to be, una sancta catholica, & Apostolica Ecclesia. That is, one holy, catholic & Apostolic church. God give grace that the book of Sapience, prove them not one day Insipientes: 
Sapi. 12.  saying, haec cogitaverunt & erraverunt: execavit enim eos malitia eorum. Et nescierunt sacramenta dei, neque mercedem speraverunt justitiae, nec iudicaverunt honorem animarum sanctarum. Such things do the ungodly imagine, and wander out of the way, for their own wickedness hath blinded them. As for the mysteries of God, they understand them not. They neither hope for the reward of righteousness, nor regard the worship and honour, that holy souls shall have.  
Alas, what shall it avail to win the stinking glory of the world, and lose our souls? give ear therefore ye that draw the multitude after you, ye that have Lands, Rents, and Possessions, ye that sit in the place of authority and power, occupying the Benches of right and justice, your power is given you of God, who shall examine your hearts and acts. For when ye should have been Ministers of his Kingdom, ye judged not aright, nor kept the law of righteousness, nor worked not after the will of God. etc. to late shall it be to say with the forgetful unwise: we fools thought their life very madness, 
Sap. ●.  and their end to be without honour. Therefore we have erred from the way of truth, the light of righteousness hath not shined unto us, and the sun of understanding rose not upon us. We have wearied ourselves in the way of wickedness and destruction. Tedious ways have we gone, but as for the way of the Lord, we have not known. What good hath our pride done unto us? Or what profit hath the pomp of riches brought us? All these things are passed away like a shadow. etc. such words (saith the wise man) shall they that have erred, speak in hell.  
Good reader, judge not that I utter these things of stomach or evil will, but of pure conscience, before God, howsoever it shall be derided of carnal Epicures, belie worldings, serving the turn of the tyme. God forbidden I should defame the true catholic church, to be a member whereof, is so my study, that else I look not to be saved▪ I mean Peter's ship, not judas Carrack: I mean not Peter's person, but Peter's confession, against which, not his counterfeited successors, not all the gates of hell, shall ever prevail. The stone is laid, the rock is sure, ipse fundavit eam altissimus: He that is the most highest, hath founded her. Lies may muster, and the truth may be put out of countenance: Sed Dominns custodit veritatem in saeculum seculi: The Lord doth maintain the truth for ever and ever. I envy not, nor do malign, at the authority of bishops and the spiritual fathers of the realm, but much lament, that the true preaching & fatherly proceeding in their vocations, is no better among some exersised and regarded. wishing them no less jurisdiction and estimation in discipline and authority becoming them, than was in Ambrose toward Theodocius. And wishing for no less obedient Princes, Nobles, and Commons, and no less liberalitée in them neither, then is reported by themselves to have been in Constantine, Theodocius, justinus, or justinianus, and such other. So that they again were Ambrosis in most things, and Silvester in many things reported to be done by them: for in all, God alone must have that promise reserved to himself.  
Furthermore I speak nothing of grudge against this writer, but give God thanks, for the excellent gift of wit and reading which he declareth to have in him: offering him to God in my prayers, that his talents be bestowed to God's glory, and not to his own, and so inconclusion to his own confusion: to the conservation of this common wealth, and not to the ruin thereof: to the helping of his poor country men, and not so uncharitably to raise up wonders and slanders against them: and most unmercifully to endanger them to the Queenesse highness, her Magistrates, Nobles, and Commons, in such sort as he doth, with such a gloze of wit and circumstance, as is able to bewitch the wise of the world, if he be not weighed and expended.  
If he would have showed his learning in such a cause, could he not have otherwise handled it, but to utter his own corrupt stomach so detestably? Can not he have so entreated the question, but that his adversaries (peradventure his best friends to Godward) must be thus imperilled by his unbridled language? It is pity that wit and youth should be knit together, and that wit and learning, should take so evil a part. Marry if he had authority, how far would he go? God save the realm from such hot spirits. But yet God is strong enough to answer him. 
1. Cor. 1.  He can make foolish, the wit of the wise of the world, he threateneth to destroy the wisdom of the wise, and reprove the understanding of the learned, that no flesh should glory in his sight.  
As for the intent of this man, I judge by his handling of the cause, by the trade of his doing, that he could have made an other manner of book, even in the contrary part specially, if he would have armed himself, with such stuff and weapons, as he doth in his book for the maintenance of this opinion. Or if he had been thereto hired: or if he had looked to have had so great thank of that beggarly sort, as he trusteth he hath deserved and won otherwhere by this his labour: he could have said somewhat. prawm, prawm est cor hominis saith Jerome: & quis scrutabitur illud? Wicked, wicked, I say, is the heart of man: and who shall search it to the bottom? Well, there is a God that can search.  
Furthermore good reader, my labour tendeth not to this end, that I would express only a grief and dolour in compassion of the strange handling of the bishops and priests so ordered as they be, although I think, that offending in mercy, is sooner pardoned and amended, and more borne with to, then offending in extremitée and rigour, in all reasonable common wealths. Nor yet I mean not to justify the universal sort of the married bishops and Priests in all their light and dissolute behaviour, whatsoever it hath been in any of them, from the highest to the lowest. But I would, that spiritual fathers put on such affection toward the people of England, be they lay fee, be they of the clergy, that God be not angry with them: If they forget what he layeth to their charge, speaking to Spiritual Pastors, by the Prophet ezechiel: 
Ezechel. 34.  The weak have ye not holden up, the sick have ye not healed, the broken have ye not bound together, the outcasts have ye not brought again, the lost have ye not sought, but churlishely and cruelly have ye ruled them. Thus are they scattered hear and there without a shepherd. etc. my Sheep wandereth abroad in Mountains and Fields, and no man there is that careth for them, or seeketh after them. And so forth, most terribly to them that hath ears to hear, and hearts to understand.  
I would wish, that such as be strong, should bear the infirmities of the weak, and not to please themselves. For Christ the head Shepheard, sought not his own will, power, and glory. He came not into the world to destroy, but to save. I would wish, that if any one in the whole body, be entangled or accumbered, with any default of ignorancy, frailty, or lightness, that Spiritual fathers should restore him up again, spiritu humilitatis, considering that they may be tempted. As if he should say, writeth saint Gregory: Cum displicet ex aliena infirmitate quod conspicis, pensa quod es, ut increpationis zelo se spiritus temperet, dum sibi quoque quod increpat timet. Cum enim increpatio immoderatè accenditur, corda delinquentium in desperatione deprimuntur. When the infirmitée of other men displeaseth thee, for that thou seest at thine eye, ponder what thou art thyself, whereby thy inward spirit may temper itself, in the zeal of correction, by the fear thou majesty be in, for thyself, in the thing which thou dost rebuke. For when correction is to much kindled the hearts of the offenders, be driven do●ne to desperation. Thus much Gregory in his Pastorals. Yea, let them all indifferently expend as well one as an other, that they have been, or be, or may be, out of the way, and in danger of Canons, if any man had his utter right, and extreme deserving. I think that I may speak it, of the conscience of some married bishops and Priests in England, that they do as much lament the light behaviour, showed and escaped by some of them, in the liberty that was granted them of Law and parliament, and by God's word shall ever be lawful for them, which have not the gift: as they which be most angry, and out of patience with them. And that they do more lament, or as much, the decay of estimation in the Clergy, and of the true ministery thereof: as any of them do, which now bear the sway, which never care to be resident, where they should feed. And besideforthe, bewaileth the dissolute behaviour of a great meany of their best beloved, and wisheth as heartily all offendicles and slanders rooted out, of both sorts of the clergy, that once one uniform religion in doctrine and life, might be concurraunte together, to the pacification of all parties, as a good sort of their chief kircke men do, which setteth all the whole Realm at six or seven, rather than they should not recover the old honour of the Church again, as they do mean it, and as they do wondrously glory of the success already won.  
When they have done all the cruelty, and despite they can, they shall be as able to keep down the light, that is now by God's great benefit set upon the candlestick to shine to all men that will have the light thereof: as the blind dreaming knights of the sepulchre, were able to keep Christ from rising and walking abroad, as costly as they were hired, and as warily as they watched. They be not words and stout affirmations, not exclamations in the Palpit applauded to, by the higher powers of the world, that can make wise men so blind, not to see a difference betwixt plain truth, and craftee falsehood: betwixt counterfeited religion, and sincere worship of God: betwixt boisterous cruelty, and pastoral discipline: betwixt open oppression, and coloured reformation: betwixt exercise of justice, and craftee devising to get money: betwixt hot and hastee braides, and prudent cold advised proceedings: finally, betwixt God, and the Devil: betwixt Christ, and antichrist. It shall never be well in the realm, saith this pacifier, till the heretics be quite rooted out thereof, and not one left therein. God give grace he be no● blown with such a spirit, as once a glorious and ambitious learned man was puffed up, of whom Cassiodorus telleth in his Ecclesiastical story tripartite, 
Li. ●2. Ca 4. Li. 14. ca ●1.  and Nicephorus in his story: where it is registered, that when one Sisinnius bishop of Constantinople was dead, the Emperor thought it not good to choose any of their own to the room, because they were commonly so full of vainglory, and so arrogant and hautee. And therefore sent to Antioch for one there, to come to them to enjoy this patriarchs dignity. At last he came, Nestorius by name: which had both a good voice, and was also therewith eloquent, and was reputed to be one of the chiefest of them that kept chastity. Marry, saith the story, what his manners were beside, the wise men took a great guess, by the first words he spoke in open oration and sermon: wherein after he had turned himself to the Emperor, there present, said boldly, or rather arrogantly to him: Da mihi O Imperator terram ab hereticis, liberam & puram: & ego tibi coelos reddam. Tu mihi haereticos extirpa, & ego tibi Persis delendis adero. O Caesar, grant to me thy land pure and clear from heresies, and I will grant thee heaven therefore. Beat do●ne with me the heretics, and I will with thee beat down the Parsians. When he had spoken these words, saith the story, though in deed many hated the heretics, yet the lightness of his brain, the haughtiness of his entry, and unworthiness of his beginning, the pride of his vainglory, did very much dislike them, for that he could not abide a little convenient time, to utter his opinion, taking upon him to speak so high words, yea, before he had scant tasted of the water of the city, so to prefer himself, to be so fervent a persecutor. Notwithstanding, yet he proceeded in his opportunity, and for the satisfying of his stoutness, in destroying a little oratory that the heretics used, gave their fury occasion to burn the same themselves, and therewith a great number of other buildings next adjoining, likewise perished by the same fire. And thereupon rose a great commotion in the said city: for which rashness, he was charged with this fire, aswell of his friends, as of the heretics. But yet he could not thus be quiette, but ever importunately labouring and devising, against heretics, in such sort, that he did as much as lay in him (saith the story) to have utterly destroyed the city. And further, for the grief and despite he bore, to one Paul a bishop of the novatians (for whose worthiness, he heard, they gave him much commendation) he went about to have spoiled them, for his sake: but the nobility restrained his hasty and unruly violence and attempts. Of whose doings, in diverse countries, what hurt came unto them by his hot spirit, how many thousands were destroyed in seditions for his sake, and what fury he showed, even to some simple folks, that erred of simplicity, in a matter of no great importance, for the precise day of keeping the Easter (which men were called quarto decimani) it were to long to write of. But in the end, this Nestorius for his unworthy behaviour, in pride and insolent extremity, working altogether contrary to the custom of the Church, saith the history, against such heretics: God forsook him with his grace, so that himself was entangled with a certain heresy, whereof his Chaplain Anastasius (who was in great estimation with him) was the first deviser. Which he held strongly, because he saw his glory and estimation hang thereon. But yet afterward at an other time, perceiving danger to be at hand, if he had not turned Cat in the pan, even, in an hour space, as earnestly with it, and as earnestly against it, in pretence and in word only revolted: whereupon God, I say, for so dallying and faltering in his conscience, did revenge it at the last, most worthily in him. But first it was the occasion of a great schism, that could not be pacified, but by the Ephesine Counsel, which was specially for the condemnation of his error, gathered together under Celestine. And finally, after his tongue was eaten with worms, died most miserably by God's hand, as Nicephorus telleth. Where he began in the catholic faith, but subtly, and not simply weighing the principles of the faith, proceeding not fatherly, but tyrannically in his doing, died in heresy: and is now registered for an Arch heretic, & shallbe so taken to the worlds end. Which story, yet I do not rehearse, as though I would insinuate an immunitée to heretics, that troubleth the quiet of the common wealth, or as I were in that opinion, wherein once yet S. Augustine was (but by experience recanted his opinion) that heretics should be suffered to do and say what they lusted: 
48. Epistola ad vincentuo●,  and so by a little and little, kindle the fire of intestine sedition, to peril the whole body: But I report it, partly to note that extremitées of proceedings doth hurt, and that sudden alterations in Realms, maketh perturbations. And yet my opinion is, as the opinion of diverse old and new learned men be, that it may be borne with such a man, which quietly living in his state, and in his own conscience, tarrying upon God's working in his heart, by hearing and expending God's word, to hold that which may be to his soul's salvation, if he do no outward deed and example, to disturb the Civil societée of the common wealth where he dwelleth. And this story may also serve for all kinds of men, to be a very fearful example, if we will in God's causes daily at our pleasure; for such, I say, as out of one mouth breath out both hot and cold, allow and condemn the self same thing, with the turn of their hand, praiseth and dispraiseth, as the day turneth: very successors of Lybanius, that inconstant Sophist, or rather Sophister, which with his eloquence, praised the Emperor Constantius by his life time, and when he was once dead, dispraised him again as fast. Inconstaunte flatterers, turning like Weathercockes', not of conscience, from the worse, to the better, but as the winds blow, so set up the sail. Which manner of men, must needs stand in fear, that the vengeance of God hangeth nigh over their heads, if they repent not of their saying, and unsaiing. He can not but be spewed out of God's mouth, that is neither hot nor cold, but will haite on both legs, for the gain of his penny. Noughtee and deceitful men, saith saint Paul, that will not be content to err themselves, but must induce other into the same with them. men that have delight, to be authors of sects, to have the train in pomp, to follow them whither soever they go, utterly turned upsidoune, bearing in themselves the judgement of their own damnation. Yea, in conclusion, pronouncing the sentence of just condemnation upon themselves, with their own mouths, reproved, and convinced by their own conscience. For as the wise man saith: 
Sapi. 17.  Formidolosa res est malitia, proprio teste convicta, & in conscientia delitescens, mala semper praesagit. It is an heavy thing, when a man's own conscience beareth record of his own wickedness, and condemneth him. For a vexed and a wounded conscience, taketh ever cruel things in hand, and driveth himself to an end: As we read in the Ecclesiastical story, 
Tripert. Lib. Cap. 38.  reported by Socrates, who telleth of a certain Sophister, called Hecebolus, among diverse others, which, he saith, bearing in pretence only the Christian name, of a corrupt mind, for that they prefer their treasure, and present wealth and honour, before the dignity of true faith, and thereupon fall to the wickedness of Sacrifices. The same Hecebolus saith he, following and attempering himself to the manners of the Emperors, feigned himself in the days of Constantius, to be a most fervent Christian. But when julian the Apostata, was ruler, by and by he was a Panime, and by his orations, made julian a God. And when julian was dead, in jovinians time he would have been a Christian again. Whereupon, for the mutabilitée and lightness of his religion, his conscience drove him to the Church gates, and there cast himself flat down, and cried out with a loud voice: Conculcate me shall infatuatum: come (saith he) and tread me under your feet, unsavoury Salt that I am. From which tournsicke spirit, God preserve us all.  
Now to finish that was promised, to declare what moderations and tolerations hath been used before time, and be at this day to be seen in some other dominions of Christendom, to show the opinions of certain learned men, that be known to have had some judgement in such causes, as well old as new, that be of a far other determination, than this singular Civilian is of: I shall begin with that noble Prince Charles the .v. Emperor that now is, a Prince of some experience, I think this author will not deny me. He upon debatement of matters in religion, wherewith his realms and dominions were sore disquieted and disordered, set out his book of Interim, written and published, I think, with the allowance of more heads than one: expresseth a toleration in the Clergy for their wives, which were then married. And permitteth them in the ministery, and yet not married by any Law that was passed by his authority, which he would never have deferred to a general Counsel, but would have flatly condemned them therein, if it had been of such nature, as this writer would make this realm believe. And where as he wisheth (as all wise men do the same) that there could be found many in the Clergy, which while they live in soole life, might perform a true chastity in deed, yet bearing at the least with other, he leaveth it as he found it. Now to infer of this his act, what might be more justly said, for the priests of England already so married in so great scarsitee of Ministers, so many Chresten men and women forced to live without all manner religion throughout the whole realm: I leave it to the Magistrates to expend: And to the christianly hearted reader's occasion, to pray to God, for whatsoever Gods good spirit within them shall move them thereto. And because this man is a Civilian, let him look in the Code, whether he read not, that some of this noble Emperor's progenitors did privilege spiritual men, their Wives, their Children, and Servants, both men and women, to be free from the homage called Perangaria. Whereby he may fortune espy that their marriages, were not only thought tolerable, but also judged honourable, being so privileged with such prerogative. And if he will look further, let him search whether justinian the Emperor, commended not a certain Bushop, specially in respect that he had priests and bishops to his ancestors. In novellis constitut. iii. That prudent and Christian Prince of noble memory, King Henry the eight, understanding that certain in his realm were married, as well regulars, as seculars, without authority and common Law, made an open proclamation in the xxx year of his reign, wherein he did but for afterward charge, that no man should attempt the same again. And did not dissolve the said marriages being so privately contracted. The words of which proclamation be these.  
The kings majesty understanding that a few in numbered of this his Realm, being Priests, as well religious as other, have taken wives and married themselves etc. his highness in no wise minding, that the generalitée of the clergy of this his realm should with the example of such a few number of light people, proceed to marriage without a common consent of his highness & his realm: doth therefore straightly charge & command, as well all & singular the said priests, as have attempted marriages that be openly known, as all such as will presumptuously proceed to the same, that they, ne any of them shall minister any Sacrament or other ministery mystical: Ne have any office, dignity, cure, privilege, profit, or commoditée, heretofore accustomed & belonging to the Clergy of this realm, but shall be utterly after such marriages, expelled and deprived from the same, and be had and reputed as lay persons to all intentes and purposes. And that such as shall, after this proclamation, contrary to his commandment, of their presumptuous mind, take wives and be married, shall run in his grace's indignation, and suffer further punishment and imprisonment at his graces will and pleasure. Datum xvi. Novembris, anno regni sui. thirty.  
Here it may be considered what moderation this wise Prince thought meet to be used, in such marriages as were passed without common consent: of which he knew by information, a good number from time to time, and yet did both tolerate the same which were used secretly, and such as were openly known did not separate them, but commanded them to be reputed, as lay persons. And his highness was not ignorant, how necessary it had been to have granted the liberty in his days, which but for some certain zealous Counsellors, pretending how evil the people would take it, had been done by his authority. As was not unknown to diverse, which heard him oft speak of that matter.  
If such moderation as kings and Emperors have made in this matter, will not serve to move this master of Chancery to temper his extremity: we will lay before him some such potentates, which peradventure he accounteth to be of higher authority in such matters, and will sooner be persuaded by them: as Popes, Counsels, and Bushops decrees. To satisfy his expectation somewhat, we read in Platina: that Pius, Pope of Rome, the second of that name, was wont to speak these words: Quòd magna ratione sublatae sunt nuptiae a sacerdotibus, sed tamen sibi videri, maiori ratione restituendas. He affirmed that the cause was great, which took a way marriage from priests, but yet there was greater cause, why they should be restored to them again. This was this Pope's opinion and judgement. And further he writeth: Epistola. 130. contra Bohemos, that in the primative church, the Clergy had wives, and that the communion was distributed in both kinds. This Pope, called before, Aeneas Silvius, a man of learning as his books doth testify, could upon his own experience (to be fidelis Pontifex, that is, a faithful bishop) bear better with the infirmities of others, than our holy virgins, maiden priests, can now at these days. For in the time that he was Cardinal, he was not without his remedy. For he had one himself, and whether he was weary of her, and would have a new, or that for age he listed now to be holier, it is testified in the .361. Epistle, that he gave her, for her dowry to set her out with, three score florence. I doubt not, but that he dispensed favourably enough, when he came to be Pope, with such as himself was, & was not so froward as our holy hypocrites be, that lay heavy burdens upon other men's backs, & will not ease the burden with the least finger of their hands.  
These head fathers at Rome, have been before now, and be at this day, I doubt not, more gentle, than we be in this particular Church. For we read, in the life of Franciscus Petrarcha, who was a prebendary at Padua, and archdeacon of Parma, that holy Pope Benette, the twelft of that name, he that would not know his kinsfolks when they came to him, and said, that a Pope hath no kindred in earth. This holy father, perceiving how this Poet Lawreate was in such amorous love with a certain wench called Laureta, peradventure his sister's brother's daughter, that he could never dream and speak to much of her worthiness, in his sonnets and sounges of poetry. And lest the said archdeacon should be overcome with to much heavy love, and lose the full fruition of her, saith the story: he granted him of his gracious pardon, to take her to his wife: and ex uberiore gratia, granted further, that he should not lose thereby any one of his promotions, but should have more benefices added to those he had already, so that of gentle courtesy, again he would grant to the said holy Pope, the use of his sister, which he brought also with him to Rome, in whose beauty, the holy father was taken, whose company and favour, should do him more pleasure for his conscience, than his own kinsfolks. Read the story and see whether I lie, Platina, Fasciculus temporum: and the said life of Petrarcha.  
Yet, good reader, here tread warily in the judging of this Pope's mind and intent, whether he would have known her as a wife, or as a spiritual kinswoman: for the canonists make doubts in the like matter. 
Dist. 79. ●i quis Gloze.  For some say, if a man be chosen Pope, whose wife is thought to be dead, and yet she afterward return again and ask of him due benevolence, if it be certain that she is his wife in deed, that then is the Pope's holiness bound to render unto her due benevolence, how high a state of perfection soever it be: the vow made at the receipt of his papacy, notwithstanding. But some hold, that she must be induced, to live chaste, as he shall do. But if he will not, then saith the hard glosser of the decrees, he should renounce his papacy, and satisfy his wife. Well, it is not unlike, but that the fathers at Rome have been gentle enough, though we, living far from them, have not so soon espied their proceedings: And that they have had more speedy remedies, than we know of hers in England, although our English Chronicles, yet spied out some practices of these good fathers, as they tell of one holy father, bishop of Rome, called Sergius hogsnowte, who was accused for begetting of a child: and because he could not be purged by his neighbours at home, for that they would not, or else could not: was purged by the holy prayer of a country man of ours, named Aldelme, first Monk, and then abbot of Malmesburie, where lastly he was bishop. Which Aldelme for that he was sore stirred to the vice of the flesh, the Chronicle saith, to do the more torment to himself and to his body, and belike to spite the devil the more, used to hold within his bed by him, a fair quick virgin, by so long time as he might say over the whole Psalter. Whose holiness and perfection was so much bruited abroad, saith Fabian, that it gave occasion to the said Sergius bishop of Rome, to send for him. In which season of his there being, the said accusation was in handling: what time the child, being but ix days old, was brought to the holy Bushop Aldelme to be christened, by virtue of whose praiours, the said child answered unto certain questions, and cleared the bishop of Rome of that crime, Deo gratias.  
We read to, that Pope Gregory the great, the same Gregory that writeth thus: 
29. 〈◊〉.  Sunt qui dicunt religionis gratia, Coniugia deberi dissolui. Verum sciendum est, si hoc lex humana concessit, lex tamen divina prohibuit, per se enim veritas dicit, quos deus coniunxit homo ne separet. Qui etiam ait, non licet dimittere uxorem excepta causa fornicationis. Quis ergò huius latori legis contradicat? There be, saith he, which hold that wedlock is to be dissolved for religion sake: how be it, that must be known, that though man's law have granted this, yet God's law hath forbidden it. For the truth speaketh it out of his own mouth: whom God hath coupled, let no man separate. And he the same saith again: that it is not lawful for a man to forsake his wife, but for the cause of fornication. Who then dare gainsay the maker of this law, asketh he? Marry Gregory, a doctor of the Civil in England, spurneth against this law maker, and would needs have such separated. Tell him again, then saith Gregory, of my authority, 
Dist. 31. Cap. ante triennium.  Quod mihi durum, atque incompetens videtur, ut qui usum continentiae non invenit, neque castitatem promisit, compellatur a sua uxore separari: atque per hoc [quod absit] in deterius cadat. Tell him, that it is thought to me to be to sore, and nothing agreeable, that such Ministers as have not had the use of continency, nor have made promise of chastity, should be compelled to be separated from their wives, whereby they might fall to worse, as God forbidden. Show him what Innocent the third in his Lateran Counsel (Cap. 52) writeth. Tolerabilius est enim aliquos contra statuta hominum copulatos dimittere, quam coniugatos legitimè, contra statuta domini separare. It is more tolerable to permit some to remain, so coupled as they be, against man's Law, than such as be coupled by Law, to be separated against God's law. And tell him further of my authority, saith Gregory, 
De cura past. part. 3. ca 28. & 29.  that such as live in sole life, should be oft warned by the good & godly shepherds of the church, that if they bear the storms of temptation, with peril and difficultée of their soul's health, that they resort to the port of Matrimony. And let them hear which be ignorant of the frailtée of the flesh (say I there) that Christ himself which is the truth, speaketh of this perfection, affirming, that not all taketh this word. Whereby he would have us understand, say I, that it is a very high gift, not given to every man. And show him further, biddeth Gregory, 
Hieldaricus Epis●opus Augustae▪  what heavy repentance I took once myself, for decreing such a Law of separation. Upon the experience whereof, were found in a Mote of mine at Rome, six thousand infants heads, murdered by occasion of such Law: and thereupon revoked my decree again, and said with an heavy heart, S Paul's words: Melius est nubere quam uri: It is better to marry, then to burn in lust: and further added of mine own, saying: Melius est nubere, quam mortis occasionem prebere: Better it is to marry, then to give occasion of murder. But if this doubting and dreaming Thomas Martin (believing nothing, but that he gropeth with his hands) will stay at the number of so many, that might perish at Rome: Show him, to ease his incrudelitée, that Rome is no grange: that is resembled to great Babylon, populous of people. And further show him, that he may read in the life of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius (Capi. xxxvi.) at what time Pope Anicetus was father there, which was in the year after Christ's incarnation. Clxiiij. which was full. CC year before Pope Siritius replenished Rome with courtesans, by his Sodomitical Law: that the said Emperor caused an account of the people in the city, at a plague time, to be brought him, whereupon he found therein of good women; the number of. Cxl. M. whereof died of the plague lxxx M. and of evil women openly known nought, the number of ten thousand, which in manner scaped all saith the story. And further, tell this Civilian, 
This Gregory was CC. years and odd after S●ricius in which time the number might be well increased over that it was CCC year before his days.  that Huldarichus bishop of Augusta, reporting this my fact, to Nicholas the first, which was about to make the like Law, did call this decree of mine, worthily, Haeresis decretum, a decree of heresy: and therefore bid him read, that same free Epistle of that Huldarichus, and let him reform his judgement. And furthermore, seeing he is an English Doctor, tell him that he is to scrupulose, and to sore an exacter in that his own country. Let him read, what I said in my Epistle, to Augustine their Apostle, that it was a nation, where rather temperate moderation, should be better to be used, 
Inter decreta evisdem.  than sharpness of Ecclesiastical Censures. And let him further read in that same Epistle, how I tempered the matter in causes of matrimony, and degrees of consanguinitée, how much I thought it by Apostolical prudence, to grant unto them to contract marriage at the fourth degree, if they listed: even so remitting the rigour of the Church Laws then in strength: And moreover show him, what was my resolution upon that question, 
Inter decret. Gregorij primi & Gregorij jumoris.  which Augustine propounded unto me, sc: when the wife is stricken with some infirmity, and can not render due benevolence to her husband. He asked me, what shall her mate do in this case? Let him hear my answer, which I made for the consideration of that tyme. But first tell him by the way, a point of his hypocrisy. For where in his iiij. Chapter, he would seem to advance my estimation among the English nation, for that I sent them certain learned men, to return them to the faith: and pretendeth in his sixth Chapter, to be displeased with the proceeding Preachers, as though they condemned me for a Papist, and all my writings to be superstition and Idolatry: yet belike for all his envious flattery, he showeth but bread in the one hand, and hath in the other a stone ready to cast at me, to beat down my estimation. For he in his seventh Chapter, impertinently bringing in this fact without any wit, taketh upon him to condemn this mine indulgency, for sinful humanity, as contrary to the Canons, and repugnant to the Evangelists and Apostles. But show him, he is to malaparte so to judge, and is to much without humanitée toward his own people, to repine at my favour towards them. And tell him, that he shall find this my moderation in the books of the Counsels among my Decrees, written to Augustine the English Apostle, although he referreth it to an other Gregory, writing to bishop Boniface, a country man of ours, who was sent by Gregory the second, Anno domini .720. into Germany, to win them to the faith, and was their Apostle. Who following my example of dispensation, to the nation of England, granted the like to the nation of Germany, so that in depraving this moderation, he condemneth us both: and therefore he taketh to much upon him, though Gratian be on his side, so to say, although he might have learned that Leo the 4 (Disti. xx. Cap. i.) alloweth the decrees of the said Gregory without exception: where the glosser yet using more reverence to the See Apostolic, maketh it good by his interpretation, and not to be against either Canon or scripture. But maketh it a mere case Papal, belonging only to his holiness, as ye may read in Summa Antonim. part iii titulo primo. Cap. xii. parag. prima: and there good reader, if thy chaste ears can bear that catholic doctrine, expend what it is. But what subteltée was in his head, so to condemn this dispensation, where he had condemned Luther before, for the like doctrine, ascribing to him to say: Si uxor nolit, aut non possit, ancilla venito. Which pretée story, he learned of his master Pighius, let his own head judge. But this was his resolution: Bonum esset, si sic permaneret, ut abstinentiae vacaret. Sed quia hoc magnorum est, ille qui se non poterit continere, nubat magis: non tamen subsidij opem subtrahat ab illa, cui infirmitas prepedit, & non detestabilis culpa excludit. That is: Good it were if he would remain so, & to give himself to abstaining. But because this is for them that be great, and strong in deed, he that can not keep himself in continency, let him rather marry, yet let him not withdraw his help of relief from her, being rather excluded from him for her impediment of infirmitée, then for any detestable crime. And if this Civilian will more diligently search, he shall find that the said Gregory the third, named the younger, gave dispensation to a man, to marry his uncles widow, so far within the degrees of consanguinitée: which woman was once also professed in religion, and had made both vow, and also received the vail of her profession. And that also he gave licence to certain bishops and Priests to minister, notwithstanding the retaining still of their wives, or women in their company: and though Pope Zacharias (who next succeeded him) did not much allow the said former dispensation (as it is commonly used in the Papacy, for one to annul and repel the decrees and pardons of the other) yet he did not dissolve the said marriage, but wrote to Bonifacius, to persuade the party to relinquish his marriage, as he did himself write a commonitory only to the said party dispensed with, by Gregory aforesaid. But what, O father Gregory, if this English Doctor, allegeth in the same place, where you counsel such as be molested with the storms of temptation, to resort to the port of marriage: that you declare your mind further there, & say: Sine culpa quip ad coniugium venitur, si tamen nec dum meliora voverunt▪ that without blame do such come to marriage at the least wise, if they have not afore made a vow of some better thing. If he straineth these my words, saith Gregory, which were for the time spoken, or if he will be still displeased with my former indulgentie, tell him again that I say: Quòd regulae sanctorum patrum, pro tempore, loco, & persona, & negotio, instant necessitate traditae sunt: That the rules of the holy fathers, be made for the consideration of the time, place, person, and matter, and for the necessity present. Yea, let him well expend Pope Innocent the third his saying: Non debet reprehensibile judicari, si secundum veritatem temporum statuta quandoque varientur humana. etc. in concilio Lateranensi. Capi. 50. It ought not to be judged blame worthy, if according to the diversity of the times, man's decrees be diverse, specially when urgent necessity, or evident utilitée require the same: for GOD himself hath changed many things in the new Testament, which he decreed in the old. etc. And what equitée is it to force these times, when votaries be so young made, to bear the rigour of the Canons, which were made for them, which were not professed before thirtée year of age, and not without great deliberation and examination. And tell him again, that my meaning is (as he might have gathered of the manner of my speaking in my said pastorals) that if the votary hath vowed that thing that is better to him in deed and also hath the gift of God to perform it: then he can not come afterward, without blame to marriage, which is not so good for him, as the other state, whereof he hath the gift, and upon experience of God's gift in him, hath decreed advisedly, to live therein. For as saint Thomas writeth: 
In. 4. contra Gentile●.  Quamuis universaliter dicatur, homini melius esse continentiam servare, quam matrimonio uti: tamen alicui hoc melius est. unde & dominus, facta de continentia mentione, dicit: Non omnes capiunt hoc verbum, sed qui potest capere capiat. Although it be said universally, that it is better to a man to live in single chastity, then in marriage: yet, to some man, marriage is better. Whereupon the Lord himself, upon mention made of continency, saith: Not all men taketh this word, but he that can take it, let him take it. And because we have made mention of Thomas de Aquino, tell him that he counseleth the A colyt which is in fear to lose his benefice for his wiving, secretly to keep his wife, and to deceive the eyes of the bishop, though he call him farther to higher holy orders. For we think (saith he) that that man's ghostly father (if he be discrete) doth not much offend, if he give that clerk liberty in secret confession, to live with one in secret Matrimony: for we judge (saith he) it to be less offence to retain his benefice, and to live in Matrimony unknown, then to have a concubine, against the precept of God, Capi. xxiii. and rather to have a wife, then to commit fornication with any other.  
Furthermore, 
Thomas in sūm●. Ca 165.  if it should so chance, that after this deliberate vow and promise, the votary perceiveth, that he is in peril of brenning, or fornication: tell this Civilian, by authority of saint Paul, or if he would captiously gloze his words, by authority of saint Augustine, whom he can not without shame wrest, that it were better, even for such, to marry, then to burn: writing De virginitate. Multas earum revocat a nubendo, non amor praeclari propositi, sed aperti dedecoris timor, veniens & ipse a superbia, qua, formidatur magis hominibus desplicere quàm deo. Hae igitur quae nubere volunt, & ideo non nubunt quia impune non possunt (quae melius nuberent quam urerentur) id est, quam occulta flamma concupiscentiae in ipsa concupiscentia vastarentur, quas poenitet professionis, & piget confessionis, nisi correctum cor dirigant, & dei timore rur●us libidinem, vincant, in mortuis deputandae sunt: sive in delitijs agant, sive in laboribus & ieiunijs, & magis ostentationi quam emendationi seruientibus. That is: Many of these professed virgins, be holden back from marriage, not by the love of so excellent a purpose, but for the fear of open shame, which cometh of very pride, wherein they be more afraid to displease man, then God. These women therefore that have a will to Marry, and Marry not, because they can not do it without blame, (which women should do better, saith he, to Marry then to burn) that is: Then that they should with the secret flame of concupiscence, be consumed in the said concupiscence: who, for that they repent them of their profession, and be weary of that they have confessed: except they reform their heart, and better direct it, and in Gods fear again, overcome this lecherous affection of theirs, they are to be counted as dead, whether they live in pleasures, or yet in labours and fastings, doing all that they do, for ostentation and outward pretence, rather than for amendment of life in deed. Thus bring this Civilian to expend these words of saint Augustine: which should do better to Marry, then to burn: and see what he can say. And show him an other place of saint Augustine de bono viduitatis. Capi. viii. Where he saith the same in these words: Melius esset illis posse continere quam nubere. Sed melius nubere quam retro post sathanam ire. id est, ab illo excellenti virginalis vel vidualis castitatis proposito in posteriora respiciendo cadere & interire. It were better for them they could contain, then to marry, but yet better to marry, then to go back after the devil, that is to say, to fall from that excellent purpose and vow of virgins, and widows continency, to look back behind her, and to perish. Although S. Augustine saith there, that such as do not perform their promise, be justly condemned. And if S. Augustine will not content him, bring in Cyprian, writing of virgins professed in chastity, which afterward, nevertheless were found to live unchastely with certain deacons, not as with husbands openly, as Pighius writeth the words, but as with lecherous Deacons secretly: Simo aunt perseverare nolunt aut non possunt, 
〈◊〉 Epistola●on. x●.  melius est ut nubant, quam ut in ignem delitijs suis cadant. If they will not abide, or can not persever, better it is, saith he, that they did marry, then that they should fall into the fire of lusts and concupiscences, by their deintee behaviour. Now if saint Cyprian can not content this man, who of all writers in the Church, could not abide this jackanapes pretenced and coloured chastity in the Clergy, against the which he did write an whole book, De singularitate clericorum: And saith thus. Peius est quam moechari, continentiam ducere criminosam, & infamem ferre sanctimoniam. It is worse than adultery, to live in chastity that is faultee, and to pretend holiness, that is defamed in itself. And in the process of that book, against such as refuseth wives, and receive women into their houses, ut quid sibi adhibuit mulierem, qui ducere contempsit uxorem? Why a Devil doth he take a woman in to him, saith he, that disdained to marry a wife? And saith moreover, that such: 
Here might as good an argument be made that the Clergies susspected chastity is worse than adultery and incest, as D. Martin maketh, in saying that votaries marriages be worse than adulteries & incests for breaking their vow. Ad demetriadem virgin●●.  Ingerunt blasphemiam religioni: Et ꝙ huiusmodi coniunctio suspecta, etiam si adulteros non possit facere, facit tamen peiores adulteris & incestis. such, saith he, that refuse wives, and yet will have women, they bespot our religion with blasphemy: and how soever they pretend, that honesty is not hurt by such familiarity, saith he, and that they can live in their company, without committing any adultery: yet, saith he, they be worse than adulterers, and incest persons, in so doing.  
But if S. Cyprian can not stop his mouth: then saith saint Gregory, bring him in his own very doctor, so oft alleged by him: S. Jerome, to whose authority he recourseth so earnestly for his defence, writing that for himself he must be believed of every good christian man. Sanctum virginis propositum, & caelestis angelorumquè familiae gloriam, quarundam non bene agentium, nomen infamat, quibus aperté dicendum est: ut aut nubant, si se non possunt continere, aut contineant si nolunt nubere. The report of some certain virgins, which useth themselves not well, diffameth the holy purpose and vow of virgins, and the glory of this heavenly and angelic company, to whom it must be plainly and openly said, that either let them marry, if they can not keep themselves in chastity: or else let them keep themselves in chastitèe, if they will not marry.  
Let this Civilian expend these words, and if he stayeth at them, as doubting whether S. Hierom meaneth of holy virgin▪ tell him that Erasmus noteth upon this place, that Hierom is like to mean so. But if he will not yet be reform, adhibe adhuc unum, aut duos, ut in ore duorum vel trium testium, stet omne verbum. Take one or two witnesses more, that in the mouth of two or three, the truth may stand. Bring him to one of our predecessors, Gelasius the first, which lived about the year of our lord 184 speaking of widows that had made their vows of chastity. Si propria voluntate professam, 
In decretis Gelatij. Ca 23  pristini coniugij castitatem, mutabili mente calcaverint, periculi eorum intererit, quali deum satisfactione placare volverint: quia juxta Apostolum, primam fidem irritam fecerunt. Sicut enim si se forsitan continere non poterant, secundum Apostolum nullatenus nubere vetabantur: sic habita secum deliberatione, promissam deo pudicitiae fidem, debent custodire. Nos autèm talibus, nullum laqueum debemus inijcere, sed solum adhortationes premij sempiterni, paenasque proponere divini judicij, ut & nostra sit absoluta conscientia, & illarum prose, rationem Deo reddat intentio.  
If after they have professed voluntarily of themselves, chastity, after their former matrimony, and yet by mutability of mind tread it under their feet again, at their own peril be it, by what amends they shall pacify God again, in as much as they have, as the Apostle saith, made their first faith void. For as if peradventure they could not live chaste, they were not forbidden any manner of ways by the Apostle to marry: even so, after so good deliberation taken with themselves, they ought to have kept their faith and promise of chastity, so betrothed to God. How be it, we ought not to cast any snare to such, but only lay before them the promises of everlasting reward, & the pains of God's judgement, whereby, both our conscience may be discharged, and that their intent may make answer to God for themselves. Thus far Gelasius. And yet further to satisfy him, ●idde him expend that decree, 
In decretis Leonis. 1. Ca 12.  of an other predecessor of ours, Leo the first, who entreating of such votaries as do relinquish their profession, and betake them to warfare, or to marriage, whom though he commend not, yet he chargeth them not with separation (no more than saint Augustine chargeth Bonifacius the Captain, 
Epistol●●. 70  after his vow, to be separate from his wife) but only enjoineth them penance, for breaking such vow and profession so deliberately taken in good age, on their own free will unconstrained. Now, saith saint Gregory, if this will not yet suffice to put wit into this writer's head, to admit reasonable moderation, as pertinacitée may be froward and seldom satisfied: then bring him to the church, to the Counsels representing the whole universal Church. Where the holy ghost is resident, 
Ca 4. D. iij.  and Christ is really (as he himself defineth) present. And if he will be yet obstinate, & will not hear that, then spend no more labour about him, but count him as an Heathen and Publican. And then follow saint Paul's precept of him for his pertinacy, as never thinking to have good of him: sciens quia eversus est, qui est huiusmodi, & peccet per se damnatus. Knowing that he that is such, is perverted, and sinneth even dampened by himself. Show him the second Counsel Arelatense, holden under Siluestre about the year of our lord .326. where it is written: 
Cap. 33.  De puellis quae se voverunt deo, & preclari nominis decore floruerunt, si post viginti & quinque annos aetatis, ad terrenas nuptias sponte transierunt, id custodiendum esse, decrevimus, ut cum hijs cum quibus se obligarunt, communione priventur, ita ut eis postulantibus, paenitentia non negetur. etc. Of such virgins which have vowed themselves to God, and have been very notable by the worship of so excellent a name: If they once come to the age of xxv years, and then shall translate themselves of their own head, to earthly marriage, we decree this to be observed. That with such with whom they be coupled, they be denied the Communion: yet in such wise, that if they do require it with penance, it be not denied them. Also in the Chalcedon Counsel. Ca 16. it was decreed. Si qua virgo se dedicaverit deo: fimiliter & Monachus, non licere eye iungi nuptijs. Si verò inuenti fuerunt etc. If any virgin hath consecrated herself to God, as also the Monk, it is not lawful to them to contract matrimony: but if they be found so to do, let them remain excommunicated. notwithstanding, we decree that they may have humanitée showed them, if the bishop of that place shall think it so good. Furthermore, in the Counsel of tire, about the time of Leo the first, or else under hilarius, about the year of our Lord .444 whereat was a bishop of our nation: Mansuetus by name, Licet a patribus nostris è commissa authoritate, id fuerit constitutem, ut quicunque Sacerdos vel Levita filiorum procreationi operam dare fuisset convictus, a Communione Dominica abstineret: Nos tamen huic districtioni moderationem adhibentes, & justa constitutione mollientes etc. Although it hath been decreed of our fathers, by authority committed unto them, that what soever Priest or Levite, being convict, to give himself to generation of children, should abstain from the lords Communion: Nevertheless, to attempre some moderation of this Law, and easing it with some more reasonable constitution: we have decreed that a Priest or a Levite that will hold him to matrimonial desire, or yet will not cease from generation of children: that he be promoted to no higher degree: And that he take not upon him to offer Sacrifice to God, or yet to minister to the people. Let it only suffice such, that they be not withdrawn from the Communion. And in the first Spanish Counsel at Tollet, kept under Anastatius, ye may read, that Deacons, if they will contain, though they have wives, yet may be in the ministery. If they will use their wives, them they shall go no higher. And if they be priests & beget children, than they shall not for that cause be promoted to any Bushopricke. And in the fourth counsel at Tollet the 43. Chap. it is said, ꝙ Clerici qui sine consultu Episcopi sui, uxores duxerint. etc. separari eos oportet. Such clerks as without licence of their Bushop have married wives, must be separated. Such then as have married, with consent & assent, of not only their own Diocessantes, but of all the bishops in England, should be extremely dealt with, if they should be separated. But if I should here report all such Counsels, as maketh this the only and most pain for married priests, if they will so continue, to be sequestered from their Ministrations or Benefices, 
Epistola ad Oceanum.  I might say with S. Hierom: quod tantus numerus congregabitur, ut Ariminensis synodi multitudo superetur. So great a number should be brought together, that would pass the multitude of the Counsel holden at Ariminum. And here if ye be desirous, Master Martin, for some suspicion that is in your head, to know in what conference saint Hierom speaketh this foresaid comparison: Well, it will be little to your advantage to hear it. Therefore this is the confedence (Carterius Hispaniae Episcopus, homo & etate vetus & Sacerdotio, unam antequam baptizaretur, alteram, post lavachrum, priore mortua duxit uxoremt & arbitraris eum contra Apostoli fecisse sententiam, qui in Catalogo virtutum, Episcopum unius uxoris virum preceperit ordinandum. Miror autem te unum protraxisse in medium, cum omnis mundus, his ordinationibus plenus sit, non dico de Presbyteris, non de inferiore gradu, ad Episcopos venio, quos si figillatim voluero nominare, tantus numerus congregabitur, ut Ariminensis Synodi multitudo superetur. Carterius, a bishop of Spain, a man as well ancient of age, as of priesthood, married one wife before he received baptism, and after her death, when he was baptized, married a second wife, and thy judgement giveth thee that he did contrary to the mind of the Apostle, which in the bedroll of such virtues as belong to a bishop, commanded him to be admitted to that order, which should be the husband of one wife. I marvel, saith S. Jerome, that thou hast brought forth for example, but one only man (Carterius) seeing all the world is full of such, as be in this wise ordered. I mean not of Priests only, or of ministers of the lower degree: but I will come to bishops, whom, if I would particularly rehearse by name, there would arise such a number, that it would exceed the multitude which were at the Counsel at Arymyne. What hath the reciting of this saying of saint Jerome helped your whole cause, if ye stick to his authority? For he saith, that all the world is full of priests, and bishops which were married men, of two wives, one after an others death. Secondly, that he understandeth saint Paul, a bishop, to be the husband of one wife, not as ye expound it, of him that had never but one in all his life, but so he have but one at the time of his consecration. Thirdly, he calleth the being the husband of one wife, on of the virtues that belongeth to a bishop.  
If ye will, master Martin, indifferently expend the moderations afore rehearsed, ye shall perceive that ye be to sore and rigorous, to pronounce that English Priests, already married by law of the realm, beside the deprivations of their livings, and sequestration from ministering, should not be able to satisfy, except they remedy their no fault at all with separation. And for further reforming of your judgement herein, you should do well to consider, what prudence and moderation, that noble and wise politic Prince Charles the v. used in his Interim, for Germany where he found the whole estate of the Clergy giving them selves to marriage, without any public or common consent of the law imperial. For though in that order of doctrine he expressed his desire, wishing that there could be found many in the Clergy which would live a sole life, and perform a true chastity in deed: yet bearing with them that had done to the contrary: neither proceeded he against them by law to deprivation, nor yet to separation: but permitted them to continue still in their ministrations and livings, upon what private authority soever they took upon them to marry. And might not the like toleration have been in our realm after such open laws passed, in such scarsitee of ministers in the realm, where now, through such extreme dealing as is used, diverse of the Queen's subjects, are driven to great misery, and the state of the minesterie is left bare. The like prudence & equity used Leo the first, when he went about to reform certain abuses crept into the churches of Africa concerning the disorderly ordering of bishops and Priests. Where he was enforced for that time, to bear with some inconveniences, charging nevertheless, that the like should no more be committed afterward. And there he speaketh after this sort. Quia circumstant nos hinc mansuetudo clementiae, 
In operibus Clementis Epistola 49. & in Libris concilio●um Capi. 85.  hinc censura justitiae. etc. Because that on the one side standeth favour and clemency: on the other side execution of justice, and because all the ways of the Lord, be mercy and truth: we be compelled (agreeably to pity, that is in the Apostolic See) so to temper our sentence by expending the difference of offences, that some things we must tolerate, & some things utterly dissolve. Thus may we see of what meek spirit these fathers were in their government, to bear with inconveniences, according as the urgent occasions of times did require, in so much that they suffered marriages to stand that were contracted already, though contrary to positive law and were content for necessity, to forbid them only for afterward: where one hot civilians heart should braced in his body, if those Marriages should not be distracted, that be made by open Law of the Crown, and not against any one Law of Nature, or God, except it be against the Law of his God, even his, that sitteth in the Temple of God, showing himself as God, for the which presumption, my Lord of Duresme calleth him both Lucifer, and Antechriste to, and my lord of London and others, calleth him somewhat. 
Ca 13. ●atera KK. 1. B.  But I pray you, what came into your head, master Martin, so shamefully to slander Doctor Ponet, for writing, that Marriage of Priests were not forbidden, before king Henry the first, where his words may be advouched, to be most true, by witness of diverse ancient writers, as well Divines, as Lawyers, and Historiographers. Henry Huntyngton, saith plainly these words. Anselmus archiepiscopus, ad festum sancti Michaelis concilium tenuit apud Londonian, in quo prohibuit uxores sacerdotibus Anglorum (antea non prohibitas) quod quibusdam mundissimum visum est, 
Li. 7. Chro. jorenalli Nicho. Trucet.  quibusdam periculosum, nè dum munditias viribus maiores appeterent, in immunditias horribiles, ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inciderent. That is: Anselmus Archbusshoppe, at the feast of S. Michael, held a Counsel at London, in the which he forbade priests to have wives (which were never before forbidden) the which thing seemed to some, to be most pure, to some others dangerous, least that whiles they seek puritee, more than strength is able to bear, they fall into horrible impuritee, to the great dishonour of their Christian name. Lo, thus writeth Huntyngton of Anselmus Counsel, a bishop more severe & superstitious in this point, than became his learning, and peradventure in some other points also, 
Anno domini 1502. Colantes culinary & Chameleon de glutien:  if it be true that william of Malmesburie writeth of him: sc, that he never uttered any word, the remembrance whereof did grieve his conscience, where yet he remembering that about supper time, he did eat a raw Herring, he knocked himself on the breast, and bewailed his sin, for that he had taken raw meat against the Law. Well, this good father, in his hot zeal against marriage chastity, gave great adventure, to induce liberty of Sodomitical vice, for which he was compelled in the self same very Counsel, to provide by Canon, charging that crime with excommunication, until the offenders and continuers therein, by confession and penance, should deserve absolution, where the Clergy for marrying, & continuing in the same, should never be absolved by confession or penance. In deed Dunstane before the Conquest, with Ethelwolde of Winchester, and Oswolde of Worcester, all three monkish bishops, expelled Secular married Priests out of Cathedral Churches, but condemned not their marriages, nor separated them. Yea, the stories report, that they expelled secular priests, both married & unmarried, except such as would by conversion, be made Monks. Of which three Ranulph saith of Ethelwolde (being commonly called the father of Monks) that he was a good man in other deeds, though he were bad in that doing, 
Li. 7.  and brought thereto, by counsel of whisperers and titifilles. And certainly, it could be no great good deed of charity, so much to injury the Secular priests, and to advance the Monks, such as they were in those days, 
de Pontificibus  as William of Malmesburie writeth, De pontificibus: whose words be these. Monachi Cantuarienses (sicut oens tunc temporis in Anglia, secularibus haud absimiles erant, nisi quod pudicitiam non facile proderent) canum cursibus avocari: avium praedam raptu aliorumque volucrum per mane sequi: Spumanti● equi tergum promere: tesseras quatere: potibus indulgere: delicatiori victu & accuratiori cultu, frugalitatem nescire, parsimoniam abnuere: & caetera id genus: ut magis illos consuls, quam Monachos frequentia famulantium diceres. That is: The Monks of Canterbury, as also at that time, all the rest in England, were not unlike to the Secular men, saving that they would not lightly lose their chastity, they were soon called from their religious contemplations, to see the running of their hounds, they followed early in the Morning their pray, in hawking of birds, and other wild foul, they ride abroad on their foaming Palfrays, they play at the dice, they give themselves up to drinking and quaffing, and by their more delicate feeding, and their more nice apparelling, they had no knowledge of frugality, and contemned temperancy, and such other of that kind, that a man might have called them rather consuls, than Monks, by the great train of their waiting men. Which thing, saith the story, Lanfrancke the Archbusshoppe beholding, held his patience for a time, and would not utterly discharge their daintée minds, with any sharp discipline. For he knew, as he was most skilful in the art of arts, that is, in governing of soul, that long custom, is half an other Nature, and that by sudden turn of manners, the tender minds might soon be exasperated. Wherefore with gentle monitions, as occasion of time would serve, abating sometime one vice, sometime an other, he did whet their minds to goodness, with the Whetstone of virtues, and so forth in the story. Thus, master Martin, ye may not only see prudent moderation of this ancient father in his governance, clean contrary to your disposition: but also ye may note, how truly Polidore writeth in this great matter, of expeliing Secular Priests out of their churches. That is (as it is afore rehearsed) expelling evil priests, and brought in worse Monks. But to return again to our former matter. To allege more writers in so manifest a matter, were to tedious, and therefore in this allegation, your own reproof may be well retorted against yourself, Mendacen memorem esse oportet. A liar had need to have a good remembrance. Now sir, because you would hold your pen still in slandering, immediately after, you fall to an other slanderous lie: where you be not ashamed to say, that the tale written of joannes Cremensis Presbyter Cardinalis, is forged of some heretic: and that it is like to be one of Bales counterfette stories in his book of votaries, which ye call a filthy and scolding book, 
Litera. KK. a.  having more lies than lives. Wherein ye say, is neither honesty of words, nor truth in matter. O master Martin, if yourself, and those which framed your book, had seen so much in history, as John Bale had done, ye would neither have slandered his writing, neither belied historical antiquitée. Ye would rather have inwardly lamented, for such monstrous filthiness to be charged by story, upon such as ought to be lights and Lanterns unto all other in godliness and puritee of life, and would rather have remedied that unspeakable uncleanness, by them to openly used, with God's holy institution of Matrimony. But sir, where you attribute this story of John Cremensis, to some heretic, ye make many fat heretics: and where you say, it is but a tale forged, and one of Bales counterfette stories, 
Lib. 7.  ye shall hear what Henry Huntingdon recordeth thereof. Ad Pascha, Cremensis, Cardinalis Romanus, descendit in Angliam, peregrinatusque per episcopatus & abbatias, non sine magnis muneribus, ad nativitatem sanctae Mariae, celebravit concilium solemn apud Londonian. etc. Sed quià Moses, dei secretarius in historia sancta, parentum etiam suorum, ut virtutes, ità & vitia, scilicet, facinus Loth, scelus Reuben, proditionem Symeon & Levi, inhumanitatem fratrum joseph: nos quoque veram historiae legem de bonis & malis sequi dignum est. Quòd si alicui Romano, vel praelato displicuerit, taceat tamen, ne joannem Cremensem sequi velle videatur. Cum igitur in concilio severissimè de uxoribus sacerdotum tractasset, dicens summum scelus esse, a latere meretricis, ad corpus Christi conficiendum surgere, cum eodem die corpus Christi confecisset, cum meretrice post vesperam interceptus est. Res apertissima negari non potuit, celari non debuit. Summus honour ubique habitus, in summum dedecus versus est. Repedavit igitur in sua, dei judicio confusus, & inglorius.  
At Easter John Cremensis, Cardinal of Rome, came down into England, and making his progresses through Busshoprickes, and Abbatées, not without great rewards, about the Nativitée of our Lady, held a solemn Counsel at London. But because Moses, God's secretary, in the holy story, as he wrote the virtues, so did he also the vices, yea, of his own parents, that is to say, the outrage of Loath, the abomination of Reuben, the treason of simeon and Levy, the unnaturalness of the brethren of joseph: even so it becometh us to follow the true Law of story, both of good and evil. But if it shall displease any Romaniste or Prelate, saith he, I read him to hold his peace, and be still, lest it will be deemed, that he desired to follow John Cremensis in words and deeds. He therefore, when he had made grievous process, in that Counsel, against priests wives, saying, that it was a foul sin and a great, to rise from a strumpettes side, to make Christ's body: when he himself, the same very day had said Mass, was taken with a strumpet after Evensong: the fact being moste open, could not be denied, nor aught to be hidden. That high honour had every where to him before, was turned to high shame and rebuke. Whereupon he trudged home again, by God's just judgement confounded, to his great dishonesty. Thus far Henry Huntyngton, a man living at that age.  
Here you see, master Martin, an ancient writer, no heretic, Archdeacon of Huntyngton, four hundred years paste and an half, to have told this story of this good holy imp of Rome Church, being warned yet afore by Pope Honorius, whose letters to him and others, Simon of Duresme, doth recite in his book, wherein he nameth him Praesbiterum Cardinalem, priest Cardinal, and prayeth him, as being sent before into England by his next predecessor Calixtus, that he would behave himself in his Legation, as a wise & a discrete child of the Rome church, and as may appartaine to the honour of God and the honesty of the Apostolic See. The same Honorius, writing to the Archebusshops, & bishops, abbots and nobles (suppressing yet the kings name) charged thus: we pray you, admonish you, and command you, that you would reverently receive him, as the vicar of holy S. Peter, humbly to hear him, and at his call to hold solemnly, with him, convocations, so that by his and your diligence, all things may be reform in your realm, which are to be amended, and those things which are to be established, may (by the inspiration of the holy ghost) be confirmed, amongst the Canons of which holy Counsel, priests be plain separated from their wives, under pain of loss of their Order: and Marriages, either of consanguinitée or affinitée, contracted within the seventh generation, be commanded to be separated.  
Now if neither Secular Priest, nor religious Monks testimony, will serve Master Martin, Roger Hoveden a secular man, in court with the king Henry second, in great estimation and credit, writing in his story, saith: that there fell a marvelous misfortune to this Cardinal, being so hot in his Counsel against priests marriage, and agreeth fully with the foresaid testimony of the said Henry in the same. If yet, you will have more testimonies, Polydore in his stories the tenth book (how craftily soever for the honour of Rome Church he suppresseth his name, as belike you would have the lay people to take it for a lie, to save the honour of your wifeless church, how lewd soever it be notoriously known) reporteth of the same cardinal, that after his solemn sermon, inveighing against lawful marriages, he was so privily waited, that within a while after, he was taken with an harlot in company unlawful. Furthermore Sir, this matter seemeth so little counterfeited, that other writers affirm the same, as Fabian, sometime Citizen and Sheriff of London, in his Chronicle, saith, that this dissimuled doctor took so great fervency in the correction of the priests of England, that in the evening following, after that he had so lewdly blown his borne, saying that it was a detestable sin to rise from the side of a strumpet, to sacre the body of Christ: he was taken with a strumpette, 
Lib. 7. Cap. 16 Anno. 1125.  to his open shame and rebuke. From whose testimony differeth not Ranulph of Chichester in his Polichronicon. Further Matheus westmonasteriensis, otherwise named Florilegus writing of the said John Cardinal, thus saith. Dictus joannes qui in concilio, omnes concubinarios Sacerdotes maximè damnaverat, in eodem vitio deprehensus est: The said John, which in his counsel, had very greatly blamed Priests that used concubines, was taken himself in the same crime. Also Matthew Parise, in his Chronicle in that very year, recordeth the same story, of this holy and chaste Cardinal of Rome, who came into England with great honour, but pack home again with worthy shame. Lo, such commonly are the slanderers of true matrimony in others, most shamefully abusing themselves with harlots, pretending and exalting their Church chastity in hypocrisy, but hate it in their whole practice of their life, as stories fully make mention of such, being the very successors of Hierax an heretic, of whom Epiphanius writeth in his story, of whom some mention is made before. And if yet none of all these will serve to discharge John Bale, to make him the first author thereof, or to disprove it to be a forged or counterfeit story, ye may look further in other histories, both in French and Latin, and find, almost all that writ of those days, to speak of the same Cardinal to like effect. And therefore M. Martin, is it reason that ye writ, that it was some heretic, that forged this tale, as ye would make the world believe? Is it not a shame for you, to boast of so much universal and absolute knowledge, in all stories, both Ecclesiastical and profane, of all countries in Christendom, and out of Christendom, and to be blind and bare at home in the stories of your own country, being so many, written by men both of great credit, and of notable learning & life? And dare you pronounce all these, in your bold arrogant spirit, to be heretics? none of them all worthy credit with you, of so divers vocations as they are? Some Secular Priests of worship, some regular Monks in profession, some secular lay men, in place of credit and estimation, some living at that very time, and members of that holy Synod? I do but marvel, what confidence you had in other men's credits, to write so impudently, not casting with yourself, to what commendable end your gay bolstered book would come unto, when it were once examined, by any man of mean learning or reading. But ye put me in mind by your own words, wherewith you charge other men, that ye be like to be blown up spiritu impostoris, with a spirit of error, that ye can within so few lines, writ two so notable lies and errors. It is to true that the wise man saith of such men. Quod frequentur prae occupent pessima, 
Sap. 17.  redarguente conscientia: They oft take upon them matters of the worst, to the condemnation of their own conscience. For where wickedness is always doubtful in itself, it giveth testimony to his own shame. For ever doth a spiced conscience, take upon him to attempt matters of crueltée. Whereupon, I may conclude with your own words in the self same place, that he may well be called a poor soul, that will put you and such as you be in trust, with the information of his soul, that is so little trusty or true in his words. Shall a man credit such a doctor or teacher? that within (not two leaves as ye writ) but within twelve lines compass, will utter such slanderous lies upon other men? And deface the credit of open stories, being in many men's hands. verily if we should consider how universally this man showeth himself uniform & constant, in wresting, contorting, and false reporting of Scriptures, of doctors, of bishop's decrees, of Counsels, Canons, and of stories, throughout all his book, in such fashion, so impudently, that I can not imagine, that Lucian himself, when he wrote his book, De veris narrationibus, had half so good a bouget, to the utterance of his verities: as this man hath brought away, belike out of Paris, from among the Sorbonistes. So that I may sair: Totus quantus, quantus est, a vertice ad ultimum usque calcaneum, ex mendacijs meris, & dolis confictus est & conflatus: In like manner, to note a point or two, how he handleth himself in his Counsels, alleging and wreasting, in the x. Chapter of his book, proving that Priests married in England, 
●oram. R. iiij.  are not only to be deprived, but also to be separated: he allegeth a fragment of a Canon, 
Gan. 30.  out of Concilium Epaunense: Incestis coniunctionibus nihil prorsus venie reseruamus, nisi cum adulterium separatione sanaverint. Incaestus vero nec vllo coniugij nomine pallietur. We do reserve no pardon at all (saith the holy Counsel) for Incestuous copulations, except they amend their adultery and filthy life, by separating themselves asunder. Neither let Incests be coloured or covered, with the cloaked pretence of Matrimony. Here, master doctor, ye do most impudently, both curtal the Canon, and also as untruly wrest it. For, that it might be known, what be these incestuous marriages against Nature, which ye say can not be otherwise healed, but by separation: The Canon further reciteth them by name, orderly. Among which Incestuous marriages, Priests marriages be not numbered, and though they were, yet there is expressed a great moderation, which ye will not make mention of. For after the Canon had named four of such unlawful copulations, it saith thus of them. Quos ut a presenti tempore prohibemus, ita ea quae sunt anterius instituta, non soluimus. Which marriages, as for hereafter we do forbid: so those which be already made, we will not dissever. After which words, the Canon rehearseth the rest, and defineth of them thus. Sanc quibus coniunctio illicita interdicitur, habebunt ineundi melioris coniugij libertatem. That is: To whom such unlawful copulations be forbidden, shall be granted liberty, to get them better marriages. Which latter part of the Canon, in the Print of Peter Quintell. Anno. 1538. though it hath, Non habebunt: yet the text is purged in the second Counsel at Towers, in the two and twenty Chapter, where it is at large set out.  
Furthermore, the self same degrees of blood, whereof these incestuous marriages be made, are also recited in the Counsel Agatensi, holden under Pope Celestine the first. Anno domini. 428. and there the Counsel, after dissolution, giveth them liberty to marry a new. Here, master Martin, ye may see, that in none of these three Counsels, Priests copulations be either spoken of, or meant, as ye untruly infer of a piece of the Canon. Secondly, if they were, yet, if ye follow this Counsel, either ye should suffer them still to remain: or else after ye have dissevered them, ye should grant them to marry a new. But here may be considered, how much moderation these Counsels used to bear, with an inconvenience once passed, to tolerate such unnatural marriages, as they were: and were contented, only for necessity, to forbid them for afterward. Let wise men judge of this moderation, as they see cause: where wise men, may soon espy, how Doctor Martin abuseth the Counsel. In the same page also, it is wonder to note, how he untruly reporteth the second Counsel of Macon: and as he writeth in the fourteen Canon, as, forbidding Priests, Deacons, and Subdeacons former wives ever to marry again, after their husbands decease: where in deed no such matter is in the fourteen Canon. In the sixteen Canon there is mention made, that the wife of a Subdeacon, Exorciste, or Acolite, should no more marry: But not a word of Priest or Deacon, as he untruly reporteth in that Counsel. Seeking for this your Counsel and Canon, and none such to be found: I read in that same second Counsel, Canon. 4. where it is decreed, Vt omnibus dominicis diebus altaris oblatio ab omnibus viris & mulieribus offeratur, tam panis, quam vini: ut per has immolationes peccatorum suorum fastibus careant. etc. Which Canon, M. Martin may English at his leisure. And because he forceth so much separation, he may read, that in the first Counsel of Macon, Canon xj bishops and Priests, and all the better of the Clergy, are bound, aswell to renounce all the secular acts, as the company of their former wives, not under pain of separation (as you would make men to believe you) but under pain of loss of their dignities. Which Canon, is word for word none otherwise recited in Concilio Aruermesi. Cap. xii.  
In like manner, he doth violently wrest in the self same leaf a decree of Calixtus, if it be his, as there be great reasons and aucthoritees, to prove that it is but feigned upon him: But so much the more apt for Doctor Martin, to avouch it among his other such stuff: the words be these. Presbiteris, Diaconis, Subdiaconis, & Monachis concubinas habere, seu matrimonium contrahere penitus interdicimus, contractaque matrimonia ab huiusmodi personis disiungi. Upon which words, beside that he untruly avoucheth, in slandering the Apostles & primative Church, that it was their doctrine, that they should be separated: He noteth three notable points. first, that he putteth no difference betwixt them that be bound by their consecration, and them that be bound by their solemn profession: betwixt an inclusive, and an open vow: betwixt Priests, and Monks: Thus far doctor Martin. I report this note, good reader, but to thine own judgement, whether thou mayest not mark a notable point of folly, ignorance, or wilfulness, in this fond Civilian, thus to wrest and draw the words of his aucthoritees, 
●xtra de voto quod voti re●emptione.  so far against the here: as though both all men's reasons were not against his note, and as though the Law itself said not: ꝙ alia est causa monachi alia clerici▪ And further there is written: ꝙ plura profitendo promittit Monachus, quam recipiendo sacrum ordinem clericus. And for difference, it is written in the Extrau. of John, the xxij Chapter. Antiquae. Coniugatus ante copulam, sacrum ordinem suscipiens, cogitur ne ad coniugem: sed habitum monachi suscipiens, 
Ex●t. de conuers. comugas Cap. verum ●●vobas qui transgredimi mandatum Dei. propter traditione● vestram Math.  potest invita uxore, ire ad religionem, & cogendus ibi manner & vinculum coniugii inefficax redditur: The married man, that undertaketh holy orders, before carnal knowledge of his wife, is enforced to go to his wife: but he that becometh a Monk, may against his wives will go forward to his Religious profession, and aught to be compelled therein to remain, and so the band of marriage to be without force or strength. Cardinal Caietane writeth, which Thomas also .2.2. affirmeth. Quòd votum per se solemn, est indespensabile (per illud decretale cum ad Monaste.) Quod est regularium: sed votum per accidens, quod est annexum ordini sacro, quod est secularium, est dispensabile .4o. sententiarum. Ergo alia est causa Monachi & alia Presbyteri. That a vow, which of itself is solemn, is not to be dispensed with, if it be of regulars. But a vow of a secular, not annexed to his holy order (called a vow per accidens) may be dispensed with well enough, and therefore the condition of the Monk, and of the Priest be diverse. Whereunto both Antonine in Summa, part iii and Bonau●nture four sententiarum Distin xxxvii do agree. Whereupon your three notable points being well weighed, are not worth three agglettes. It is a true law to be verified of himself, that he reporteth in his fifth Chapter: 
L●ā G four  Semel malus semper presumitur malus, in eodem genere mali. If it be true that yourself pronounce in your tenth Chapter, that it is the nature of heretics, ever to take a piece of the authors words, and not the whole sentence: I would desire the indifferent reader, by expending your reporting of your Doctors and Counsels, after this manner, to judge of what complexion ye be of: Seing therefore (to borrow some of his own words) this Doctor Martin coineth such notes and arguments, whereof some of them be false in form, and some false in matter: saying in his objections, he depraveth scripture, misconstrueth his authors, misreporteth stories, misnameth his doctors, seining Ambrose to be Augustine, and ciril, Origen: and yet corrupteth them all, & all to this end, that he might frame a probable argument, in an unprobable matter. I trust good reader, thou wilt credit no further his stout bold assertions, and glorious processes, than the truth of the matter will bear his cause. But because I will not be over tedious, I let diverse other such foul shameless lies and depravynges, untouched.  
But as for the authority of saint Augustine de bono viduitatis, where he proveth the marriages good, even of votaries, though their promise breaking be condemned: he took the next way to corrupt the text. For he saw plainly, it could not be otherwise shifted of, with all the gloss he can devise, it is so manifest. And though it hath been wonderfully drawn & racked of diverse such wits, 
17. q. 1. Nuptiarum bonum In glosa.  as doctor Martin hath: yet to the indifferent reader that will expend the very text in S. Augustine, and the process he goeth about, it must needs purge itself of all the dross they can cast upon it, though Pighius falsifieth the text, and Petrus Lombardus leaveth out the words of the most pith, to blind the reader. And some there be, that to play it a way, expound all the whole treatise of saint Augustine, in that point, to be meant of a simple vow, and not of a solemn vow. Some glosers, affirm the first part of the process, to be meant of simple vowers, and the latter part, sc, plane non dubitaverim dicere etc. to be meant of solemn vowers. And these two shifts hath this doctor Martin of those glosers, beside his own peculiar devise, of mangling and manifest corrupting the text. Some glosers, affirm it to be wholly meant of solemn vowers: and some glosers are so bold to deny saint Augustine, and affirm that here he slept, and that he did not well reason in this matter: As the common glosser of the decrees. 
Gardine●us contra Bucerum Lib, 3.  And some shifteth of the matter after a new sort, and say that saint Augustine did write this his opinion, before the church had otherwise defined this cause, uz. that marriages after the vow, should be no marriages: whereby he meaneth that saint Augustine speaketh of solemn vows. For the church at these days, doth not yet decree, that marriages after simple vows be no marriages, or that they ought to be dissolved. Which saying if it be true: then I put it to the indifferent reader, to expends whether the marriages of votaries after their vows, being thought good, and not to be dissolved, from the Apostles days, ●●l saint Augustine's age, and so in his time thought good (how nought soever they were to break their advised vows) whether we may not better stick to saint Augustine's authority, and to the common faith that was before his time: rather than to that definition which hath been made since, contrary to the faith of those writers: Specially seeing the bishops of England, many of them yet living at this day, in their book of institution of a christian man, teach plainly that it appertaineth to christian kings, and Princes, in the discharge of their duty to God, to reform and to reduce again the laws to their old Limits and pristine state, of their power and jurisdiction, which was given them by Christ, and used in the primative Church. For it is (say they) out of all doubt, that Christ's faith was then most firm and pure, and the scriptures of God were then best understand, and virtue did then most abound and excel. And therefore the customs and ordinances then used and made, must needs be more conform and agreeable unto the true doctrine of Christ, and more conducing to the edifying and benefit of the Church of Christ, than any Custom or Laws used or made since that tyme. And so forth, in their exposition of the Sacrament of order. So that Master Doctor Martin may plainly perceive, that he hath the most part of the bishops in England, and of greatest learning and authority, against him. And that their assertions, and confessions, overthrow all his strong buildings of Laws and Canons, though there were no more learning to allege in the cause.  
Where it is alleged that the Church hath constituted, that order should have chastity annexed: it may be answered, that is but only of man's constitution, & of the church tradition, as all writers, both divines and canonists, do confess the same. And where I might allege both Thomas, Albertus, Stotus, Orbellensis, Bonaventure, Durande, Abbas Panormitanus, Petrus d● Palude, Astexanus, Prepositus, Gratian, and the common glosser, yet for them all, I shall report one, which was both learned in divinity and law, Cardinalis Caietanus: whose words be these. Nec ratione, nec authoritate probatur, ꝙ absolute loquendo, Sacerdos peccet contrahendo matrimonium. Nec ordo, in quantum ordo, nec ordo, in quantum sacer, est impeditiws matrimonij. & ꝙ Sacerdotium non dirimit matrimonium contractum, sive ante, sive post, seclusis omnibus legibus Ecclesiasticis, stando tantum in hijs quae a Christo & ab Apostolis habemus. It can not be proved neither by reason or auctoritée, that (to speak precisely) a priest should offend in contracting matrimony. For neither order, in that it is order, nor order, in that it is holy, is any let to Matrimony, and that priesthood doth not dissolve matrimony contracted, either before or after, setting a part all Ecclesiastical Laws, standing only to that which we have of Christ and his Apostles.  
If then, by the doctrine of the Clergy of England, the kynkes authority may do as much in positive Laws, as ever the bishop of Rome was able to do: And it is the consent of all divines and canonists universally holden, that the bishop of Rome hath full authority to make and to unmake, to dispense in all Church Laws, of what name and nature soever they be: yea, universally with all manner laws, except the Articles of our faith, which yet he may interpret: why shall not then the king, with consent of his Parliament, be thought to have done rightfully, in the late dispensing with that positive law, which was only thought to be against priests? If as saint Paul saith, Christ by abrogating the commandment, 
Ephe. 2. Coll. 2.  which was contained in the laws of the decrees written, hath put out the hand writing that was against us, and so discharged us, of all manner condemnation, under which we were holden thereby: why in like manner may it not be said, that priests be discharged of all manner condemnation both of deprivation and divorsing? saying that all Laws were by the kings just authority abrogated, which contained any manner condemnation? For what other thing do restrain priests from that liberty that God hath granted freely to all men, but either Law, or else vow and promise made by themselves? If it be law, then seeing it is but man's Law, man's Law again hath taken it a way, and therefore on that side there is no danger. And as for vow and promise, there was none passed by Secular English Priests, nor none required at their ordering: And though there were, yet writeth Alfonsus plainly Philippica xix that yet after their promise, this liberty of the Apostle is still wholly remaining to them, sc, propter fornicationem vitandam, unusquisque uxorem suam habeat. etc. For avoiding of fornication, let every man have his wife. etc. And moreover saith, that he can not see, how any man can deprive himself of this liberty, unless therewith he deprive himself also of eternal salvation. And affirmeth further, that when the liberty of any law of restraint, is granted by authority, his conscience may be in suertée, to whom such concession is granted. And as concerning the case of votaries, how strong so ever the bond of a vow is: yet it followeth the nature of an oath. For they both walk after one sort, votum & juramentum pari passu ambulant, saith the Lawyers, and an oath may not be a bond of wickedness. Furthermore, how much offence so ever the votaries do run in, before God or the world, to break their well advised vows, constituted by man: yet after marriage be so attempted by them, it may not be dissolved: Seeing marriage is of God's ordinance, the vow but of man's constitution. 
Dist. 27. Diaconus.  For it is written in the Decrees by Gratiam. Si diaconus a ministerio cessare volverit, contracto matrimonio licitè potest uti. Name, & si in ordinatione sua castitatis votum obtulerit: tamen tanta est vis in sacramento coniugij, ꝙ, nec ex violatione voti, potest dissolui ipsum coniugium. If the deacon will cease from his ministery, he may lawfully use matrimony contracted. For although when he was ordered, he offered up the vow of chastity, yet there is so great strength in the Sacrament of Wedlock, that the self same marriage may not be dissolved, no not after the breach o● the vow. Which was also further affirmed by Gratian, grounded upon saint Augustine's authority. Cum quispiam post votum castitatis ducit uxorem, juramento firmans, nunquam ab ea discessurum quod quamuis illicitum sit, quià justitia sibi probatur deesse, tamen authoritate Augustini servari precipitur. 
22. q. 4. ●unocens.  When any man, after the vow of chastity, marrieth a wife, binding it fast with his oath, that he will never depart from her, which although it be unlawful, for as much as it is evident, that righteousness and justice wanted in the act: yet nevertheless, by the authority of saint Augustine, it is commanded to be conserved still. And there Gratian proveth, that this thing standeth upon the strength of the oath: where he saith, other men's opinions be, that it is by the prerogative of Matrimony. And whether Gratian mente that authority of saint Augustine, De bono viduitatis, or whether, that which he reporteth in the Law, in these words, to be saint Augustine: 
Dist. 17. quidam.  Let the reader judge. Quidam, nubentes post votum, asserunt, adulteros esse: Ego autem dico, quòd graviter peccant, qui tales dividunt. Some affirm, saith he, that such as do marri● after their vow, be adulterers: but I say, that thee offend grievously, which do separate such. Which form of words, in such asseveration, may soon make us understand, how earnestly saint Augustine was in this opinion. And lest it should be taken, that saint Augustine did write this his sentence, upon sudden consideration, he expresseth the same again upon the .lxxv. Psalm: Quae autem respexit ad nuptias, non quia voluit nubere damnatur, sed quia iam ante recesserat, & fit uxor Loth respiciendo retrorsum. She that hath looked back to marriage, is not dampened because she would marry, but because she had gone back before, and is made like to Loathes wife, by her looking behind her. But if ye yet desire to know a reason of this strong assertion of saint Augustine, so reported in the Decrees, the Law showeth it plainly: Voti solemnitas ex sola constitutione ecclesiae est inventa: matrimonij vero vinculum, ab ipso ecclesiae capite, rerum omni conditore, ipsum in paradiso, & statu innocentiae instituente, unionem & indissolubilitatem accepe●it. The solempnitée of the vow, was devised only by the Church's constitution: but the bond of Matrimony, took his inseparable unity and knot, of him that is creator of all things, who did institute it in Paradise, and in the state of innocency.  
And here I would ask this Lawyer a question, by occasion of the words that there further followeth, of that extravagant: whether English secular priests, have made a simple vow, or a solemn vow, in the taking of their orders? If it be a simple vow: then though it be never so seriously made, before never so many witnesses, never so advisedly made, earnestly promised, yea, sworn in the face of the Church: yet it dissolveth not matrimony once made, saith the law. Ergo, in this vow, if it were that Priests were ordered, yet their marriages be not to be broken. But let it be granted, that the priest hath made a solemn vow: then teacheth this Law, that the solemnitée is devised but only of the positive Law of the Church. Ergo, it standeth but upon man's constitution, Ergo, dispensable by man: and man hath dispensed with them, by open constitution of Law, here in England. What bindeth them then in their order? Yea, why be they not free of all hands? And their marriages good, and indissoluble from all laws of man? For this bond, which this Lawyer urgeth so importunately, must stand either of the nature and substance of order, either of the nature and bond of the vow either of the promise and profession of the Priest at receiving of his orders: or else of the constitution and positive Law of the Church. Of the nature and substance of order, it standeth not, for than should the Grecians offend, saith Panormitane, in whose Priests, standeth Order and Matrimony jointly together: betwixt which Priests and their own wives, is chastity of Marriage, saith the said Panormitan. And further, he saith, 
Ex●ra 〈…〉.  that it is not long of their custom, that they be excused: for that is nought worth against the Law God. And further, it can not stand of the nature of order, seeing that in the Apostolic Church, and a great while after, till Pope Siricius days, they might contract, as the glosser of the decrees avoucheth plainly the opinion of certain aucthoures in the Law: whose opinion he doth not disprove, saying: ꝙ olim sacerdotes poterant contrahere ante Siricium, 
Dist. 84. cum in pretenio  unde & Moses contraxit. In times passed Priests might marry before Siricius, whereupon Moses did contract. And there he reporteth, that the Apostles made no constitution, for not using Matrimony once contracted. 
Moses' presbyter apud Ciprianum Li. 2. Epistola. 4. I●st 82. proposition.  For if the Apostles had made any such Canons: The Oriental church would have admitted it. And further he writeth, that by Gratian'S opinion, the Church hath constituted certain things, which were not so decreed of the Apostles. And there nameth in his examples, the continency of the ministers: and avoucheth S. Augustine for him, 
Can. 35. q. 2. Cum igitur.  De civitate dei. li. xv. Cap. xvi. which said Gratian also writeth, that before the Counsel of Ancirane, which was about the year of our Lord. 308. continency was not yet constituted upon the ministers of the altar. And further it is written: 
2.6. q. 2. Ca Sors.  Copula sacerdotalis, nec legali, nec evangelica, vel Apostolica authoritate prohibetur: tamen lege penitus interdicitur. The marriage of Priests, is neither forbidden by the authority of the old Law, neither of the Evangelists nor of the Apostles: but by the Law it is utterly forbidden.  
Secondly, it standeth not of the nature and bond of the vow: for the said expositor of the Law saith. 
27. q. 1. S● quis.  ꝙ votum, de sui natura non obligat, sed constitutio circa votunemissa. A vow of his own nature bindeth not, but the constitution, which is made and divulged about the vow. And further he writeth in the same cause and question, that a simple vow doth not dissolve Matrimony of his own nature: and so no more doth a solemn vow, for they be all one, he saith, in that respect. For if it were of the nature of the vow, saith he, why should not one vow, as well as an other, dissolve Matrimony, for so much as the solempnitées be not of the substance, but devised by the church? And therefore by his opinion, it is but the mere ordinance of the church, that dissolveth, and not the vow. For if a man should openly say in the Church: Voveo continentian, I vow chastity. Yet by this, is no solemn vow made. And Pope Celestine the third affirmeth: 
 ꝙ simplex votum, apud deum non minus obliget, quam solennis. That is: A simple vow bindeth no less before God, than a solemn vow. And in these points doth the school Divines agree with the canonists. 
Antoninus.  saying: ꝙ vinculum vito solennis & solutio eius, est ex statuto ecclesiae. The bond of a solemn vow & the breach thereof, is by the church's constitution. Whereupon he writeth, that the obligation, which dependeth upon order, non essentialiter sed accidentaliter, is annexed thereto but by the church constitution. Thirdly, as for the promise or vow made by the priest at his orders, it is manifest that the priests ordered in England make none, as is before said: and though they did, yet writ the said Divines and canonists, that howsoever a man bindeth himself, either by oath or by vow: yet alway is understanded the exception of the authority of the superior. And the band of the vow doth cease, either by dispensation, commutation, or irritation: and the observing of a vow is then of the Law of nature, or of Gods Law, so long as the Obligation continueth. And in this case writeth Antoninus: he that is so dispensed with, is not to be charged as a liar to God, 
part. 2. Titulo. xi. Ca 2.  for not performing his vow. For a man must have of things to come, Godly conditions, which be alway annexed, either implied or expressed. S. Thomas defineth, that to the essentialnesse of a vow, 
2.2. q. 88 extravag de regularib. Ca ad nostranglosa. Pag. 11●.  must three things concur. An advised deliberation of mind, a fast purpose of the will, and a promise made to God. And if there be not, saith he, a full intention of the professor to bind himself, he is not bound for all the solempnitée outward. And my lord chancellor in his last book against Bucere, supposeth not, that any man pleaseth God in his vowing, if he be not brought thereunto by a godly inclination. And further, the said school divines, hold, that he, who is so dispensed with, either for respect of the common wealth, or yet in respect of his own salvation: in his obedience he meriteth more, then if he kept his vow. For in this case, say they, this obedience is a more worthy virtue, and more meritorious, then is chastity: Quantum ad premium substantiale. And the said Antonine, holdeth, that if the Pope should dispense, without a just cause, in the solemn vow of chastity, either of the man or of the woman, yet were that true Matrimony: Quantum ad utrunque quia claudicare non potest. That is, on both sides, for it may not halt on the one leg. But seeing, as I have said, that the said secular Priests make no such profession, nor the bishop speaketh the said proposition, to the English priests under such condition: than it standeth only but of the decrees and Canons of the church, which can not, nor ought not, nor the Queen's Majesty will not (as by the first Article in her Commission appeareth) have executed, to the prejudice or derogation of any Laws of the realm.  
Furthermore, upon that devise that is allege to defeat saint Augustine's sentence and judgement, affirming that the church, as then, had not defined votaries marriages to be adulteries, or to be dissolved. If the matter standeth but upon the definition of the Church: then thus I reason. The Church hath defined of old, precontracts to make Matrimony, and the second contracts to be void. The church of England of late defined the second contract with carnal copulation, to be Matrimony, the first contract to be none. In the time of this definition, diverse persons upon the second contract were married, and so continue together still at this day: I ask of you, Master Martin, whether the definition of the Church of England will not be warrant enough for their marriages? I trust ye will not dissolve them now, though that definition be now repealed again, and restored by an other definition. Even in like manner, the church afore time, defined priests marriages to be no marriages, but to be dissolved▪ during the vigour of which definition, priests were not suffered to marry. Now of late, the Church of England, which, as was showed before, is as well a catholic, and Apostolic church, as Rome church, or any other, and of like and equal authority, jurisdiction, and power. This church I say, not stelyngly, but advisedly, in two sundry cessions, not of the laity only, but of the Clergy, did define priests marriages to be good, and available against all Laws positive. Then standing this definition, why were not their marriages good? and this definition being repealed but for hereafter, why shall it not serve for those that were then made, and now standing in strength by God's Law, and not as yet dissolved by man's Law? But ye will object, that the Church definition maketh not the thing to be, but showeth it to be. So that ye may say, such marriages were ever unlawful: But then declared unlawful, when the church definition was published. Though this cavillation might be otherwise, by good reason, example and authority, sufficiently answered: yet take ye this answer for this tyme. If I were of the number of those priests, who (being hindered by no other impediment of God's Law) had married upon the definition of the Prince's Law: I would as gladly err with saint Augustine, and with that age wherein he was, in this matter: as to be a catholic with doctor Martin, and such other of his affinity. Who by pleasure and displeasure, by gain of promotions, and lucre's fallen to them, by their opinion, hold the contrary.  
But here ye will doubt, whether the king or yet the Pope have so much authority to dispense with an universal Law, of the Church. Sir, if for envy ye bear to the kings power, ye begin to doubt of the Pope's power: so, ye may show yourself a stout catholic to the one, as ye show yourself a double subject to tother. And if ye doubt of the Pope's power: ask counsel of joannes Genesius, deritu nuptiarum, how universal it is. And if ye miscredit him, ask the whole number of the canonists: who some of them, stand in more doubt, whether the Pope can dispense with regulars, to have propriety and secular promotion under the perfection of a bishop: then▪ whether he can dispense with priests secular, to mary after their order. If they should be judged by their facts, there be examples innumerable, of such dispensations of decrees, and the Canons made in general counsels, which is more, that the bishop of Rome hath largely dealt out in his authority. If ye doubt that the kings authority can do so much, I can no more but ●end you to all the learned resolutions, of the best of the Clergy at this day. If ye believe them, ye must believe me. For I come but out of their books & assertions. If ye bring in a great heap of counsels of later days: I answer to them all, as many as were made for the policies of Spain, France, & Italy, they belong not to us. Ye may lay these counsels to the charge of those priests that be ordered ther. If ye say that a particular realm, can not dispense with the whole Law of the Church: we answer, we force no dispensation of the whole church, but of this particular church of England, for the particular state of the Clergy of the same. And as this particular Church by their assent received that Law: so by dissent again, hath refused that law. And therefore is no further bound. If ye yet again will say, that the king may not dispense so universally with the whole realm: I answer, if the king may do as much as the Pope: why may not he dispense with his whole realm and Clergy, for them that will, aswell (as was said before) As Paul the third to offer to the whole state of the regulars in Germany, to be temperally beneficed, against the Canons of the Church? 
Extrae de consiguinitate & affinit. Can. 35. q. 10. Fraternitatis.  or as could Innocent the third release to all realms of christendom, the prohibitions of consanguynitée, and affinitée, in Counsels before restrained. If ye object, that a great many of Counsels have defined, not only deprivations, but also separations: I answer, that as good Counsels in the primative Church, as there be many of this later Church, have not so decreed, but made this to be the worst, to be sequestered from their ministration. 
Concilium Constant. vi.  And some not separating the ministers from their wives, but in time of their ministration: And depriving the ordinaries, which would separate them, contrary to the Canons of the Apostles. 
Concil. gangrense.  And some accursing all such, as would abstain from the priests prayers and oblation, for their marriages sake. And some of them, pronounsing it chastity, for the Priest, while that he is Priest (how so ever doctor Martin cavilleth vainly in that authority) to keep company with his own wife. But it may be yet replied, that Chrysostom writing in his Epistle to Theodore, a relapsed Monk, doth grievously reprehend them, which after their vow, resorted to marriage. Basilius de vera virginitate, doth the same. Saint Augustine de gratia & libero arbitrio, agreeth with them. Shortly to make answer. There is a great difference betwixt the vows, and the manner: and the causes of vowing that was used in those good days, and the manner of vowing, at these corrupt days used. So that neither Chrysostomus vehement declaiming in that kind of speaking, aught to be brought against all manner of breaking vows: nor Basilius' austeritée, is not to be applied, but to such vows, as he used to make, and for his times. For as there is great difference of times: so there is great difference of persons, ages, and purposes. If vows were made, 
Distingu● temp. & causas: & Concordabis Leges & Canon's. questi. 15.  with such deliberation and examination, as basil requireth in his questions: where he writeth, that if any man be entered into a profession of continency, and feeleth that he can not be●re it, to attend wholly upon God, and heavenvly things: he would have such released again, before those witness, with which he came in: & further saith these words. Caeterum qui professionem facturus est▪ post multam deliberationem & considerationem, q per plures dies ipsi ad seipsum permittere convenit, ut ne videatur aliquid secundum rapinam a nobis fieri, sic tandem suscipere oportet. etc. He that will make his profession, after much deliberation and consideration, which must needs be granted to him many days, lest it might appear, that we did it by stealth that we do: and so thereupon let him take on his purpose. etc. So likewise saint Augustine De fide ad petrum, 
Ca q,  useth these circumstances: Qui statuit in cord suo firmus, non habens necessitatem, potestatem habens suae voluntatis, & voverit continentiam deo: debet eam usque ad finem tota mentis solicitudine custodire, ne damnationem habeat, si primam fidem irritam fecerit. He that hath vowed continency to GOD, and hath decreed it firmly in his heart, not having any need, but having power over his own will: the same aught with all carefulness of mind, keep that purpose unto the end, least he incur damnation, because he broke his first faith. If that diligent examination & moderation were used, that is prescribed by some of the Counsels: as in the second Counsel at Tolet cap. primo, the case were far other, then D. Martin handleth it, and otherwise to be expended, and answered. And yet, all be it such votaries were so advisedly made by the circumstances aforesaid: though they deserved much shame & penance of their own head to start back, or of light causes to recede: Yet saint Augustine's judgement is plainly, upon those, that their marriages be not to be dissolved. Let them that fear God, and be addict to a truth, judge this matter. Beside all this, there is a great difference betwixt a consultation, what is lawful and expedient to be done, before it be done and what is to be tolerated, after it is so doen. Multa prohibentur fieri quae tamen facta tenent, saith the Law. If it be further objected, though it were granted to be lawful, that the Clergy might have that liberty, yet it may be thought of some men, that it were not expedient. To answer this objection, there have been afore times right wise and prudent men (As be at these days.) Which upon their experience, thought it not only to be lawful, but also expedient and profitable in diverse respects. Of which judgement, beside Pius the second, and Panormitane the great Lawyer (whose opinions and testimonies I have showed before) Erasmus also, a man of some wit and experience, in diverse places of his works, may very manifestly seem to be. Who in his Epistle ad Episcopum Basiliensem, wondereth what it meaneth, where that as neither Christ, nor his Apostles, have prescribed any such Law: And where that the Church dispenseth with diverse causes, as occasion riseth, why men should urge this humane constitution so obstinately, seeing there be so many causes, that might persuade the alteration. But after all this, when cavilling wits are by good and sufficient proofs, overthrown and vanquished: then because they will ever seem to have somewhat for themselves, they will fly to their fantastical objections, saying: If marriage be a remedy for incontinency, how should men do, when they journey far from their countries? How, if their wives be sick or run away▪ and such like carnal reasons, and trifling helps, will they seek. As though God is not an helper to all men, that call upon him in necessitées, and walk uprightly and faithfully in their vocations. As though GOD hath not promised to relieve them with his aid, to be nigh them, and to be found of them that do not tempt him: 
Sapien. 1. In●●th. 13.  And to appear to them, that have their faith stayed in him. As though we be not taught thus much even of a poor woman, judith by name, who saith, ꝙ non des●rit sperantes in se, & non permisit me dominus ancillam suam coinquinari. That God forsaketh not them, which trust in him, as he hath not suffered me his handmaiden to be defiled. So it is before in the sixth Chapter confessed in prayer, saying: Non derelinquis presumentes de te ô domine, & presumentes de se & de sua virtute gloriantes humilias. Thou dost not, O Lord, saith judith, forsake them that presume of thee, where such as presume of themselves, glorying of their own power, thou bringest them low. And further, as though there were no difference betwixt him that in the fear of God, useth his remedy, and if that, by God's will and pleasure be taken from him, then maketh his refuge to God: And such a one as refuseth God's remedy, that is needful for him, and will work masteries in such temptation. 
Psal. 9  For God will help in necessities, saith a certain writer, when we worthily crave his grace: then do we worthily pray for his help, when with praying we despise not the necessary remedies for our chastity. For if we cast them from us, in vain do we look for his help, and may be also counted worthily the tempters of God.  
But now to stay this Doctor from any further wondering why priests marriages, especially Seculars, and of the Church of England, yea, or yet the marriages of votaries in England ought not to be dissolved, as of compulsion. The answer is, first and foremost, because they be marriages, if no other impediment of Gods own prohibitions be against them. For as for man's constitutions or prohibitions, may not so be advanced to repel God's ordinances. Christ saith it plainly: Vae vobis qui transgredimini precepta Dei, propter traditiones vestras, ideo, Quod deus coniunxit, homo non separet. When he saith homo: he meaneth all the Artilarie and Canons that man can by his witty brain forge with all the power he hath. But how prove you (he will object) that such copulations be marriages? 
De bon● utdicitatis. Ca 10.11.  Saint Augustine saith so, and standeth in disputation to prove it with instant reasons. And professeth in the end of his xv, Chapter, that it is his plain doctrine, which he will so have taken, & affirmeth that they be marriages, and not adulteries. And that the fiding of some to marriage, is no discommendation to him or others in the performance of their vows and purposes. Yea, but S. Jerome, Chrisostome and Basyll, say, that they be incests and adulteries, such as be made of votaries. Sir, yet that Secular priests marriages be not so reputed of them, for they be not vo●aries. And where they say, that votaries marriages be adulteries: saint Augustine standeth strongly against them all, and saith plainly, that they, and all such be deceived. But this Civilian will say, they prove ●eby a fair similitude gotten out of scripture, thus. As that woman is an adulteress, which marrieth an other man, as long as her husband liveth: so the votary, man or woman, being married in their vow to Christ their husband, for that he can never die, if they marry to a mortal spouse or spouses, they break their first marriage, and so is spiritual adultery committed. Marry, 
expend S. Augustine's very words.  saith saint Augustine, they that so reason, and thereupon conclude they be adulteries and no marriages: I say and affirm it, they do not consider neither wisely nor diligently, as were sufficient in so weighty a matter, what they say. For I say plainly, that they be deceived by their similitude, which hath a pretence and show of a truth. And again I say, against all such as so rashly can coin arguments, & similitudes of their own brains unadvisedly, that they do not well way what absurdities riseth of their sayings. For by this unadvised opinion, to think that votaries copulations be not marriages, but adulteries, this mischief cometh of it: that the men which have married such professed women, by leaving them as adulteresses, they mary themselves with other women, & they be for that doing certainly adulterers to forsake their first, which be their wives in deed.  
When ye have well answered the conference of these reasons, master Martin, then shall we give you leave, with your distinction of votum simplex, and votum solemn, to do as Pighius your guide doth: that is, to steal secretly away, invisibly as ye trust, covered under that captious net, and so childishly and unlearnedly to play away the manifest and evident places of S. Cyprian, and saint Augustine, with your fond gloss, imagining that they both should have two sundry and diverse respects, in the prosecution and debatement of one and the self same sentence: by which craftée and shameless shift, your craft and other such Papists, are detected, to see how learnedly and sincerely, ye handle such causes of consciences, in the ears of Christian learned wise men.  
Sir, in the mean season, what call you a solemn vow, that you would have of such a force? Can there be any more solemn vow, then that, whereunto saint Augustine, Cyprian, Basile, ascribeth that damnation, which saint Paul ascribeth to the breach thereof, which if it be such damnation, as ye mean, is not that damnation solemn enough, and dangerous to? Is there any more solemn vow, or advised vows to bind before God, in foro conscientiae, where the true Canons in deed be so graven, that they can not be derogated, or antiquated, but will be still firmly fixed: in cogitationibus, inter se accusantibus, aut etiam excusantibus, in eo die cum judicabit dominus occulta hominum. etc. That is, in the thoughts and hearts of men, either accusing, or excusing them, in that day when the Lord shall judge the secrets of men's consciences: Then such as Bonifacius the captain, made of good age, a grown man, after his wives death, before two notable bishops (omni exceptione maiores) Augustine and Alipius, which vow as Gratian saith Causa. 17. q. 2. Nos novimus. he conceived in his heart, and pronounced it with his mouth, and yet was not compelled to perform it. And doth not yet S. Augustine permit this his second marriage contracted after his vow, to remain still, except he could induce his wife to agree to be separated? I pray you doth not Pope Celestine the third, Extra: Qui clerici, etc. say ꝙ simplex votum apud deum non minus obliget quam solemn: that a simple vow bindeth no less before God, than a solemn vow. Sir, ye shall have proofs enough, of the canonists themselves, partly in the same law late rehearsed, that the solempnitées addeth no further strength to the vows, but that the note is greater, and the condemnation is more apparent to open sight, to the show of his faith breaking, when more circumstances concurreth together with his promises. And yet for all this, his promise and faith, so called, may not be a bond of wickedness. For it is not to be called either faith, or a good promise, if it serveth as servant and minister to sin. And therefore saith saint Augustine: the case is then the worse, 
De bono conugque.  Nisi cum propterea mala fides deseritur, ut ad fidem veram legitimamque redeatur. Except it be therefore, that an evil saith being forsaken, there may be a return again, to true and lawful full faith, that is to say, that the offence be amended, by reforming the disorder of the will. Of which point of learning, master Martin, if ye will understand a reason, ye may resort to my Lord Chancellor his book De obedientia, in the last● leaf, and somewhat shall ye there learn. But if ye will see it more largely, and pithily expended at the full, to satisfy any wise and indifferent learned man: Recourse ye to the eight Counsel that was kept at Tolette, being then present .52. bishops, under that good bishop of Rome, Martin the first, in whose faith, master Martin, if ye had been Christened, ye would have been of an other manner of judgement, in your rigorous opinion, for undescrete vows once made. And moreover, would have been more gravely sharp, in deposition for priests fornications, as ye may read he was in his Epistle, written ad Amandun. But surely, master doctor Martin, when ye have done all that ye can, yet it shall be justified, that Secular Priests be not so bound as ye dream, and that with such testimonies of authors (because ye do so much delight in number of aucthoritées) that ye shall be found among them and others, in that opinion, a very singular at length. Yet be not angry, though I put no substantive to this adjective, for though I did, yet should it not be pernicious to your substance: as with such epithets, in your next book, if ye shall be able to charge me, I am content to be rewarded. Marry, your holy water, that ye cast and sprinkle to fast & thick, is more bitterly salted, & exercised, with other coniurative terms: Spiritus immside, Apostata, Heretic, Schismatic, Incest, Traitor. etc. Iwis, M. Martin, your mouth hath uttered the goodness of your heart, what treasure lieth there. Your book hath declared what you be. He that brent Diana's temple, to get him a name, shall not be more famously registered in the book of fame, than you for your so excellent endeavour, in firing the poor temples of so many of your poor country folks, labouring by all means ye can, now after ye have cast them into the fire of po●ertée: to have them cast also into the fire of other temptations. And lastly, peradventure in your burning charity, into the fire of Smithfield, that ye should have the more victuals at your table. Which book of yours, because ye would have your fame spread the more abroad, ye have laboured very diligently, to have it in every man's hand, to see the wonderfulness of your wit, the miracle of your learning, the infinite measure of your charity. I thereupon have taken a little pain, and have vouchsafed, to honest it with a few Scholies, till better leisure may serve, to make some just Commentaries. And I doubt not, but ye shall have more of your friends, some otherwhere hereafter, of a quicker vain, and of more eloquence, that will handle your book far otherwise, than I do. For in deed, I keep in many worthy commendations, that ye deserve, but that I would not flatter you to your face, to put you in peril, to be beside yourself. And here in earnest faith, I would wish all students in learning, for the zeal they bear to learning and truth, to bestow their talentes, to the worthy commendation of so worthy a man, being so young as he is, so painful yet in studying for the truth, that he hath so wasted his brain, that he hath almost spent all his wit and learning at Paris, and brought but a very little from thence, and came full poorly over. And yet, that little that he hath, so friendly letteth us have part of it, among his other great affairs of the Common wealth, which be now laid on his small shoulders▪ full evil against his will: but for pure necessity that the realm hath of such French students.  
But here, good reader, I perceive that I forget myself, and I am (I can not tell how) unevenly carried and tossed, in the ship I row in, thus in my scape oversea: I would feign soberly go on as the gravity of the cause requireth. And when I purpose so, and then again have this ridiculum caput in mine eye & mind, to resort to any of his said handled matters: I forget myself again, and abase my pen, almost to the lenity of his writing to be like him. Of what secret inspiration, I can not tell, except salomon's precept so up and down, written in his proverbs, carrieth me secretly up & down in my writings, where he saith. Ne respondeas stulto juxta stultitiam suam, 
Proverb. ●●.  ne efficiaris ei similis. And even there again: Respond stulto juxta stultitiam suam, ne sibi sapiens esse videatur. Answer not a fool, according to his foolishness, lest thou be made like unto him. And yet answer a fool agreeably to his foolishness, less he be thought to be wise to himself.  
To bring in Laws and Canos, and man's authorities, in like sort as he reporteth them for his strongest holds, I was thereto carried by secret instinct so to answer him again, ne sibi sapiens esse videatur, lest he should seem to himself, he were wise. And yet not to answer him so agreeably with these, as sticking more to them, then to the scriptures (as he doth) for so is not my mind to answer him, ne videar illi similis, lest I might seem like to him. For when all man's authority in his word is inconstant & changeable as it is: God's eternal word, the precept of Christ's gospel, is that which must be only, and sound sticken unto, as judge infallible, though this man teacheth the contrary. For as those two notable Priests & Martyrs: Moses and Maximus (of whom Cyprian maketh metion, Li. 2. Epistola 4. praising them for their constancy in their long imprisonment) perceived in their cogitations, wherewith they were diversly tossed to and fro in prison: that there was no sure stay and refuge for conscience, but God's word only: In like manner upon their experience, they did advertise other thereof, as the same Cyprian reporteth the saying and writing of the said priests Moses and Maximus, 
Lib. 4. Epistolarum Epistola. 3.  saying. Solicita admonitione insistitis, ut evangelii sancta precepta, & tradita nobis semel mandata vitalia, forti & stabili observatione teneantur: hoc est esse confessorem domini, hoc est esse Martyrem Christi, servare vocis suae inviolatam, circa omnia & solidam firmitatem. Ye have sent instantly to us by most careful advertisement, that the holy precepts of the Gospel, and those commandments of life, once delivered unto us, should be holden of us, with strong and stable observation. While ye do this, saith Cyprian: Oh this it is to be a Martyr and witness of Christ. This it is to be a confessor of the Lord, to observe the stable foundation of his voice inviolably in every point.  
If we were at this point, that we would reverence the scripture, as saith saint Augustine, as placed in the supreme and heavenly height of authority: 
Epistola. 1●.  Velut in summo & caelesti authoritatis culmine collocatam. (For how much soever a man shall excel in knowledge, yet shall he find himself far under the authority of scripture, which almighty God hath appointed to be a stable pillar far passing all men's inventions: Quantum enim quisque sciendo profecerit, infrà illas literas se inveniet, 
Ad Orosium Cap. 11.  quas Deus tanquam firmamentum supra omnia humana corda constituit.) If in our controversies, we would appeal as he doth, to the scriptures, where he writeth against an heretic: this controversy asketh a judge, Ergo let Christ be judge, and let him speak the word, to what effect his death hath availed: 
De nuptijs & con. li. 2. ca 33 Contra preseri. heretie.  Ista controversia judicem querit, judicet ergo christus: & cui rei mors eius profecerit ipse dicat. If with Tertulian: whatsoever is the first that is right, whatsoever is latter, that is counterfette: Rectum est quodcunque primum est, adulterinum quodcunq, posterius. And thereupon we would as gods priests, recourse with Cyprian to the lords original, to the Gospel, and Apostles tradition: ad originem Dominicam & Euangelicam & Apostolicam traditionem. 
Ad pompeium  If we would suffer that to sink in our hearts▪ which Leo the first chargeth, where he saith: this do we forfend to you, 
Dist. xi. hoc. vestris.  that from henceforth ye recede not from the Apostles institutions by any oversight, for it can not be unpunished for hereafter, if any man will think that the rules of the Apostles are to be despised: hoc vestrae indicimus charitati, ut ab apostolicis institutis nullo ulterius recedatis excessu, quia inultum post hoc esse non poterit, si quisquam Apostolicas regulas, in aliquo crediderit esse negligendas: then surely would these & such like controversies, be soon at an end. Where now saith Cyprian: while men will stick stubbornly rather to that which they have first taken up in opinion, it cometh to pass, that they will defend their own devices, though they be false and out of the way, rather than to consent to other men's deeds and sayings: Fit study presumptionis & contumaciae, ut quis magis sua prava & falsa defendat, quam ad alterius facta & verba consentiat. Hereupon all things be now so full of man's presumptions and opinions, 
Augus. Epistola. 119.  that the christian religion is more burdened with servile bondage and harder yokes, than ever the jews religion was with the obseruamces and precepts of the Law. Let us therefore now hear the moderation and judgement of that notable Lawyer, Abbess Panormitane, able I doubt not in all the universities of Christendom, to counterpoise the weight of this civilians wit and learning. Clerici non tenentur continere iure divino, neque continentia est in clericis secularibus de substantia ordinis, 
De clericis con●ugatis. Cap. 〈◊〉.  quia aliàs graeci peccarent, nec excusat consuetudo, quia illa non valet contra legem dei. Item, meliùs foret, & pro bono ac salute animarum salubrius, fi & uniuscuiusque voluntati relinqueretur, ita ut non valentes, aut non volentes continere, possint contrahere. Quia experientia docente experimus, contrarium effectum sequi ex illa lege continentiae, cum hody plerique non vivant spiritualitèr, nec sint mundi, sed ēmacultur illicito coitu, cum ipsorum gravissimo peccato ubi cum propria uxore esset castitas.  
Clerks be not bound to live in continency by the Law of God, and continency is not in the secular Priests of the substance of the order, for then the Grecians should offend, and it may not be said that the custom excuseth them: for custom is of no value against the Law of God. Furthermore, it were better, he saith, and more wholesome for the profit and salvation of men's souls, if it were left to every man's own will, in such wise that they which be not able, or be not willing to live in continency, might contract matrimony. For we see this proved and taught by experience, that a contrary effect followeth of that law of continency, for asmuch as at this day, the most part liveth not spiritually, nor be not chaste, but be defiled with unlawful lusts & copulations, with other most grievous offences: where, 
Priests of the Latin church: living with their wives live in chastity  which their own wives, it should be chastity. Note here good reader, that chastity of single state is not chargeable upon secular priests by gods law, nor is included in the substance of priesthood. Note that he judgeth that it were better, that the law were remitted, and that it were at liberty. Then by this man's sentence, it is out of liberty, and driven to necessity, by law. Whereupon expend what S. Ambrose writeth de virginitate: O mysteria, O mores, 
Lib. primo.  ubi necessitas imponitur castitati, authoritas datur libidini. Itaque nec casta est quae metu cogitur, nec honesta, quae mercede conducitur, nec illa pudica quae lege tenetur. Oh what meaneth this mystery? Oh what be these manners? where necessity is laid to chaste, there is authority granted to lechery. And therefore she is not chastity, that is constrained by dread, nor honest, which for meed will be hired thereto, nor chaste is she that is so retained by Law. It was not without good cause that Dionysius bishop of Corinth, 
Li. 4. tripert. hist. cap. 23  writ in his letter to bishop Pynitus: Ne gravia onera discipulorum ceruicibus superponat, neve fratribus necessitatem compulsae castitatis indicat, in quo nonnullorum periclitetur infirmitas. Ad quae rescribens Pynitus Dionisio, sententiam quidem melioris concilij amplectitur. etc.  
That he should not lay heavy burdens upon the backs of the disciples, & that he should not enjoin his brethren necessity of forced and compelled chastity, whereby the infirmity of very many might stand in jeopardy. Whereunto Pynitus writing his answer, assenteth to his opinion, as to the better Counsel. Furthermore note, that the said Abbas wisheth such Priests as could not, or would not, live sole, to marry. Lo, here no great wonder taken of this Lawyer, for a Priest to marry after his priesthood, and to call that marriage, chastity also. For where he would have the law reform, he could not mean to have them only relieved that should follow, & suffer all those whom he saw by experience to live so sinfully, not relieved for their salvation. Moreover note, good reader, the gentle indifferency of this notable lawyer Abbot, how he wisheth to have these severe & sharp laws mitigated, so that Ministers should not be compelled to profess so high a perfection of life angelical in mortal body, to live above the reach of the body, and so by climbing to high above that is given them, to fall as Lucifer did, into Diabolical filthiness. Surely he expended that which Origen writeth, saying: Incorruptionis & virginitatis gratia, 
in Exod. Hom. 13.  apud rarum quemque i●ueniri potest, sicut & dominus dicit: non oens capiunt verbum hoc, sed quibus datum est: the grace of purity and virginity, can be found but with very few, as the Lord himself said: not all men taketh this word, but to whom it is given. And as saint Hierom confirmeth the same: difficilis est virginitas, & ideo rara, quia difficilis. 
Contra iovinianum.  Incipere plurimorum, perseverare paucorum. Uirginitee is a very hard thing, and therefore it is rare, because it is hard. To begin, may be in many men's power, but to persever, is but in a few. Upon which considerations, I doubt not this Panormitane moved, and by experience of his days thought good, 
De bono viduitatis De nupiijs & concupiscentijs. Li. 1 Ca 16.  to conclude with saint Augustine: Ne infirmitas incontinentiae cadat in ruinam flagitiorum, excipiatur honestate nuptiarum. lest the infirmity of unchaste living, should fall into the overthrow of enormitées: let it be holden up with the honesty of marriage. Which, as it was some time granted to man in his state of innocency, for fellowship of life: now it is granted to man for a remedy of his infirmitée. And Chrisostome biddeth: Qui potest, 
Super. 1. ad Timothi. 4.  habeat secum aurum hoc virginitatis. Qui minus, nuptiarum argentum excipiat: He that can, let him have this gold of virginity, and he that can not, let him take up the silver of matrimony. And again S. Hierom: Si quis in statu virginitatis viderit lascivientem, & ebullientem carnem suam in libidinem, ita ut refrenare non possit, ideòque se agnoscat in duplici necessitate constitutum, ut aut scortetur, aut uxorem ducat: tunc faciat quod vult, si uxorem duxerit non peccavit. If a man feeleth his wanton flesh boiling in carnal lusts, so that he be not able to refrain it: and thereupon perceiveth himself strained with double necessity: either to commit fornication, or else to marry a wife: then let him do as it liketh him. If he marry a wife, he sinneth not. Whereupon may be concluded, that S. Hierom sending the frail man to the succour of marriage, is not of Doctor Martin's opinion, who saith that the company of women, rather increaseth, then extinguisheth the appetite. Litera EE. 3. or that, as he saith. Litera ee. 4. that a man shall by marriage, have both the burning of the flesh and the burning of the conscience for ever. Which words, if we should expend by saint Augustine's judgement, we should doubt whether Martin be a catholic or no. For saint Augustine writeth this (Lib. 2. contra secundam Epistolam, Pelagij. Cap. 8) Concupiscentiam pudendam carnis invonerunt in hominibus nuptiae, non fecerunt. Et iterum. Nuptijs, quas laudamus a Dno constitutas, concupiscentiam carnis imput●ndam esse non dicimus (catholic) marriage did find in man's nature the shameful lust of the flesh, it caused it not. And again. We do not say (and the catholicly) that the concupiscence of the flesh, should be imputed unto marriage, which we commend as ordained and instituted of the Lord. Chrisostome thus writeth, in opere imperfecto. Ca 19 Quod in matrimonio mox castitas delectat, libido autem, quasi vinculo coniugii colligata, torquetur. That in Matrimony, forthwith chastity doth delight, but lust of the flesh is vexed as tied in, with the bound of marriage. Sic & ibidem. Secundus gradus virginitatis, est matrimonij casta dilectio. The second degree of virginity, is the chaste love of matrimony. And the divines hold, as Antoninus' part. 3. titulo. 1. Cap. 14. Quod matrimonium ordinatur ad repressionem concupiscentie. Quia est frenum concupiscentiae, & hec est gratia (saith he) quae confertur in matrimonio, quod munit & refrenat concupiscentiam. That matrimony is ordained to repress concupiscence, because it is the bridle of concupiscence. And this is the grace that is conferred in matrimony, that it shildeth us from lust, and bridleth concupiscence. Now you may see, master Martin, what good divinity you have uttered by these your words, to slander God's grace in matrimony, to satisfy your own stomach in depraving of God's institution. And therefore ye bring in, the authorities of the old fathers, to sound far otherwise, than they meant, rigorously to have their words expended, in their oratory declamations, for i● so they should be expended, the self same fathers, which urge so much single state in Priests and bishops, almost to the derogation of God's institution: the same doth as vehemently urge the lay men and women, to abstain from second m●riyng, and seem in a manner to disprove them, as unworthy to be blessed of the minister, who is enjoined underpaine of excommunication, not to honour their feasts with his presence, so that it standeth the lay persons in hand, for the lawfulness of their marriages, to have this controversy expended, aswell as to the ecclesiastical persons for their interest. For though the custom for one state beareth with them, yet the late custom brought in a good while since the conquest, maketh to the contrary against priests marriages. But now to return again. Such indifferency as here before S. Hierom wrote of, was sometime in the fathers: as Epiphanius showeth what was in his time, writing against them that would not permit second marriages. 
Lib. 2. tom. 1.  Nos vero non necessitatem imponimus, verum cum bono concilio admonemus, exhortantes eum qui potest, non autem necessitatem imponimus non potenti. As for us, saith he, we do not force on them any necessity, but with good counsel we admonish them, exhorting him that can, but yet not charging any man with necessity that can not. Such indifferency speaketh Chrisostomus of, even concerning Ministers of the church, to whom it is lawful and honest, saith he, to take marriage upon them, if they will. For as riches doth hardly bring men in to the kingdom of heaven, yet for all that, very many that rich men, have entered in there: even so marriage also, saith he, although it hath in itself much difficulty, yet notwithstanding, in such wise it may be taken, that it shall be no hindrance, to the more perfect state of life, although yet surely with some difficultée, and is seldom seen. And again writeth Chrisostome upon the same place of Paul, where a bishop's qualities be described. Cur non ait (Apostolus] oportet autem Episcopum angelum esse, nullae humanae perturbationi, vitio ve subiectum? Cur non dixit, oportet ipsum ex terra migrare, humanisque rebus evadere celsiorem? etc. Quia perpaucos huiusmodi invenire fas erat, episcopis aunt plurimis tunc opus fuit, qui per singulas civitates magistri constituerentur. Neigitur Ecclesiae negotia, fructusque perirent, idcirco moderatam virtutem proposuit inquirendam, non supremam illam atque celesten? Why doth not he say, that a bishop must be an angel, subject to no affection or infirmitée of man? Why doth he not say, he must get him out of the world? And must climb high, far above earthly men's matters? Because saith he, he could find but a few such, and of bishops there was great need to have many, seeing he would have appointed many teachers in every city, lest therefore the causes and profits of the Church should decay: for this cause prescribed he, to require of them moderate, or as Theophilacte saith, competent virtue, not that high excellent and heavenvly virtue. And because he would have him without rebuke of any body, therefore he saith, the husband of one wife. Where yet in an other place he said, I would have all men, as I myself am, that is to say, for continency. Therefore lest he should drive the state into a narrow straight, if he had prescribed most exact virtue, therefore he chose rather to moderate his counsel, lest else, upon mistrust that men might have, to reach to so high virtue, the church should be without bishops. Thus far Chrysostom. If such fathers as were head and most excellent pastors of the church, were expended (M. Martin) in their writings, & in their moderations: and if true chastity of the clergy in deed were sought, as is pretended: yea, if it were left to every man's liberty freely, as Epiphanius saith, that in Thessalia no man was compelled, but of their own will they performed that chastity: ye should have an other manner Clergy in England shortly, to God's glory and honour, and wealth of the realm, than ye be like this way, do the best you can, with all the straint ye can use. I tell you M. Martin, the world is to far past the calling of your pipe. If ye fear that insolency and dissolute behaviour should deface the Clergy, if this were suffered: why, Master Martin, wherefore serve your Synods, your bishops and archdeacon's visitations, only but to gather up their money? why might not the old Godly Canons be reduced again to expel them out of the Clergy that are incorrigible? To depose Haukers, Hunters, Dicers, Cardars, drunkards, Byers and Sellers, Horehunters, Usurers, and Symoniackes? Let these Canons be revived, if ever ye will have your Clergy of good fame before God, and of good name before man. Yea, with less law of compelled chastity, peradventure ye might have the more numbered of true chaste Priests in deed: But be as be may. But now, M. doctor, where ye make it a great matter, for priests to marry after their order, because ye have seen no example, nor yet can not read it written in any record or Chronicle: I shall answer you with the words of a very new writer. Genesius de ritu nuptiarum: Hic enim non quid factum sit fiat ve querimus, sed omnino quid fieri possit in tam varia tamque inconstante rerum humanarum natura. And with the like words of an other new writer. Non est scriptum, Ergo, non est factum? Non est factum, Ergo, non licet facere? Vt factum sit, vel non factum, hominum facta non debent praeiudicare verbo dei▪ & quid si destitueremur exemplo hominum, cum habeamus verbum dei. That is to say. Our question is not in this point, what hath been done, but determinately, what may be done, specially standing the variable and inconstant nature of things that pertain to man. For what argument is it? It was never written, Ergo, it was never done? It was never done, Ergo it is not lawful to be done? Howsoever it hath been done, or undone, men's doings may not prejudice God's sayings. And what if we lack man's example, so we have for us the word of God? And if we could bring no example, is it therefore intolerable? I pray you Master doctor of the Chancery, answer your learning. Is the lack of a precedent, a prejudice to the law and right? Were he not a wise lawyer, that would brabble on this fashion, against the Queen's majesties title, for being supreme governor of this realm, because we have not had many examples of the like before time? And say, when was it ever seen in the realm, since Christ's faith took place here, since Christ was known in deed, that a lady woman, in her own title, should be the ruler, and head of the land? Yes, how many years before Christ's birth was there seen such an example? And will ye see? He might say: The very ancient Laws themselves, of the realm runneth all in the name of the king, never of a Queen. The prerogative royal, all investured in the persons of a king, as forseeing such example should or could never follow in ure. etc. Were not this man's reasoning, yea foolish cavillation, think you, a substantial process to disprove a title, for lack of an example? When God, nature, law, testament, public consent, all concurreth together, of the lawfulness thereof.  
And yet, if this Civilian would so feign know, where to see or read some examples, of such as married after their orders and vow: I will tell him at this time (lest he should lose his calf) of four, in good story: till an other time, that we shall be able to show him xxiiij and that written. I will show him of two of my said four, in Ecclesiastical story. And the other, in other credible Historiographers. And at these last two I will begin. Master Martin, if ye list to resort to Volateranus, 
Lib. 4. Geograph.  because I will send you no further, there ye may read that one Nicholaus justinianus, a Monk, married Anne to wife, which was the daughter of Vitalis, Duke of the venetians. And Munster in his cosmography writeth: that Ramirus Monk and Priest, was taken out of his Monkrie and priesthood, and for lack of issue of his two brethren, Peter, and Alfonsus, was made king of Arragon and Spain, and called Ramirus the fourth of that name. And because we have made mention of Spain, ye may resort to a late Spanish writer, joannes Genesius: and he will be my witness, for one of these two that I have rehearsed. And for that ye shall think your labour well bestowed, to search it out of him, he will tell you of a third votary: called Constantia, daughter of Rogerus king of Naples, or Cicile, as some writers say, which was taken out of her Monastery, to be married to Henry Emperor, the first of that name, and that after she had made a solemn vow. And yet her constancy not flaundered by this fact at al. For it was done by the dispensation of Pope Celestine the three & highly blessed: and it was as highly rewarded. And if we should judge the fact by Platina his story, the dispensation was not given, neither in respect of soul health, nor common wealth, but even with as covert words, bought and sold: as any was said, Quid vultis mihi dare etc. but because we have named you a noble woman, that was taken out of her abbey, after her vow, and that a kings daughter: we shall name, among our nation a kings son to match her, and was heir apparent, to king Constantine the second, about the year of our Lord. 444 who was in like manner no more charged with inconstancy, for forsaking his vow, as she forsook hers, than he differeth from her in name. For he was called Constantius, and was Monk in the Monastery of saint Amphibolus at Winchester, which of late was called saint Swithunes: and hath now the holy trinity for patron, which I trust shall keep still his possession, doubting nothing, that either Amphibolus or Swithune, will take upon them, to intrude themselves again. As for this Constantius that was taken out of his abbey, and made king of the land, our own Chronicles will tell you: as for Constantia and Ramirus, I do avouch the author aforesaid, de ritu nuptiarum: where ye may most readily see it testified. And here master Martin, I wonder, that where I think ye have seen that book (for it is printed with you of late in England) ye consider not the tract of that writing: whereby ye might learn, many necessary points of learning. As in his second book of the utilitée and necessity of dispensation, to temper the rigour of laws, and in the beginning of reading that second book, to tell you plainly my contemplation therein: ye came by and by into my remembrance by the occasion of a sentence written therein, in the beginning, reported out of Plato: whence peradventure Terence fetched out his saying: Homine imperito nihil quicquam iniustius: qui nisi ꝙ ipse facit, nihil rectum esse putat. that is: There can be nothing worse, than an unskilful man, who thinketh nothing well done but that which he doth himself. But the saying is this: Legem (Plato) similem esse ait homini pertinaci & imperito, praeterque suum praescriptum nihil fieri permittenti, qui ne interpellari quidem se patitur, etiam si qua incidat extra ordinem causa, in qua commodissimum sit aliter fieri quam pro ratione, quam ipse semelinstituerit. Plato saith that law is like unto a froward & ignorant man, that will suffer nothing to be done, but as he appointeth it, and will not let his devise to be altered: although some because should happen, in respect whereof it were berter to be done otherwise, then as he in his reason had once determined it. I● this sentence had been well pondered of you, master Martin, before ye began your book, either would you have holden your hand from the book, to have avoided the check of this notable sentence; or else if that notwithstanding, ye would have yet written, as ye have done: you must needs show yourself to be of such a nature, as I would pray to GOD, none the like should ever come to be a counsellor in the Chancery, so long as I should have aught to do there.  
Well, master Martin, look to the same sentence yet once again: Et dic te stultum & intus dic, & sapiens eris. Ye might have furthermore there learned, that it is affirmed: ꝙ condere leges munus sit regiae facultatis: So to dispense with them in necessity of time and place, is so belonging to the prudence of a king, that else his subjects should by extreme right, be oppressed with extreme wrong. And this is an other sentence, which would do well to be expended in the defence of the cause, that ye have taken in hand, where ye say, that this matter of marriages, pertained not to the king. And if that foreign ruler at Rome, hath so ample authority, as to dispense, not with one man only to have two wives for a need, but with all the laws that ever God or man made, excepting no more but th'articles of the faith: & yet some canonists writ, that he may interpret them also: why then, can ye not be content, that your late natural liege Lord and master with the assent of his Parliament, should do so little a thing in despensation, that is one of the least crumbs, that fall from the Pope's table? I dare say, so small, that the worst turn brooch in his ketchin, could get it of his holiness, by an easy entreatée, for all his kinsfolks, if they were all Priests, and Uotaries to. Master Martin, I will not here urge a contemplation, that is now in my mind, upon you, but pray you once again, look if you can see your face in Plato's glass, before spoken, and advise you in time, or else all the world will wonder master Martin, stones will speak, and blocks will write: yea, God will be angry, and that is worst of all. Happy is he that hath a trusty friend, to tell him good counsel: yet happier is he, that hath it of himself, if he should want him. happy is he that hath a good nature, but yet more happy is he, whose nature, grace hath reform, to have GOD alone always in his eye. Also ye might further have learned of him in his third book, that it is but Pope's law, that orders should withstand matrimony: And that the Greek Priests at this day, live in Matrimony. And moreover, that he writeth, that in his Spanish priests, which be ordered by the Pope's very pontifical, nothing doth so much let them from marriage, as their vow, which is vowed, utcunque, after a certain manner, saith he of them in their ordering. I dare say, so indifferent a man as he seemeth to be, if he had known the manner of our priests ordering by the English pontifical, speaking in such manner timidè, utcumque, of the priests of Spain: he would have said that our priests maketh no manner of vow, in no manner of manner.  
But to go forward and discharge my promise of that other two priests, married after they were priests, if ye look in the story Tripartite: 
Lib. 5. Ca 44.  consider whether Socrates reporteth not of one there, named Apollinaris, a Priest, that married after his priesthood, and begat a child, called by his own name Apollinaris. Consider the place indifferently, the rather for that. S. Jerome doth affirm that he was a priests son in Catalogo script. Ecclesiastic. If that will not serve you, yet I will be sure to make up my four promised, by one that is written of, in the said book, Eupsichius a bishop. 
Lib. 6. cap. 14.  Who a little before his martyrdom, married his wife, where he was reputed till that time but handfasted. As I was writing this, in came, Genius quidam: and sitting at mine elbow, told me plainly that these placis were like to be bolted, and sifted to the bran. And that now the greek books should be sent for, to understand some starting hole, to creep out at. For that can not be borne, that in such authentic stories, specially of the Church, we should find any such one: and then again no mention made, that they did it by dispensation of the father at Rome. For rather than that should appear in story openly, they would have played the parts, that is like they have done in the Apostles Canons, in Clementes works of recognition, of the records of the Counsels, yea in all antiquities, to chop in and out at their pleasure for their purposes. Blessed be God, that he yet preserved his holy Testaments clean from their sophistications, for the text self, which shallbe able evermore in all ages to purge itself, what dross soever they have cast upon it, to blemish the clear light thereof.  
Well it will be marvel if Magdalen College in Oxford be not brought forth, or some other text other where searched out. And here, I am sure, their heads must be set a work, that can say any thing to this matter, that poor Cassiodorus plain writing may be defaced, and made ●o speak and strike what hour pleaseth my Lady. For he that will so violently contort so evident places, as he doth, throughout all his book, he may have a great advantage in an old greek author, which as is thought, and is like to be justified, hath been peradventure corruptly set forth in diverse places.  
But yet, Master Martin, I admonish you, that ye be not to impudent in glozing or vouching your obscure greek copies in your studies, for ye shall not bring a more sufficient Greek author, to wrest these places out of their right time, but that we shall avouch you one or two as good, to tell you where ye wrist to high or to low in these foresaid two men's states. I hard once how this last place was racked before king Henry the eight: & what was answered. And to that which was answered, some more light hath been opened since. But leave your glozing, Master Martin, and remember your old pars verse, that Plato pinned on your sleeve of late: and rather for our instruction, fall to the glozing of some such laws and gloss, as be within the compass of your study. As where the glosser of the decrees, saith by the authority of other: 
Dist. 84. cum Inpreterito.  Quod olim sacerdotes poterant contrahere ante Syricium, unde & Moses contraxit. & quod Apostoli non instituerint de non utendo iam contracto, quia si Apostoli hoc instituissent, Orientales hoc admisissent. Et quod Gregorius introduxit continentiam subdiaconis, 
Dist. 82. proposiusti.  sed presbyteris & diaconis Siricius introduxit. Et ꝙ Apostoli nihil constituerunt de continentia. Et quod Ecclesia, quedam constituit, quae non fuerunt statuta ab Apostolis, ut de continentia ministrorum.  
Some time, saith he, Priests might contract matrimony, before Syricius days, whereupon, saith he, Moses did contract. And the Apostles made no constitution of: not using marriage already contracted. For if th'apostles had so done, the Oriental churches would have received it. 
How stand these sayings with the .25. Canon of the Apostles, as it is forced.  And that Gregory brought in continency to the subdeacons', as Siricius brought it in for priests and deacons. And that the Apostles made nothing in constitution for continency. And that the Church hath decreed some things, which were so decreed by the Apostles, as of the continency of the ministers. For this saying he avoucheth. S. Augustine de civitate dei, who holdeth the same. Furthermore, we would gladly hear how ye could discharge yourself, with all your gloss from the heresy of Eustachius, who as Nicephorus writeth, by the reason of his overmuch exact and nice observing of virginity, impelled his disciples into many great absurdities, in despising the prayers of all them that were married, though they were of the Priests, saith he, that were married. Further, they said, that such Priests ought to be despised, that had contracted Matrimony, and that men ought not to receive those Sacraments, which married Priests had consecrated: whereupon the Fathers in Gangrense Counsel, gathered together to suppress this heresy, about the year of our Lord. 324: decreed in these words following. Cap. 4. Si quis discernit presbyterum coniugatum tanquam occasione nuptiarum, ꝙ offer non debeat, & ab eius oblatione ideo se abstinet: anathema sit. If any man maketh difference in a married Priest, as though by occasion of his marriage, that he ought not to offer, or to minister, and in this respect will forbear to take the Communion that he ministereth: accursed be he. Now master Martin, if ye can assoil yourself of this curse, that is here pronounced upon you, ye should do well with your gloss to declare the same, for the comfort of others, whom ye have induced into your blind and barbarous superstition. Moreover, it is said in that Counsel: that all such as shall refuse these constitutions, that they ought to be rejected as heretics, accursed and condemned. But as concerning your forced gloss, that ye have already feigned in your book, to wipe away these Canons, or the others in the same Counsale, or yet the fifth Canon of the Apostles: they be to much scoured to serve you: where ye imagine the matter upon the marriages, contracted before priesthood, contrary to the words that be expressed in the preamble of that Counsel of Gangrense. And where it is said there, that no man should put away his wife, for religions sake: that is to understand, of force, say ye. Then it followeth, that both the husband, which sundreth himself from his wife by force, or the ordinary (which followeth Montanus) that of force divorseth them, as they do now adays offend against those Canons, be heretics accursed.  
Thus master doctor, if your Clientes will give you respite and leisure in their matters, to take these Gloss, Texts, and Counsels in hand, ye have here to exercise your wit & learning. And by your gloss we shall see, how ye can frame all these matters to join with your assertions, and conclusions in your book. In the mean season, I pray you, while ye ruffle in your texts, Canons and gloss, give the poor reader licence, to believe you at leisure: and to stick to God's holy stable word, for more sure ground, to jeopardy either soul or body.  
And where this doctor of Law, seemeth to command his judgement and sentence, to be admitted of so high authority, as neither any learned man were of other opinion: or else if they were, yet that they should not be comparable to his wit and learning: I will say no more in answer for comparison in this matter, but put it to your sentence (good readers) what ye shall think meet in this comparison. Beside all such men, as we have recited both of authority for their rooms, and estimation for their learning, we can match this man with some other: as Erasmus Roterodamus, Polidorus Virgilius, Alfonsus, episcopus Canariensis, Michael Vehe: and diverse other, not unlearned, nor I trust, greatly behind this Civilian, for all the brag he maketh: which men be writers of these days.  
Erasmus, whom ye avouch yourself, master Martin, for his authority: Cap. v. lit. I. 3. writing of this cause in diverse parts of his works, 
Ad Episcopa● Bafiliense●.  uttereth his opinion in such words: Ad episcopum Basiliensem. De caelibatu, neque christus, neque Apostoli legem aliquam in sacris literis prefixerunt. Cum ecclesia, nocturnas vigilias, jeiunium in vesperum prorogari solitum, aliaque permulta, pro causis emergentibus variarit: cur hic humanam constitutionem urgemus tam obstinatè, presertim cum tot causae suadeant mutationem? Primum enim magna sacerdotum pars vivit cum malafama, parumque requieta conscientia tractat illa sacrosancta mysteria. Deinde perit magna ex part fructus illorum, propterea ꝙ ob vitam palam dedecorosam, a populo contemnitur illorum doctrina. Quod si hijs qui non continent, concederetur matrimonium, & ipsi viverent quietius, & populo cum authoritate praedicarent verbum dei, & liberos suos liberaliter educandos curarent, nec alter alteris vicissim essent probro. etc. As for the state of single life, neither Christ, neither yet his Apostles have prescribed any Law in holy Scripture. And where as the Church hath altered Uigills used to be kept in the night, the manner of fasting, used to be continued till the Evening: and such other things many, as occasion hath risen from time to time: why force we men's constitution so stiffly here in this point, seeing so many special causes might advise us to make alteration? For first of all, a great number of the Priests liveth in infamy, and with an unquiet conscience ministereth those most holy mysteries. Furthermore, the profit that might arise by them, is lost, for as much as their teaching is not regarded of the people, by reason of their open filthy life. Where if marriage were granted, to such as dode not contain: both themselves should live the more quietly, and their preaching of God's word, should be had of more authority among the people. Beside that, they should see their children honestly brought up, so that the one should not be a shame or rebuke to the other.  

 Thus ye see, how that Erasmus wondereth, what men mean to be stiff, in this constitution of the Church, seeing there be so many reasons, that might move them to grant to Priests to marry. This Civilian saith, that it would turn to the decay of the estimation of the Clergy, and so to the contempt of the religion of Christ. Erasmus saith, that if they lived in Matrimony such as could not contain, they should have a better name, than they have, and therefore a better estimation. They should with more authority preach God's word, and the people would believe them the better: where now for their standerous living, they be despised, saith he. Moreover, the Priests themselves should have a more quiette conscience, to send up the better and ofter prayers to almighty God, the sooner to be hard: Where now by their filthy handling of so holy mysteries, in so unclean a life, their benedictions be turned into maledictions, saith Gregory: and the mumming of their Masses, saith I. Pecham in his constitutions, be rather worthy to be called execrations, than celebrations. Let not this Civilian think, that suspected and evident evil life in corruption, defiling men's wives and their daughters, will win a credence to the Clergy, as much as honest and chaste matrimony should, if it were by law permitted. And if it were left at liberty, there would be in the Clergy, that willingly would live chaste, to win this estimation, that this man speaketh of. And better to have a few such, that might live without suspicion, then upon the common experience of many faultée, the people should suspect all. For, that which is true in deed, will so abide, when that which is counterfeit, can never but shame itself at length. In comparison of which counterfette chastity, 
Lib. 5. Cap. ●.  and wedlock chastity, speaketh Polidore in his book de inventoribus rerum. Illud dixerim, tantum abfuisse, ut ista coacta castitas illum coniugalem vicerit, ut etiam nullius delecti crimen, maius ordini dedecus, plus mali religioni, plus doloris omnibus bonis impresserit, inusserit, attulerit, quam sacerdotum libidinis labes. Proinde fortassis tam è repub. Christiana quam ex ordinis usu esset, ut tandem aliquando ius publici matrimonij sacerdotibus concederetur, quod illi sine infamia sanctè potius colerent, quam se spurcissimè eiusmodi naturali vitio turpificarent. But this I will say, that it is so far of, that this compelled chastity, hath excelled that Wedlock chastity, that no crime or enormitée hath imprinted, either more hatred to the state of priesthood, or hath more defaced Christ's holy religion, or yet hath stirred up more grief in all good men's hearts, than the slander of the unchaste life of priests: whereupon perhaps it should be as honourable to Christendom, as commendable to the Clergy, that once at the last, the liberty of marriage were granted to the Priests by public authority, wherein they might virtuously live, without rebuke of their estimation, rather than they should distain themselves so filthily, by such vice of nature.  
Here ye see that this Clerk is of the same judgement with Erasmus, to think that it should be as well for the profit of the common wealth, as for the honour and estimation of the Clergy, for priests to have liberty to marry. And that it should be no slander nor infamy to them to be married, if it were done by open authority. So that the priests of these days, married by open authority, need no more to be a shamed of their marriage: then M. Martin needeth to be a shamed to be borne of that matrimony, wherein he was borne. And shall be as good in every condition, how soever he would shame it. To live in manifest or secret whoredom, is a shame before God, and also to the world. And this it is saith Polidore, that shameth the order, destroyeth the estimation of your religion. This it is that good men lament so beavilye in all ages, from time to time, and yet could never have it remedied by all the Laws they could make. Howsoever they coloured it, how easily, or how extremely soever they proceeded against it, yet was it worse and worse. Let the Towns speak where Monks dwelled. Let the Cities be examined, where cathedral Churches are: let open nuns and close nuns be asked of their consciences, what rule there was kept: let the country tell the truth of Limitours sent among them, or else Friars in cities and boroughs, drawing the latch of the door without warning, to say there saint Ihons' Gospel And let this Civilian consider what matter he goeth about. I wis he doth no great pleasure to the Clergy, as he would have them think, yea and if they were wise, they would think the same. For let not them hope that they can escape, as they have doen. The lay men will not bear it at their hands.  
Before times, when the lay man saw his wife abused before his face, or his daughter ravished, or maid deflowered: he was feign to make the best of it, for fear of accusation, in some other respect, that should aswell pinch him, as the parish priest. I doubt not, but seeing that the Priests themselves be so earnest to beat down this late granted liberty: they make but a rod for their own tails. Let experience try the matter. Well, I have not red of any one learned man in these days, speaking in this cause of conscience and of learning, but ever they have made moderation in the expending of it. And have showed their desires for the remedies of the inconvenience. As for Eckius, Cocleus, Murnerus, and such other filthy draff sacks, I make no tale of them, whose lives were known well enough to be to beastly. Yea Pighius himself the God of this Civilian, useth yet a moderation, such as it is, where this man for cursed heart will use none at al. Alfonsus a catholic bishop doth so learnedly & christianly handle the matter, that although he wisheth, 
Philippica. 19  as it is to be wished, that all the Clergy could live in perpetual continency: yet he wisheth for them that can not so live, that marriage were granted, and that to priests after their orders: and merueileth at such men's conscienses, that will so pinch upon the authority that is in the Church, that they should have power only but to curse and to excommunicate, and not to save and deliver. Which thing he prosecuteth in a great spirit, and saith by those words of saint Paul: unusquisque propter fornicationem vitandam suam uxorem habeat. etc. That is, to avoid fornication, let every man have his wife, may every man claim his interest and right to mary, if he can not otherwise live. And affirmeth further, that he can not see how any man can deprive himself, o● that his interest of that concession of marriage, gaunted by saint Paul: except he will even so deprive himself of eternal life. And moreover saith plainly, that every man cannot contain, and that therefore no man can be so holden by laws or vows, but that he ought to provide for his salvation. And that howsoever a Priest hath by his own voluntary consent deprived himself of his liberty, to marry after that: yet in this case when he hath proved all remedies, and none will serve, than yet to him is reserved still whole and found, his right and interest of that same concession of saint Paul: propter fornicationem vitandam unusquisque uxorem suam habeat, & unaqueque suum virum. Which general proposition, this Civilian would needs strain to a particular, contrary to the circumstance of the context itself, yea, contrary to the using of diverse Doctors of the church, as we have proved before. And further, we there brought in. S. Hieromes manifest words to prove it, against his own manifest words, wherein he denieth it. And here I require this Civilian, with his gloss to prove those two contradictories, or two contraries, if he can. Or to make S. Hierom agree with others, to see what it is to brabble with men's words, and not to stick to the words of the holy ghost evident in themselves, to them that of mere frowardness listed not to wrangle and to be contentious, to make uproars in common wealths, to nosell the unlearned still in palpable blindness, to recover their old honour of the church, to do as they lusted in all matters both of God and man, and then we should have a merry world again, and all should be plenteous: neither wars nor commotions, but such as they themselves would stir for their own turns. And because I named unto you a divine of these days, Michael vehe: whom the rather, among many of that sort I do allege, for that I see in him a quiet spirit, soberly and Godly with learning, debating his controversies of conscience, uttering his judgement not as Pighius, Eckius, and this Civilian doth, of a set purpose only, and of a froward and proud nature, that will in no respect give over, or will condition indifferently of that which is once beaten and settled in his stubborn head, but must win all, or lose all, come of it whatsoever will: I will show you what moderation he useth in this cause of priests matrimonies, wherein he declareth his contentation, that it could stand with his judgement and conscience for priests, yea, after order once consecrated, to marry, so that they were not suffered still in their ministration. And moreover, against them that might be of that opinion, to think that for a great cause in respect of a realm, or of a common peace, dispensation might be had, as it was so dispensed with, he saith, with the king of Arragon: But peradventure not alluding to this story in this matter, he saith these words. At omnian pregnantissima causa est animarum periculum, cui nec una totius mundi precio estimari possit. etc. What cause soever may appear to dispense in positive Laws, for the weal of a whole Realm: surely, saith he, there can be no greater or more pregnant cause, than the peril of men's souls, wherein the loss but of, one is not estimable, by the price and value of all the world. This man was in conscience moved to say his learning, he would not dally in so weighty a cause. He knew he must come once before the tribunal seat of Christ and his Apostles, to make answer of his words and writings. And therefore as in the sight of God, not as pleasing man, or keeping the world in a common traded error, for glory or lucre: thought it very meet for such Canons and Laws to be dispensed with, for the salvation of men's souls, for the which, as for his own, he knew Christ spent his precious blood: he was not ignorant, as I think this Civilian is not, or else ought not to be, of the trade and practise of the holy Fathers of the Church in their days. It is not unknown to him, how soever Epiphanius was affected, to the continency of the Clergy, and for the defence thereof, unadvisedly did write, that it was the institution of the Apostles, for them to contain, that yet himself was compelled for necessity of ministers, to permit them in marriage, as otherwhere he telleth, that they did so, although not altogether agreeable to the prescript of the Canons. Yea, 
Epiphanivis Lib. 2. To. 1. Hero. 61.  he confesseth plainly of those, and also of votaries to, that it were better for them, fallen from their race of their running in virginity, openly to marry a wife by the Law, rather than to be daily wounded with the secret darts of Cupid, by the importune temptation of the Devil. And better for them to run into judgement of penance, sufferable for a time, then by counterfeiting chastity, to fall into condemnation, to be excluded from the kingdom of heaven. For he condemneth even there such of the Clergy, because they would not abide the shame of the world, belike for marriage, yet secretly committed whoredom, and that under the pretence of solitary living, and continency, practised uncleanness with themselves: to avoid which inconvenience, he is feign to remit of his Canons, how Apostolic so ever they were. 
Tract. 7. in mass.   
This divine afore said, I say Michael Vehe, was not ignorant, how that in Origens' time, the bishops in those days, for the relieving of a woman in her frailtée were conten●ed to despence with her to marry again, though her husband was alive. Peradventure saith he, they did suffer it, for the infirmity of such incontinente persons, and in comparison of worse, permitted that which was evil. If Origen disallowed not their prudence in dispensation, not to tolerate it once done, but to give licence before it was begun, even in that matter, which be judged to be against the Law of God: If Pope Martin the v. as the author of Summa Angelica, reporteth, did after great deliberation and consultation, with diverse learned in divinity and Law, despence with him that had taken his sister germane to wife, to keep her still: and if the Pope, despensing with a man to marry her to wife, whose mother or sister, he had defiled before by corporal fornication, be not to be blamed, nor this marriage to be disallowed, as Antonine saith, part. 3. tit. I. cap. II. para. christiana infine. And if Antoninus, auditor generalis causarum Palatij dni Pape testifieth, that he saw very many dispensed with, in this matter. in Summa lib. 3. tit. 6. ca 3. li. 2. ca 2. tit. xi. If Martin Peresius thus writeth: Si sacerdotes non matura deliberatione se astrinxerunt, videat Romanus pontifex, qui circa haec solet dispensare, quid sit agendum in particularibus. If the Priest have bound himself, not by due deliberation, let the Roman bishop, who is wont to dispense in such cases, take heed what he ought to do in such particularitées. Yea, Erasmus in clementiam Alberti Pij artic. 40. saith, that the Pope doth well to dispense in solemn vows, and allegeth Cardinal caietan's authority for him. What reasonableness then, can there be thought in this Civilian, not to suffer these marriages, that be done and made already: not by stealth, or of private head: but by authority of his Sovereign's law, with the assent of all the body of the realm, not one word of God's Law against it, but many words of God's Law bearing with it, and approving it. I marvel what this Lawyer meaneth. Hath he never read what Pope Nicholas did answer to bishop Osbalde upon his question, 
Dist. 50. studeas  what should be done with that beneficed Priest, that had stricken a Deacon, and after his death his skull was found broken: Search saith he, whether he died of the stroke, or whether the Deacon fell of his horse, and so broke his skull and died. If the Deacon died of the fall, suspend the Priest a little time, for saying Mass, and afterward, let him return to his service again. But if case the deacon be dead by occasion of his stripe, then in no case let him any more minister. 
Lo here the 〈◊〉 of the church so provided for by the canons  notwithstanding (saith he) if he be very necessary for your purpose, let him have out of his benefice, for the comfort of his sustenance. Lo sir, the canons & the law plainly deprive him of his benefice, which is sequestered from his ministration. And yet saith the lawyers upon this place, He was reasonably dispensed with, to keep his benefice still, lest else for necessity of his living, he should turn himself to filthy and unlawful occupying.  
Compare this matter master Martin: An open pretenced murderer, 
If ye say true master Martin, your clergy should not have all the benefices they have. But ye must understand his rule against married priests only. As for others do they never so little a nothing, yet be they worth● to have all, as they have a●. Cau 1. q. 7. Requiritis.  shall for the necessity of his living, & to avoid further inconvenience, be advanced to living out of his benefice against the canons, though he ministereth not: and yet as ye writ, The benefice is given for the office sake And shall marriage be thus dealt with, in your very fine charity? Did ye never read what is written upon that epistle that Leo the fourth did write to the bishops here in England, setting out what great authority bishops only have, not restrained, nor in case reserved to the bishop of Rome, how they may dispense with sacrilege, with heresy, with adultery, with simony, with a schismatic, in orders and dignities, for necessity's sake, and for avoiding slander and further inconveniences? And can not all the bishops in England be able to dispense with marriage of priests, to avoid the slander that else might rise aswell to themselves as to some of them by whom they were allowed, to avoid the slander & suspicion of such feigned hearts as were in them to the kings authority, to avoid the slander that might rise to the priests, to their wives, to their children, etc.  
But ye will say, such as be sorry for their fault and will return, the church mercifully openeth her lap to receive them again into new benefices & livings, though they have lost their old, where they had done cost. Why master Martin, had the church so spent all her mercy upon her Jacob'S, that she had nothing for poor Esau? She might have blessed sufficiently her supplanting Jacob'S with the fattest benefices and superfluous dignities of the best of the clergy, and yet some little benediction might have been reserved and bestowed upon the poor Esau's that now have nothing at all left them, neither rent nor movables to relieve their necessity.  
Is this the churches merciful lap in receiving her own begotten children to ministration again, that yet first they must speak their own shame in bills of their penance, lying against themselves, most vilely and most shamefully disabling their credit and estimation for ever? As they find such fit malt horses in divers places of the realm, which for a little provender sake, and for curring them with their combs, will take whatsoever bit is put in their mouths. As one man of Windsor made a goodly confession of his hearty and earnest repentance there, the .29. day of june last, to the great comfort of all the good catholic people that heard him. Which proposition was so finely penned, and so catholicly tracted, that I warrant you it was none of the smallest fools that forged it. Which for the excellency that it hath, shall one day have an interlinial gloze, till some man shall take pain to make a large commentary. Be ashamed O hypocrites, be ashamed, juggle not in such foolish sort, to make all the world to wonder at you. What a gods name, will ye dance stark naked in your wide masked nets, in this so clear light at high noon days in open market, and yet promise yourselves that no man can see you? But to return to the churches great mercy again. Surely in some places the church's mercy was so sore extended, that whose wives were two or three years passed before departed, yet they could not be admitted again to ministration, but must do open penance, and go before the cross, without any redemption or entreaty that could be made, and the parties such as by whom the very commissaries themselves could aleage not one point of dishonesty, or evil opinion in all their conversation beside forth. Shall lay men hereafter trust well of the church's mercy if they come within your claws, when your own be thus dealt with? Of whom, some dissenteth in no point at all from you, but only in this fact, which the law made them bold to adventure on? Shall I call this a Church, or a synagogue? A mother, or a step dame? M. Martin, verily if God had not somewhat of his goodness helped me, to mortify somewhat mine affections, I could else in this contemplation, writ somewhat that should be but little honestée to that your holy mother Church. Notwithstanding, how lightly soever I pass it over, yet I think some other will resume that I let pass. Though now it be so heinous a matter in your sight, for such priests to keep either their livings or wives, whom ye found when ye came over (a God's name) into the realm, in as good and lawful possession of them both, as ever ye shall have of any thing that ye shall hereafter come to: yet I think ye will yourself, as fast resort to the defence of the law of the realm, for that ye have already in posssession, & also for that increase which ye gape wide for every day you rise, if perchance either any wicked judge, or else some privy thief would take it from you: how fast soever now ye cast the Laws of the realm at your heals, for these just possessions of your brethren. And I pray you, if it be so intolerable a matter to your wisdom, to suffer an inconvenience once passed against Canons, so to remain, rather than to bring in a greater▪ why did that learned bishop of Rome, Leo the first, writing to the bishops of Aphrica, hearing tell that there were diverse among them, which were admitted to the dignities of the church, not only lay married men, but also men of two wives at once, yea and that lay men that had married lay widows (for concerning priests widows: it is plainly spoken by the Prophet Ezechiel in his .44. Chapter, in the new translation, that a priest may: in the old translation that a priest must, take that widow to wife, that was a priests wife before) why I pray you, though he would not dispense with some of these foresaid persons so promoted, yet of the other writeth he thus? Caeteros vero quorum provectio hoc tantum reprehensionis incurrit, ꝙ ex laicis ad officium Episcopale delecti sunt (neque ex hoc quod uxores habeant, possunt esse culpabiles) susceptum sacerdotium tenere permittimus. etc. As for others in whose promotion this blame is only espied, that they were chosen forth of the lay men, to that dignity and office of a Busshppe (for they can not be blame worthy of this respect, for that they have wives) we permit them to retain still their benefice so received.  
Doubt not master Martin, but his wisdom thought it no inconvenience to suffer them so still, nor was not so angry in his days with married bishops and priests, as ye be. For Prosper Aquitanicus himself (who peradventure did both write and indite this Epistle in his name, as many other things he did, testifieth Gennadius, for he was his Secretary, and afterward was episcopus Reginensis, about the year of our Lord .460. in a very evil time, a very good bishop, as the stories make mention) he looking every day, when he should go to the pot, made a goodly advertisement in verses, a good hundredth in number, to his wife, arming her to take such part, as he should take, and to stick in good hope, and faith in Christ, comforting and helping one the other, what soever should befall. And if ye list to look upon it, and see what matter there is, it beginneth thus. Carmine jambico. 
Age iam praecor mearum  
Comes irremota rerum,  
Trepidam brevemqûe vitam  
Domino deo dicemus. etc.  Where yet ye may espy peradventure, a subteltée in that good Father, that set out his works in print. For where all other of his Epigrams have titles, to show the content, that hath none at all: lest ye should smell, to readily at the eye, that Prosper being in so good estimation, and so oft alleged, both of Divines and Lawyers, should be known to have a wife. But yet good brethren, though ye know that he had a wife in deed, be not of that fancy, that onces a good catholic woman was of, towards our Lady, to whom she had a very great devotion, and could not hear to much of her. At a time one told her that she was a jewe. A jew ꝙ she, GOD defend that blasphemy that shall never come in my Cred●, lief it who will. Yet because she would be sure in this scrupulose doubt, she made a journey to a master Doctor, dwelling there by, to know the truth. He could say no less, but as the truth was. And when she heard him affirming it to, she was cast into a great dump: and at the last, swore the best oath in her body, that she would set the less by her, yea, and would love her the worse, as long as she lived. How wise a woman this was, M. Martin, I may not be judge of catholic folks. But I ween yourself, & such as ye be, be not far behind her in your judgement, towards them, in whom ye know none other fault, but only that they be married Priests: which judgement, when it hath once prevailed in the realm, the rather for your impregnable book, then shall it be best forthese Priests, when they say the penitential Psalm, of Beati quorum, 
Ad oceanum.  in their Matins, to follow saint Hieromes words and counsel, and in steed of Beatus vir cui non imputavit dominus peccatum: to turn it and say: Beatus vir cui dominus non imputavit uxorem: as a greater offence than any can be committed, in the judgement of such romish penitenciaries, as ye be. And then shall the lawyers solemn case come in place, when he writeth: Ecce casus ubi plus juris habet luxuria quam castitas. 
Dist. 54. fraternitatis.  Behold a case, where fair Lechery, hath more right and law, than soul chastity.  
Thus drawing to a conclusion, I will report unto you, what an other Leo, the fourth of that name, hath written, concerning this prudent necessity of moderation, and dispensation in matters as they arise: even that Leo which, as some say, preceaded next to that holy Popesse our country woman (worship may she be) Pope johan: who was so in deed, affirmeth constantly, Marianus Scotus, and diverse other of good credit in writing▪ being about the year of our Lord .848. what time Adeulphus otherwise called Etheluolphus, reigned here in one part of the realm Which man had a love in his youth to be a Priest, and was entered the order of Subdeacon, and by some writers was bishop of Winchester (whereof may be reasonably doubted) but after dispensed with, by the bishop of Rome, of his order, and married a wife. Which king was by some men's opinion the first founder of the Universitée at Oxford. Which should be more to their glory for antiquitée, to have him so reputed, than Aluredus who succeeded well nigh lx years after him. For whose sake, yet I trust master Martin, will be better to orders that be vowed: Which said Leo is noted in story, to be of such wisdom and virtue, that he had according to the Gospel, both the prudence of the Serpent, and the simplicitée of the Dove: of so modest a nature and clemency, that where in th'end of a victory, against the cruel Saracens, some would have had diverse of them hanged up at Rome gates, for the terror of others, he would not suffer it. And yet again, in preserving the discipline of the church, in punishment of idle and not resident Cardinals so severe, that he gathered a Synod of xlvij bishops, and condemned and deprived one Anastasius, Cardinal of S. Marcelles, 
Not  specially because he had been absent from his cure and parish, 
1. Q. 7. Rigour.  five year space together. Thus yet the said Leo writeth to the bishops of England. Nisi rigor disciplinae quandoque relaxetur ex dispensatione misericordiae: (multorum enim crimina sunt damnabilia) quae tamen ecclesia tolerat pro tempore, pro persona, intuitu pietatis vel necessitatis sive utilitatis, & pro eventu rei: pro tempore, sicut Gelasius qui cum necessitate temporis videret Italicam ecclesiam propter belli famisque incursionem fere omnium clericorum officio destitutam, adeo ut plerisque populis subsidia regendarum deessent animarum, concessit de Monachis vel de Laicis clericos assumi. Except the rigour of the Church's discipline, were some time released by dispensation of mercy. For many men's crimes be damnable, which yet be tolerated by the Church, for consideration of the time and person, in respect of mercy, of necessity, or of commoditée, and upon the chance of the matter as may fall. As for example in respect of the time: we read that Gelasius, when he saw by the necessity of the time, the Churches of Italy to be destitute and void, almost of all their spiritual ministers, by occasion of the rage of war and famine, so greatly, that much people wanted their comfort, for pastors of their souls: he did permit that Curates might be chosen, either amongs the religious, or yet among the lay men. And that in the primative church, upon the necessity of the times, or for some other good and profitable purposes, they have boldly dispensed with the canons of the church, and such orders as have been straightly observed and rigorously exacted before their days, it may most evidently appear by sundry ecclesiastical stories & examples. As that the church of Milan, 
Nicephorus Lib. 11. ca 32.  with the approbation of Valentinian the emperor, did chose Ambrose to be their archbishop, being a mere lay man, in lay office, and that before he was baptized. So was Nectarius a lay senator, occupied all his life long in profane office, 
Lib. 12. ca 12.  suddenly elected to be bishop of Constantinople, Theodosius the emperor being there present, and assenting thereto: and yet the said Nectarius was not as then a christian man, by receiving the sacrament of baptism. And Synesius a platonical philosopher, brought up in the study of profane learning, 
Li. 14. ca 55.  addict to the decrees and principles thereof, not as yet won & converted to Christ's religion, was preferred by that learned bishop Theophilus Alexandrinus to priesthood, and by the holy hands of Theophilus to a bishopric, immediately after his baptism. And before he made open protestation to the knowledge of the church of Ptolemais where he should be bishop, that except they would freely permit him to retain his philosophical opinions (of not believing the resurrection of men's bodies, or that the world should have an end) he would not accept their offer. Yea, he further conditioned with them, that where God & the laws had given him a wife, he would not forsake her in any wise, and that he would now have secret familiarity with her as a fornicator. For th'one he said was not godly, & tother nothing lawful: but rather (saith he) I will and wish more children to be borne unto me by her. I think verily it would be hard to find laws or examples of former times passed, to approve these doings: whereupon I judge every indifferent man may see how the canons should be expounded, and how the church rules should be ruled: Not so straightly laced as ye make them, or as ye force them, nor so meant of the greatest canon makers themselves. As ye may read among the decrees of the said pope Gelasius, in the first, second, & third: how he (as I have written afore) would not with all his authority divorce such votaries as were married after their vows, but left them to God and to their consciences: that in such necessity of ministers as chanced in Italy, he was content that they should take both munckes out of their abbeys contrary to their profession, and lay men from their lay offices, contrary to the prescription of the canons. And moreover confesseth in his first chapter of himself thus. Nos magno reatu innecteremur, si tanto coartante periculo, non aliquatenus consulamus. We should (saith he) be worthily charged as much guilty, if in so great perilous constraint we should not provide some remedy. What necessity the realm is in for want of ministers at this day, & how fast men will ren to orders hereafter, being destitute of the hope for such protection & coverings of their scapes, I ween, it will be spied hereafter. God give grace that wiser men of the realm, how wilful soever ye be, may foresee this matter in time, for the honour of god, the salvation of men's souls, & the wealth of the realm. Amen. And here master Martin, I will take occasion to rest in a suspense of further commenting your book, till at my next leisure, when by god's grace I will redress the vain of my writing, if I may hear that it should offend any indifferent reader. But as for yourself or any such, as of set purpose will err yourselves, & bring other into the same, that for good fellowship will blindly fall into the ditch with the blind guide, how angry soever ye all be, yet I will speak to you with the very words of joannes Genesius, for the novelty of the matter, thus printed with good luck in England. Si quis non quod optimum factu sit quaerat, sed studiose captet occasiones errandi, cuius erit aequitatis non potius eius pernitiosam malitiam insectari, quam nobis succensere, si quod verum credimus, non dissimulanter explicamus. If any man will set his mind to ensue, not that which were best to be done, but will more gladly & captiously seek occasions to lie & to err: of what equity & indifferency should it proceed, not to defy his pernicious malice, rather than to be displeased with us, for that we simply declare without colour the truth of our belief?  
But if any man would ask, what it should mean, that before these days long ago, and from time to time, certain fathers, more learned than prudent in government, but of Munkyshe affection in their zeals did so much call on in their writings, upon the state of the Clergy to live in single life? And what it meant that certain kings before the conquest, no doubt so induced by their Munkyshe confessors, in their Saxons laws, & certain religious ordinaries in their canon books, did move & exhort the bishops and priests to live in single chastity out of matrimony? To this I must answer, that divers of them having an envy at the lay Clergy in their liberty, which they themselves had by vows renounced, were extremely hot in this matter: though some of the better sort perceiving the cumber that is in marriage, and careful worldliness which is commonly seen to be ensued of married persons: would have the Clergy (whose office is to execute so heavenly and divine mysteries) not to be avocated or called back by any worldly lets, either from continual study, or earnest prayer, whereby they might attend the more wholly to the winning of men's souls: who yet dispraised not nor condemned matrimony, no not in those priests which were found in it, in this their commending of virginity, though for causes aforesaid, preferring single state before matrimony: nor compelling all sorts of men to live in that single state to the danger of their souls, but rather did bear with their infirmity, granting them full liberty of marriage, so to turn this necessity into virtue: then by overmuch austerity to drive them to lead a sole life, to the hindrance both of godly studies, and to the utter suppressing of true and godly prayer in a pure and undefiled conscience. For they thought with saint Jerome, 
Aduersus jovimanun. lib. 1. Chrisost, in Paul. 1. T●. 3. Sup. pa. 251.  Quod non sunt tanti virgins, quanti necessari● sunt sacerdotes, There is not so great necessity of having virgins, as having priests and ministers to the building and repairing of Christ's Church. And therefore saith Chrisostome: Thapostie writing that the Bishop should be the husband of one wife: in that his canon ecclesiastical exhorted men to that office, and used to grant a more moderate virtue to them, than required the perfection: lest else the church (saith he) should be without ministers (which must needs have many) if the exact perfection were exacted of them against their power & strength, and against their gift that is given them of God, being a gift so rare, and not obtained of many.  
Now as these fathers were led with a good and godly spirit to move men to this state, to take it who can take it, and used no further force or violence of compulsed chastity: So again there were other fathers and writers moving to this perfection, which are to be feared to be led with an other manner of spirit, such as Paul prophesied of before should come in the later days, 
1. Tim 4.  Spiritus manifest dicit, quod in novissimis temporibus discedent quidam a fide, attendentes spiritibus erroris & doctrinis demoniorum, in hypochrisi loquentium mendatium, et cauteriatam habentes suam conscientiam, prohibentium nubere, et iubentium abstinere a cibis, quos deus creavit ad percipiendum cum gratiarum actione, fidelibus & iis qui cognoverunt veritatem. Quia omnis creatura dei bona est, & nihil reiiciendū quod cum gratiarum actione percipitur, sanctificatur enim per verbum dei & orationem. The spirit speaketh evidently, that in the latter times some shall departed from the faith, and shall give heed unto spirits of error and doctrines of devils, which speak lies through hypocrisy, and have their consciences burned with an hot iron, forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats which God hath created to be received with giving thanks, of them that be faithful and know the truth. For every creature of God is good, and nothing ought to be refused, if it be received with thanks giving: for it is sanctified by the word of God and prayer. And this did saint Paul speak very shortly after he had made rules for Bishops: amongs which, he wylled that the Bishop should be the husband of one wife. For of what spirit may it spring, that pope H●ldibrande did so rage in his boisterous laws and precepts for this forced state of single life in his time, never before forbidden as testify divers records, as is before touched? What commotions, what calamities, 
pag 214.  what mischiefs rose and followed of such his spirit and conscience marked with an hot iron? let the common records of stories be searched, and then shall it appear what good came to the christian religion by this his doctrine demonycal, forbidding marriage, and dissolving matrimonies that were perfected, and in good quiet. Let Sigebertus story be expended, and one other writer of our own country Radulphus de diceto, for all other be heard what they write. Gregorius papa 7. Hildibrandus. Celebrato synodo symoniacos anathematizavit, uxoratos sacerdotes a divino removit officio, 
De anno. 1017.  & laicis missam eorum audire interdixit, novo exemplo, & ut multis visum est inconsideratò preiudicio, contra sanctorum patrum sententiam. etc. Gregory pope the seventh of that name, called Hildibrand, in a council kept did accurse such as committed simony, and removed married priests from divine service, and did forbid the lay people to hear their masses, which was done in example altogether new, 
Supra pag. 2.15.  and as it appeared to many, in an unconsiderate prejudice against the judgement of the holy fathers. etc. Of which matter (saith he) r●se so great a slander, that the holy church was in no time of heresy, rend a sunder with a more dangerous division and schism, while some stood for justice, some against justice, some not holding themselves from simony, some pretending an honest name in the vice of covetousness, while they did beast freely to give that thing, which under the name of charity they did sell, and as Eusebius speaketh of the Montane heretics, under the name of oblations, they can craftyly get rewards. Furthermore, few there were that kept their chastity: some of them counterfeiting only a chastity for lucre's sake and for glory, many increasing their unchaste living by the committing of perjury, with the more multiplication of adulteries: whereupon the lay people taking this opportunity, did rise up against such as were in holy orders, and withdrew themselves from all ecclesiastical obedience, the lay people did foully entreat the holy mysteries, of them they disputed, they did baptise infants, using the filthy humour of their ears in stead of holy oil and cream, refusing to receive at their last departure the lords supper, and did abhor to receive the used obsequies of the church in their sepulture of married priests, the tithes appointed to the priests they consumed with fire, and to guess the rest by this one (saith he) the lay people did take the body of the Lord consecrated of the married priests, and often trod it under their feet, and of wilfulness did shed abroad the blood of our Lord, and many other things against right and law were done in the Church, and of this occasion many false prophets did rise in the Church, and by their profane novelties, did withdraw themselves from ecclesiastical discipline. Thus far writeth the said Sigebertus and Radulphus: Lo the tragedy of that tyme. This holy father Hildibrand little belike considered the canon of the council at Gangrense, the which involved him in the sentence of excommunication for his doing. Si quis discernit presbiterum coniugatum tanquam occasione nuptiarum, 
Celeb. an. 324. sup. pag. 259.  quod offerre non debeat, & ab eius oblatione ideo se abstinet, anathema sit. If any man maketh such difference that he thinketh a married priest by reason of his marriage ought not to say mass, and therefore doth abstain from his oblation, accursed be he. This vehement spirit of pope Hildibrand (speaking lies in hypocrisy) so universally flowed over, not only other christian Realms to their great disquiet, but also began somewhat sharply to be executed shortly after the conquest time by Archbishop Lanfranc, at whose first coming for good luck he found the Church of Canterbury most miserably brent. Which Lanfranc laboured to bring into thraldom the liberty of priests marriage: where in his council holden at Winchester, 
An. 1076. indictione. 14.  though he forbade Prebendaries in their cathedral Churches to have wives, yet did constitute freely, that priests dwelling in villages and towns, having wives, should not be compelled to forsake them, and they which had none, should be forbidden to have. And further constituted thus: Let Bishops hereafter foresee that they presume not to give orders to priests or deacons, except they first make a profession to have no wives. Thus far the canon of the synod. Here began this prohibition in some part, of wives to priests (before that time never forbidden) But yet he moderated so the matter, that he made a decree that such priests as dwelled in towns and villages, being married, should not be separated, but continue with their wives in their ministration ecclesiastical, that is, to bury and to christian, to shrive & to housel, to say mass and matins, with all such offices belonging to that state: So that he did not think but that marriage & massing might stand together well enough, though pope Hildibrande would none of it. And surely Lanfranc was more modest in this matter, how rudely soever friar Dominik Stubbes in his Catologe of York Archbushops calleth him the minister of the devil, in contriving the subjection of the Archbishop of York, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, & so to make division betwixt those two sees. For peradventure Lanfranc esteemed other by his own infirmity: who whether he had a wife or no, is not reported in common story. Yet in story it is told that many men judged Paulus, whom he so glad made Abbot of S. Albon, to be very nigh him in kindred, as Matthew Paris writeth, Paulus monachus Cadomensis Archiepiscopi Lanfranci nepos, 
De anno. 1077.  imo aliquorum relationibus consanguinitate propinquior, Paul a monk, and nephew of Archbishop Lanfranc, howbeit by the report of some others he was more nigh to him in blood. And no marvel of such a matter in Lanfranc, sometime being a monk: For it is plainly alleged in that solemn treatise written by Anselme against the lawfulness of priests marriages, in an old hand to be showed, entitled, Contra offendiculum sacerdotum, that munckes professed, understanding those reasons which were made against the marriage of church men to be so slender, were married and forsook their professed votary state a great many of them, to live in honest matrimony, as it is declared in their London council, against whom they had a constitution to bring them in again, 
anno. 1102.  which cause Anselme doth labour by reasons much to condemn. Whereupon being blown with Hildibrandes spirit, he did in an open Synod decree the abrogation of marriage from all priests, deacons, and subdeacons, and willed them also under great pains to be separated, which were conjoined in matrimony before, 
anno. 1102. 3. Henr. 1.  and decreed yet by Lanfranc not to be compelled to leave their wives. He was the more bold (saith the story of Rochester) and confident to govern the Church so rigorously, for the favour and love he thought he had both of king Henry, and of Malcolyne king of scotland, for the marriage of his daughter Mawde to the said king: And thereupon bore him so bold, not only against the king for investitures to force the pope's determination therein, but also to depose divers from their dignities. In which pastime, where the king commanded William Gifforde Archbishop of York to consecrate certain bishops which were by him invested: He fearing the rigour of the said Anselme (saith the story) refused to do the kings commandment, though he alleged it to appertain to his crown. But howsoever Anselme laboured the matter in his branded conscience: yet contrary to all his extreme thundering, the priests regarded not that his constitution, nor kept it: for the priests kept still their wives 200. years after. And though in certain of his successors days, there was constitution upon constitution, law upon law, and decree upon decree: yet were they no more holden and kept, than Calixtus canon long before that was kept: which as Polidore writeth, 
De rerum invent.  was by a common consent abrogated, as was also (saith he) Gregory's decree: and as Hugo writeth, that the Apostles 29. canon was of no force, until Siritius days, who did renew it, 
Dist. 84. Quod olim.  and were by non use abrogated and defeated. And although that both Lanfranc first began, & Anselme more severely followed, for he separated priests which were already married, and included subdeacons also, and made constitution that no priest, deacon, or subdeacon, should be received to order without profession: yet could that synod, nor any other decree ever after obtain their purpose, but was always gainsaid, for the priests denied to make such profession: which also was yet never unto these days received or used, nor in the Pontificals both of Saxons and late of english since the conquest, such professions were expressed. Although in the romish Pontifical there is mention made of such profession for the priests of Italy and Spain. etc. But the priests of England did ever resist that servitude, to keep their liberty from vowing, profession, and promising. And although many Bishops did attempt to exact such profession, yet they prevailed not, as may appear in an epistle written to Anselme, from Girardus second Archbishop of York after the conquest. Sitio clericorum meorum integritatem, sed praeter in paucis admodum, vel aspidis surditatem, vel fabulosi cuiusdam Prothei mutabilitatem invenio: Variis linguarum aculeis modo minas, modo convitia infligunt: sed hoc facilius in iis qui remotiores sunt tolero. Illud omnino grave genus mali est, quod hii qui quasi in sinu meo sunt, qui canonicorum nomine gaudent, canon's aspernant, adversus consilii nostri statuta quasi Sophistici disputatores argumentantur, professiones vero mihi paenitus abnegant canonici illi qui sine professione ad sacros ordines inordinabiliter sunt provecti, & qui in presbiteratu vel diaconatu constituti uxores sive concubinas in publico hactenus habuerunt, ab altari nulla se reverentia continuerunt. Cum vero ad ordines aliquos invito, dura ceruice renituntur, ne in ordinando castitatem profiteantur. I do much desire the purity of my clerks (saith Girarde) howbeit, except in very few, I find to reign either the deafness of the asp, or the inconstancy as it were of Protheus, of whom the poets speak: with their manifold stinging tongues they do overlade me sometime with threats, sometime with taunts: but it is more easy to bear this in them which be farther of. But this is a more hard grief, for that they (which as it were) be in my very bosom who glory in the name of canons, do despise canons, and against the decrees of our council (as sophists use) in their disputation, make arguments. As for professions, they utterly deny me these canons, & Prebendaries which are promoted inordinately to holy orders: and when I call any to orders, they resist me very obstinately, that they will make no profession of chastity in their ordering. Thus Girarde the Archbishop, in which epistle the good father writeth, how that the son of a certain priest and archdeacon, obtained of him by means of the bribe of a sum of money given him, the gift of his fathers prebend, and of the tithes which his father had in possession (his father being alive) and as yet he is (saith he) and so forth. And writeth, that he can not abide to see the bier of his Church to remain in his stall daily in his eye. Which fact yet this Girarde seemeth to repent of, and prayeth for pardon and remedy at Anselmes' hands. To the which epistle Anselme doth answer, epistol. 78. centuria 2. that he will release nothing of his decree, 
Fabian.  as he writeth the same to Herebert, bishop of Thetford, he being the begotten son of Robert, intruded into the abbacy of Winchester, who bought the abbacy for money, and he the bishopric of Thetford for one thousand pounds. Such a monstrous simoniac, that his spurious progeny and his simony is nobly set out in verse in W. Malmesbury, amongst which vearses, this is one: Filius est praesull, pater abba, Simon uterque, being a very hot enemy in all his time against priests marriages, as commonly personages of such honesty showeth themselves. It is much to be marveled, that this man with other of his suit would have their decrees and constitutions so rigorously observed, and they themselves no followers of them, how seriously soever they were made of late by Hildibrand, then by this council holden in the west part of S. Peter's Church in London: whereof the first canon is this. Primum ex auctoritate sanctorum patrum, symoniacae heresis surreptio in eodem concilio damnata est. First by the authority of the holy fathers, the crime of the simoniac heresy, in that same council is condemned. In which crime (saith the council) were certain abbots found, and deposed, & there they be named. For which abbots, yet being thus deprived for simony, & certain Bishops faulty in such crimes as were worthy ●eposition, the said Anselme was a great suitor to pope Paschal, to whom he made his voyage at Rome, as offended with the king in the third year of his reign, and carried with him those abbots degraded. And Anselme was received of pope Pascal very reverently, at what time writeth Matthew Paris, Anselmus archiepiscopus pro episcopis et abbatibus degradatis, multa precum instantia Papam rogare caepit, ut cum illis misericorditer dispensaret, ut possent amissas recipere dignitates. Tum sedes clementissima, quae nulli deesse consuevit (dummodo albi aliquid vel rubei intercedat) prescriptos pontifices & abbots ad prestinas dignitates revocavit. etc. Anselme the archbishop began to entreat the pope with much instance of supplication for the bishops and the abbots so degraded, that he would mercifully dispense with them, that they should receive again the dignities that they had lost. Then the most merciful sea, which is not wont to deny any man's request (so that some red thing or some white thing may make intercession) he revoked again the foresaid bishops and abbots to their old dignities, and sent them home to their own proper seas. Is not this a conscience branded with an hot iron, uttering falsehood in hypocrisy, so earnestly to entreat for them that offended against the holy ghost? where their money should rather have been rejected, 
act. viii.  as it was once said, Pecunia tua tecum sit in perditionem, rather than unrepentauntly doubling simony upon simony to have light pardon, and Anselme so wilfully rigorous against the married priests, which by God's laws they might do, and without all mercy to separate them, where pope Paschal willed him to show mercy, and referde it to his own liberty and discretion, yea to separate a number of such whom he found married, lawfully in a synod by Lanfranc stablished, wherein was also constituted that they should not be separated? Besides these (saith the council) were removed from their abbacy others, every man for his own cause. If ye ask what other causes those were like to be? Some writers affirm, that it was the cause of infamous Sodomy, a peculiar vice then most used amongs the religious. Against which enormity, in the self same council they made constitutions to suppress that horrible crime, found chief in the persons of the religious order, partly of the laity.  
Good reader, if a man should expend the great heat of this father Anselme and his brethren (in hypocrisi loquentium mendacium prohibentium nubere) may not a man marvel to hear, why they forbade matrimony, God's very remedy and institution appointed against all filthiness and uncleanness, when that horrible vice, not much to be named, so frankly reigned, that they were compelled to make constitutions against it? Was this prohibition of marriage think you fit to extynguyshe this enormity? Or rather flowed it not out, ex doctrina demoniorum in hypochrisi loquentium mendacium, & cauteriatam habentium conscientiam? O consciences marked and scared with an hot iron of Antichristes' stamp, 
Dani. xi.  whose notes be, Quod erit in concupiscentiis feminarum, O blindness of hypocrisy, which would lead us out of the right way walking in the holiness of angels, 
Coloss. two.  counterfeiting things which he never saw himself, causeless puffed up in the judgement of his flesh. Merciful God what meant this rigorous Anselme as at this time to urge so importunely this doctrine of Satan, when he knew and confessed in his epistle written to William his Archdeacon thus. Considerandum etiam est, quia hactenus ita fuit publicum hoc peccatum sodomiticum, 
Epistol. 78. cent. 2.  ut vix aliquis pro eo erubesceret, et ideo multi magnitudinem eius nescientes in illud se praecipitabant. It is to be considered that hitherto this sin hath been so public, that scant any man was ashamed thereof, and therefore many ignorant of the greatness thereof, fell headlong thereto. Whereupon the said Anselme on a time when king William was going over sea to Normandy, 
Edmer.  he made earnest suit to him that he would give commandment (if it so pleased him) that the old ancient synods might be renewed again, to reform that which is amiss, that christianity, which in this realm is in many almost wholly lost (saith he) may be restored to his old state: for the most horrible outrage of the Sodomitical vice (saith he) is to much spread abroad, besides the unlawful copulations of consanguinity, and other such detestable crimes, that they have defiled very many by their excess▪ etc. If Anselme knew this vice so foully to reign in the realm, 
Edmer. li. i.  yea among the laity who had liberty of marriage: what might he gather should follow, where this liberty should be by his decree restrained, even from them who had presently their wives in house with them, and in possession? What other thing was like to follow of this prohibition, than such filthiness as before rehearsed? For as saint barnard doth inveigh against such. 
Sup. Cant. serm. 66.  Tolle de ecclesia honorabile connubium, & thorum immaculatum, nun reples eam concubinariis, incestuosis, seminisluis, mollibus, masculorum concubitoribus, & omni denique genere immundorum? Take away from the Church honourable marriage and the bed undefiled, shalt thou not replenish it with concubinaries, with incestuous copulations, with sodomitical vices, and finally with all kind of beastly persons? This good religious man, belike perceiving about that time the extremity of these rigorous hypocrites, inveighed sharply against them in the self same sermon, with these words here and there. They be sheep (saith he) in outward habit, but foxes in life, and wolves in subtlety and cruelty: these be they that would be seen good, but not so to be: they would not be seen evil, but yet will so be: these be they which to the cloak of their filthiness, have adournde themselves with the vow of continency, and do judge filthiness to be reputed in wives only: where that only cause of having a wife, is it which doth excuse all uncleaneness in company: these be they of whom saint Paul did speak, Men attending to spirits of error and doctrines of devils, not by the revelation of jesus Christ, but rather and that without doubt as the holy ghost did prophesy before, by illusion and fraud of devils peaking lies in hypocrisy, forbidding to marry. Plainly they speak this (saith he) in hypocrisy and in fox's subtlety, pretending that they speak so for the love of chastity, which they have invented rather to nourish and multiply the cause of filthiness: Yet (saith he) the matter is most evident, that I do marvel how ever it could be persuaded at any time to any christian man, 
Note this contemplative Barnardes' spirit in these so sharp words.  except that they be either so beastly that they do not perceive how they give over the bridle to all uncleaneness in condemning marriages, or else be so full of wickedness and swallowed up in devilish malice, that though they do consider it, yet they will not see it, and so delight in the damnation of men. For (saith he) take away marriage out of the Church, and by and by followeth all filthiness, as it is said afore. Surely (saith he) continency is very rare upon the earth, and thereupon the same barnard doth insult against such, Quid manum dei abbrevias? quid largam benedictionem nuptiarum restringis? etc. Why dost thou abridge the hand of God? why dost thou restrain the large and liberal benediction of marriages? why dost thou challenge that to be only appertaining to the virgin, that is granted to the whole kind? verily Paul would not permit this, except it were lawful: and yet I say not enough that he doth grant it, but he willeth it also. etc. What is more manifest? Ergo he granteth it because it is lawful, and he willeth it also, because it is expedient. And doth the heretic (saith he) forbid that which is both lawful and expedient? He shall prove nothing by this his prohibition but that he is an heretic. And thus far barnard against these hypocrites and condempners of maryagies in divers persons, writing even about the very same time when these prohibitions and separations were a doing. So hat Epiphanius (as is afore rehearsed) writeth of such. 
Pag. 81. a.  Serpens alatus hic est, & scorpius alas habens secundum multos modos, & volans & imitans quidem ecclesiae virginitatem, non habens autem puram conscientiam. This serpent fleeth abroad, this scorpion hath wings after divers fashions, fleeing here and there, and counterfeiting virginity of the Church, but yet without a pure and sincere conscience. judge reader, whether of these two men's spirits were most like to be of God or of Satan? Anselmes', who divorced in this wretched and slippery time them which were married, against the spirit of Pathnutius, and other of the fathers in the Nicene council, and Lanfranckes spirit in his prohibiting married priests to be separated? Or the spirit of Gregory the great, 
Sup pag. 201  who did write against a like decree of Pelagius his predecessor, and dissolved it, saying: Quod mihi durum atque incompetens videtur, 
Dist. 31. ca ante trien  ut qui usum continenciae non invenit neque castitatem promisit, compellatur a sua uxore separari, atque per hoc (quod absit) in deterius cadat. That is thought to me to be very hard and also importable, that they which have not the use of continence nor have promised chastity, should be compelled to be separated from their wives, whereupon they may (as God forbid) fall into worse. It is not without good cause, that the bishops in king Henry's time the first, after the departure of Radulph archbishop of Canterbury, next successor to Anselme, of a further experience, again made suit to the king that they might choose a secular clerk to be their primate, and no more of the munckes' coat: for they said, they did not like nor love the government of the munckyshe archishops. Which thing the king granted, and they thereupon presented one William Curboyl, 
Chro. saxon. Petriburgen. in anno. 1123  Canon of the minster of Chichester. And though the Prior of Canterbury and other munckes there, with the help of Henry an Abbot of Amely & legate of Rome, told the king that it was against right to set a clerk over the munckes: yet these munckes at this time prevailed not (though before they did) immediately after Anselmes' death, yea after by their travail to Rome, the munckes laboured to the pope to deny the said William his pall, & the adversaries hoped well to have their purpose. Yet saith the story 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That which overcame Rome, that overcame the whole world, that is, gold and silver: and so the pope allowed him, and sent him home, with his pall, and with his blessing.  
It is a wonder to see how the order of munckes in those days were stern and stout, yea checkmate with the king and nobles of the Realm, and how they laboured to deface all others, to the setting up of their own estimation, how holy they advanced their own order, their religion, and the estimation of their holy vows: which to blaze out to the simple credit of the people, they cared not what lies they made of the greatest personages, no what lies they made openly in stories, whereof they were for the most part the greatest writers (their wealth so abled them.) If ye ask an example, ye shall read in the story of the monk of saint Albon, and out of Thomas Rudborne, muncke of Winchester, of no less parsonage then of king Henry the first his wife Maud, daughter to Malcolyne king of Scots, and to that most holy woman margaret, sister to Edgare Adelyng, and married to the same Henry by the said Anselme Archbishop, who after due process, for that she was once for her safeguard kept in an Abbey at Winchester, to put by unworthy wooers, having on the veil only without professing or vowing, and so proved to be free, to consent to king Henry's request in spousage, as she herself did much stand in allegation to prove herself free, and desirous to accept the kings benevolence. Which story and process, is told fully by Edmere, 
Anno. 1101.  sometime muncke of Canterbury, who was a continual associate to Anselme in all his doings and journeys, and avoucheth upon his credence this to be true. Yet cometh in the said monk (in magnifying the virtue of their monastical vows) and writeth, that she utterly abhorred to be married to a mortal king, seeing she had already Christ for her husband, insomuch that she was fain to be long laboured of her father and all her friends she had, to give her assent, and with pure force and compulsion, was compelled to give her assent against her will to marry with king Henry: But with these words (as is falsely feigned of her) spoken in great bitterness of heart, Forasmuch as thus it must be, after a fashion as I may I give my consent, but as for the fruit of my womb that shall follow this matrimony I commend it to the devil, for I have vowed myself to God as to my spouse, whose spouses ye have attempted thus wickedly to defile. Thus far that story, with more slanderous matter, both to the king and his lawful wife, in respect of setting out the virtue of their monastical vows. And lest ye should think that he writeth thus alone, now followeth the said Thomas Rudborne, muncke of Winchester, and telleth the same slander of her, and writeth, that she did curse the fruit that should spring of her body. Whereupon (he saith further) that Christ her spouse took such vengeance in his jealousy for his spouses thus temporally married to a mortal king, that so it followed, that the childer of them both, William his eldest son duke of Normandy, and heir apparent, to whom the Realm was sworn and did their homage, and Richard his other son, and his daughter, with his niece, and many other noble personages of the clergy and laity, were drowned in the sea, to the number of an hundred and forty persons, and this miserable fortune did they ascribe to the mother's cursing: 
anno. 1201.  where Henry Huntyngton and others do ascribe it to the just wrath of God, for the sin of Sodomy, wherewith all or almost all were infected. Which extreme plague of God so was sent for that vice of which Anselme gave the occasion by his Sodomitical decree. But thus was their estimation in monkery laboured for by them: As it is also wonder to consider how Munckes were conspired togethers to advance themselves, their houses and lands, their vows & dignities, insomuch that they had obtained of john 13. pope of Rome his letters, to Edgar then king, so counseled by Duustane archbishop, and other his sworn companions, Ethelwolde bishop of Winchester, and Oswolde bishop of Worcester, to write to him, requiring him to see in his cathedral Churches none to be chosen bishops, but such as should be of the monastical religion, and willed him to exclude the secular prebendaries at Winchester, and in their place to put in munckes. In which his letters, the same pope john willed that never any of the secular clerks should be promoted to the dignity of the bishop there, but first to be chosen out of the very same Church, or else of any other abbey whatsoever (so he be a monk) or else he doth accurse both the giver and the receiver, & iudgeeth him to be perpetually dampened at the day of judgement. Yea so superstitious they were in their fancies concerning this monastical vow, that archbishop Oddo, whose surname was Severus, called to the Archbishop sea anno 934. would not take upon him after his election to be consecrated, before he had taken upon him (for the more holiness of his dignity) the habit of a monk, at the abbey of Florence in France: because saith he (which yet he saith untruly) all the Archishops of Canterbury before him were munckes. And Baldwine Archbishop anno 1184. after he had taken his pall and intronizated, by and by he took upon him the habit of profession at Mereton, and declared (saith Nubergensis) the purpose of his religious mind in outward habit: 
Lib. 4. ca 33.  and so did his next successor Reginalde before his consecration, dying by the way to Canterbury, yet first taking upon him the habit of a private monk. Whereupon saith Trevisa of Oddo, that he was lewdelye moved therefore to make him a monk, for Christ ne none of his apostles was never muncke ne friar.  
Lo, after this sort did divers of them magnify the virtue of their vows and habits, to blind the world with pretending holiness outwardly, but inwardly (I fear) were even such as William Malmesburie before doth testify of them, 
Pag. 215.  and recited again by William thorn, a monk himself at Saint Austin's (de anno 1005.) saying further his old school verse. Qnia, quod nova testa capit, inveterata sapit. Adding moreover, Proh dolour, iste modus vivendi inter religiosos pessimus, ita a primaevis temporibus monachis inolevit, quod usque ad hoc tempus succidi non possit. utinam faeditatis exemplo, vicinos non inficiant. Alas, this most evil trade of living amongst the religious, hath so since the beginning continued in the munckes, that unto this day it cannot be cut of: would to God by their filthy example they infected not their next neighbours. This is no new complaint of any late monk: For Abbot Tritenhem, writing of a very ancient and learned monk Rabanus Maurus, such a one as he saith, Quod nec Italita similem, nec Germania peperit aequalem, That neither Italy had his like, nor Germany brought forth his match. And he living in perpetual studying of scriptures, governing his munckes by the space of xxiv. years accordingly, they were so lewd towards him in displeasure, that they said he was to much addicted to the scriptures, and neglected the world: The devil thus working in them (saith he) to be slandered in that thing, wherein they ought to have been edified. Whereupon he being offended, gave place to their anger, would dwell no longer with them, but forsook his monastery for ever after, and went to the emperor jews, who did friendly entertain him, and in conclusion was made Archbishop of Mensae. And yet these munckes held themselves in most estimation of the world, to the intolerable injury of all other of the clergy, more honest in life, though they made not so much of their painted sheath, and better learned than themselves, until such time as almighty God had revealed their detestable hypocrisy at the full, and their beastly sodomitical life, in most of them found by inquisition in king Henry the eight his days, and therefore were by the just judgement of God justly suppressed, & some of their houses restored to them from whom they had so long against all justice detained them.  
Thus somewhat out of the principal purpose have been strayed, to note the sequel of their foresaid professions, which in hypocrisy they do so much above all reason extol. Now as this Anselme aforesaid was till his lives end earnest to force his decree, yet he prevailed but a little, for Henry the king himself was against him, and willed that the priests should keep both their wives & their churches, as they did in Lanfranckes days: for himself testifieth in his epistle to the Prior & his brethren at Canterbury, 
Epist. 77. cent. 3.  though yet in his rigour he contemned the kings commandments, as he ever used overmuch severity against the kings of his time in other matters the most part of his life: not only standing overthwartly in the matter of investitures, 
Edm. lib. 4.  and for the bishops homage making for their temporalties, as always frowardly resisting the kings reasonable requests. As where he desired to consecrate one Richard elect of London, at Chichester nigh at hand where they were, and for more speed in the considerations of the wayghtynesse of his service presently to be put upon him: he denied him, but would needs consecrate him at his own chapel at Pagham. And also when he desired him to consecrate the elect Abbot of saint Austin's, either in his own monastery, either in the kings chapel, at the request of the king and divers of his brethren the bishops, that were then, 
Lib. 4.  would for none of them all be moved from his severe determination, but would needs consecrate him at Lamhith where he was at hostage. So wilful a man in all his doings (saving the reverence of his learning) that though he saw that it was nothing expedient for the most part of the clergy of England, to be thus deprived from their ministery (being so many in number) insomuch that pope Paschal writing to him, saith: that in England there is so great a multitude of priests sons, that welnygh the greater part and the better part of the clergy is of this sort and condition: 
Epist. 31. cent. 4. Edm. lib. 4.  whereby the Church might have been better served, and the more souls saved by an infinite number. In which epistle, Paschal the pope willed yet to consider the necessity of the time, and commodity of the Church: and so referred the matter to his wisdom, and religious carefulness which he thought to be in him, but all in vain: for he proceeded without all entreaty to all rigour and severity, with barbarous extremity, was yet by God's providence somewhat restrained by Anselmes' second absence out of the Realm for three years togethers and more, so that his decree was much contemned, for that many priests resumed again their wives. And though Anselmes' austerity in law, gave the prince in those days to use his corrections, and mulctes of money in his necessity, for maintaining his wars in Normandy, aswell imposed upon them which were not chargeable, as chargeable, for breaking that law: And their churches miserably charged by such exactions upon the priests by the kings officers: and for that they were not able or would not pay, they were drawn to prison, & there tormented. Which extremity caused two hundred priests at once, wearing their albes and other priestly vestments, on barefoot to resort to the kings palace, crying with one voice upon the king for mercy, & afterward sued to the Queen for her pity, who wept at their misery, but durst not use any intercession for them. Whereupon Anselme from beyond the seas writing to the king Henry, did much blame him, as saying: that all manner of corrections, and forfeitures of all such, should appertain to the bishops, and in their default to the Archishops, but no time belonged to the king. He than being under the pope's wings thus wrote: as ever upon the pope, Anselme bore himself bold, and ever ready to make his vages to his succour. As he did in Wylliams' days raise then a great trouble, as William Malmesbury writeth. Magnis utrinque motibus, magnis consultationibus actum, eratque ratiocinatio regis huiusmodi. Consuetudo regni mei est, a patre meo instituta, ut nullus preter licentiam regis appelletur papa. Qui consuetudines regni tollit, potestatem quoque, & coronam regni violate: qui coronam mihi aufert, inimicitias & infidelitatem in me agit. This matter was done with great stirs on both sides, and with great consultations. And this was the kings reason. It is a custom in my realm, and so constituted from my father, that none should be appealed unto, or called pope besides the kings licence. He that destroyeth the customs of the Realm, doth also dishonour and dissolve the authority and crown of the Realm. He that taketh the crown from me, intendeth enmity and infidelity against me. Whereupon Anselme reasoned to the contrary, with (tu es Petrus. etc.) concluding that he would so show his duty to the king, as he might perform his obedience to the pope, In his exequendis (saith the story) omnes episcopi Angliae, primati suo suffragium negarunt. But in performing these things attempted by Anselme, all the bishops of England did deny to join with their primate. Which stirring nature of Anselme, no marvel though it displeased both the bishops and the nobility, whose desire & suit was after Anselmes' death, that the king should choose any bishop of the secular state, or any clerk of the kings chapel to this office, rather than of this order. And howsoever it be interpreted, it is not unlike but that both William Rufus king, and Henry the first, kept the office void so many years, the rather for such wilful abusing of their place, to the disquiet of the king, and against the liberties of the Realm. For so irritable was Anselme and so soon provoked without any just cause, to go to Rome to his holy father. If any thing went against his mind, than straygh-way he would appeal to Rome to displease the prince: As this lightness of his, is uttered by a friend of his, writing unto him, being at the second time (as he calleth it) in his exile, 
Edm. fo 187.  that he went away, sponte, nullo paenitus cogente, neither feared with imprisonment, nor otherwise tormented, nor that his sea was denied unto him: but only for one poor word, 
Willi. warewaste.  spoken by one certain man, named William, he determined to flee, and so by his fleeing gave the adventure, that there followed (saith his friend) hereof innumerable inconveniences, the unmerciful tyranny of the prince, the spoiling of the poor, the damages of the Churches, the lamentation of widows, the bewailings of old men for losing their livings, the ravishing of virgins, and incest in their unlawful companies, and that (saith he) that is the chiefest mischief to the shame of our honesty, priests to marry wives. Oh conscience brent with an hot iron, making lawful marriage worse than all vices rehearsed. But a very little cause might give any Bishop, Abbot, or monk, or any of the clergy to go to Rome at those days, to accuse the prince, and to procure the interdiction of their land, as all such as will search stories, shall soon perceive this usual trade. In conclusion, after the said Anselme returned again into England, he did bestir himself to restore the religious to their lost quietness, and forced on his extreme decree upon the priests returned to their wives, taking the opportunity of the kings absence in Normandy, warring there against his enemies, and had the victory of them. Which Anselme, thought it not only enough to remove them from their office: but also to deprive them from their benefices, and draw them quite out of the clergy, not once permitting them to be in the quyers amongst the clerks: and such as were not conformable, pronounced them infamous, and decreed farther, that whosoever would not relinquish his lawful wife, the movable goods of such priests, deacons, subdeacons, and prebendaries, that should have any familiarity with their wives, or should have any other women in their houses but such as were of consanguinity nigh unto them, should be forfeited, and delivered unto the bishops, and that their wives with their goods, should be used as adulteresses. Surely a man to much addict to his own will, 
Edm. lib. 5.  without any humanity, not not showing his loyal affection unto his prince in his requests how reasonable soever they were, not to his own brother's requests. For when he had decreed determinately to go to Rome to complain, his brothers requesting him that the kings ambassador, who should likewise go to Rome, prayed that he might go in company with him, he utterly denied the same, and was unremovable, saying, Quod dixi, dixi, which yet pretended holiness, constancy, & discipline of the Church, for his defence. In which extremity yet he continued unto his lives end. About which time, when the king did request him for Thomas the younger, new elected Archbishop of York, to respite his profession, whereat the said Thomas did stand doubtful: he severely answered the kings messengers, that he would the king to understand, that he would rather suffer him self to be torn into small pieces, then that he would remit any of the old antic constitutions of the fathers, or that he would remove one hour from this his purpose. Whereupon, a little before his death, he wrote his letters unto the said Thomas, to discharge him of his priestly orders, which he had of late received at the hands of one of his Suffragans, nor no more to presume to meddle with any pastoral cure, till he had made his subjection & profession: and that if he would persevere, he forbade under perpetual curse all the Bishops of whole. Brittany, that none of them should lay hands upon him, to the promotion of his Bishopric. And thereupon he writes, Tibi quoque Thoma, sub eodem anathemate ex part dei interdico, ut nunquam benedictionem episcopatus Eboracensis suscipias, nisi prius professionem facias. etc. And to thee Thomas also I forbid under the same curse on gods behalf, that thou never take upon thee to be consecrated into the Bishopric of York, before thou makest first thy profession. etc. The copy of which said epistle sealed with his seal, he sent to every bishop of his province, charging & commanding, that they upon their obedience should demean themselves towards the same Thomas, according to the tenor of the letter aforesaid. Immediately after this, he departed this life, the eleventh kalends of May. Lo, thus ye see that he could sooner make an end of his life, then make an end of his rigour. If the reader will farther hear the story to the end of this controversy concerning the right of his profession, as it is written by Edmer, it followeth. At the feast of Pentecost ensuing, where the king kept his court at London in great glory and honour, after the feastful days passed, he began to enter communication with the bishops and the noble men of the Realm, what were to be done concerning the consecration of the elect of York, and willed the bishops to go apart to discuss this cause, which were in number xi. They determined to call unto them Samson the bishop of Worcester, to know his opinion. The which bishop being father to the said elect, 
Edmer.  thus answered. Licet hunc qui in pontificatum Eboracensem electus est, olim ex coniuge silium susceperim, eique juxta seculum et carnis naturam, honoris ac dignitatis provectu ius aequissime debeam, multo maxime tamen id matri meae ecclesiae Cantuar. debeo. etc. Although this elect of York be my son, in time passed had by my wife, & therefore own unto him according to the course of the world and conjunction of blood, to wish the preferment of his honour and dignity: yet I own that thing most chiefly to my mother Church of Canterbury: and thereupon I judge that he ought to make his canonical profession to the Church of Canterbury: for I was present when that my brother Thomas the elder, his uncle (xxxvij. years past) Archbishop of York, was driven by invincible arguments to make his profession to Lanfranc then archbishop of Canterbury, and his successors. Which sentence yet of his father, though the king and the bishops did well allow, and with expending the records of the same: yet the said Thomas the younger elect, would not so submit himself. 
Thomas stobues in catologo Ebor. ca 52.  Whereupon the king being moved, pronounced, that either he should do it, or else he would discharge him of the Bishopric: and not only lose his favour, but also he would expel all his kindred out of the Realm. Whereupon Samson bishop of Worcester his natural father, and Richard Baiocense his brother, so nigh of kindred, were instant upon him. And though that Ranulph bishop of Durham promised the king a thousand mark in money, and to the Queen a hundred, yet it availed nothing saith the story, for the king would not be corrupted with money: and so at the last, the said Thomas made his profession, and lived but v. years in his dignity, and died a young man, as the story saith, being a very corpulent man. If the reader will now understand what success this foresaid decree of Anselme had after his death, thus writeth the story: That though the decree was somewhat called on after him, by the kings commandment, yet he relented, and so it followed (saith he) that the priests took their wives again which they had, or else renouncing their former, took others, and freely married harlots, so saith the monk. In which discourse he maketh insinuation, that standing the time of the prohibition, there's were both fornicators and adulterers, and such as committed incest with their nigh kinsfolk, not only with their sisters, but also with their own daughters: so that (saith he) though this good father, after the example of the feast maker called many to the feast, yet in no respect was there any effectuous obedience given unto his words. For (saith he) let him read that will the text of this council at London, and well consider the statutes thereof, and let him then judge who it is that obeyeth them, who it is that fulfilleth them, or what he is that accounteth them not vain. So that the priests and the prebendaries obtained so much with their Bishops and Archdeacon's, that such priests as did relinquish, did return again to their wives, as is said before. Which said matter is here brought in, not as allowing any thing that was committed against the precept of God: but to show what speed had this his decree in his life time, and what success this unreasonable tradition had after his life. If you would know the cause or ground that might move this father Anselme, otherwise learned and of austere conversation, although in this to be feared, rather to be of the number of them of whom Saint Paul saith, In hypocrisi loquencium mendatium, & cauteriatam habentium suam conscientiam prohibentium nubere. etc. Forsooth his ready good will and access to the holy father of Rome, the supportation that he found there, the spiced conscience he had in his wrong obedience unto that sea, esteeming him so highly (supra id quod colitur) made him to esteem his prince the less, 
two. Thess. two.  and from time to time troubled and endangered his Realm in his office, to the disquiet of the people, & inducing in his branded conscience fedities and enormities innumerable. Which his blind zeal not according to knowledge, Henry Beuclarke well understanding, did not only stay his importunity, but also resisted the pope's authority to his own face, doing in his princely estate, as appertained to his kingly right. Though that Anselme the pope's proctor did answer, that he would not for the price of his head consent to the king against the pope's prohibitions, except it were dispensed withal again by the said pope, upon the kings words, Quid mihi de meis cum papa? quae antecessores mei, hoc in regno possiderunt, mea sunt, hec si quis auferre mihi volverit, quod inimicus meus sit, omnis qui me diligit, certissime noverit. What have I to do with the pope concerning mine own? That which mine ancestors have possessed in this Realm be mine, whosoever would take these from me, let all that love me, certainly know that he is mine enemy. Which stout words of his so spoken, might declare what he knew. Surely he was like for his knowledge to have done as much in expelling his usurped authority, if opportunity of time had served him, as his successor long after him king Henry the eight brought about and finished. Which thing is well signified by the words of his own letters written to king Henry, 
Edmer.  wherein Paschal the pope complaineth, that he did in his Realm all as pleased him, and that he restrained the messengers and letters of the sea apostolic, that they could have no passage, or be permitted to enter into the Realm without his sufferance: and further Paschal chargeth him, that without the knowledge of the pope's holiness he doth keep synodal counsels, where he insinuate that all the weighty causes of the Churches throughout his whole province, should be determined by the vicar's and the deputies of his holy sea. And further he chargeth him, that beside his authority he presumed to make translation of bishoprics at his pleasure, which (saith he) can not be done without the licence of the sacred holy sea of Rome. And farther to set out how the knowledge of this king, made him well to understannde his usurped authority in his Realm, and well perceiving how the Realm was wont to be abused by shameful exactions and expilations which his legates used to do within the same, was weighed of the said abused authority. Whereupon pope Calixtus after his council holden at Remis, anno dni. 1119. came unto Gisortium, 
Edmer.  to speak with the king, & had conference with him. When the king had obtained of that pope to have all such customs which his father had in England & in Normandy, and especially of all other, that he should not suffer any man to use the office of a legate at any time in England, except himself did require the same for such matters which could not be ended by the bishop of Canterbury and the other bishops of the Realm. All which things (saith the story) being thus determined, the pope doth make request to the king for his love, to be friendly unto Thurstone Archbishop of York, to restore him to his Bishopric. Whereunto the king answered: that he would never do it while he lived, for (he saith) he had so promised upon his faith. Whereupon Calixtus did answer. Ego apostolicus sum, & si feceris quod postulo, ab hac te fidei sponsione absoluam. I am in the apostles sea, and if thou wilt do that which I request, I will absolve thee from this promise of thy fidelity. Well saith the king, I will entreat of this hereafter: and shortly sent unto him his messengers, to signify that it is not for the kings honour to consent to such absolutions against a man's faith. And farther said, that except Thurstone would make his profession to the sea of Canterbury, he should never sit in the Church at York whiles he was king of England, by compulsion of any edict from the pope whatsoever: this have I promised, and this (saith he) will I observe. But it may be thought peradventure unlike to be true, that the pope would come so far as to guysor's aforesaid his own person to speak with the king, it may so be objected by some romanists, who labour so high to advance his deity: but to such as be indifferently read in story, it is not incredible. For Matthew Paris reporteth, how that pope Innocent used his crafty device by his Cardinals, towards king Henry the third, in the xxix year of his reign: Which Cardinals, only lovers of money, craftyly sent to the king (under the colour of great friendship) their counsel, which they avouched to be both wholesome, honourable, glorious to the Realm, and very profitable: that was, that he should sue by his messengers to the pope's holiness to come personally into his Realm, which say they should be honour most excellent to England and immortal glory, that in your days the lord pope, which is known to be the father of all fathers, should appear personally within the coast of the english nation. For say they, we remember well that himself hath said (whereof we rejoice) that he would very gladly see the dainty sights of Westmonasterie, and the riches of London. When this was known to the king, he was very glad, and would easily have bowed to this subtle council, except he had been holden up by the contrary counsels of his subjects learned, to gainsay it, or descent to satisfy this his desire. Qui dicebant, quòd satis, imo nimium iam suorum caursinorum usuris, & Romanorum ac Italicorum rapinis, & simoniis Angliae puritas maculatur, quamuis non presentialiter bona ecclesiae, & regni dissipet & predetur. Which said, that the purity of the Realm of England was already enough, yea to much defiled by the usuries of his cormorantes, and by the extortions and simonies of the romanists and Italians, though that he do not by his presence waste and rob the goods of the Church and of the Realm. And farther they said, for that the said pope was denied any entry into the Realm of France, though that he required the same by his solemn ambassadors, & so his entry was denied to enter into the realm of Arragon. For, saith the writer, Infamia enim curiae papalis id promeruerat, cuius fetor usque ad nubes fuman teterriman exhalabat. The infamy of the papal court had deserved this repulse, the stench whereof did breath out even up to the clouds a most detestable fume. 
Edm. lib. 6.  And as concerning any coming of any legate into the Realm, he would never admit one as long as he lived. And though that pope Calixt sent into the Realm afterward his most solemn legate Petrus Romanus, monachus Cluniacensis, coming in a more portly glory then ever any did before, the king so disposed the matter, that after he was come into England, wylled that he should neither visit church nor monastery, & commanded that he should be brought to be at host with him: for he said, his Realm of England was free from the jurisdiction of any legate, and so should be during his life, for so had Calixtus promised him. Whereupon, after some liberality bestowed upon him on the kings behalf, the king sent him over again the way he came, out of England, though his coming was to have exercised his office of legatship through the hole Realm. If the reader will know the cause why that Thurstone fell into the kings displeasure, was for that he asking licence of the king to go to this council of the bishop of Rome, and could not possibly obtain the same, before he made his promise upon his allegiance, that hè would do nothing with the pope in prejudice of Canterb. church, nor would by any man's persuasion receive his episcopal consecration at his hands, which so faithful a promise to the king, he contemptuously broke notwithstanding, whereat both the king and the nobility did much marvel for such infidelity. But such was the obedience in those days to their princes: for the more favour they bore to this foreign usurper (that is in plainer terms, falsely forsworn to the king their liege lord, and enemy to the Realm) so far as it might stand to the advancement of the pope's jurisdiction, whose creatures they were, and so rejoiced in common speech to call themselves, and as it might with the satisfying of their own gains, dignities, and pleasures.  
Thus far out of the common written stories have been alleged, the rather by the occasion of entreating of bishop Anselmes' tumultuous doings, who was the first that ever in England took upon him to divorce lawful matrimonies in all priests, so many hundred years used in quiet possession in the Realm, and many of them stablished by Lanfranckes constitution: and as he the first, so the most extreme against all right and conscience, until the reign of Queen Marie, in whose days Hildibrandes spirit was raised up again, and Anselmes' hot Munckyshe zeal in like sort prosecuted, as it was in his tyme.  
If any man be offended with so much in particularity uttered, let him understand these matters to be fetched out of the books of such stories most written by munckes, who both in words, deed, and writing, professed the state of perfection, expressing all charity, & therefore can not be thought to rail in the writing of their stories, which (saith both Matth. Paris and Henry huntyngton) must be performed in all truth, without any partiality either of personages for honour and holiness, nor may not be transgressed for love of kin or friends whatsoever. After Anselme archbishop, followed Rodulph a severe monk in profession also, 
Rodulph.  first an Abbot in Normandy, after that, bishop of Rochester, and in conclusion archbishop of Canterbury, of whose days no great record is extant, of making or forcing any decrees or constitutions against married priests, although it is reported of Edmer that he was very severe against the said Henry the first, 
joannes Hagustaldensis  being a prince of such godliness, that one Chronicle writeth so much to his commendation, that he saith. Post quem princeps non surrexit alius, qui sic iniustas regni exactiones interdiceret, subditos in pacae & modestia sapientius disponeret. etc. After whose death, there followed no prince like him, in repressing the wrong exactions used in the Realm, and that governed his subjects more wisely in peace and quietness, none that did more reverence ecclesiastical persons, and that better maintained the poor or the religious by his expenses, and that after his death (he saith) by and by sprung up all wicked men, disturbers of peace, murderers and robbers, with all kind of mischiefs. Which princely qualities, saith William of Malmesburie, he goat by his education, brought up and instructed in all the seven liberal sciences. Which education was in the university of Cambridge, saith Thomas Rudborne, so that his learning was a great cause of the wise governing of the Realm. He had worthily the name of Beuclarke, whom his father William the conqueror purposed to have preferred to a Bishopric, 
Scala chron.  and therefore caused him to be instructed in learning, which turned as much to the commendation of the father, for that he judged a Bishop ought to be learned, and that not only blood and other corporal ornaments commended so much the party a man to be of that vocation, as prudence gotten by learning and knowledge. In which his knowledge, the said Henry took so much delectation, 
Wil Mal.  and found the fruit thereof so necessary in government, that he was wont to say, Rex illiteratus, Asinus coronatus, a King unlearned, is an Ass crowned. This man so well using his government to God's pleasure, that Henry Huntyngton who lived in his days testified, that God caused his fame to be spread through the whole world, and that he gave him three special gifts, wisdom, riches, and victory, in such abundance, that he excelled (saith he) all his predecessors. 
Edm. lib. 6.  Some proof of his graces & good qualities may be considered, partly occasioned to be remembered by this foresaid archbishop Rodulph, who at a certain coronation of the kings new wife Atheleida, daughter to Godefride duke of Lorraine, in the xxi. year of his rain, the said Rodulphus being thexecutor of the solemnity at mass, and at the altar in his pontificalibus, casting his eyes behind him, and seeing the said king sitting on an high throne with the crown on his head, he went in a great haste from the altar up to the king (whom he knew was not crowned by him or his predecessor) At which sudden coming, the king reverently rose up to him: and the bishop asked who had put on that crown on his head? The king with a sad countenance answered, that he had no great care thereof: and therefore he said with a modest voice, that it was out of his remembrance. verily saith the bishop, whosoever put it on, did it not by any right, and as long as it standeth upon thine head, I will not go any farther in ministration. To whom the king did answer: If not rightly as you say it be put on, do you that which you know most to be done with justice, ye shall have me no gaynesayer in any thing. Whereupon the bishop lifted up his hands to take of the crown from his head, the king as ready to unlose the lase under his chin wherewith his crown was stayed on his head: the lords perceiving that attempt, they all with a loud voice cried upon the bishop to spare the king, and to suffer the king still to wear it on his head in that solemnity. Which thing the bishop at length permitted: and standing there near the king crowned, he began the Gloria in excelsis, the choir following, he afterwards retiring to the altar again. Further to amplify the quiet spirit, wisdom, and modesty of this king in this fact, I shall not need, but leave it to the reader to judge what benefit this king had by his learning. To note the untimely importunity of this Rodulphus, what his wisdom or wilfulness was, I also leave it to the reader's judgement: but I would the reader specially to bear in remembrance, whether (as it is said before) after Anselmes' death, the bishops after Rodulphes death were not justly moved to be suitors to the king, to have their Archbishop otherwise chosen then out of the munckes' coat: whose words be these, as the Saxon chronicle doth report them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 
Anno. 1123.  Then spoke the bishops between themselves, and said: that they never more would have any man of monks order to be Archbishop over them, for they never allowed nor loved munckes ruling: and the king granted that to them. Now to end the story of this time, to set out before your eyes the marvelous wisdom that this king gathered by his learning in his youth: It is written in common history, that the king came from Normandy into England, which was a great cause of mirth and joy, that the people made for his prosperous return. But the next day after, certain of his sons, daughter, and niece, with other very many of the nobility, men, women, and children, and some of the clergy, following him in the seas, by misfortune were all drowned (as before is said) except one poor base man which escaped to tell the misfortune. Which heavy casualty many men did much marvel at, and were very sorrowful: But yet were they sooner pacified upon the kings example, when they saw him (whom it did most respect) to bear it with so manly a mind, referring it with a quiet gesture and voice to the equity of gods judgements, which no man can resist. For as comforting himself (saith the story) he said with a lowly spirit: As the Lord pleased, so was it done, be the name of the Lord therefore blessed for evermore. Amen.  
Thus far have we enlarged the matter upon reheasing the time of Rodulph when this king did reign, whose godly qualities ought to be had in memory for the notabilitie thereof for ever, to the setting out of God's glory, to the commendation of learning, the fruit whereof this prince showed so marvelously. 
William. Chro. Ceno Mart. an. 1132  After this Rodulph, followed William aforesaid, in whose days almost all London was brent by the fire of Gilbert Becket. This William renewed the same like constitution of Anselme in his time, 
Pag. 217.  by the help of the pope's legate joannes Cremensis a priest Cardinal, who after he had been very costly and chargeably entertained with gifts and rewards, and after that brought honourably to Canterbury, and there on Easter day sang the high mass at Christ's altar, and after his great progress going from bishop to bishop, 
Chro. Saxo. Pet Burgens.  from abbey to abbey, and coming after that about the nativity of our Lady to London, kept his council there: in which the legate did command that Anselmes' decree should be observed better than it was: but all prevailed not (saith the Saxonicall story) and he afterward departed home to Rome with shame enough. In this man's days, 
Chro. joren. in anno. 1135.  Robert Bloet muncke of Euesham, bishop of Lincoln, had a son named Simon, whom he made dean of Lincoln, a young stripling deyntyly brought up, he begat him saith Huntingdon when he was Chancellor to William the great king. 
Hen. Hunt. li. 8 ca 2.   
Now though the said William Archbishop attempted the matter again at Michaelmas tide, and would give the priests no longer respite to put their wives a day but to saint Andre ●es day: Yet saith the story, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 
Chr Saxon. anno 1129.  This did bid the archbishop of Canterbury, and the bishops which were in England. And yet all these decrees and biddings stood not, all held their wives by the kings leave even so as they before did. In which time the stir was so great, and the cause so hard to be won, that William the archbishop gave over, and referred the controversy wholly to king Henry. 
a●●●. 25. Henry.  Whereupon he decreed that the priests should continue with their wives still: Of whom for that the kings officers took pensions, the bishops began to repent them of their committing so the cause, whereof they would have had the ordering themselves to some other purpose. For which pensionary matter, Anselme had certain years before by his epistle well chydden the king: whereof yet belike the king as being well learned in the laws, as Matthew Paris testifieth, made not so great ● conscience as certain of the votary bishops did, as offended that faith should be inviolably preserved betwixt such as were in matrimony, seeing himself had such conscience of breaking his faith that he made, and as he judged it not dispensable by the pope's authority, as he not long before had declared to pope Calixtus himself. For if he had thought it to have been against the precept of God, he would never have suff●ed so many years the continuance of the same by his authority. 
anno. 11●8. 〈…〉 Chro. Aug. Chro. 〈◊〉.  After William, followed Theobaldus, in whose days the house of saint Gregory's in Canterbury was brent anno 1145. the church and almost the whole city of Rochester was first brent, the chathedrall church of York was brent, and without that city the church of saint Marie, where was an Abbey, with the goodly Hospital founded by the archbishop Thurstone, brent for good rule ye may be sure, their chastity deserved no less. That Thurstone archbishop was he that builded the monastery of Fountains, and repented him thereof by open word, and said he never repented him more of any thing: and when certain lay men present heard him so say, and were offended at his saying: he said, ye be lay men, and know not the pith of my words, and therefore he afterward always said, that he would rather give to lecherous men, then to munckes. But as concerning the plague of God in the burning of so many Abbeys, professing such holiness as is to be marveled, what may be read in story, 
Chro. Peter 1070. annal. eiusd. 1113.1114. Walterus weeks. 1116.1121.1112. Hovenden. 1184. Hovenden. 1188. Gualther Covent 1212. Fabian. 1261.1370.  besides these that are already spoken of, and those that do follow in other men's days. As,  
How the abbey of Peterborowe was once brent,  
How the monastery of Worceter was brent,  
How the abbey of Chichester was brent,  
How the abbey of Peterborowe was brent once again,  
How the church of Paul's with many other cathedral churches were brent,  
How the abbey of Gloucester was brent,  
How the abbey of Glastenburie was brent,  
How the church of Beverlay was brent,  
How saint Mary's church of the Canons in Southwark was brent,  
How the steeple of Euesham was set on fire by lightning,  
How the abbacy of saint edmund's was brent, with divers more, as hereafter partly doth follow. The rather may these examples thus so generally & universally and so thick executed upon these munckes' houses, be a more proof of god's plague against their munckyshe life and order, as nothing pleased with the most of them, than the adversaries can justly charge the universal religion of the Gospel received, by the particular burning of one steeple in the Realm, so seldom seen in these days. To note what intemperate weather, what immoderate winds, what lightning, what thunder, what earthquakes fell upon these houses: besides, to note how universally before the conquest all these monasteries, how much soever they were multiplied and increased, God did ever bring them down again, and complaned them even with the ground, that few or none remained unbrent, or undestroyed by the invasion of infidels and other nations, from time to time coming upon them, shall not be needful, to cumber the reader at this time with tediousness. 
Neuber. lib. 3. cap. 5.  Well, these houses were not brent for other men's faults: Where the chronicle of Peterborow ascribeth this plague of God in burning their church and all that was therein, to their reckless life, and wretchedness and drunkenness they used. And William Thorn muncke of S. Augustine's, 
anno. 1168.  ascribeth the burning of their church & abbey, to the foul abuse of taking infants (scant weaned from their nurses) to be munckes professed among them. A pretty age for a perpetual vow, and a worthy cause to make such subject to the austerity of archbishop Pecchams' constitution: 
Apud Lamhith anno. 1281. ca Item moniales.  where he ordereth, that if the Nun tarry one year in the habit, before she have taken the bishops benediction, must yet be reputed for professed, and may not return to the world again: for if she do, she must be accounted & used as an apostata. Although (saith he) the religious have not received the bishops benediction with the solemnity of a vow, they may not yet judge themselves to be free, if they be once come to the years of discretion and reason, and be able to perceive fraud and deceit. Where there be many examples left in writers, what wretchedness hath followed of these young professions, I will report but one, the tragedy whereof is such, that it should hurt chaste ears to hear the filthiness that therein is told, of a certain young child of four years of age, brought into the Nunnery of Wattune in Yorkshire in the days of Henry Murdack, an ambitious monk of Cistercense as Polidore writeth, who gate his Bishopric of pope Eugenius by suit and craft, by the disproving of William, elected thereunto: Which Abbey was founded, or rather restored by Gilbert, a priest of Semplingam. Which story is expressed at large by Ethelrede, a Cister muncke in Rhievall in the diocese of York abbot, a man eloquent in his tyme. Which young girl when she came to age, he writeth how marvelously she was delivered, her child conveyed away by the said Henry Murdack then dead, who brought her first into the Abbey. Which bishop, in a Palmer's weed appeared in a vision, having with him also in the vision two ancient celestial women, they three only at the birth, and no man knew where the child became, no not the mother, who was so suddenly restored to her health again, that there was no sign or token left in her that ever she was in that taking, and the infamy which might have risen to the covent quite abolished, which was the greatest inconvenience that the Nuns did fear, in the close handling of this matter as the story bewrayeth: which process beginneth in these words▪ Miracula domini & manifesta divinae pietatis indicia scire, & tegere, portio sacrilegii est. To know the miracles of God, and the manifest examples of his divine mercy, and to suppress them, is a spice of sacrilege. etc. Further the said author doth avouch the matter to be very true, who coming from his own monastery at the request of the father of the house, did see with his own eyes this young maiden in the straw where she lay newly and miraculously delivered, hearing all the rest of this tragedy of such persons (saith he) which neither the soberness of their age, neither their approved holiness, would suffer them any manner ways to lie. If it be replied, why should these histories be renewed again, to the defamation as it may be judged of these holy professers of chastity? Answer may be made. Why did these contemplative father's leave in writing to the posterity these practices so shameful, except that either they would blind the eyes of the world, in excusing their fedities, covering the outrages of their lives as wrought by the miracles of God, so abusing the people's ignorance, to make them believe what they listed to set out and magnify, or else whether God by his secret judgement used these munckyshe partial writers as instruments to detect their hypocrisy, to the shame of their counterfeit living, who did all that they could by writing & report, to shame gods holy institution, devised by his gracious and divine foresight, to prevent all such filthiness which he knew must needs follow when his ordinance should be put out of the way. But such was the endeavour of all these professed persons, to keep secret their foul mysteries, or else when they must needs come abroad to knowledge, then to turn their practices to be as gods miracles: for never would they suffer any but themselves to be privy of their mysteries, they could not abide the light. No not Thurstone archbishop aforesaid himself could be received of the religious of Saint Mary's house in York, when they were in chapter together, where he coming unto the Abbey, accompanied besides his own family with other notable learned men, the whole covent made open exclamation against him, yet their archbishop, and so threatened him, that (as he saith himself in his epistle written to William archbishop of Canterbury) he was afraid of their violence: and whereas the archbishop would have pacified them, saying that he came but for their peace and commodity, they rose up against him, and were ready to lay their hands upon him, and told him plainly, that neither he nor Richard their Prior with his complices, should bring in any new reformation amongst them against their old customs, though the said Richard and other of his good brethren would fain have induced them better to observe saint Benet's rule, which (the Bishop testifieth in his epistle) was almost through the whole world, of Munckes commonly despised and trodden under foot. And in further talk with them, the archbishop said to them: that, if ye despise my episcopal authority, taking that from me which belongeth to my office, to visit you: then (saith he) your Church must soon decay. Whereunto was answered him: that we had rather have our Church for an hundred years shut up, then thus to have any new reformations amongst us against our old wont. And they all cried out, Voce frenatica, capite inquiunt, capite rebels, apprehendite proditores. etc. as they had been mad: Lay hands (say they) upon them, lay hands upon them, attach these rebels, and apprehend these traitors. So with much a do, to the great wonder of the people abroad, the Archbishop was fain to return home again to his palace, and leave them as he found them. Lo here is the state of perfection, which they so much boast of, and this was their rule. But now to return again to the foresaid Theobalde. This said Archbishop belike had no great conscience for bishops and priests to have wives, and their children to be preferred to ecclesiastical living. For as Ivo Carnotensis did judge by the report of Radulphus de diceto, 
anno. 1161.  in anno 1161: This Theobalde did consecrate Richard Archdeacon of Coventry, and son of Robert Pech Bishop of the sea of Chester, to be Bishop of the same sea after his father. Whereupon saith he these words. Non igitur vel a sacris ordinibus, vel a parochialibus curis, vel ab ecclesiis cathedralibus, vel etiam ab ipso papatu silii sacerdotum (si probalilis vitae fuerint) sunt arcendi etc. priests sons are not therefore to be kept back, either from holy orders, or from the cures of parishes, or from cathedral churches, no not from the papacy itself, if they be of good conversation. And by and by in the story he reporteth: that Felix the third being a priests son, was after made pope, and Agapitus the son of Gordian a priest was made pope, Gelasius the son of Valerius a bishop, was made pope, Silverius the son of Hormisda a Roman bishop was made pope, Deusdedit the son of Stephen a Subdeacon was made pope, Theodorus a greek borne son to Theodorus a bishop was made pope, 
William Neuber. lib. 2. cap. 6.  Nicholaus an english man, son of a priest, was made pope, after called Adrianus quartus. Thus far the said Radulph in story. Which said bishops of Rome, so written in number by pope Damasus to Hierom, 
Distinc. 56. Osius.  are not to be understand to be borne in fornication, as Gratian doth avouch there, but were borne in priestly lawful matrimonies, which were lawful everywhere to priests before the prohibition, and in the Oriental church be proved even unto this day lawful unto them. His words therein be these. Cum ergo ex sacerdotibus nati in summos pontifices dicuntur esse promoti, non sunt intelligendi de fornication, sed de legittimis coniugiis nati, que sacerdotibus ante prohibitionem ubique licita erant, & in oriental ecclesia usque hody eis licere probantur. And pope Urban saith there, 
Ca Lenomansem.  that priests children are not to be kept from a Bishopric, if other virtues be found in them, as a priests son was elected bishop of Cenomannia, and so admitted by him. And but for tediousness, I might rehearse many more, as Adrian the second, john the eleventh, john the fourteenth, john the sixteenth, sons of pope's and bishops. So honourable saith Paul is wedlock amongst all, 
Hebre. 11.  and the bed undefiled: Whereas adulterer's God shall condemn. Such a grace (saith saint Augustine) is in marriages, 
De bono conjugal. cap. 24.  through all nations and all sorts of men, for cause of procreation, and in the faith of chastity. And here I do appeal to the consciences of such as name themselves catholic men, whether that it had not been more honourable to God, more agreeable to his word, and more commendable to the Church, for that spiritual blinded bishop Hugh, sometime bishop of Dunelme in this Theobaldus time, and with more honesty, have followed the example of this Richard of Chichester in his matrimony: 
William Nubri. lib. 5. cap. 9  then to be a notorious concubinary & fornicator, or rather adulterer, when he was treasurer in York Church, having belike without shame three divers concubines, of which he had three divers sons (as witnesses of their father's iniquity) of which he was so little ashamed, that he joyed in them, and had such blind love towards them, that he preferred one of them Henry deputiaco to be one of his hostagies, for delivering up the castle of windsor to the kings chancellor, to riddle himself out of prison at Southwell, who by his filthy life deserved to be destitute of God's grace, 
Hovenden anno 2. Ric. primi.  and so to spend his whole life after he was bishop in sumptuous wasteful building of his castles, covetous gathering to feed his ambitious desire in buying of his Earldom of Northumberlande, and heaping and hoarding treasures togethers: so he was made a common pray to the prince, and a mock to the people, after xlii. years being in his Bishopric, and being deluded by a prophesy, looked still in his doting age for x. years longer: but God cut him up, as he was hunting for more dignities, choked (in his journey up to London) with gluttonous ingurgitations took a surfeit as the story telleth, making his end impenitently, and after his death all his good● (notwithstanding his testament making) confiscated to the kings coffers, and his especial friends and servants stretched upon the rack to confess and declare the whole of his goods, upon whom nothing was bestowed to priest, clerk, his church, or the poor. And here it might be asked, how Anselmes' so rigorous constitution not long before decreed, or William's constitution against concubinaries, were so much forgotten, of such as did elect this infamous man to the dignity of a bishop, or continued him in the same so notorious as he was? Belike the canons were void, and decrees served but to suppress true and lawful matrimonies, not much caring for the reformation of notorious and monstrous concubinaries. If they had not had a conscience marked with an hot iron, if they had not been men speaking lies in hypocrisy, they could not have dissembled this state of life to be so advanced, and their eyes so wide open to rebuke and deface gods holy institution, so separating them a sunder whom god had coupled togethers, transgressing the precept of god, for the stablishing of their own traditions: the matter so horrible, so apparent, cannot be coloured, howsoever it be gorgeously set out to the eye, by the vain endeavour of the adversaries. And say what they can, yet shall matrimonies be honourable before God, and adulterers condempnable in the judgement of godly learned persons. I say not only honourable in the laity, but also in the clergy, to the which state whomsoever almighty god calleth unto, as that noble emperor justinian avoucheth his judgement in the same, 
In novellis con. 3. Saucimus.  esteeming Epiphanius the archbishop of Constantinople so much the more, Quod ex sacerdotibus genus & originem duxerit. And if the the testimony of Reymund in his son may be taken, he writeth agreeably to this: and saith farther, that the priests of Grece regard not any vow of chastity in their holy orders, and celebrate divine service having their lawful wives. Finally, in the last year of this man's Bishopric, 
Fol. 85. in Glosa. Floriger. anno. 1160. Mat. Par. 1161.  Marry the Abbess of ramsey, of some infamy noted in her Abbey, daughter to king Stephen, was married to Matthue, Earl of Bollon, with the kings favour and the nobility, and had two daughters by him: at which marriage Thomas Becket, than the kings chancellor, had great indignation at the unlawfulness thereof. Wherewith the king was offended, and for his earnestness in the matter saith the story, suffered many great displeasures and persecutions of the earl. Belike he was blown with a piece of Hildibrandes spirit, & of Anselmes' austerity, for tollerating things against his devotion. What would he have been toward the same king Henry, if he had lived in the year of his reign twenty-three. when the king caused Barthelmew Bishop of Exeter and Roger of Worceter, to repair to the Abbey of Almesburie, to depose the Abbess there, for the imfamie of her life. Which Abbess after her profession in religion, 
Chro. Roff. anno. 1155. William thorn. anno. 1168.  was proved to have been delivered of three children. And the like sisters in her house were likewise dispersed and driven out of their cloisters and houses, and filled up the Abbey again with Nuns sent out of Fount Euerarde. And further, the king having pity yet on that good Abbess being thus degraded, & thereby might perish by hunger and need, promised her yearly twenty nobles, and did suffer her to go whither she would at her own liberty. This permission and discharge of their vows and profession, belike would have much displeased the said Thomas, 
Thomas Becket.  being so angry with the Abbess of Ramsey for her lawful matrimony. Now this man aforesaid was elect archbishop of Canterbury, next the said Theobaldus, whose chaplain he was, by whom he obtained the Archdeconrie of Canterbury, in whose time almost all Canterbury was brent by the punishment of God, 
M Pa 1161. M. West. 1161. Lib. Roff.  with the Abbey of saint Augustine, as their story doth declare. He made no great a do by any constitution against priests marriages, because he was otherwise fully occupied. Then after him came into the sea the Prior of Dover, sometime monk & supprior of Canterbury, Richard, in whose first or second year the church of Canterbury was consumed by fire: 
Richard. 1184. Chron S. Augustine. Geruasius. anno. 1177. Chro. Roff.  and within four years after that, was brent with fire the church of Rochester the second time, with all the offices of the whole city, aswell without the walls as within. To which Richard was come from heaven a voice in these words. Tu quis es? tu es qui dissipasti bona ecclesiae tibi commissa, & ego dissipabo to de terra. Thou what art? thou art he whichh hast wasted the goods of the church committed unto thee, 
Gualte. Covent.  therefore will I waste thee out from the earth. And so at the town of Halynges, saith Rochester story, he was suddenly stricken with a colic, and died. Yet did this man in this day keep a synod at Northampton, where Hugh the pope's legate was present, and an other at Westminster anno 1175. v. kl. julii, where he a fresh renewed the old prohibitions and decrees against priests concubines, 
Roger Hovenden & Geruasius. anno 1174. Chro. jerovallensis.  who yet of his fatherly pity did consecrate one Galfride Ridel archdeacon of Canterbury, to be bishop of Elye, who was the third in order of the first erection, as the catologes of the bishops of Elye doth record. Which said Galfride should have gone to Rome with the said Richard elect of Canterbury, and with Reginald elect of bath, for the confirmation of their elections. Whereas Alexander then pope did much blame the absence of the others elect bishops of England, vidz. elect of Winchester, Herforde, Chichester, and of Elye. Which pope did more earnestly ask why the elect of Elye came not with them? The bishop of Orleans answered. Forsooth said he, Habet excusationem Euangelicam, He hath the excuse of the Gospel. What is that saith the pope? Sir saith he, he hath married a wife, and therefore can not come. And though there was then much altercation brought before the pope and cardinals, yet the pope did forthwith consecrate the elect of Canterbury: And he after he was returned home to England, did consecrate the said Richard anno 1174. pridie nonas Octob. anno regni Hen. 2 xxi. who lived bishop there, until he died, though he ended his life at Winchester intestate anno 1189. the first year of king Richard. In which said catologe is also recorded, that the said Richard before his election, did openly purge his innocenty by oath, that he procured not the death of Thomas Becket, neither by word nor deed, nor writing, which was also required of Roger archbishop of York, and of Gilbert bishop of London: and so in the Ascension day in his own church he was intronizate, whereto he gave very great gifts saith the story. Thus hitherto this wholesome decree of Anselme, belike, howsoever (saith the story) it had favour of some at the first, and what earnestie soever he showed therein, was not kept nor yet received universally, seeing that this Richard wittingly did consecrate the said Galfride having a wife, and so advouched before the pope's holiness and the whole consistory of cardinals. In this Richard his days, was a synod holden by him and some of his brethren at Wodstocke, 
anno 1175. Hen. 2.21.  to choose a bishop for the bishopric of Norwich, and for choosing of abbots which were many vacant: Amongst which their election, they did elect Galfride the kings son, to the bishopric of Lyncolne, after that it was void xvij. years almost, by reason of the mortgaging thereof into the kings hands. But king Henry his father would not have him then consecrated, for that he was within years, and knew not whether he was necessary to the government of such a dignity: 
Wil Neu. lib. 2. cap. 22.  and therefore the king sent him to Towers to have some exercise in the schools there, until he was thought worthy that he might take the dignity of such honour. Though yet his son answered not his expectation, and thereupon for his unworthiness compelled him to resign it again, 
Nubrigen. lib. 4. cap. 2.  whom notwithstanding king Stephen his brother next succeeding him, preferred to the archbishopric of York. See here this good kings zeal which he had in the election of a bishop. Belike it may appear that the king had more regard than all the bishops had beside. Which act is worthy to be had in remembrance, to show to all princes, to clergy men, and noble men, specially patrons of benefices to have a conscience with them, in preferring men to such heavenly, chargeable and worthy office of the cure of man's soul. And in the days of this bishop, the king was counseled to build an Abbey to the honour of God and S. Thomas of Canterbury, 
Rog. Hoveden. anno. 1177. Rex. Hen. 2 23.  for the remission of his sins (as the story saith) And so was the church of secular prebendaries in Waltham turned out: they expulsed for their wives belike, and regular canons brought in. That is, vi. canons from the abbey of Circester, and vi. of Osney, and iiij. of S. Oses, and of some of them made officers, and replenished the house with canons, about the number of an hundred, or fourscore at the least, besides their extern officers of the house. Thus was religion the decay of secular learned men, a cause of their expulsions: so much had they blinded the eyes of princes at that time, to multiply dumb munckes, and to hinder preaching prebendaries. 
Walter Coventriensis.  Nevertheless, the king gave to the Dean in recompense, a manor of his, during his life, and gave the prebendaries according to the value of their prebends: and such prebendaries as would not receive such recompense, that they should hold their prebends during their lives, at the discretion and estimation yet of archbishop Richard, who was present, with other bishops, as were also the dean and the prebendaries, when the king in his own person put the regular canons in possession. In deed the romish sleight wrought in this kings fact, 
Fabian. ann. Henr. 2.28.  for such altering the house of Waltham abbey is to be considered, the ground whereof was, as it is told by story, that the king had vowed and sworn before two cardinals, to go in his own proper person to war against Christ's enemies in the holy land, they so devising to bereave the realm of their prince, and to jeopardy his person, to the revenge of Thomas Beckets' death, which was laid to his charge. But the wile was perceived, and he promised for dispensation of his oath, to build three Abbeys in England. Which sleyghtie injunction of the cardinals, the king was counseled as prudently to fulfil: For he turned as is said, the secular canons of Waltham into regular canons for one foundation: and for building of the second Abbey, he turned the monks out of the Abbey of Almesbury, and set in their steed Nuns: and for the third foundation, he renewed sparyngly the charterhouse of Witham besides Salisbury: and thus performed the condition of his dispensation of building of three Abbeys. But thus was not the romish quarrel quieted towards the king: For the pope Lucius the third, was well contented when one Heracleus patriarch of jerusalem came into the Realm, to move him to travail against the Saracens, and was very instant upon him to take that journey, putting him in mind of the oath that he once made before the two cardinals aforesaid. But the king perceiving the crafty drift, answered, that he would liberally bestow of his own to the charge of such viage: but he might not departed from his own land, and leave it as a pray to the adversary. This answer the Patriarch took very displeasantly and angrily. The king yet somewhat to pacify him, accompanied him unto the sea side: but the more the king laboured to satisfy him, the more was the Patriarch offended, speaking spiteful words against the king, charging him that he was untrue to the French king (but the more true to his own land) & that he slew Thomas Becket, and lastly, that he had forsaken the protection of Christ's faith, and in his rage charged the king that he was worse than a Sarasen, and said of his children, that they came of the devil, and to the devil they should. But the king (saith the story) kept his patience, and said that he would not in any wise depart out of his own land. Whereupon the patriarch departed from the king in great ire, for that his Foxie device took no better place. Lo here was a worthy Patriarch, a creature of the pope, thus to deal with so noble a prince. May it not here be timely brought in, 
Psal. 2.  Et nunc reges intelligite, erudimini qui iudicatis terram. etc. If kings and princes will suffer themselves quietly to be thus shamefully abused, in their own realms, to their own faces, by such extern comers, whose vocation ought of most congruence to have driven them to the reverence of kings and princes: who may have pity of them if they be deluded? Although this noble prince for his most notable patience ought to have immortal commendation: so is he more worthy to be advanced for his wisdom and prudence (for that he could not be moved to leave his Realm for a pray) than his second son Richard the first, following him, who was so soon induced by romish persuasion to seek adventures abroad, first impoveryshing his Realm, and by selling of the castles of Berwick and Rothisborowe for a great sum of money, for some part of the exploit of his voyage: and made other such sales, neither princely to his honour, nor profitable to his Realm. And so he passing on, more valiantly then prudently, was at the last driven by force, and taken of the army of the duke of Ostrich, and thereof suffered hard imprisonment for the term of a year and five months: but at the last was ransomed for such a huge sum of money as pinched the whole state of his crown, collecting both of the laity and clergy, aswell church as chapel within the whole Realm. Which extremity he might have well escaped, if he had followed the example of his father Henry. Let this suffice for this time for one example of romish practices, to learn princes to be wise. After this Richard, followed Baldwinus archbishop, 
Baldwine.  of whom we read of no constitution that he made, nor of his next successors, till the year of our Lord 1222. when Stephen Langton kept his council at Oxford, which Stephen was the cause of all the broil between the pope and king john, for his admission to the archbishopric, against the kings will and pleasure, to the intolerable injury of the crown, and slander of the Realm, besides the innumerable hurts that came thereof. He made in his constitutions a decree against priests concubines, of whom the world swarmed full after the open forced restraint from marriage: yet than many of the clergy as they might kept in secret wise their wives for conscience sake, and had belike such success as other of his predecessors decrees had. 
Edmund.  For his second successor from him Edmund, in his constitutions tempered the matter more easily: Who did decree, that if these concubines would not turn themselves into religion, after monitions given unto them, they should lose the privilege to kiss the pax at mass, and also be put from the holy bread: and if they would stubbernlye persist, they should be excommunicate (when it pleased the Ordinary) so long time as the concubinaries should detain them in their own houses, 
Mat. Par. anno. 1226.  or publicly out of their houses, and then should afterward be delivered to the secular power. After which edmund's departure, 
Boniface.  came into the sea Bonifacius of Savoy, uncle to Queen Alienour, wife to king Henry the third. The same archbishop, who was wont to say that his three next predecessors, Stephen Langton, Richard, and Edmund (in which three men's days was made the great haul at Canterbury, with other the buildings there) had let him a haul to hire & to build up: For they left the bishopric indebted, 
Mat. Par. 1245.  partly for that building, more than xv. thousand marks (though some records speak of a more sum) which he was fain to pay to redeem the bishopric clear: although some writers refer a greater part of that debt to the great prodigality of the said Stephen Langton, 
anno. 1120.  in the translation of Thomas Becket from under the shrouds, to a more glorious shrine above. At which translation, he procured the presence of the king, and of the most part of the nobles of the Realm, with an infinite concourse of people to be present, and gave to all that would ask it both hay and provender, all the way from London to Canterbury. At which time he made such cheer, that the story saith, he made the wine to run plenteously out of divers places in the city in conduits all the whole day, to glad the people withal. Whereupon saith Ranulphus, he spent so much, that his fourth successor Bonifacius was scant able to pay the expenses. It may be that they were very merry that day: for the writer of that translation, almost spent his whole matter in setting forth the joy that was made amongst them, and how the people were inebriated wonderfully, and much he speaketh of inebriations: but lest the posterity should grossly take these inebriations, he turneth it up and down in his story, and translateth it to the inebriation of the holy ghost, with whose grace (saith he) they were deeply inebriated, and as it were spiritually drunken with ghostly abundance of joy. In deed some men otherwhere were overmuch inebriated: for the keepers of Westminster's notable palace, suffered it to be brent about that year very negligently. But as concerning this archbishop Bonifacius, though he made certain constitutions, yet he suffered that matter of priests marriages alone. Yea Othobone keeping a synod in his time, decreed nothing against priests wives, though against concubines he renewed Otho's constitution, but not so his constitution de clericis coniugatis, and yet had priests after wives. For john Peccham in his constitutions, following the next successor of Bonifacius, made his law De filiis sacerdotum. And this sparing of laws making against marriages in Bonifacius time, not unlike to be done of favour he bore to the state: For in the year of our Lord .1250. he purposing to make his visitation in divers places of his province, 
Mat. Paris in hist. maioai.  as by his legantine right he well might do, & being at London, came to the cathedral church of Paul's for that matter, but was there repelled: and after that coming to Saint Barthelmewe, though there he was solemnly received of the covent in procession, the canons being in their copes, yet would they not that he should make any inquiry of their lives and conversation, alleging that they had an Ordinary, to whom they would be subject, and to none other: which caused a great tumult to be made in the Church, betwixt the canons and the archbishops servants. In which stir, as the story of Abindon telleth, in anno 1252. one of the canons was slain, and divers sore hurt. Whereupon the citizens which were there cried out, and were purposed to have rung the common bell: & in their speeches they defamed first him, that the king had intruded him into his dignity without election canonical, charging him with ignorance, & that he had no learning, and last of all say they, he hath a wife. Whereby may appear that this state was then so odiously traduced, that the Munckyshe writers some of them, speak very sclaunderouslye of him, as being in a state that they could not abide. Howbeit, though some speak their pleasure, yet writers of as good credit as some of those monks do commend him for his large and decent family, describing him to be Procerae staturae, eleganti corpore, awnculum dominae Alienorae Reginae, qui de nobilissimo sanguine natus, & regnorum utrorumque principibus, ipse procerus & fatis sufficiens fuerit. etc. Of a comely stature, and a decent parsonage, being the uncle of Queen Alienour, who was borne of a very noble blood, descending of the princes of both Realms, being personable and sufficient enough, having testimony thereof of certain prelate's of the Realm. And though the monks of Canterbury his electors, be said to have repent them of their election, either for the state of life he might be of, as he was charged, or for that he began to bring them to some order of religion, which they called oppression: Yet the preferment which he procured to his church, seemed not to show him so unworthy as some of their pens would note him, or that he was not elected canonically, but intruded, as than the fond people said of him. For both his election, consecration, and intronization, be orderly set out in the years as they chanced, as certainly as of any other. And for some proof hereof, that he was lawfully consecrated, he came therefore with other his brethren elect, to the pope being at Lions, when this pope's chamber was set on fire & brent, with divers of his jewels & records: amongst which (saith the story) was brent that unlucky and miserable charter of king john, concerning his submission to the papacy, and for paying of his tribute, so assured by that charter. But thus (as is aforesaid) Bonifacius evil entreated and expelled in his jurisdiction metropolitical, made his repair to the king at Westminster, and so did certain of the canons that were hurt, to complain: but the king would give them neither sight nor audience. After that time, the prebendaries of Paul's, with divers other of their learned council, with certain of the canons and their interlocuters, went in great haste to Rome, to complain to the pope. After them did follow Bonifacius, and made his answer, in such wise, that both the prebendaries with their lawyers, and the canons with their council (after some money spent) returned home again without any profit or glory in their attempts. Now this Bonifacius having a wife himself, no marvel though he made no constitution for prohibition of marriages, except he had followed some men's examples, who to cloak their own incontinency, be very rigorous to make laws against others, so to set out a countenance to the world, that they be not faulty in that which they chastise others for. Whereof may be gathered, that the former institutions of his predecessors in this matter, were not greatly regarded or kept, no not Otho's constitution legantine, who departed but three years before that Bonifacius came to the sea, 
Chro. Cant.  was sent from Gregory the ninth, and received as a legate: And for that the same was (saith some stories) that he decreed certain constitutions not very grateful to the clergy, 
Fabian.  which he did utter in a synod at London in the octaves of saint Martin, in saint Paul's church, he was not much welcome: which synod did endure three days continually (and no more.) For by some appearance, and so it was saith Matthew Paris, he brought with him in his bosom these decrees from Rome, before any council began, assented, or disputed to. Much like as the report goeth, that of late in the great general council holden at Trent, though they made gay pretences, by the invocation of the holy ghost at mass, to assist their spirits to decree nothing but for the wealth of christendom: yet the precedent of the council brought all the articles in his bosom already framed at home, which they must that day conclude on. In which said council holden at London by Otho (saith Florigerus) left he should be thought to have done nothing, or not to have come into England for any reformation, he commanded under a dreadful pain, that the churches unhallowed should be hallowed. After which council, the legate wandering about the Realm, as the manner was, for the speedy collection of his money, and coming from Lincoln about Easter tide by Oxford, he took his In at Osney, where the scholars of the university and those his Romans, fell at such square in words together, that they took them to blows, and that by the provocation of the Romans: but such a conflict was betwixt them, that the Romans went by the worse. Whereupon was slain (saith Florigerus) the whole family and retinue of the legate, 
anno. 1238.  and many mortally wounded, and in conclusion the legate himself besieged, and driven for his succour into the belfry of Osney, who sent to the king then at Abyndon to deliver him: and so he restored to his liberty, suspended the whole university for one year, and brought the scholars and students of the same university under excommunication and subjection, and drove them to open penance, as is farther said in the said story. But that matter ended, and his procurations and other gifts (which he had many) well bestowed: the next year the legate went into scotland, and did exact of all the prelate's and beneficed clerks the thirteenth part of their revenues, and transmitted it over to the pope. 
Though Fabian nameth Othobone, yet in this year it must needs be of Otho.  The cause of all this broil at Oxford (saith Fabian) rose of such his constitutions as he decreed against the liberties of the clergy, in his articles v. in number: among which, other writers affirm for one, scilz. the prohibition of marriage from the priests. As for the manner of the entertainment of Otho the legate had of English men, it shall not need to declare what he had in the whole: For of one only, bishop of Winchester, when he knew he would keep house at London the winter following, he sent him fifty fat oxen, 
Math. Paris 1237.  an hundred quarters of wheat of the finest, and eight tons of the sweetest wines. As for scarlet, furs, gold, silver, horse, plate, sent him before he came into the Realm, and after he was once come, & how he used himself, let Matthew Paris be read, and see the pomp and pride of that prelate, whom the king himself (a god's name) must meet on the way. Rex autem ei usque ad confinium maris occurrit, et inclinato ad genua eius capite, usque ad interiora regni deduxit officiose. The king did meet him at the borders of the sea, and at his first sight bowed his head down to the legates knees, and brought him very seruisablie into the inward parts of the Realm. If ye ask, who was like to be the cause he came into the Realm? For he was sent for by the kings commandment, where all the lords sore complained of it, yea good Edmund archbishop of Canterbury did much blame the king for his sending for, he knowing (saith the story) that to the great prejudice of his dignity, did hang over his Realm much loss and danger thereby. In deed the bishops his brethren, belike not liking the cold and easy proceeding of the said Edmund, in his constitution in the defence of the clergies liberties, and against the priests concubines against which he proceeded no more sharply than he did, his brethren thought that it was to little, and therefore gave council to send for a legate, as is to be gathered by the gorgeous meeting him at Paris, and by sending him such great rewards & gifts by the bishops and famous clerks, receiving him with such processions most honourable, with bells ringing, with all reverence as was belonging, yea (saith Matthew) ut decuit, & plus quam decuit, more than was meet and convenient: and therefore may be soon judged who were like to be counsellors to the king, who in their drifts then doubting nothing but by the means of a legate sent from Rome by the pope himself, that what he would constitute, should be terrible, and set out for a good countenance to the world, and kept notwithstanding some of his constitutions at leisure. For these zealous men concerning this pretenced holiness of the clergy, rather meant to make a show to the world of a perfect chastity (in reforming the state thereof, as it was then thought, decayed much their estimation among the people) then meant it in deed, or that they ever thought these decrees and laws should be observed. For the practice declared, how after the great shows of terrible decrees against concubinaries the matter was handled: being like that by such restraint, seeing the invinciblenes of containing in their priests, to be seen that their tolerations and qualifications should turn partly to their own better obedience, having the concubinary priests ever in their danger, and should turn the more to the commodity of their officers which did serve them. And it is not unlike, but they learned of their holy father the pope, by tolerations to seek their gains. For saith the lawyer upon Otho's constitution (ca licet ad profligandum) that by some lawyer's judgements, as john Andrew, though Hostiensis and himself holdeth the contrary, Quod crimen meretricii debet ecclesia sub dissimulatione transire, nam & marescallus pape, de facto exigit tributum a meritricibus, & hoc forte ad maius malum evitandum. 32. q. 1. non est culpandus. That the church ought to pass over by dissimulation the crime of open harlots, because the pope's marshal in deed at this present (saith he) exacteth tribute of harlots, and that peradventure for avoiding a greater mischief, writeth the gloze. If ye ask, what should sound to such a guess that most of them meant to make many decrees from time to time, but never meant or thought to have them kept? Consider good reader how their expositors & glosers, the lawyers wipe away with their gloss, the pith & strength even of this straight law of Otho the legate now constituted, so that they make it but a shipman's hose, and so travesable that it can never be executed, meaning in deed to show rather outwardly a chastity to blear the eyes of the world, then hoping to have it so in deed. For even in that very chapter is recorded, and well brought to remembrance the watchword they had among them (si non caste, tamen caute) for that was their principal care, to go closely away, to carry clean, and to live in secret as they lust, and then all very well. With which banbery gloss, they had at the last brought the open clergy to renounce open avouching of their wives, and lived yet divers of them secretly with wives of late days. For even of late in archbishop Pecchams' days, 
Pecham. anno. 1281.  they (after Otho's decree of the same) still provided against priests children, that they should not next and immediately succeed their fathers in their benefices without the pope's dispensation, for fear (as the glosers show the cause) to make spiritual livings, temporal inheritance. The reason of which their decrees do plainly declare, that they took priests marriages for lawful: for else a bastard in deed is not inheritable, nor can claim by inheritance his father's possessions and living. No more doth the common law of the Realm, count them bastards borne in priests matrimony, so long as the ordinary doth not execute the canon of the church against them while they live, whose marriages though they be voidable, yet not voided, make their children heritable. Now this mystery (si non caste, tamen caute) was secretly delivered from hand to hand, to them which were the wiser and of more experience, and so lived secretly with their friends, not openly vouched for wives. But in affectu sororio, amore uxorio, & fide coniugali, as they use the terms. In which kind of life, there be no small arguments, that some bishops and the best of the clergy, living within the memory of man, did continue. etc. Where the poor simple priests and ignorant idiots, having little skill of such mysteries, and having as fervent provocation, the most part of them, in the flesh, as the better sort had, know no other remedies, but either to live in single fornication, or secretly in adulteries with other men wives, ever having before their eyes (si non caste, tamen caute) But if it chanced that they were taken to manifestly in the crime, that there could be no excuse for them, than were they (be ye sure) extremely punished, but yet seldom with open punishment, for it is against the law. Quia clerici solennem paenitentiam agere non debent. And further for to comfort the concubinary priests Guilermus Lynwood upon the title de constitutionibus ca 
Distinct. 28. Presbyter.  Quod incontinency, moveth a question. An contraveniens constitutioni peccet mortaliter, he saith. Qui voluntary, sive contemptabiliter sine rationabili causa transgrediuntur praeceptum legis, sive constitutionis aut canonis peccant, name tales impediunt finem, quem legislator intendit. Vbi tamen non voluntary, non contemptibiliter, fed ex causa rationabili aliquis transgreditur canonem, non peccat mortaliter, secundum Thomam & recitatur per Arch. 76. dist. utinam. etc. And to help forth the matter, 
De habitu clericorum const. Otho. ca Quoniam de habitu.  john Aton the glosser of Otho's constitutions, moving the question, whether a constitution or council which the subjects never accepted or obeyed, do constrain or bind to the observation thereof? After many constitutions and allegations of laws, and contrary determinations of lawyers and glosers of the pope's laws (in tanta Papalardia) as he doth use the term: he biddeth the reader to hold that which he doth determine. 
Which term of a Papalard Gaulfride Chauser doth use, for a dissembling hypocrite, pretending one thing, & meaning another. Fol. 154.  Howbeit, in the discusment of this question he saith, that if of the behalf of the law, there might follow either slander or more harm, than should the common custom observed prevail, concerning the excusation from temporal punishment. Yet saith he, in fact this is very seldom observed, when by the observing of the constitution, the purses of the prelate's should be made empty thereby. But (saith he) all other constitutions which be (Bursales prelatis) available to the prelate's purses, such be well commended to memory, and be also executed to the uttermost inch. And lest the law of Otho should be to sharp for the concubinary priests, or they to soon condemned, the glosser thus handleth the matter upon those terrible words of Otho. Statuimus et statuendo precipimus, ut clerici et maxime in sacris ordinibus constituti, 
De concub. clericorum ca licz, at pro-  qui in domibus suis vel alienis DETINENT PUBLICE CONCUBINAS, eas prorsus a se removeant infra mensem, et ipsas vel ahas de cetero nullatenus detenturi alioqui ab officio & beneficio sint suspensi etc. usque dign satis fecerint, & de beneficiis se nullatenus intromittant, alioqui ipso iure ipsos decernimus fore privatos, & volumus & districte precipimus, ut archiepiscopi et episcopi diligenter faciant inquisitionem. etc. We decree, and by decreeing do command, that clerks, specially such as be in holy orders, which in their own houses or other men's do detain openly concubines, that they remove those from them utterly within a month, and that they in no wise detain them or other from henceforth, or else be they suspended from the office and benefice. etc. until they shall make condign satisfaction, & that they intermeddle in no wise with their benefices, or else we decree them to be deprived ipso iure. And we will & straightly command, that the archbishops & bishops make diligent search hereof. etc. Now cometh in this favourable glosser to temper all the matter more gently, in favour of the concubinary priests, and saith that these three words detinent publice concubinas, that do detain openly concubines, must concur jointly together, so that this term openly must aswell determine this detention, as this term concubine, that is to say, that this detention be pulique, and this concubine keeping, be public, for else it taketh no place. As for example, when a woman is commonly believed to be the persons sister: though this detaining be public, yet she is not known to be a concubine. But what (saith he) if he be found to lie with a woman? I answer: 
A favourable gloze upon an hard text.  yet it is to be taken secret, and for this may not he be compelled to void publicly, except it can be proved otherwise. Again, this word detaining, is to be taken when these concubines be detained by the priests proper costs: for else, if the woman live of her own, though the priest have to her public access, it maketh no matter: for the intent of this constitution, is to restrain unhonest dilapidation of the priests. And again (saith he) this constitution was made more easy by pope Alexander the second, which now may not be prejudiced by a legate only, & therefore in that point doubtful whether it bindeth. And where it is said openly, or publicly, understand that (saith he) when the priest is not afeard to appear so before the whole multitude, for else it forceth not: as if he detain her secretly within his own house, or any of his friends, for than he shall not incur into the penalty of this statute, seeing that an house declareth a thing secret, and not public. And further he saith, it is not enough to be taken for public, because it is known only of some certain: therefore hold thou (saith he) these words, publicly, to signify commonly and before many, and yet is not the priest to be charged to detain a concubine, though openly and commonly once or twice he be seen to resort to her, which maketh not this fact of his notorious as is here decreed. And hereto agreeth Wilhelmus Lynwood, that though these things ought not to be done publicly, yet belike they may do them secretly as the doctors say. Yet saith he, this is true to th'effect of escaping the pain: which though it be inflicted to them that do these forbidden things publicly, yet it is not extended to them that do them secretly, and so be they excused concerning the pain, but not concerning the fact. Lo here is a favourable gloze of their watchword, si non caste, tamen caute. And again to note the devotion of these good men, to work an immunity to their concubinary priests, 
De habitati. clericorum. li. 3. ca ut clericalis.  where as Stephen in his constitution in the ancient written copies and books, forbiddeth them to keep their concubines both publice & occult, and that they have no access unto them either publicum or occultum: They have put out these two words occult and occultum out of their books of constitutions provincial, as also in their common printed books of councils general, late printed at Paris 1555 per Franciscum joverium, wherein the same council holden at Oxford by Steven is inserted. Again, to minse this matter, to make the pillow more soft to put under the elbows of these concubinary priests, he writeth, the it must be considered what perseverance he useth in this crime, for it must be taken for a continual perseverance proved, if it should charge him. And furthermore it must be a full month, and this month must stand of no fewer days than xxxi. saith he. And where it is decreed that within a month she must be put away, that is saith he, though some rigorously do expound these words within a month, from the publication of this decree, or from a month after warning given: yet hold thou (counseleth he) from a month of such public detention begun and proved. And if all these will not help the matter, than he saith upon the word detaining, that it must be continual and long used. For if upon any sudden detaining of his possession of her, he should fall into this grievous pain, than it were to to rigorous a law, considering the frailty of our time, and for that this frailty of the flesh doth move to pity, and not to rigour. And thus throughout, this gentle glosser wipeth away the words of this decree, in such wise, that neither this law nor any like should ever take such place either to hinder the ordinaries commodities, or charge the priest except he will himself. Thus here ye see the practice of the chaste church, to what point they have brought all their hard constitutions, either to abjure marriages, or else to learn the priests an immunity to live in fornications and adulteries without check or cost, except the charge of a little tribute yearly, to pacify the official or commissary. etc. with their return after iniquisition, non est inventus. May it here have place that W. Nubergensis writeth. li. 2. ca 16. Episcopi dum defendendis magis clericorum libertatibus vel dignitatibus quam eorum vitus corigendis resecandisque invigilant, arbitrantur obsequium se prestare deo & ecclesiae, si facinorosos clericos quos pro officii debito canonicae vigore censure coercere, vel nolunt, vel negligunt, contra publicam tueantur disciplinam, et episcopalis circa eos sollicitudo sit languida. While the bishops be more busy to defend the liberties or dignities of the priests, then to correct & cut of their vices, than they think they do good service to God and to the church, if they may maintain the wicked priests against the church's discipline, which priests they either will not or neglect to restrain, as their duty is, by the sharp censures of the church: so that the bishops care is now become very cold and dead. As this lawyer aforesaid useth favourable expositions in priests concubines: so in the chapter before he hath one favourable gloze for priests which do marry after their order. For he saith, though by the rigour of the law he must needs lose his benefice: yet if by this marriage he incur not Bigamy, then may they dispense with them in his ministration and in his benefice. For if he were made Bigamus by his marriage, than it cannot be dispensed with but by the pope only. Finally, to plaster up the matter to the priests commodities in this cause, besides laws they have no bad council of some divines to, of great name. For it is written, if the clerk being in less orders, as Benet or Colit, have a benefice, and can live chaste by no means, and therefore is in jeopardy to lose his benefice (not for being unchaste, but for having a benefice and marriage together) then let him (saith he) by the advice of his ghostly father live secretly with a wife, and so secretly deceive the eyes of his ordinary: yea and though he come after to holy orders, yet thinketh he to be less sin to live with a wife, then against God's precept to live in fornication. Thus you see, that all the matter was handled to live openly clean and chaste, but secretly to live as they would. For as many of the clergy lived in adulteries. etc. and some in vices sodomitical: so did divers, whose consciences were better, and in knowledge more wise, lived secretly with wives, and provided for their children under the names of nephews and other men's children, choosing rather so to do in obeying S. Paul's precept, 
Rom. 14.  Tu fidem habes, penes temetipsum sit, habe coram deo. And following again his council, Videte ne bonum vestrum hominum malidicenciae sit obnoxium, & unusquisque in suo sensu abundet. Qui sapit diem dno sapit. Thou hast faith, have it to thyself before God, and take heed that your liberty be not subject to the evil tongues of men, and let every man abound in his own sense. He that is wise, and can discern the day, let him discern it to God. In which contemplation, not unlike that not only this archbishop Bonifacius, and other bishops of old days, but some of late days did live, though all the world did not bark at the matter. Now if Boniface archbishop of Canterbury had a wife, Richard bishop of Chichester had a wife, if Galfride bishop of Ely was avouched before the pope himself to have married a wife, if Robert of Lincoln had his son, besides others that stories make mention of sense the conquest, as of Archdeacon's and priests, monks and Nuns, by the pope's dispensations, innumerable: how unadvised be they which writ checkyngly, that of all the bishops that ever were in England, none were married before Crammer? Is nothing to be proved by story true, but such as they list to agree unto, or have read? If the bishops of Salisbury of old time, and all other bishops of the Realm, did hold for truth in the sacrament of the lords supper, before the conquest as doctrine common, the which doctrine is now more openly set out by Caluine, and most learnedly proved by witness of the ancient auctors, by the bishop of Sarum that now is, and others: If it be evidently testified by history, that the pope had no such claim of authority amongst the christian Britanes, nor were at any time so received, as Austen when he came in, sent as cardinal (saith one writer) from pope Gregory, to have had the christian bishops and other of the clergy which he found in the realm at his coming, to be subject unto his legacy and trade of his religion, which they denied him, whereupon followed that shameful murder of the Britanes both ecclesiastical and laity, amounting to a very great sum, as Bede and other many do testify: What vanity is it to affirm the contrary so openly, so confidently, as though these outlandyshe writers had read all records concerning these causes? or quia faenum habent in cornu, they may have such boldness and trust in their sliper pens, to drive all men under the hatch, to discredit all men whom they dislike, yea to overthrow and to turn over the imperial state of their natural country, to the shaming of the prince, to the charging of all the nobility with schism and error, to the defacing and disabling (if they could) the honesty, learning, and estimation of the better sort of the clergy, so declaring what spirit they still show them selves to be of: That where almighty God (who be praised therefore) have restrained their old furious wont cruelty, that they can now hang and bren no more, stock or imprison any more their adversaries: yet can not cease by their unruly natures to persecute the whole Realm with their pens and styles, to danger the state to the peril of sedition, to shame such men as so modestly answer them, with their vile words and taunts, more meet for Ruffians then grave divines, who of reverent conscience should debate the weighty matters of their souls, the honourable grounds of our faith, the majesty of Christ, of God himself. Is it like that God will power there his spirit of truth, of purity, where such lies, such fyltynes is kept in store, where mere malice writeth, and slander so doth advance herself? Surely the longer such men writ in this sort, the farther of they drive indifferent conscionable men from them, and the more earnestly provoke the weak men to revenge their spite in themself and in their friends, the more provoke they some men to use some bitterness again, and to put abroad in sight, that which otherwise might have been kept in silence. Which for that stories be common, though some yet in few men's hands, so far as the revelation may make to extol gods glory, his truth and verity, to make the blind world to see somewhat, except they be altogether blind, is some men's intendment, rather peradventure provoked then sought of purpose, so to wear out the vain time of this pilgrimage, till the son of man shall come: Vt auferat omnia scandala, & omnes iniquitates, qui reddet vnicu●que secundum opera sua, justus judex. But a god's name, why should they make this their doctrine of transubstantiation and gross presence, to be so new that Berengarius must be the first author, most untruly so faced out? Where ancient records prove so far the contrary, and setteth out such the true doctrine, so to be urged and appointed, both for priests in their synods, for religious in their collations, for the common people in their orderly exhortations, expressed in Homylees, of a great number extant in Saxon speech for all the festival days in the year, which written, were so used many a year before Beringarius was borne or heard of. So that the bishops of old may aswell be charged to be Caluanistes, if the assertion be so considered, aswell as the bishop of Sarum, or any bishop at these days. And aswell may that learned archbishop Rabanus Maurus, be charged to be a Caluanist, being in the year of our Lord 808. because his opinion was against the scholastical transubstantiation, affirming that the material part of the sacrament is turned to the nourishment of our bodies, and therefore (saith he) is the bread called the body of Christ: because as the bread doth nourish the body, so Christ's body nourisheth the soul: and because the wine worketh blood in the flesh, therefore it is to be referred to the blood of Christ. This to be Rabanus judgement, is so advouched by the author who did abridge Amalarius book, writing the ordine Romanae ecclesiae. Which Amalarius in the beginning of his second book, doth show the cause why of old time amongs the Romans the lessons were read in Greek and also in Latin, as it is at this day used (saith he) at Constantinople for two causes: One for that there were present Grecians, to whom was unknown the Latin tongue, and also for that the Romans were present, to whom was unknown the Greek tongue: an other cause to express the unity of both nations. So that the said Amalarius may be witness, that in the old time the lessons of the scriptures were so read in the Church, as by the reading the people might understand to their edification. But as concerning the said Rabanus, it is not unlike that he had received his judgement from his master Alcquine, an old english writer, whose auditor he was, and Alcquine again sometime auditor of Bede, as Tritemius testifieth. Whereupon to consider the just computation of years, it is not uncredible but that such faith towards the sacrament which we now profess, was in the Realm before the conquest, and so continued till Lanfranckes days. And for all the examinations and executions which were done in the english Church afterward, by divers Ordinaries in the Realm: yet from age to age it was retained, and men found for holding that ancient faith by their inquisitions, though cruelly brent, in such mercy as of late was showed to poor christian men, women, and children, wherein the order of their doing over that article was always urged and charged upon them, which they would condemn for heretics, though their greatest grief was to hear of those contemned persons, other practices of their lives and religion so despised and reproved: but thinking by laying that cause of the sacrament to their charge, it would compel all other men to believe them to be heretics and worthily brent. But God doth open men eyes better to judge, than before was known. God grant for such knowledge men may be thankful to God in their lives and conversations. But to return again to the matter purposed, and to walk in the wide discourse of testimonies and examples which might be brought in, to prove both bishops and priests as have been in matrimony in this Realm before the conquest (the records whereof how enviously so ever have been suppressed, razed, & defaced: yet remain enough of that sort to prove the fact, though the scriptures failed to be brought forth for trial of this truth.) And to aleage the stories of other countries, what bishops and priests of great fame and learning have been of this state openly advouched and commended, were a matter of great largeness, the numbers be so many, and therefore the matter to be but needless to such as have any mean sight in stories. So that to rude and unlearned persons, who esteem all things new which they have no remembrance of, or have not been of late days in ure, were not worthy any more to be written: And yet to the learned, or such as make most brag of learning, all this to much, especially if they be such as have eyes to see and will not see, and ears & will not hear, hearts and will not understand: and therefore let it suffice them whose consciences be fearful, and would gladly be informed of the truth, at the least way to serve their turn, whose cause it is, to serve God in a pure conscience, in the lawful usage of his institution, not unlawful for them, and give their humble thanks to God, and let envious men bark what they can against it. For while the Gospel shall have any credit or estimation, they shall never prevail (after so much light of god's word showed) to beat down this institution of God, free for all manner of persons by the liberty of the Gospel, as all other creatures of time and place be made for man's necessity and comfort. And if men cry out against the unhonest or unlawful abuse of God's institution in any person, I wish with them that the abuse were by law and decree reformed. But good men wish the liberty thereof no more worthy to be taken away in itself, than they think reasonable to be plucked from them any other such benefit of God, erected and instituted by his divine ordinance, to the repress of filthiness & other abomination, not to be commonly rehearsed, though to commonly they have been used of some persons, who be now the more unexcusable, having the liberty granted, if they defile themselves as have been accustomed. So that by this liberty is no bridle given over to lewdness as some do talk, or that they be like to have the fewer to be chaste: but the more to be willingly chaste in deed, the restraint thus revoked, as in examples of these days who list well to consider, may hear of grave men, vifiting in divers diocese of the Realm abroad, how few concubinaries, how few fornicators, how few adulterers of the ecclesiastical state be detected and proved, in such comparison, as of xii. or xiii. hundred divers parishes, of one dioceses not four accused: Who if any be resident at home, keeping up their houses in due reparations, using such hospitality as they be able, teaching their flocks as they may, be most of that sort & condition. And if this serve not to the godly policy of the Realm, for such outrages to be extinguished, and such as can not live chas●e to have their liberty, and such as can by the secret gift of God live chaste, in the same quietly to follow the state of their vocation, and have thereby their just commendation for the same: I leave it to be considered of men of godly consciences, of wise men in experience, and of true policy in deed. And here is to be answered that objection which is commonly made of divers persons, which both fear God, and wish all offendicles to be taken out of the Church, that the Gospel might have his full credit. They use to object the saying of S. Paul, 
1. Cor. 7.  He that is single, careth for the things of the Lord, how he may please the Lord, But he that hath married a wife, careth for the things of the world how he may please his wife. To answer such, it is good to hear the saying of one godly divine, where he saith: they must understand that S. Paul's words must be taken in such sort as he meant them. For he meant not utterly to sequester from all married persons a care and desire of heavenly things, and to discharge them by all manner means to please the Lord, and to attribute to them the only care of worldly business, how they should please their wives, as peculiarly to them: But he spoke only of that which is commonly wont to be done, specially in such matrimonies which be contracted and spent out in worldliness, that be led and entangled with the desire and love of worldly things. For an infidel woman which is given to the world, is wont to withdraw the man from godly matters, to worldly & carnal business: of which sort of people S. Paul speaketh this sentence. For else no christian man can deny, but that a godly wife is an helper to honest and godly life in this world, to all such as have not the gift of single living given them of the lord. For the words which almighty God spoke, 
Gen. 2.  must needs stand in strength, where he said: It is not good for a man to be alone, let us make an helper which may be with him, like unto himself. Which words, the Lord understood not but of such an helper as might serve a man towards a godly and heavenly life: for whatsoever doth not help thereto, can not be called of the Lord an helper of man, but an impediment or hindrance. It is manifest and evident to all men, that as S. Paul did not pronounce this sentence generally of all them which live in single state, that they all care only for the things of God, and are nothing led with the desire and care of worldly things: Even by like reason he meant not his saying of all manner persons, that they care only for such things which be worldly, and despise those things which be heavenly and godly: for wedlock is holy and the bed undefiled. These be the words of the holy ghost, 
Ad Heb. 13.  which is only the spirit of truth, only holy and pure, and therefore must needs be verified of all such wedlock that is contracted and used according to his institution, whether it be of priest or of lay man, whether it be the first marriage, the second, or the third, for the word of God maketh no difference either of person either of number. Wherefore, if an honest wife that feareth God, be married in the Lord, she can not be but an helper to perform a godly life, and that to priests, specially such as have not the gift of chastity, or to such as will pass over the sour pilgrimage of this passing life, to have a trusty and faithful friend to bear the burden of all griefs and heaviness in comfortable moderation, and thereby to avoid the dangerous temptations that otherwise might encumber his life. As Elizabeth was an help to her husband in the service of god, 
Luk. 1.  in the ministery of the priesthood. And the mother of Gregory Naziazene did also help her husband in the episcopal office, of whom Naziazene in the funeral sermon of his said father, writeth, that she was not only a notable and excellent help of his father in godliness, but also a teacher and defender of his cure, with many other words of high commendations of both their virtues: so that their marriage was aswell a copulation of virtue as of body. Which thing have many other godly women performed to their husbands, and do the same at this day. And the said Gregory Naziazene doth tell that Basil a priest, was father of three bishops: of Basil the great of Cesaria, of Peter of Sebastia, and of Gregory of Nize. Which Basil (saith he) though he bound himself in matrimony, yet he lived so therein, that he had no impediment thereby to attain both perfect virtue and perfect knowledge: So that in his conjugal state he kept his life & priestly order, whereof these three, chastity, matrimony, and priesthood (which be wont to make divers kinds of life) were nothing repugnant in him, or did any ways hinder his virtue. Wherefore, it cannot be said that holy wedlock, if it be begun in the Lord, should be by itself an impediment to the office of a priest, specially forasmuch as the holy ghost hath ordained it, and hath enjoined it in the first place among the ornaments of a minister of the church. Whereupon further it followeth, that saint Paul wrote not these words (He that hath married a wife, careth for the things of the world, how he may please his wife) of all married persons: but of those only which be joined in matrimony after the worldly manner, and with such persons as be given to the world, and therefore he addeth straightway after these words: this I speak to your profit, not to entangle you in a snare. By which saying, he doth acknowledge a wife to some men to be so necessary for a godly life, that single state to such men must needs be a snare & most grievous inconvenience. And let not the scrupulous consciences of men be blinded in themselves, as to judge any impurity in the bodies of them which honestly use gods institution of matrimony. 
De virg. cap. 33.  No Saint Austen doubteth not to say: Quia fancta sunt etiam corpora coniugatorum fidem sibi & domino seruientium, that the bodies even of the married folk be holy, of such as preserve their faith to themselves one to the other, and their faith to god. And there in that discourse saint Austen proveth, that the graces of continency was not unlike in john, 
Cap. 21.  who never had a do with marriage, and in Abraham who had children: so that the chastity of the one, & the matrimony of the other, came to one end to serve the Lord. Again, it may not be thought, that for the worldly cares which may be in matrimony priests be more charged, than for other cares and turmoil of the world. For such carefulness may assoon defile the purity of the mind, as the cares which be in matrimony. Aswell be these careful travails of the world forbidden to the priests, as cares which be in wedlock. 
De bono viduitatis. cap. 23.  God forbid (saith S. Austen to the widows) that ye should be entangled with the desire of riches, in steed of the cares of matrimony, that in your hearts money should bear the chief rule, and so love of money should be your husbands. Whereupon Chrisostome writeth. Audiant hoc virgins, 
Home 19 1. Cor 7.  quòd non in hoc definita est virginitas, corpore solum virgines esse. etc. Let virgins hear, that virginity is not in this point so concluded, for the bodies only to be in virginity. For she which hath the cares of secular matters, she is neither virgin nor honest. And Theophilact saith: 
1. Cor. 7.  When thou shalt behold any virgin which hath vowed, carefully inclined to worldly matters, know thou certainly that she differs nothing from a married woman. And saint Jerome saith: It will profit nothing to have the body of a virgin, if the mind have inwardly married. This affirm I (saith Athanasius) that every virgin, widow, or woman continent, if she have the cares of this world, 
De virg..  those very cares be her husband. whereupon I must conclude with saint Austen to these. Desinant isti contra scripturas loqui. 
Epist. 89. quest 4.  Let these cease to speak against the scriptures. And let them in their exhortations excite men's minds to the more perfect state, that yet they do not condemn the inferior gifts. For some (saith he) in their exhortations, can not otherwise persuade virginity, but that therewith they condemn the matrimonial estate, forasmuch as S. Paul saith plainly, every man hath his gift of God, one after this manner, and another after that. Thus far S. Austen. Better (saith he) is meek matrimony, then vaunting virginity. 
In Psal. 99  And therefore the said saint Austen exhorteth virgins, that they conjoin other agreeable virtues, as handmaids which in deed do most beautify the true virginity, 
In Psal. 75.  without which (saith he) the virginal life either is dead in itself, or else deformed in itself, and let the state be holy both in body and spirit, serving God without separation at all. Of such minds were the fathers in old time, so exhorting to the single state of life, as men's frailties might bear the perfection, and used no condemnation or compulsion, but left it indifferent to the conscience of every man. So did that learned abbot Aelfricus (afterward as some affirm archbishop of Canterbury) prescribing a synodal sermon to be spoken by the bishops to the priests, after his reasons and swasions to the sole life, used these words. Non cogimus violenter vos dimittere uxores vestras, sed dicimus vobis quales esse debetis, & si non vultis, nos ●rimus securi, & liberi a vestris peccatis, quia dicimus vobis canones sanctorum patrum. We do not compel you by violence to forsake your wives, but we declare to you what ye should be: and if ye will not, we shallbe clear and free from your offences, for we have showed unto you the canons of holy fathers. This writer in all his whole sermon, never chargeth the English priests with any vow, but only standeth upon the constraint of canons ecclesiastical. For before the conquest was never matrimony once forbidden, nor vows of secular priests once received. Nor Gildas that ancient Britain, in his sharp invection against all estates of his time, after he had reproved the greatest personages and the regulars of their abuses, he proceeding to speak against the secular priests: yet in his process he never chargeth them for breaking any vow, but chiefly for that they were not contented with saint Paul's grant, to be the husbands of one only wife, but contemned that his precept, and were the husbands of more wives at once, in such lewd liberty as he charged before the laity to have used themselves, in renouncing their former wives to take new, and to have many wives at once, without all regard of God's laws and commandment, after such like sort as the Irish men used till Henry the second his days, what time the king did write to pope Adrian of his purpose, to reduce the Irish nation to better religion. 
Girardus Cambrensis  The pope in his rescript did well commend his good zeal, and counseled him to go forward: but with this proviso, that (because saith he) all Islands that be turned to the faith, belong to the right of S. Peter, and the most holy church of Rome, the land should pay yearly to S. Peter for every house a penny, as pope Alexander following ratified the same, with the reservation of the said payment for Ireland, and bringing to memory also his pension for every house of England. So that whosoever took pain and cost to set any nation in order, or to bring them to better belief, the pope would lose nothing thereby: where yet till that time, his fatherhood did most strangely suffer that people so outrageously to live, till the king took the reformation. Upon which letters sent by the king▪ the said Adrian did confirm to him and to his heirs of that kingdom, 
Walter Covent.  and did constitute them kings thereof for ever. And further, in the letters of the said king Henry sent to the pope, he professed to reform their abuses, & to put Christ's religion better amongst them. Shortly after, the king sent his learned men to the archbishops & bishops there, who kept a great council at the city of Cassalense, wherein they did constitute, that where before the Irish used to baptize the children of the greater men in milk, and of the poorer sort in water, and that where the Irish laity had as many wives as they would: now they decreed, that water only should be the element indifferently for all their children, and that they should marry in jure ecclesiastico, according to the ecclesiastical law. If ye will now know in what state the priests were in that land: it may be understand of a canon of the council kept there by certain bishops, 
Lib. Sinodal. Ecclesie Wigorun.  under the names of Patricius, Auxilius, Iserninus, and this did they constitute. Quicunque clericus, ab hostiario usque ad sacerdotem, sine tunica visus fuerit, atque turpitudinem ventris & nuditatem non tegat, & si non more romano, capilli eius tonsi sint, & uxor eius sine velato capite ambulaverit: pariter a laicis contemnantur, et ab ecclesia separentur. What clerk soever, from the door keeper to the priest, be seen without a coat, and doth not cover the unseemly parts and nakedness of his body: and again, if his hears be not shorn after the roman fashion, and if his wife shall walk abroad without any cover upon her head: let them be both contemned of the laity, and sequestered from the church. Lo thus (as john Aventine saith) priests had at that time wives publicly, 
Lib. 5.  as other christian men had, and did procreate children, as I do find (saith he) in certain deeds of gifts which they made to temples and to professed munckes, in which instrument their wives be rehearsed by name as witnesses with their husbands, & be called by an honest appellation in latin Presbyterissae. Thus priests were not forbidden, so they had but one wife at once, and not many, no if they had divers one after another, and free to them by saint Paul's grant, so they marry in the Lord. 
unius uxoris vir. Tim. iii.  Nor saint Ambrose himself doth deny this truth: but plainly affirmeth, that it is lawful and not prohibited, no not for bishops to have a second wife, after the death of the first. Although (saith he) that he may be worthy to be a bishop, he must refuse those things which be lawful for the dignity of his order. Which holy Ambrose bishop of Milan, did permit in his church priests freely to be married, and so testified by Barnardinus Corius, in his chronicle sub anno 1387. and so advouched by johannes Nevisanus professor of law, in his book entitled silva nuptialis. Thus was marriages free at all seasons, for a priest to have one only wife at once, & was neither then worthy blame, nor was a great while after in the Saxons time forbidden, as in books of rules and canons set out for the governing of the secular priests it may appear: 
De regulis clericorum.  which be testified in these old English words. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 
Be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Let them also do their endeavour that they hold with perpetual diligence their chastity in an unspotted body, or else verily be they coupled with the bond of one matrimony.  
But to stand in rehearsal of such records, what have been used by the ancient good fathers of the church, to set out their judgements so practised in divers old churches, who considering the infirmity of man, would not keep that liberty in bondage, which God had made free: whereby they had the more continent persons a great number. If therefore such compulsions of constrained chastity were abolished, and the estimation of God's institution more reverenced than it is commonly, it is not unlike but that we should have less cause to make laws upon laws against concubinaries: which before the prohibition of marriage was seldom heard of in the church, though against Sodomitical vices reigning amongst the religious, there hath been from time to time laws and decrees multiplied one upon another, and yet could the rage be never reformed, as they that be of age and have any experience can well testify of their doings. And such austere law makers, do not only impel men and women to unspeakable fedities, but also do recede much from the ancient fathers that have been in the church before, as Socrates saith. Cuncti qui abstinent a coniugibus spontanea voluntate, 
Tripart. li. 3. cap. 38.  & non aliqua necessitate, etiam episcopi seipsos abstinent, & plurimi eorum etiam episcopatus tempore, ex legittima uxore filios habuerunt. All ecclesiastical persons in the east church do abstain from wives by free consent, & not by any constraint or necessity, yea bishops do so forbear: yet very many of them (saith he) in the time of their bishopric have children by their lawful wives. Thus far Socrates. Which liberty if it should be restrained under pretence of religious holiness, might not a man justly cry out against such forced chastity, 
De virg. li. 1.  as once Ambrose did cry out against the paynim religion, for their vestal virgins and Pallas priests. O misteria, o mores, ubi necessitas imponitur castitate, authoritas datur libidini. O marvelous mysteries, O strange manners, where necessity (by vows) is imposed upon chastity, authority (by laws immunities) is given to lechery. Therefore (saith he) she is not chaste which is compelled by fear, nor honest which is induced by hire and reward.  
Which kind of constrained professed chastity (to satisfy the eyes of the world) many times proveth not aunswerablie, as it well was seen in that bishop Genebaldus, he married the niece of Remigius, who made him bishop of Laudune. This Remigius was chosen archbishop when he was but xxij. years old. But this said bishop and his wife professed outwardly a conversion (religionis causa, 
Remigius monach●s claruit. 880.  saith the book, and therefore contrary to the Apostles vi. canon) yea though they discharged one another from mutual company ad nolens volens, so that this man might well say, that he could neither live with her nor without her: yet they had such mutual resort together under pretence of her instruction, that secretly she was with child by him. Whereupon she detecting the matter to him, 
Antoninus. lib. 2. tit. 11. cap. 18. In Chron. Vincentius in speculo hist.  he willed that the child should be named Latro, because (saith he) he was begotten in stealth. Which Latro afterward proved an holy man, and succeeded his father in his bishopric, saith the archbishop Antonine. Now he did permit his wife to resort to him as before, lest else thereby might rise abroad some suspection. And thereafter followed that she was again with child, & brought forth a girl, whom he commanded to be called Vulpecula, belike for the crafty and sly handling of the matter. Then Genebaldus remembering himself, went to archbishop Remigius her uncle, and fell at his feet, and would have resigned up his habit and profession, but Remigius would not permit him so to do: and hearing the case, he did comfort him very amiably saith the story, but kept him in a cell for seven. years together, and in the mean time did govern his bishopric, till an angel from heaven appeared to fetch him out, commanding him to come forth: who told him that his offence was forgiven him, and that heaven was open unto him, the truth whereof the angel proved to him then by a miracle. And so Remigius by the commandment of the said angel restored him to his bishopric again, and there he continued till he died. And if we should credit stories that be written: Some doth write saith Antonine, that because S. john was called from his marriage (that same that was in Cana Galileae, 
In summa part. 3. tit. 1. cap. 21.  whereat Christ and his mother were present by some men's opinion) unto the Apostleship, against his wives will Marie Magdalen, if it be true that some affirm: she upon indignation hereof, fell to her incontinent life, and was a public evil liver in the city. But this holy father Genebaldus with his wife living in forced professed chastity, by stealth did as their kind did lead them, but yet kept all things close from the eyes of the world, and then all was well. Had it not have been more honourable for this bishop to have followed the example of RESTITUTUS sometime bishop of London, 
Restitutus.  who to the eyes of the world manifestly lived with his wife: or to have followed that notable learned martyr Phileas bishop of Thmuis, whom Eusebius so highly doth commend for his eloquence, testifying that he did write a notable martiriloge a book of martyrs, of the number of such christian folk which suffered at Alexandria, whom Ensebius also praiseth much for his constancy, who having a wife and children to the knowledge of all the world, 
Eccle. hist. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 8.  would not forsake his faith, when he was led before the precedent, and toward his martyrdom for his faith to Christ, though his kinsfolks moved him to save himself, 
hilarius floruit. anno Dom 350  and to have respect of his wife and children: yet virtue prevailed in him against such persuasions, and would not so redeem himself. Or had it not have been more commendable to have followed the example of HYLARIUS bishop of poitiers, who in his bishopric avouched both wife and children openly, which the said archbishop of florence affirmeth was not against his order. Quia (saith he) episcopatus ex sui natura, non habet opponi ad matrimonium. 
Lib. 3 tit. 1. cap. 21. in summa.  A bishopric of his own nature, hath no contradiction to wedlock. This hilary in his days did sore lament the order of discipline of the church to be then much decayed. To which complaint agreeth that religious father Baptist Mantuan, who writing of the said bishop Hylarius, testifieth thus: and there improveth the law of forced chastity more at large. 

Lib. 1 fast.  Non nocuit tibi progenies, non obstitit uxor  
Legitimo coniuncta thoro. Non horruit illa  
Tempestate deus thalamos, cunabula, taedas.  
Sola erat in precio, quae nunc incognita virtus  
Sordet, et attrito vivit cum plebe cucullo. etc.  Thy progeny was no shame to thee, thy wife coupled in lawful matrimony, was no impediment to thee, God at that time did not abborre either the marriage chamber, or the cradle, or the public lights used to be carried afore married persons. Virtue only was then in price, which now is not known, and therefore is vilely esteemed, and liveth only with the common people, where the cowl is therein worn and slytten. But as concerning S. Paul's canon, for a bishop to be the husband of one wife, he had great cause so to order it, for that saith S. Ambrose, he should show a more perfection than was commonly used of others. For but xvij. year before Christ, even amongst our nigh neighbours in scotland, it was lawful to have as many wives as they listed. 
Polidorus. Lanquet. anno. 17. ante Christ.  Insomuch that their king Ewinus (having an hundred concubines at once) made it lawful by law that a man might have a plurality of wives: and further provided by law, that the wives of the poor commoners, should be common to the nobility, and that the Lord of the soil might claim the virginity of all his tenants daughters, except they would redeem themselves by some pension. The first two saith Polidore did Christ's religion abolish, 
Lib. 10. hist.  the last was long continued amongst them, till king Malcolyne (at the request of that virtuous Queen Margarete, mother to Mawde the first wife of king Henry the first) did abrogate that foul pension. Which king then did decree, that the virgin after her marriage should pay to the lord of the fee but one piece of gold for her redemption: Which statute saith Polidore is at this day kept. In deed S. Hierom writeth thus. 
Aduersus jovin. lib 2.  Quod Scotorum natio uxores proprias non habet, that the nation of the Scots had no wives peculiar. 
De prepa. evangelica. lib 6 cap. 8. Ab ursper. De antiqui. judaica. lib. 17. ca 2. & lib 4. cad 6. De bello iud. lib 1. cap. 18. Aduer. iud. Tripartit. lib. 8. cap. 11.  Of some such disorder writeth Eusebius. Multi apud Britannos. etc. In Brittany many men have one woman to wife. Among the Parthians, and in Thracia contrary, many women have but one husband, and live all chaste in obeying the laws. josephus recordeth, that it was an ancient usage among them to have many wives at once. For Herode (saith he) had nine wives. As the jews had by permission two wives at once, as he testifieth, where justinus martyr inveigheth against the jews, that their insolence grew so great, that their teachers did permit every one of them to have four or five wives according to their desires, though Valentinian brought it by law to only a couple, a good emperor if he had had good counsel, and nothing saith the story he wanted to the perfection of all honour, but godly counsel of his faithful servants. This was it not without good ground, in so much corruption of the world, 
In catalogo. Cesareum. 6  when all nations did what they listed. If Paul required of a bishop in his perfection, to be content with one wife: Which prudence saith Hierom, Paul did justly use, for that he knew it granted by law, and so practised by the examples of the patriarchs and of Moses, 
Ad Ocean. lib 2.  to this effect that the people might have large issue by their many wives. And for that the election of this liberty was open to priests also, he gave commandment that priests should not challenge such licence in the church, to have two or three matrimonies at once: but that they might have every one of them one only wife at one time. And there in that discourse S. Hierom doth much blame the hard and contorted exposition of unius uxoris virum, to be the husband of one wife, that is of one church only: and there he doth reject that exposition for to much violent. In conclusion, these matters aforesaid, with many others, well and advisedly pondered by that noble prince king Edward, his nobles and clergy, somewhat to stay the foul abuse so long time without remedy used in that state of the Realm, which should by duty express (for example) most purity of life: thought it good to remove the force of such foreign laws which compelled to this dangerous state of life, his clergy meeting in synod together, and after debatement concluded.  
If ye list to understand what was done and subscribed unto, ye shall hear what the lower house did affirm in this case of continency, john Taylor doctor of divinity being then prolocutor, and William Say being register, to accept the voices and subscriptions of them that were present, to whose consciences was this proposition propounded, either to be freely affirmed, or to be freely denied by them. vidz.  
That all such Canons, Laws, Statutes, Decrees, Usages, and customs heretofore made, had or used, that forbid any person to contract matrimony, or condemn matrimony by any person already contracted for any vow of priesthood, chastity or widohood, shall from henceforth be utterly void and of none effect.  
The affirmantes of this proposition, were almost triple so many as were the negantes. Amongst which affirmantes, divers were then unmarried, and never did afterward take the liberty of marriage, as doctor Tailor the bishop, doctor Benson, doctor Redman, doctor Hugh Weston, master Wotton. etc. Of them that denied it (notwithstanding their superscriptions to the contrary) as few as they were, yet some of them took upon them the liberty of marriage not long after, as doctor oaken, master Rayner, master Wilson. Now if any man may fortune doubt of the judgement of that notable learned man, and commonly reputed of grave judgement, I mean doctor redmain doctor of divinity, he shall hear his very judgement, which he uttered in the self same convocation, written in a paper severally by his own hand, yet extant to be showed, & subscribed with his own name: and thus he saith.  
I think, that although the word of God, do exhort and counsel priests to live in chastity, out of the cumber of the flesh, & the world, that thereby they may more wholly attend to their calling: Yet the band of containing from marriage, doth only lie upon priests of this Realm, by reasons of Canons and constitutions of the Church, and not by any precept of God's word: as in that they should be bound by reason of any vow, which (in as far as my conscience is) priests in this Church of England do not make. I think that it standeth well with God's word, that a man which hath been & is but once married, being otherwise accordingly qualified, may be made a priest.  
And I think, that forasmuch as Canons and Rules made in this behalf, be neither universal, nor everlasting, but upon considerations may be altered & changed: therefore the kings majesty and the higher powers of the Church, may upon such reasons as shall move them, take away the clog of perpetual continency from priests, and grant that it may be lawful to such as can not, or will not contain, to marry one wife. And if she die, than the said priest to marry no more, remaining still in his ministration. john redmain.  
Thus this learned man, in such credit universally in deciding questions of conscience, doth in a great sort of respects, condemn the universal tract of the bold assertions inspersed through D. Martin's whole book: and therefore if any man will not be resolved by his judgement to recant such his opinion, yet shall he never be able with all the glistering flourish of that book to discredit him, or to win credit thereto. Now further to enlarge his conclusions or notes with more sound testimony & doctrine, should be but superfluous, to such specially of whom Solomon speaketh. Non recipit (quidam) verba prudentiae, nisi ea dixeris, quae versantur in cord eius. 
prover. 18.  Some men be of such nature, that they will never receive any wisdom or persuasion, except ye tell him such things which be tossed in his own brain, and soncken into his own heart. It is not therefore without good cause, 
Tit. 3.  that S. Paul giveth precept not to have long ado with such as be sectaries, thus saying. foolish questions, genealogies, contentions, and brawlings rising of the laws, refrain them, for they be unprofitable and vain. And therefore such a one as is a man of division, after once or twice admonishing him, renounce him, knowing this, that he that is such, is perverted and sinneth, as one condemned in his own judgement.  
And now finally to make an end, if christ, whom the father of heaven commanded all the world to hear, 
Math. 17.  in his doctrine made no prohibition or restraint in his father's ordinance of matrimony, 
john. 2. Math. 19  but honoured it with his presence, and commanded it to be indissoluble, forbidding all men to separate whom God hath coupled, willing but for the cause of fornication no separations to be made: if the apostles all, 
Ambrose.  except john and Paul, were in the married state, and did not forsake their wives after their apostleship, which the xii. canon of the vi. general counsel at Constantinople doth plainly affirm. Where also beside is the vi. canon of the Apostles, by what boldness I can not tell abolished. vz. Quod episcopus aut presbiter uxorem propriam, nequaquam sub obtectu religionis abiiciat. etc. The bishop or priest ought not to put from him his own wife under pretence of religion, which if he do, let him be excommunicate, and if he so continue, let him be deposed. Which is so noted in the sum of counsels. If the fathers in the primative church at liberty used the same, the clergy in Grece, in Antioch, and in Alexandria, retained the liberty still in their ordering: Paul being very fearful to cast any snares to the congregation, counselling and commanding them that can not contain, to marry, pronouncing that it is better to marry then to burn: the interpreters of the scriptures applying the same grants and concessions upon them that are votaries: Saint Austen in doctrine holding & determining in professed disputation, their copulations to be very marriages, & not to be dissevered: If before the conquest marriage was always free, not forbidden to priests in England till after the conquest, sense which time both bishops & priests were married, some openly, many secretly, notwithstanding Ancelmes' statutes to the contrary, which hardly prevailed, and gave great occasion of such schism and heresy, 
Richard wykes.  as was never greater in the church: If for all the multiplication of decrees against concubinaries, the sore could never be healed, but that the notoriety of such lewd life was universally abhorred as it well deserved: If the kings authority, by the consent of his parliament, with the subscription of the whole clergy, enacted the thing to be lawful, abrogated all penal laws to the contrary, as it was declared in doctrine invincible, set out by the learned part of the clergy, in their book wherein they instruct a christian man to live godly, that it was lawful for him by god's word to abrogate canon laws repugnant to the laws of the Realm, and affirming further by testimony of old writers, that whatsoever was so enacted in this english church, had sufficient strength, authority, and power, being a catholic and an apostolic church in itself, the rather for doing their endeavour to return all the order of the primative church again, and therefore being more agreeable to Christ's doctrine, making more to edifying and benefit of Christ's church: What learned men, standing only to learning and reason, can justly either impugn the late state and order in this behalf taken in the reign of the noble prince king Edward the sixth, or yet can reasonably suggill the doctrine and assertions published and set out in the days of that famous prince king Henry the eight by all his best learned clergy, as making way and preparation by their writings and preachings, to put in execution that which was of late so used and practised.  
If the fathers of Rome Church, divers of the best learned, by their prudence thought it meet to release the rigour of canons and rules of the church, whereupon they sometime did dispense in divers cases of great importance, giving their assent before they were done, sometime bearing and tollerating many things passed without authority after they were done: If their scribes and registers, expositors of their law, leaned always to the equity of the laws, favourably expounding them to the most benefit and safeguard of such as were offenders against God's moral laws: If the head fathers and pastors of other churches in their pastoral prudence used their tolerations in such cases, as Origen doth testify, that the bishop in Alexandria permitted without & against the scripture, a marriage to be made with a certain woman in respect of her infirmity, & as Milan church and Constantinople church used in the election of their bishops Ambrose & Nectarius (contrary to the rule of the apostle) as not yet christened, as is before rehearsed. And if that said holy bishop Ambrose did in his church permit priests to be married, as Barnardinus Corius in his chronicle maketh report, & saith further that one Henribaldus Cotta, a lawyer by profession, being one of the first that would forbid priests to marry wives, was slain of them for his importune extremity. Which thing is reported of joannes Nevisanus doctor of law, in his book entitled silva nuptialis, where he allegeth how the canonists and school men rack violently the laws, scriptures and gospels in this cause against the true sense of the words: and avoucheth further, that these canonists make large thongs of other men's leather: even like (saith he) as the strumpet did of an other body's child, and that because they have no wives themselves: Who when they have any, be above all other men burning in the fire of jealousy, as he bringeth his authority therefore. But now thus they speak (saith he) because themselves having not only one paramour, but have many wives and paramours, and otherwiles concubines also at one time together. Whereupon he wisheth the law of continency to be remitted, and bringeth in to join with him in this his judgement, not only the famous lawyer Panormitan, but that notable man Felinus also, with others. And furthermore he affirmeth, that the reasons of the canonists of these days, do prove that priests after they be ordered may not marry, be to no purpose: because (saith he) they be grounded in covetousness, which is not convenient to the true followers of Christ. And there in that his disputation he citeth divers doctors, who do disclose the corrupt intention of the canonists, in depraving and falsyfying the letter & texts of Ambrose & other doctors in the same cause. If the church of Ptolomais attempted so much against Christ's religion and his apostles, consenting to elect● a platonical philosopher, miscrediting the principal articles of our faith, and that after his open protestation, that he would not as then either relinquish his opinion or yet his wife, and was accepted with them both: What wise man endued with any consideration of christian policy, can justly quarrel with the head pastor of our church of England, to tolerate things standing against no scripture at all, so passed as they be? Yea though they should use more mercy and clemency toward the misery of those ministers, than some evil and uncharitable instigatours would wish they did.  
If the uniform assent and consent of writers, have attributed so large authority to counsels and bishops decrees, to dispense so universally, that they say a bishop a mere diocesan may dispense with heretics, that other may the sooner return again, with schismatics, with simoniackes, with suspended and excommunicates, with adulterers, with murderers, in theft, in sacrilege, in deacons matrimony for afterwards to be contracted with their protestation, in priests matrimonies already contracted, so it be with a virgin, and that he may dispense in orders and dignities under the state of a bishop. If he ought (saith the law) as bound by necessary constraint of spiritual governance, to dispense either in such cases where either some greater commodity to follow may be hoped, or where the peril of some greater inconvenience may be feared, and sometime in respect of the multitude, and to avoid slander of offence that else might be taken: What may be gathered hereof by the wise reader, and what authority is and may be justly thought to be resiant in the whole order and signory knit and conjoined all wholly togethers in one, if so much be granted to every one of them severally alone?  
If the Canons of one council be drawn commonly to expound an other, as one law to declare an other: then where it is decreed in the fourth council at Tollet, Quod Clerici qui sine consultu Episcopi sui, uxores duxerint. etc. seperari eos a proprio Episcopo oportebit: That clerks that without council or consent of their bishops have married wives. etc. must be separated by their own bishop again: How reasonably then do these men cry for separation of such of the Clergy, who did not upon their own heads attempt the state they be in, and divers of them neither without the counsel nor yet instigation of their only proper Diosesant: but with the consent and authority of the whole order of all the metropolitans and Diocesantes in England, in their deliberate consultation, first among themselves, and after so exhibited to the state of the Parliament: afterward in their private dioceses commending the statutes passed, and sending their chaplains abroad in their dioceses to declare the commendations and necessity of the same: as be yet at this day ancient Bishops still alive remaining, that can bear witness of this which is here affirmed, if they were thereto required.  
Last of all, where that noble prince of famous memori● king Henry the eight, used so much prudency in reducing and reposing his Realm in such godly knowledge and christian peace, as the measure of God's gifts granted unto him, did move him to the same, where in this case what clemency he used, it is not unknown, and yet under sharp laws so tempered the rigour of them, that of his own disposition, a very few felt the extremity of the execution, though many were drawn into fear by them: His only example might reasonably stand against all detractors, for the defence of all such his natural subjects left behind him: of whom he promoted many so much, that they can not forget him so soon after his departure, which deserved so much at their hands, when he was here living: Whereby all estates as be alive, may by prudent comparison, gladly assure themselves to see the like after their departure, of those whom they favour and prefer in the time of their lives. These things (I say) considered, may I trust be thought of indifferent and learned christian men, not out of time spoken, nor out of due order of obedience or charity uttered: at the least way, no otherwise then charitably meant and intended by the writer of the same. Who as charitably desireth the christian quiet reader to peruse, as benignly to interpret that which is written: which yet be it always subject to reformation of all such, as of conscience and godly zeal, wisheth the advancement of God's glory, the truth of his word, the honour of the Church, and quiet of this our natural country. Amen.  

Aug▪. de nup et concupis.  Ista controversia judicem querit, judicet ergo Christus.  
judicet cum eo et apostolus, quia et in apostolo ipse loquitur Christus.  
This controversy requireth a judge, let Christ therefore be judge.  
And let th'apostle judge with him, for in th'apostle also Christ speaketh.  
Non afferamus stateras dolosas, ubi appendamus quod volumus, et quomodo volumus pro arbitrio nostro dicentes, 
Aug. contra donatist. li 2 ca 6. Hieronim. 24. q. 1. cap. non afferamus.  hoc grave est, hoc leave est: sed afferamus divinam stateram de scripturis sacris tanquam de thesauris dominicis, et in illa quid sit gravius appendamus, immo non appendamus, sed a domino appensa recognoscamus.  
Let us not bring forth deceitful balances, wherein we may weigh what we will, and how we will, saying after our own opinion this is heavy, this is light: But let us bring forth God's balances out of the holy scriptures, as out of the treasures of the Lord, and in that let us weigh what is more weighty: nay I say not let us not weigh, but let us acknowledge the things already weighed of the Lord.  
FINIS.   

A Table of the principal matters contained in this book.  


A  
Abbess of Ramsey married .316.  
Abbess of Amesburie deprived for incontivencie .316.  
abbots deprived by Anselme .285.  
Alphonsus upon the place, propter fornicationem vitandam 140 228. a. 264. a. 235.103.206.  
Aldelme purged pope Sergius .200. b.  
Ambrose chosen bishop before he was baptized .267.274. writeth upon melius est nubere. etc. 145. a.  
Amalarius testimony for church service .337.  
Anselme entreated the pope for priests .15. b. first separated priests marriages in England .214. b. his superstition .214.281. his book contra offendiculum sacerdotum .280. entreateth for simoniackes .284. resorteth to the pope .294. whose authority he defended .294. his intreatable severity .293.295.296 against Thomas of york .298. his decree how it succeeded .298.299  
Antonine witness of priests dispensations .267. b.  
Apostles all had wives. pag. 32. b. 33. d. 156. b. 157. a. they did not constitute sole life .258. c. 260. c.  
Appollinaris a priest married after order .157. b.  
Ariminensis sinodus .212.  
Augustine preferring scriptures before counsels and doctors .98. d. proveth votaries marriages to be good .101. b. 102. a. 225. a. not calling their marriages adulteries .150. b. 229. b.  
Augustine corrupted by Gratian .153. a. he reproveth the novatians for second marriages .163. b. in whose time the church had not defined vows to be indispensible .233. a.  
Aethelwolfus subdeacon married .272.  
Alfricus ●●dgement of priests marriages .243.  
Auent●●● john, of priests marriages .345.  
Apostles canon against priests leaving their wives .354.    


B  
Barnardus against restraint of marriages .287.  
brenning of divers abbeys and churches .308.309.  
Boniface archbishop resisted in his visitation .323. charged to have a wife .323. his ability and qualities .324.  
Boniface pope the eight terrible to princes .173. a.  
Bishop's charge. Fo. 3. pag. 2. a. their right stablished by parliament. Fol. 5. pag. 2. d. they are charged. Fol. 6. pag. 1. b. not enjoined to contain of necessity .251. their slackness to reform priests .333.  
Bishop of Ely Galfride married .317.  
Bishops married before bishop Cranmer .355.  
Books de potestate Regia, and institution of a christian man, never answered .176. b.  
Barnardinus Corius .346.356.    


C  
Calixtus decree not observed .151. c.  
Canon of Gangrense council .259. a.  
Canon of Matiscone council for honouring of priests .96. c.  
Canons of the church how allowed. Fol. 4. pag. 2. b.  
Canons of the church be not revived upon the repeal of a statute, to impeach that was done by force of the statute .172. b. and they do not disable the laws of the Realm .174. b. 180. and be received as they make to the policy of the realm .176. a.  
Convocation abolished laws of continency .351.  
Canons of another jurisdiction not allegeable .60. b.  
Canons rehearsed which do but deprive, and not separate married persons .168. a.  
canonists reasons against marriage of priests vain .356.  
Canterbury munckes described by William Malmesbury .215.291.  
Cardinal legates returned home again .303.  
cardinals delecte bewray errors of the Church .187. b.  
Cardinal Caietane, of ordering .227. a.  
Carnal reasons against marriage .237.239.  
Carterius Hispanus named by S. Hierom .212. a.  
Catholic name abused .79. c.  
Cayns boy of Cambridge .99. d.  
Chastity a rare gift .148.251 a.  
Chastity less favoured than lechery .272.  
Chastity is not to be charged by necessity .248.347.  
Church builded on Peter's confession, not on his person .76. a.  
Church of England hath defined votaries marriage to be good .233. c.  
Church of England a catholic church .355.  
Church of the pope cruel .269. a.  
Church tolerateth the crime of open harlots .328.  
Chrisostome of votaries marriage .102. b.  
Chrisostome counseleth to avoid the danger of fornication, by going to marriage .138. d.  
Chrisostome exacteth not of a bishop to be unmarried .276. d.  
Clergy some of them expostulated with. Fol. 11. pag. 2. d.  
Clerks married do open penance .89. b.  
Concilium Agathen●e .222. b.  
Concilium Epaunense .221. c.  
Councils hath Christ really present, saith Martin .210. a.  
Concu●mate must needs follow after prohibition of marriage .286.  
Constitutions ecclesiastical how to be obeyed .329.  
Constantine's favour in hiding priests incontinency .94. c.  
Constantine sharply threateneth the clergy .96. a.  
Cremensis Cardinal .217.307.    


D  
Deacons at their orders not renouncing marriage, may take wives after .196. b. 228. c.  
Deacon being a murderer dispensed with .267. d.  
Dionysius epistle to Pinitus .144. a.  
Dispensation of the pope for Norwegia, to consecrate in 〈◊〉 or beer .176  
Dispensation of the pope's are mutable .177. b.  
Dispensations and moderations for marriages by Emperors .196. b.  
Dispensations how to be made .253. a.  
Dispensations necessary .255. c. 265. d.  
Dispensation of bishops how large they be .268. c.  
Druthmarus' .34. c.  
Dunstanes words in his decree .14. pa. 1. a. not separating marriage. 21●    


E  
Earl of Shrewesburies' answer .127.128 a.  
Edmer advouched .289.  
Edward the third his victories .131.  
Epaunense concilium .221. c.  
Epiphanius authority .266. b. 287.  
Erasmus judgement of single life .260. c.  
Ethelwolde of winchester father of monks .215. b.  
Evaristus canon of lawful matrimony .102. c.  
Eupsychius a bishop married after order .157. b.  
Eustachius an heretic taught married priests to be despised .259. a.  
Ewinus laws of scotland .350.    


F  
Facts lawful are not to be revoked upon repeal of a statute .171. c.  
False prophets must be taken heed of. Fol. 8. pag. 2. c.  
Franciscus Petrarcha dispensed with for his concubine .199. b.    


G  
Gangrense concilium .259. b. 279.  
Gelasius pope his moderation .274.  
Girarde archbishop of york his epistle. 28.  
Girarde his simony .288.  
Glosers of Otho's constitution .331.332.  
God helpeth in necessity, using his remedy, not tempting him .237. d.  
God's precepts transgressed for man's tradition .238. c.  
Gregory's moderations for contracts .202. b. 288.  
Genesius john .275.  
Glosers divers of lawyers, vain .186. c.  
Greek priests marriages good .230. c.  
Gregory against dissolution of marriages .200. d. 201. v. and his repentance for devorcing .201. d.  
Gregory appointeth marriage for a remedy against incontinency .160. a. 204. d.  
Gildas of unius uxoris vir. 344.  
Genebaldus a bishop married .347.    


H  
Henry Beuclarke the king restrained the pope's authority .299.  
Heraclius the patriarch abused the king .320.  
Herebert bishop of Norwiche .283.  
Heretics daintiness .47. c.  
Heretics and lechers whether they be separable. pag. 36. b. 78. ●.  
Henry Beuclarke king learned .340.  
Hesebolus changing with the time .195. c.  
Hierax an heretic condemned by Epiphanius .165. a.  
Hieromes counsel to a frail man .249.  
Hieromes depravations of marriage .82. c.  
Hierom upon unius uxoris vir.  
Hieroms' discourse to Ocean .63. a.  
Hieromes treatise of the ornaments of a bishop .69. b.  
Histories most written by munckes .304.  
Hilary a married bishop .43. b. 349.  
Hildebrande pope what he was. Fol. 16. pag. 1. a. his decree .89. d. 278.  
Hildebrande extremely ordered Henry the Emperor .160. c.  
Hugh bishop of Durham a concubinary .314.  
Huldericus epistle .202. c.  
Hypocrisy charged by Chrisostome .78. b.  
Hypocrites counterfeiting chastity. Fol. 19 pag. 2. c. 49. c.    


I  
james saying corrupted .148. d.  
jewish constitutions followed of the pope .113. a.  
I●o Carnotensis judgement towards the decrees .98. b.  
Innocent pope slandereth marriage .163. a.  
Interim tolerateth priests marriage .196. c.  
Incest marriages what they be .221. c.  
Innocent the third did abridge the prohibitions of marriage .235. a.  
investitures much defended .293.  
Ivo Carnotensis of priests children to succeed their father's .313.  
johannes Genesius .185. b. 140. b. 175. c.  
johannes Cremensis .217.  
judges ecclesiastical what they ought to be. Fol. 17. pag. 1. a.  
justinian of bishops marriages .197. a.  
Irish religion .344.  
Ireland, king Henry the second reformed .345.  
Irelandes counsel .345.    


K  
Kings authority. leaf .4. pag. 1. c.  
King Henry slandered by Martin .53. b.  
King Henry dissolved not priests marriages .197. c.  
Kings authority in dispensing .234.  
King Ethelwolfus first subdeacon and after married .272. b.  
Kings son elect to the bishopric of Lincoln .318.    


L  
Lanfranckes constitution .279. d.  
Lanfranckes nephew abbot of S. Albon's .280.  
Leo pope his dispensation .213. his moderation .270. c. 273.  
Licet, et non licet, how to be taken .62. b.  
Libanius mutable in doctrine .195. a.  
Luther belied by Martin .50. c.  
Lechery sometime more privileged than chastity .272  
Latro succeeding in his father's bishopric .348.    


M  
Matrimony the ordinance of God .1. a. Fol. 2. pag. 2. Fol. 3. pag. 1. b. the root of man's felicity .1. c. forbidden diversly .81. a. abhorred by the Manichees .81. c. falsely accused to increase concupiscence .158. c. it is blessed with procreation of children .159. b. slandered by foul names .164. c. but priests marriages worse named .165. b. and only forbidden by human law .251. b.  
Marriage permitted maketh fewer concubinaries .339. honourable in priests by justinian .315. which giveth no liberty to lewdness .339 second marriages of lay men more lawful than honest .163. a. 250. c  
Married priests recanted in Queen Mary's time .169. b.  
Martin extreme. Fol. b. pag. 2. b. his slanders. pag. 28. a. his skill in stories, rhetoric, and Arithmetic .190. b. 120. his fond accounting .123. his arguments vain .184. a.  
Martin Poresius alloweth the pope's dispensation to those that cannot contain .267. b.  
Magdalen college library hath Ignatius .118. b.  
Mawde king Henry his first wife slandered .290.  
Michael Paleologus belied .52. c. 56. b.  
Michael U●e .265.  
Miracles forged .311.  
Montanus and Novatus condempning second marriages .72. c.  
monks and priests do differ in profession .224. a.  
monks governing dislyked .288.306. who wholly advance themselves, and deprave their princes .289.290. who only by pope john are to be bishops. 290. which first profess before consecration .291.  
monks why they did bewray their own abuses .311.  
monks how disordered against their archbishop .312.  
Moses and Maximus married .245. b.  
Marry Magdalen married .348.    


N  
Nauclerus writing of Hildebrande. Fol. 15. pag. 2. b.  
Nazaries shaving of their here .111. b.  
Nestorius' arrogancy .192. d.  
Notes of doctor Martin's book. Fol. 5. pag. 2. b.  
Nubrigensis testimony .333.  
Nestorius' mutability .194. b.  
Nazianzene Gregory .341.    


O  
Orders taking defeateth not marriage .227. a.  
Order how it hath vow annexed .232.  
Origen bare with dispensations against scripture .266. d.  
Origen corrupted for priests marriages .106. a.  
Oath after orders taking, dissolveth not matrimony following .229. a.  
Otho Cardinal coming into the Realm .325.  
Othoes' constitution .330.  
Otho how he was entertained .326.  
Oxford first builded by Alured .273. a.    


P  
Paul's place interpreted, qui celebs est. 339. d.  
Pastors few .20. pag. 2. b.  
Paphnutius sentence .34. d. 156. a. 58. a. 133. b.  
Paul's place Propter fornicationem etc. 138. a. 133. b.  
Paul's place, bonum est mulierem non tangere .138. a.  
Paul's place, Ter dominum Rogavi. 147.  
Pastors reprehended .190. c. and charged to bear other men's infirmity .191. a.  
Panormitans opinion .237.247 a.  
Paul's place, de doctrinis demoniorum .277.  
Pecchams' constitution against priests children .328.  
Peter's wife .34. b. whom he did not put away .39. b. but had her about with him .157.158.  
Petrus Cantor parisiensis of positive justice .98. a.  
Peter's penury .161. his daughter Petronel .162. b.  
Philosophers before baptism admitted to bishoprics .274.  
Pighius leader to Martin .27. b. compareth the scripture to a nose of wax .100. c.  
Pius pope his opinion of priests marriages .198. c.  
Plagues notable .130.  
Pope's decrees not above princes laws. Fol. 5. pag. 1. a. the causer of dissension between the Greek Church and Latin .55. c. he is Luminare maius .67 d bound to acknowledge his wife .200. a. one disanulles, the other doth grant .204. c. called Antichrist by the bishop of Duresine .214. divers of them bishops and priests sons .313.  
Pope Sergius purged by Aldelme of his fornication .200. b.  
Pope's matters .33. pag. 158.  
Pontifical of Rome falsely brought in for the Pontifical of England .183. a. 185. a  
Polidorus judgement of forced chastity .262. b.  
Pontifical books .282.  
Pretence of Martin's book. Fol. 2. pag. 1. b.  
Prelate's discretion in time of the pope. Fol. 4. pag. 1. b.  
Priests married, unjustly entreated .2. a. leaf. 4. pag. 1. a. Fol. 13. pag. 2. a. their marriages to be defended as a cause public. Fol. 7. pag. 2. b. continued married .1000. years. Fol. 15. pag. 1. b. massing priests. pag. 25. b. have ordered .26. d. married priests in estimation .30. a. 60. a. married in the primative Church .42. b. uncontinent priests, a shame to the Clergy .31. a.  
Priests had wives and said Mass .41. c. married, not to be separated .59. c. their contracts, justifiable by law .67. a. and some married after order .76. c. their incontinency excused .84. b. 85. b. 86. a. not reformable by laws .87. c. whose marriages yet more punished than fornication .88. a. and clerks incontinent may not be put to open penance .89. b. nor their immunities to be judged of .91. c. priests lay heavy burdens on other men's necks .68. c.  
priests offending, seldom repenting .82. d. who by vow renounce marriage, not fornication .93. d. and being incontinent, may not by oath abjure incontinency .93. d. forbidden certain women in their houses .94. a. their crowns .108. a 110. priests children slandered to bring famine into the Realm .125. c. 133. a. their marriages honourable by justinian .197. the forbidding whereof was not before Siritius time .230. d. 258. yet after resumed their wives again .194. for in ordering they make no promise to renounce marriage .182. b. the prohibition of it, was not the Apostles doctrine .153. c.  
Prayer, fasting, holiday, and chastity, not forbidden, but the hypocrisy of them .166. a.  
Primatius denieth that all may take the gift generally .141. c.  
Profession of priests denied by them to be made .282.  
Profession of religious in young age .310.  
Prosper a bishop married .271.  
Phileas bishop married .349.  
priests marrying without consent of their bishops deprivable .357.  
Paschal pope complaineth of king Henry .300.  
Paschal offereth to dispense with the kings promises 301.  
Pope meeting with the king at guysor's .301.  
Pope's craft towards the king for coming into England .301.  
Papal court burdenous to the Realm, and infamous .302.    


Q  
Queen Marie in her Commission, charged the ordinary to execute no canons against the laws of the Realm .175. a.    


R  
Rabanus fled out of his order .292.  
Richard Archb. of Cant. decrees against concubines .317.  
Richard the king taken prisoner .321.  
Rome what store of harlots it hath .202. b.  
Rigour of discipline to be moderated .273.  
Remigius Archbishop at xxij years .347.  
Restitutus bishop of London married .348.  
redmain john, Doctors' opinion .352.  
Rodulph Archbishop of Cantorburie .304.  
Robert bishop of Lincoln married .307.    


S  
Sampsom bishop of worceter, his testimony against his son .298.  
Separations of marriages hurtful to the common wealth .181. a.  
Scriptures and Doctors compared .73. b.  
Scripture ought to have pre-eminence .74. a.  
Scripture most certain judge by Athanasius .100. c.  
Scriptures and Christ must be judge .246. a.  
Simon Magus disciples .80. c.  
Semel malus semper presumiter malus .106. c.  
Seritius pope first decreed continency .152. a.  
Seritius first forbade marriage .230. d. 258. c.  
Sinesius bishop elect, would not consent to leave his wife .274. b.  
Simony .283.  
Si non caste, tamen caute .329. b.  
Sole life a rare gift which all can not take .65. b. 136. d.  
Sodomitical sin public .285.  
Spanish heretics .115. a.  
Statutes of the Realm corrupted by Martin .169. a.  
Statute of Queen Marie or repeal, but for afterward .171. d.  
Statutes made by kings, not to be revoked by pope's .178. a.  
Statutes changeable for time and place .205. a.  
Single life, why so much forced .276.  
Saxon rules of priests .346.  
Scottish laws .350.    


T  
Tertullian of second marriages .163. d.  
Things never done, are not therefore unlawful to be done .253. a.  
Thomas de Aquino his counsel to a clerk that cannot contain .206. a.  
Thurstone Archbishop of york, repelled of the munckes .312.  
Theophilact counseleth to marry for avoiding fornication .138. b.  
Thurstone Archbishop broke his faith with the king .303.    


V  
Virginity not so necessary as the ministery. Fol. 7. pag. 1. a. 276.  
virginity compared with Matrimony. Fol. 18. pag. 1. c. Fol. 18. pa. 2. c. d.  
virginity above our reach .146. c.  
virginity urged by the father's .276.  
Votum simplex et solemn .104. c. 231. c. 242.  
Votaries not to marry, how it is lawful, or unlawful, or expedient .142. v.  
unius uxoris vir, expounded. pag. 32. a. pag. 61. a.  
Uotaries' marriages allowed by Austen .207.209 d. by Cyprian. ibidem. by Jerome .208. c. by Gelasius .209. a. by the counsel at Orleans .210. b.  
Uowes perfourmable must come from the gift of God .147. d. 148. a. what circumstance they should have .149. how they should be made .236.  
Uowes solemn be of the Church's constitution .229. d.  
virginity how it is defined .342.  
virginity ought to be otherwise qualified .343.    


W  
William Archbishop of Canterbury .289.307.  
William's decree against married priests held not .308.  
Wattune Abbey .310.  
Waltham Abbey turned to regular canons .319.  
Writers of Louane to Malapert .335.  
wives many to one man .350.    
FINIS.   

¶ Imprinted at London by Richard jug, printer to the Queen's Majesty.  
Cum privilegio Regiae Maiestatis.