A TRUE and plain declaration of the horrible Treasons, practised by William Parry the Traitor, against the Queen's Majesty. The manner of his Arraignment, Conviction and execution, together with the copies of sundry letters of his and others, tending to divers purposes, for the proofs of his Treasons.  
Also an addition not impertinent thereunto, containing a short collection of his birth, education and course of life.  
Moreover, a few observations gathered of his own words and writings, for the farther manifestation of his most disloyal, devilish and desperate purpose.  
At London by C.B.  
Cum privilegio.   

A true and plain declaration of the horrible Treasons practised by William Parry against the Queen's Majesty, & of his conviction and execution for the same. The second of March 1584. according to the account of England.  
THIS William Parry, being a man of very mean and base parentage, but of a most proud and insolent spirit, bearing himself always far above the measure of his fortune, after he had long led a wasteful and dissolute life, and had committed a great outrage against one Hugh Hare, a gentleman of the Inner Temple, with an intent to have murdered him in his own Chamber, for the which he was most justly convicted, seeing himself generally condemned with all good men for the same and other his misdemeanours, he left his natural Country, & gave himself to travail into foreign parts beyond the seas. In the course of this his travail, he forsook his allegiance and dutiful obedience to her Majesty, and was reconciled, and subjecteth himself to the Pope. After which, upon conference with certain jesuits and others of like quality, he first conceived his most detestable Treason to kill the Queen (whose life God long preserve:) which he bound himself by promise, letters, and vows, to perform and execute, and so with this intent he returned into England in januarie 1583, and sithence that did practise at sundry times to have executed his most devilish purpose and determination: yet covering the same so much as in him lay with a vail & pretence of great loyalty to her Majesty.  
Immediately upon his return into England, he sought to have secret access to her Majesty, pretending to have some matter of great importance to reveal unto her: which obtained, & the same so privately in her highness palace at Whitehal, as her Majesty had but one only Counsellor which her at the time of his access, in a remote place, who was so far distant, as he could not hear his speech. And there then he discovered unto her Majesty (but shadowed with all crafty & traitorous skill he had) some part of the conference & proceeding as well with the said jesuits, and other ministers of the Popes, as especially with one Thomas Morgan a fugitive, residing at Paris, who above all others did persuade him to proceed in that most devilish attempt, (as is set down in his voluntary confession following,) bearing her Majesty notwithstanding in hand, that his only intent of proceeding so far with the said jesuits, and the Pope's ministers, tended to no other end, but to discover the dangerous practices devised and attempted against her Majesty by her disloyal subjects and other malicious persons in foreign parts: albeit it hath since appeared most manifestly, as well by his said Confession, as by his dealing with one Edmond Nevil Esquire, that his only intent of discovering the same in sort as he craftily and traitorously did, tended to no other end, but to make the way the easier to accomplish his most devilish and wicked purpose.  
And although any other Prince but her Majesty (who is loath to put on a hard censure of those that protest to be loyal, as Parry did,) would rather have proceeded to the punishment of a subject that had waded so far, as by oath and vow to promise the taking away of her life (as he to her majesties self did confess:) yet such was her goodness, as in stead of punishing, she did deal so graciously with him, as she suffered him not only to have access unto her presence: but also many times to have private conference with her, and did offer unto him upon opinion once conceived of his fidelity towards her, (as though his wicked pretence had been as he protested, for her service) a most liberal pension.  
Besides, to the end that he might not grow hateful to the good and well-affected subjects of the Realm, (from whom he could in no sort have escaped with safety of his life, if his devilish purpose had been revealed) her Majesty did conceal the same, without communicating it to any creature, until such time as he himself had opened the same unto certain of her counsel, and that it was also discovered, that he sought to draw the said Nevil to have been a party in his devilish and most wicked purpose.  
A very rare example, and such as doth more set forth the singular goodness and bounty of her majesties princely nature, then commend (if it be lawful for a subject to censure his Sovereign) her providence such as ought to be in a Prince and person of her majesties wisdom and quality. And as the goodness of her majesties nature, did hereby most manifestly show itself to be rare in so extraordinary a case, and in a matter of so great peril unto her own royal person: so did the malice of Parry most evidently appear to be in the highest and extremest degree, who notwithstanding the said extraordinary grace and favour extended towards him, did not only persuade the said Nevil to be an associate in the said wicked enterprise: but did also very vehemently (as Nevil confesseth) importune him therein as an action lawful, honourable, and meritorious, omitting nothing that might provoke him to assent thereunto.  
But such was the singular goodness of Almighty God, (who even from her majesties cradle by many evident arguments hath showed himself her only and especial protector) that he so wrought in Nevil's heart, as he was moved to reveal the same unto her Majesty, and for that purpose made choice of a faithful Gentleman and of good quality in the Court, unto whom upon Monday the eight of February last, he discovered at large all that had passed between Parry and him, who immediately made it known to her Majesty: whereupon her highness pleasure was, that Nevil should be examined by the Earl of Leycester, and Sir Christopher Hatton: who in the evening of the same day did examine him, and he affirmed constantly all which he had before declared to the said Gentleman.  
In the mean time, her Majesty continued her singular and most Princely magnanimity, neither dismayed with the rareness of the accident, nor appalled with the horror of so villainous an enterprise, tending even to the taking away of her most gracious life, (a matter especially observed by the Counsellor that was present at such time as Parry after his return did first discover unto her Majesty his wicked purpose, who found no other alteration in her countenance, then if he had imparted unto her some matter of contentment,) which showeth manifestly how she reposeth her confidence wholly in the defence of the Almighty. And so her Majesty, following the wont course of her singular clemency, gave order that Parry the same Monday in the evening (though not so known to him) should be sent to Master Secretaries house in London, he being then there, who according unto such direction as he received from her Majesty, did let him understand, that her highness (in respect of the good will she knew he bore unto the said Parry, and of the trust that Parry did outwardly profess to repose in Master Secretary,) had made especial choice of him to deal with him in a matter that concerned her highly, and that she doubted not, but that he would discharge his duty towards her, according unto that extraordinary devotion that he professed to bear unto her.  
And thereupon told him that her Majesty had been advertised that there was somewhat intended presently against her own person, wherewith she thought he could not but he made acquainted, considering the great trust that some of her worst affected subjects reposed in him: And that her pleasure therefore was, that he should declare unto him his knowledge therein: and whether the said Parry himself had let fall any speech unto any person (though with an intent only to have discovered his disposition) that might draw him in suspicion, as though he himself had any such wicked intent. But Parry with great and vehement protestations denied it utterly, whereupon Master Secretary, the rather to induce him to deal more plainly in a matter so important, declared unto him, that there was a gentleman of quality every way as good or better than himself, and rather his friend then enemy, that would avouch it to his face: yet Parry persisted stubbornly in his former denial & justification of his own innocency, & would not in any respect yield that he was party or privy to any such motion enterprise or intent. And being lodged that night at Master Secretary's house, the next morning he desired earnestly to have some further speech with Master Secretary: which granted, Parry declared to him that he had called to remembrance that he had once some speech with one Nevil a kinsman of his (so he called him) touching a point of doctrine contained in the answer made to the book, entitled, The Execution of justice in England, by which book it was resolved, that it was lawful to take away the life of a prince, in furtherance of the Catholic religion: but he protested that they never had any speech at all of any attempt intended against her majesties person. Which denial of his (at two sundry times after so much light given him) doth set forth most apparently both the justice and providence of God: His justice, for that (though he was one of a sharp conceit) he had no power to take hold of this overture, thereby to have avoided the danger that Nevil's accusation might bring him into by confessing the same, as a thing propounded only to feel Nevil's mind, whom before he had reported unto Master Secretary he found a person discontented, and therefore his confession might to very great purpose have served to have cleared himself touching the intent: his providence, for that of his great mercy he would not suffer so dangerous and wicked a member to escape and to live to her majesties peril.  
The same day at night, Parry was brought to the Earl of Leicester's house, and there eftsoons examined before the said Earl of Leycester, Master Uicechamberlaine, & Master Secretary: he persisted still in his denial of all that he was charged with. Whereupon, Nevil being brought before him face to face, justified his accusation against him. He notwithstanding would not yet yield to confess it, but very proudly and insolently opposed his credit against the credit of Nevil, affirming that his No was as good as Neuills Yea, and as by way of recrimination objected the crime to Nevil himself. On the other side, Nevil did with great constancy affirm all that he had before said, & did set down many probable circumstances of the times, places, and manners of their sundry conferences, and of such other accidents as had happened between them in the course of that action: whereupon Parry was then committed to the Tower, and Nevil commanded by their honours, to set down in writing under his hand, all that which before he had delivered by words: which he did with his own hand, as followeth.  
Edmund Nevil his declaration the x. of February▪ 1584. subscribed with his own hand.  
WIlliam Parry the last summer, soon after his repulse in his suit for the Mastership of S. Katherine's, repaired to my lodging in the white Friars, where he showed himself a person greatly discontented, and vehemently inveighed against her Majesty, and willed me to assure myself, that during this time and state, I should never receive contentment. But sith, said he, I know you to be honourably descended, and a man of resolution, if you will give me assurance, either to join with me, or not to discover me, I will deliver unto you the only means to do yourself good. Which when I had promised him, he appointed me to come the next day to his house in Feuter Lane: and repairing thither accordingly, I found him in his bed, whereupon he commanded his men forth, and began with me in this order. My lord, said he, (for so he called me) I protest before God, that three reasons principally do induce me to enter into this action which I intend to discover unto you: The replanting of religion, The preferring of the Scottish Title, and The advancement of justice, wonderfully corrupted in this Common wealth. And thereupon entered into some discourses, what places were fit to be taken to give entrance to such foreign forces as should be best liked of for the furtherance of such enterprises as were to be undertaken. And with these discourses, he passed the time until he went to dinner: after which, the company being retired, he entered into his former discourses. And if I be not deceived, (said he) by taking of Quinborough castle, we shall hinder the passage of the Queen's ships forth of the River. Whereunto when he saw me use no contradiction, he shook me by the hand, Tush, said he, this is nothing: If men were resolute, there is an enterprise of much more moment, and much easier to perform: An Act honourable, and meritorious to God & the world. Which seeing me desirous to know, he was not ashamed to utter in plain terms, to consist in killing of her Majesty: wherein, saith he, if you will go with me, I will lose my life, or deliver my Country from her bad and tyrannous government. At which speeches finding me discontented, he asked me if I had read Doctor Allens book, out of which he alleged an authority for it. I answered, No, and that I did not believe that authority. Well said he, what will you say, if I show further authority than this, even from Rome itself, a plain dispensation for the kill of her, wherein you shall find it (as I said before) meritorious. Good cousin, said I, when you shall show it me, I shall think it very strange, when I shall see one to hold that for meritorious, which another holdeth for damnable. Well, said Parry, do me but the favour to think upon it till to morrow: and if one man be in the town, I will not fail to show you the thing itself: and if he be not, he will be within these v. or six days, at which time if it please you to meet me at canon row, we may there receive the Sacrament to be true each to other, and then I will discover unto you both the party, and the thing itself. Whereupon I prayed Parry to think better upon it, as a matter of great charge both of soul and body. I would to God, said Parry, you were as perfectly persuaded in it as I am, for then undoubtedly you should do God great service.  
Not long after viii. or x. days, (as I remember) Parry coming to visit me at my lodging in Herns rents in Holborn, as he often used, we walked forth into the fields, where he renewed again his determination to kill her Majesty, whom he said he thought most unworthy to live, and that he wondered I was so scrupulous therein. She hath sought, said he, your ruin and overthrow, why should you not then seek to revenge it? I confess, quoth I, that my case is hard, but yet am I not so desperate as to revenge it upon myself, which must needs be the event of so unhonest and unpossible an enterprise. Impossible, said Parry, I wonder at you, for in truth there is not any thing more easy: you are no Courtier, and therefore know not her customs of walking with small train, and often in the garden very privately, at which time myself may easily have access unto her, and you also when you are known in Court. Upon the fact we must have a barge ready to carry us with speed down the river, where we will have a ship ready to transport us if it be needful: but upon my head, we shall never be followed so far. I asked him, How will you escape forth of the garden? for you shall not be permitted to carry any men with you, and the gates will then be locked, neither can you carry a Dag without suspicion. As for a Dag, said Parry, I care not: my Dagger is enough. And as for my escaping, those that shallbe with her, will be so busy about her, as I shall find opportunity enough to escape, if you be there ready with the Barge to receive me. But if this seem dangerous in respect of your reason before showed, let it then rest till her coming to S. james, and let us furnish ourselves in the mean time with men and horse fit for the purpose: we may each of us keep eight or ten men without suspicion. And for my part, said he, I shall find good fellows that will follow me without suspecting mine intent. It is much, said he, that so many resolute men may do upon the sudden, being well appointed with each his Case of Dags: if they were an hundredth waiting upon her, they were not able to save her, you coming of the one side, and I on the other, and discharging our Dags upon her, it were unhappy if we should both miss her. But if our Dags fail, I shall bestir me well with a sword ere she escape me. Whereunto I said, Good Doctor give over this odious enterprise, and trouble me no more with the hearing of that, which in heart I loath so much. I would to God the enterprise were honest, that I might make known unto thee whether I want resolution. And not long after, her Majesty came to S. james, after which, one morning (the day certain I remember not,) Parry revived again his former discourse of killing her Majesty, with great earnestness and importunity persuading me to join therein: saying he thought me the only man of England like to perform it, in respect of my valour, as he termed it.  
Whereupon, I made semblance as if I had been more willing to hear him then before, hoping by that means to cause him to deliver his mind to some other that might be witness thereof with me, wherein nevertheless I failed. After all this, on Saturday last, being the sixth of February, between the hours of five and six in the after noon, Parry came to my chamber, and desired to talk with me a part, whereupon we drew ourselves to a window. And where I had told Parry before, that a learned man whom I met by chance in the fields, unto whom I proponed the question touching her Majesty, had answered me that it was an enterprise most villainous and damnable, willing me to discharge myself of it: Parry then desired to know that learned man's name, and what was become of him, saying after a scornful manner, No doubt he was a very wise man, and you wiser in believing him: and said further, I hope you told him not that I had any thing from Rome. Yes in truth, said I Whereunto Parry said, I would you had not named me, nor spoken of any thing I had from Rome. And thereupon he earnestly persuaded me eftsoons to departed beyond the seas, promising to procure me safe passage into Wales, and from thence into Britain, whereat we ended. But I than resolved not to do so, but to discharge my conscience, and lay open this his most traitorous and abominable intention against her Majesty: which I revealed in sort as is before set down.  
Edmund Nevil.  
AFter this confession of Edmund Nevil, William Parry the 11. day of Febr. last, being examined in the Tower of London, by the Lord Hunsdon, Lord Governor of Berwick, Sir Christopher Hatton knight, Uicechamberlaine to her Majesty, & Sir Francis Walsingham Knight, principal Secretary to her Majesty, did voluntary and without any constraint by word of mouth make confession of his said Treason, and after, set it down in writing all with his own hand in his lodging in the Tower, and sent it to the Court the 13. of the same, by the Lieutenant of the Tower. The parts whereof concerning his manner of doing the same, and the treasons wherewith he was justly charged are here set down, word for word as they are written and signed with his own hand & name, the 11. of February. 1584.  

¶ The voluntary confession of William Parry, in writing all with his own hand.  
The voluntary confession of William Parry, Doctor of the Laws (now prisoner in the Tower) and accused of Treason by Edmund Nevil Esquire, promised by him (with all faith & humility) to the Queen's Majesty, in discharge of his conscience and duty towards God and her. Before The Lord Hunsdon, L. Governor of Berwick, Sir Christopher Hatton knight, Vicechamberlain, Sir Francis Walsingham knight, principal secretary, the 13. of February. 1584. Parry.  
IN the year 1570▪ I was sworn her majesties servant, from which time until the year 1580. I served, honoured, & loved her with as great readiness, devotion & assurance as any poor subject in England. In the end of that year, and until Midsummer 1582. I had some trouble for the hurting of a Gentleman of the Temple. In which action I was so disgraced and oppressed by two great men (to whom I have of late been beholden) that I never had contented thought since. There began my misfortune, & here followeth my woeful fall.  
In julie after, I laboured for licence to travail for three years, which (upon some consideration) was easily obtained. And so in August, I went over with doubtful mind of return, for that being suspected in religion, and not having received the Communion in 22. years, I began to mistrust my advancement in England. In September I came to Paris, where I was reconciled to the Church, and advised to live without scandal, the rather for that it was mistrusted by the English Catholics, that I had intelligence with the greatest counsellor of England. I stayed not long there, but removed to Lions (a place of great traffic) where, because it was the ordinary passage of our nation to and fro between Paris and Rome, I was also suspected.  
To put all men out of doubt of me, and for some other cause, I went to Milan, from whence as a place of some danger (though I found favour there) after I had cleared my conscience, and justified myself in religion before the Inquisitor, I went to Venice. There I came acquainted with father Benedicto Palmio, a grave & a learned jesuite. By conference with him of the hard state of the Catholics in England, and by reading of the Book De persecutione Anglicana, and other discourses of like argument, I conceived a possible mean to relieve the afflicted state of our Catholics, if the same might be well warranted in religion and conscience by the Pope, or some learned divines. I asked his opinion, he made it clear, commended my devotion, comforted me in it, and after a while made me known to the Nuntio Campeggio, there resident for his holiness. By his means I wrote to the Pope, presented the service, and sued for a Passport to go to Rome, & to return safely into France. Answer came from Cardinal Como, that I might come, and should be welcome. I misliked the warrant, sued for a better, which I was promised: but it came not before my departure to Lions, where I promised to stay some time for it. And being in deed desirous to go to Rome, and loath to go without countenance, I desired Christofero de Salazar, Secretary to the king Catholic in Venice, who had some understanding by conference, of my devotion to the afflicted Catholics at home and abroad, to commend me to the Duke di Nova terra, Governor of Milan, and to the County of Olivaris Embi, then resident for the king his master in Rome: which he promised to do effectually for the one, and did for the other. And so I took my journey towards Lions, whither came for me an ample Passport (but somewhat too late,) that I might come and go in verbo pontificis per omnes iurisdictiones ecclesiasticas, absque impedimento. I acquainted some good fathers there, of my necessity to departed towards Paris by promise, and prayed their advises upon divers points, wherein I was well satisfied. And so assuring them that his holiness should hear from me shortly, it was undertaken, that I should be excused for that time.  
In October I came to Paris, where (upon better opinion conceived of me amongst my Catholic country men) I found my credit well settled, and such as mistrusted me before, ready to trust and embrace me. And being one day at the chamber of Thomas Morgan a Catholic Gentleman (greatly beloved and trusted on that side) amongst other gentlemen, talking (but in very good sort) of England, I was desired by Morgan to go up with him to another chamber, where he broke with me, and told me that it was hoped and looked for, that I should do some service for God and his Church. I answered him I would do it, if it were to kill the greatest subject in England: whom I named, and in truth then hated. No no, said he, let him live to his greater fall & ruin of his house:  
It is the Queen I mean. I had him as I wished, and told him it were soon done, if it might be lawfully done, and warranted in the opinion of some learned divines. And so the doubt once resolved (though as you have heard I was before reasonably well satisfied) I vowed to undertake the enterprise, for the restitution of England to the ancient obedience of the Sea Apostolic. divers divines were named. Doctor Alleine I desired, Persons I refused. And by chance came Master Wattes a learned Priest, with whom I conferred, and was overruled.  
3 For he plainly pronounced (the case only altered in name) that it was utterly unlawful: with whom many English priests did agree as I have heard, if it be not altered since the book made in answer of The execution of the English justice was published, which I must confess hath taken hard hold in me, and (I fear me) will do in others, if it be not prevented by more gracious handling of the quiet & obedient Catholic subjects, whereof there is good and greater store in England, than this age will extinguish. Well, notwithstanding all these doubts, I was gone so far by letters and conference in Italy, that I could not go back, but promised faithfully to perform the enterprise, if his holiness upon my offer and letters would allow it, and grant me full remission of my sins. I wrote my letters the first of januarie 1584. by their computation, took advise upon them in confession of Father Aniball a Codreto a learned jesuite in Paris, was lovingly embraced, commended, confessed, and communicated at the jesuits at one altar with the Cardinals of Vandosmi, and Narbone, whereof I prayed certificate, and enclosed the same in my letter to his holiness, to lead him the rather to absolve me, which I required by my letters, in consideration of so great an enterprise undertaken without promise or reward. I went with Morgan to the Nuntio Ragazzoni, to whom I read the letter and certificate enclosed, sealed it, and left it with him to send to Rome: he promised great care of it, and to procure answer: And so lovingly embraced me, wished me good speed, and promised that I should be remembered at the altar. After this I desired Morgan, that some special man might be made privy to this matter, lest he dying, and I miscarrying in the execution, and my intent never truly discovered, it might stick for an everlasting spot in my race. divers were named, but none agreed upon for fear of bewraying. 7 This being done, Morgan assured me, that shortly after my departure, the L. Fernehurst (then in Paris) should go into Scotland, and be ready upon the first news of the Queen's fall, to enter into England with 20. or 30000. men to defend the Queen of Scotland, (whom, and the king her son, I do in my conscience acquit of any privity, liking, or consent to this, or any other bad action, for any thing that ever I did know.) I shortly departed for England, & arrived at Rye in januarie 1583. from whence I wrote to the Court, advertised some, that I had a special service to discover to the Queens Majesty, 8 which I did more to prepare access & credit, then for any care I had of her person, though I were fully resolved never to touch her (notwithstanding any warrant) if by any devise, persuasion, or policy she might be wrought to deal more graciously with the Catholics than she doth, or by our manner of proceeding in parliament meaneth to do, for any thing yet seen. I came to the Court, (then at Whitehal,) prayed audience, had it at large, and very privately discovered to her Majesty this conspiracy, much to this effect, though covered with all the skill I had: she took it doubtfully, I departed with fear. And amongst other things, I cannot forget her majesties gracious speech then uttered touching the Catholics, which of late, after a sort I avowed in parliament: she said to me that never a Catholic should be troubled for religion or supremacy, so long as they lived like good subjects. Whereby I mistrusted that her Majesty is borne in hand, that none is troubled for the one or the other. It may be truly said that it is better than it hath been, though it be not yet as it should be.  
In March last, while I was at Greenwich (as I remember) suing for S. Katherine's, came letters to me from Cardinal Como, dated at Rome the last of januarie before, whereby I found the enterprise commended, and allowed, and myself absolved (in his holiness name) of all my sins, and willed to go forward in the name of God. That letter I showed to some in Court, who imparted it to the Queen: what it wrought, or may work in her Majesty, God knoweth: only this I know, 9 that it confirmed my resolution to kill her, and made it clear in my conscience, that it was lawful and meritorious. And yet was I determined never to do it, if either policy, practice, persuasion, or motion in parliament could prevail. I feared to be tempted, & therefore always when I came near her, I left my dagger at home. 10 When I looked upon her Majesty, and remembered her many excellencies, I was greatly troubled: And yet I saw no remedy, for my vows were in heaven, my letters and promises in earth, and the case of the Catholic recusaunts, and others little bettered. Some times I said to myself, Why should I care for her? what hath she done for me? have I not spent 10000 marks since I knew her service, and never had penny by her? It may be said, she gave me my life. But I say (as my case stood) it had been tyranny to take it: And I fear me it is little less yet. If it please her graciously to look into my discontentments, I would to jesus Christ she had it, for I am weary of it. And now to come to an end of this tragical discourse: In july I left the Court, utterly rejected, discontented, and as her Majesty might perceive by my passionate letters, careless of myself. I came to London: Doctor Alleins' book was sent me out of France: 11 it redoubled my former conceits: Every word in it was a warrant to a prepared mind: It taught that Kings may be excommunicated, deprived, & violently handled: It proveth that all wars civil or foreign undertaken for Religion, is honourable. Her Majesty may do well to read it, & to be out of doubt (if things be not amended) that it is a warning, & a doctrine full dangerous. This is the book I showed, in some places read, and lent to my cousin Nevil (the accuser) who came often to mine house, put his finger in my dish, his hand in my purse, and the night wherein he accused me, was wrapped in my gown, six months at least after we had entered into this conspiracy: In which space her Majesty, and 10. Princes in several provinces might have been killed. God bless her Majesty from him: for before Almighty God I joy and am glad in my soul, that it was his hap to discover me in time, though there were no danger near.  
And now to the manner of our meetings. He came to me in the beginning of August, and spoke to me in this or like sort. Cousin, let us do somewhat, sithence we can have nothing. I offered to join with him, and gladly heard him, hoping because I knew him to be a Catholic, that he would hit upon that I had in my head: but it fell not out so. He thought the delivery of the Queen of scotland easy, presuming upon his credit and kindred in the North: I thought it dangerous to her, and impossible to men of our fortunes: He fell from that to the taking of Berwick: I spoke of Quinborough and the Navy, rather to entertain him with discourse, then that I cared for those motions, my head being full of a greater matter: 12 I told him that I had another manner of enterprise, more honourable and profitable to us, and the Catholics common wealth, than all these, if he would join in it with me, as he presently vowed to do: He pressed to know it, I willed him to sleep upon the motion: He did so, (and belike overtaken) came to me the next morning to my lodging in London, offered to join with me, and took his oath upon a Bible, to conceal and constantly to pursue the enterprise for the advancement of religion, which I also did, and meant to perform: the killing of the Queen was the matter.  
The manner and place, to be on horseback, with eight or ten horses, when she should ride abroad about S. james, or some other like place. It was once thought fit in a Garden, & that the escape would be easiest by water into Shepey, or some other part: but we resolved upon the first.  
This continued as agreed upon many months, until he heard of the death of Westmoreland, whose land and dignity (whereof he assured himself) bread belike this conscience in him to discover a Treason in February, contrived and agreed upon in August. If it cost him not an ambitious head at last, let him never trust me. He brought a tall gentleman (whom he commended for an excellent Pistolier) to me to canon row, to make one in the match: but I refused to deal with him, being loath to lay my head upon so many hands.  
Master Nevil hath (I think) forgotten, that he did swear to me at divers times, that all th'advancement she could give, should serve but for her scourge, if ever time and occasion should serve: And that though he would not lay hand upon her in a corner, his hart served him to strike off her head in the field. Now leaving him to himself, this much (to make an end) I must confess of myself, I did mean to try what might be done in Parliament, to do my best to hinder all hard courses, to have prayed hearing of the Queen's Majesty, to move her (if I could) to take compassion upon her Catholic subjects, and when all had failed, to do as I intended. If her Majesty by this course would have eased them, though she had never preferred me, I had with all comfort and patience borne it: 13 but if she had preferred me without ease or care of them, th'enterprise had held.  
Parry. GOd preserve the Queen, and incline her merciful heart to forgive me this desperate purpose, and to take my head (with all my heart) for her better satisfaction.   
AFter which, 
Febru. 14.  for the better manifesting of his Treasons, on the xiiii. of February last, there was a letter written by him to her Majesty, very voluntarily, all of his own hand, without any motion made to him. The tenor whereof, for that which concerneth these his traitorous dealings, is as followeth.  
A Letter written by Parry to her Majesty.  
YOur Majesty may see by my voluntary confession, the dangerous fruits of a discontented mind: and how constantly I pursued my first conceived purpose in Venice, for the relief of the afflicted Catholics, continued it in Lions, and resolved in Paris, to put it in adventure, for the restitution of England, to the ancient obedience of the Sea Apostolic. You may see withal how it is commended, allowed, and warranted in conscience, divinity, and policy, by the Pope and some great Divines: though it be true or likely, that most of our English Divines (less practised in matters of this weight) do utterly mislike and condemn it.  
The enterprise is prevented, and conspiracy discovered, by an honourable Gentleman my kinsman, and late familiar friend, Master Edmund Nevil, privy and by solemn oath (taken upon the Bible) party to the matter, whereof I am hardly glad, but now sorry (in my very soul) that ever I conceived or intended it, how commendable or meritorious so ever I thought it. God thank him, and forgive me, who would not now (before God) attempt it (if I had liberty and opportunity to do it) to gain your kingdom. I beseech Christ that my death and example may aswell satisfy your Majesty, and the world, as it shall glad and content me.  
The Queen of Scotland is your prisoner, let her be honourably entreated, but yet surely guarded.  
The French King is French, you know it well enough, you will find him occupied when he should do you good, he will not lose a Pilgrimage to save you a crown. I have no more to say at this time, but that with my hart and soul, I do now honour and love you, am inwardly sorry for mine offence, and ready to make you amends by my death and patience. Discharge me A culpa, but not A paena, good Lady. And so farewell, most gracious, and the best natured and qualified Queen, that ever lived in England. From the Tower, the 14. of February. 1584.  
W. Parry.  

Febru. 18.  AFter which, to wit, the xviii. of February last passed, Parry, in further acknowledging his wicked and intended Treasons, wrote a letter all of his own hand in like voluntary manner to the Lord treasurer of England, and the Earl of Leicester, Lord Steward of her majesties house, the Tenor whereof is as followeth.  
William Parrys Letter to the Lord treasurer, and the Earl of Leycester.  
MY Lords, now that the conspiracy is discovered, the fault confessed, my conscience cleared, and mind prepared patiently to suffer the pains due for so heinous a crime: I hope it shall not offend you, if crying Miserere with the poor Publican, I leave to despair with cursed Caine. My case is rare and strange, and, for any thing I can remember, singular: a natural subject solemnly to vow the death of his natural Queen, (so borne, so known, and so taken by all men) for the relief of the afflicted Catholics, and restitution of religion. The matter first conceived in Venice, the service, (in general words) presented to the Pope, continued and undertaken in Paris, and lastly commended, and warranted by his holiness, digested & resolved in England, if it had not been prevented by accusation, or by her majesties greater lenity and more gracious usage of her Catholic subjects. This is my first and last offence conceived against my Prince or Country, and doth (I cannot deny) contain all other faults whatsoever. It is now to be punished by death, or most graciously (beyond all common expectation) to be pardoned. Death I do confess to have deserved: life I do (with all humility) crave, if it may stand with the Queen's honour, and policy of the time. To leave so great a treason unpunished, were strange: To draw it by my death in example, were dangerous: A sworn servant to take upon him such an enterprise upon such a ground, and by such a warrant, hath not been seen in England: To indict him, arraign him, bring him to the scaffold, and to publish his offence, can do no good: To hope that he hath more to discover then is confessed, or that at his execution he will unsay any thing he hath written, is in vain: To conclude, that it is impossible for him in time to make some part of amends, were very hard, & against former experiences. The question than is, whether it be better to kill him, or (lest the matter be mistaken) upon hope of his amendment to pardon him. For mine own opinion (though partial) I will deliver you my conscience. The case is good Queen Elizabeth's, the offence is committed against her sacred person, and she may (of her mercy) pardon it without prejudice to any. Then this I say, in few words, as a man more desirous to discharge his troubled conscience, then to live. Pardon poor Parry, and relieve him: for life without living is not fit for him. If this may not be, or be thought dangerous, or dishonourable to the Queen's Majesty (as by your favours, I think it full of honour and mercy) than I beseech your Lordships (and no other) once to hear me before I be indicted, and afterwards (if I must die) humbly to entreat the Queen's Majesty to hasten my trial and execution, which I pray God (with all my heart) may prove as honourable to her, as I hope it shall be happy to me, who will, while I live, (as I have done always) pray to jesus Christ for her majesties long and prosperous reign. From the Tower the 18. of February. 1584.  
W. Parry.  
ANd where in this mean time Sir Francis Walsingham Secretary to her Majesty, had dealt with one William Creichton, a Scot for his birth, and a jesuite by his profession, now prisoner also in the Tower, for that he was apprehended with divers Plots for invasions of this Realm, to understand of him, if the said Parry had ever dealt with him in the parties beyond the Seas touching that question, whether it were lawful to kill her Majesty, or not: the which at that time the said Creichton called not to his remembrance: yet after upon better calling it to mind, upon the xx. day of February last passed, he wrote to Master Secretary Walsingham thereof voluntary, all of his own hand, to the effect following.  
W. Creichtons' letter. Febr. 20.  
RIght honourable Sir, when your Honour demanded me if M. Parry did ask me, If it was reason to kill the Queen, in deed and verity, than I had no remembrance at all thereof. But since, thinking on the matter, I have called to mind the whole fashion of his dealing with me, and some of his Arguments: for he dealt very craftily with me, I dare not say maliciously. For I did in no ways think of any such design of his, or of any other, and did answer him simply after my conscience and knowledge to the verity of the question. For after that I had answered him twice before, Quòd omnino non liceret, he returned late at Even by reason I was to departed early in the next morning toward Chamberie in Savoye where I did remain, and being returned out of the Close within one of the classes of the College, he proponed to me of new the matter, with his reasons and arguments. First he alleged the utility of the deed for delivering of so many Catholics out of misery, and restitution of the Catholic religion. I answered, that the Scripture answereth thereto, saying, Non sunt facienda mala, ut veniant bona. So that for no good, how great that ever it be, may be wrought any evil, how little that ever it be. He replied that it was not evil to take away so great evil, and induce so great good. I answered, That all good is not to be done, but that only, Quod bene & legitime fieri potest. And therefore, Dixi, Deum magis amare adverbia quàm nomina. Quia in actionibus magis e● placent bene & legitime, quam bonum. Ita ut nullum bonum liceat facere, nisi bene & legitimè fieri possit. Quod in hoc casu fieri non potest. Yet said he, that several learned men were of the opinion, Quod liceret. I answered, that they men perhaps were of the opinion, that for the safety of many in soul and body, they would permit a particular to his danger, and to the occult judgement of God: Or perhaps said so, moved rather by some compassion and commiseration of the miserable estate of the Catholics, not for any such doctrine that they did find in their books. For it is certain, that such a thing is not licit to a particular, without special revelation divine, which exceedeth our learning and doctrine. And so he departed from me.  
Out of the prison in the Tower, the xx. of February. Your Honour's poor servitor in Christ jesu. Wil Creichton prisoner.  

Februa. 20.  ANd where also the same Parry was on the same xx. day of February examined by Sir Francis Walsingham knight, what was become of the letter contained in his confession to be written unto him by the Cardinal de Como, he then answered, that it was consumed and burnt: and yet after, 
Februa. 21.  the next day following, being more vehemently urged upon that point in examination (because it was known that it was not burnt) he confessed where he had left it in the Town: whereupon, by Parrys direction it was sent for where it had been lapped up together with other frivolous papers, and written upon the one side of it, The last will of William Parry, the which letter was in the Italian tongue as hereafter followeth, with the same in English accordingly translated.  
Amon Signore, Mon signor Guglielmo Parri.  
MOn Signore la Santita di N.S. ha veduto le lettere di V.S. del primo con la fede inclusa, & non può se non laudare la buona disposittione & risolutione che scriue di tenere verso il seruitiò & beneficio publico, nel che la Santita sua lessorta di perseverare, con farne riuscire li effetti che V.S. promette: Et accioche tanto maggiormente V.S. sia aiutata da quel buon spirito che l'ha mosso, le concede sua Beneditione, plenaria Indulgenza & remissione di tutti li peccati, secondo che V. S. ha chiesto, assicurandossi che oltre il merito, che n'hauera in cielo, vuole anco sua Santita constituirsi debitore a riconoscere li meriti di V.S. in ogni miglior modo che potra, & cio tanto piu, quanto che V.S. usa maggior modestia in non pretender niente. Metta dunque ad effetto li suoì santi & honorati pensieri, & attenda a star sano. Che per fine io me le offero di core, & le desidero ogni buono & felice successo.  
Di Roma a xxx di Gennaro. M.D.Lxxxiiij. Alpiacer di V. S. N. Cardinale di Como. Al Sig. Guglielmo Parri.  
Cardinal de como's letter to Wil Parry, 30. janu. 1584. by account of Rome.  
MOnsignor, the Holiness of our Lord hath seen the letter of your Signory of the first with the assurance included, and cannot but commend the good disposition and resolution which you writ to hold towards the service and benefit public: wherein his Holiness doth exhort you to persevere, with causing to bring forth the effects which your Signory promiseth. And to the end you may be so much the more helped by that good spirit which hath moved you thereunto, his Blessedness doth grant to you plenary indulgence and remission of all your sins, according to your request. Assuring you, that besides the merit that you shall receive therefore in heaven, his holiness will further make himself debtor to reknowledge the deservings of your Signory in the best manner that he can. And that so much the more, in that your Signory useth the greater modesty in not pretending any thing. Put therefore to effect your holy and honourable thoughts, and attend your health. And to conclude, I offer myself unto you hearty, and do desire all good and happy success.  
From Rome the thirty. of januarie 1584. At the pleasure of your Signory, N. Card. of Como.  

Febr. 22.  Upon all which former accusation, declaration, confessions & proofs, upon Monday the xxii. day of February last passed, at Westminster Hall, before Sir Christopher Wray knight, chief justice of England, Sir Gilbert Gerrard knight, Master of the Rolls, Sir Edmund Anderson knight, Chief justice of the common pleas, Sir Roger Manwood knight, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, Sir Thomas gaudy knight, one of the justices of the pleas before her Majesty to be holden, and Wil Perriam, one of the justices of the common pleas, by virtue of her majesties Commission to them & others in that behalf directed: the same Parry was indicted of high Treason, for intending and practising the death and destruction of her Majesty, whom God long prosper, & preserve from all such wicked attempts. The tenor of which indictment, appeareth more particularly in the course of his Arraignment following.  

The manner of the Arraignment of William Parry the xxv. of February, 1584. at Westminster, in the place where the court commonly called the King's Bench, is usually kept by virtue of her majesties Commission of Oyer & Terminer, before Henry L. Hunsdon governor of Berwick, Sir Francis Knolles Knight, Treasurer of the Queen's majesties household, Sir james Croft Knight, controller of the same household, Sir Christopher Hatton Knight, Vicechamberlaine to her Majesty, Sir Christopher Wray Knight, Chief justice of England, Sir Gilberte Gerrard Knight, master of the Rolls, Sir Edmund Anderson Knight, chief justice of the Common Pleas, Sir Roger Manwood Knight, chief Baron of the Exchequer, and Sir Thomas Hennage Knight, Treasurer of the Chamber.  
FIrst, three Proclamations for silence were made according to the usual course in such cases. Then the Lieutenant was commanded to return his precept, which did so, and brought the prisoner to the Bar, to whom Miles Sands Esquire, Clerk of the Crown said, William Parrie, hold up thy hand, and he did so. Then said the Clerk of the crown, Thou art here indicted by the oaths of xii. good and lawful men of the County of Middlesex, before Sir Christopher Wray Knight, and others which took the Indictment by the name of William Parry late of London Gentleman, 
The Indictment.  otherwise called William Parry, late of London Doctor of the law, for that thou as a false traitor against the most noble and Christian Prince, Queen Elizabeth thy most gracious Sovereign and liege Lady, not having the fear of God before thine eyes, nor regarding thy due allegiance, but being seduced by the instigation of the devil, and intending to withdraw and extinguish the hearty love and due obedience, which true and faithful Subjects should bear unto the same our Sovereign Lady, didst at Westminster in the County of Middlesex on the first day of February, in the xxvi. year of her highness reign, and at divers other times and places in the same County, maliciously, and traitorously conspire and compass, not only to deprive and depose the same our Sovereign Lady of her Royal estate, title and dignity, but also to bring her highness to death and final destruction, and sedition in the Realm to make, and the government thereof to subvert, and the sincere religion of God established in her highness dominions to alter & subvert. And that, whereas thou William Parry, by thy letters sent unto Gregory Bishop of Rome, didst signify unto the same Bishop thy purposes and intentions aforesaid, and thereby didst pray and require the same Bishop to give thee absolution, that thou afterwards, that is to say, the last day of March in the xxvi. year aforesaid, didst traitorously receive letters from one called Cardinal de Como, directed unto thee William Parry, whereby the same Cardinal did signify unto thee, that the Bishop of Rome had perused thy letters, and allowed of thine intent, and that to that end he had absolved thee of all thy sins, and by the same letter did animate and stir thee to proceed with thine enterprise, and that thereupon, thou, the last day of August in the xxvi. year aforesaid, at Saint Giles in the fields, in the same County of Middlesex, didst traitorously confer with one edmund Nevil Esquire, uttering to him all thy wicked and traitorous devices, and then and there didst move him to assist thee therein, & to join with thee in those wicked treasons aforesaid, against the peace of our said Sovereign Lady the Queen, her Crown & dignity: What sayest thou William Parry, art thou guilty of these treasons whereof thou standest here indicted, or not guilty?  
Then Parry said, 
Parries answer to the indictment,  Before I plead not guilty, or confess myself guilty, I pray you give me leave to speak a few words: and with humbling himself, began in this manner. God save Queen Elizabeth, and God send me grace to discharge my duty to her, and to send you home in charity. But touching the matters that I am indicted of, some were in one place, and some in another, and done so secretly, as none can see into them, except that they had eyes like unto God, wherefore I will not lay my blood upon the jury, but do mind to confess the indictment. It containeth but the parts that have been openly red, I pray you tell me? Whereunto it was answered, that the Indictment contained the parts he had heard red, and no other: whereupon the Clerk of the Crown said unto Parry, Parry, thou must answer directly to the indictment, whether thou be guilty or not.  
Then said Parry, 
Parrie confesseth that he is guilty of all things contained in the indictment.  I do confess that I am guilty of all that is therein contained: And further too, I desire not life, but desire to die. Unto which the clerk of the Crown said, If you confess it, you must confess it in manner and form as it is comprised in the judictment. Whereunto he said, I do confess it in manner and form as the same is set down, and all the circumstances thereof. Then the confession being recorded, the Queen's learned counsel being ready to pray judgement upon the same confession, Master Vicechamberlaine said, These matters contained in this indictment, and confessed by this man, are of great importance: they touch the person of the Queen's most excellent Majesty in the highest degree, the very state and well-doing of the whole common wealth, and the truth of God's word established in these her majesties dominions, and the open demonstration of that capital envy of the man of Rome, that hath set himself against God and all godliness, all good Princes and good government, and against good men. Wherefore, I pray you, for the satisfaction of this great multitude, let the whole matter appear, that every one may see that the matter of itself is as bad as the indictment purporteth, & as he hath confessed. Whereto in respect that the justice of the Realm hath been of late very impudently slandered, all yielded as a thing necessary to satisfy the world in particular, of that which was but summarily comprised in the indictment, though in the law, his confession served sufficiently to have proceeded thereupon unto judgement. Whereupon the Lords and others the Commissioners, her majesties learned Counsel, and Parry himself agreed, that Parrys confession (taken the xi. and xiii. of February 1584. before the Lord of Hunsdon, master Vicechamberlaine, and master Secretary,) and Cardinal de Como his letters, and Parrys letters to the Lord treasurer and Lord Steward, should be openly read.  
And Parry, for the better satisfying of the people and standers by, offered to read them himself: but being told that the order was, the Clerk of the Crown should read them, it was so resolved of all parts. And then master Vicechamberlaine caused to be showed to Parry his said confession, the Cardinal's letter, and his own letter aforesaid, which after he had particularly viewed every leaf thereof, he confessed, and said openly they were the same.  
Then said master Vicechamberlaine, Before we proceed to show what he hath confessed, what say you, said he to Parry, is that which you have confessed here true, and did you confess it freely and willingly of yourself, or was then any extort means used to draw it from you?  
Surely said Parry, I made that confession freely without any constraint, and that is all true, and more too: for there is no treason that hath been sithence the first year of the Queen any way touching religion, saving receipt of Agnus dei, and persuading of others, wherein I have not much dealt, but I have offended in it. And I have also delivered mine opinion in writing, who ought to be successor to the crown, which he said to be treason also.  
Then his confession of the eleventh and thirteenth of February, 
Parrys confession of his treasons was red by his own assent.  all of his own hand writing, & before particularly set down, was openly, and distinctly red by the Clerk of the crown. And that done, the Cardinal di Como his letter in Italian was delivered unto Parrys hand, by the direction of Master Vicechamberlayne, which Parry there perused, 
A letter of Cardinal di Como to Parry, also red.  and openly affirmed to be wholly of the Cardinals own hand writing, and the seal to be his own also, and to be with a Cardinal's hat on it: And himself did openly read it in Italian, as before is set down. And the words bearing sense as it were written to a Bishop or to a man of such degree, it was demanded of him by Master Vicechamberlayne, whether he had not taken the degree of a Bishop? He said, No: But said at first, those terms were proper to the degree he had taken: and after said that the Cardinal did vouchsafe as of a favour to write so to him. Then the copy of that letter in English as before is also set down, was in like manner openly red by the Clerk of the Crown, which Parry then acknowledged to be truly translated.  
And thereupon was showed unto Parry his letter of the xviii. of February, 
Parrys letter of the 18. of Febru. to the L. Treaso. and the Earl of Leycester red.  written to the Lord Treasurer, and the Lord Steward: which he confessed to be all of his own hand writing and was as before is set down.  
These matters being red openly for manifestation of the matter, Parry prayed leave to speak: whereto Master Vicechamberlayne said, If you will say any thing for the better opening to the world of those your foul & horrible facts, speak on: but if you mean to make any excuse of that which you have confessed, which else would have been and do stand proved against you, for my part, I will not sit to hear you.  
Then her majesties Attorney general stood up & said, It appeareth before you my Lords, that this man hath been indicted & arraigned of several most heinous and horrible treasons, and hath confessed them, which is before you of record: wherefore there resteth no more to be done, but for the Court to give judgement accordingly, 
The Queen's Attorney requireth judgement.  which here I require in the behalf of the Queen's Majesty.  
Then said Parry, I pray you hear me for discharging of my conscience. I will not go about to excuse myself, nor to seek to save my life, I care not for it, you have my confession of record, that is enough for my life: And I mean to utter more, for which I were worthy to die. And said, I pray you hear me, in that I am to speak to discharge my conscience.  
Then said Master Vicechamberlayne, Parry, then do thy duty according to conscience, and utter all that thou canst say concerning those thy most wicked facts.  
Then said Parry, My cause is rare, singular & unnatural, conceived at Venice, presented in general words to the Pope, undertaken at Paris, commended & allowed of by his Holiness, and was to have been executed in England, if it had not been prevented. Yea, I have committed many treasons, for I have committed treason in being reconciled, and treason in taking absolution. 
Parry had for his credit afore time said very secretly, that he had been solicited beyond the seas to commit the fact, but he would not do it, wherewith he craftily abused both the Queen's Majesty, & those two Counsellors whereof he now would help himself with these false speeches against most manifest proofs.  There hath been no Treason sithence the first year of the Queen's reign touching religion, but that I am guilty of (except for receiving of Agnus Dei, and persuading as I have said:) And yet never intended to kill Queen Elizabeth. I appeal to her own knowledge and to my Lord treasurers and Master Secretaries.  
Then said my Lord Hunsdon, Hast thou acknowledged it so often, and so plainly in writing under thy hand, and here of record: and now, when thou shouldest have thy judgement according to that which thou hast confessed thyself guilty of, dost thou go back again, and deny the effect of all? How can we believe that thou now fayest?  
Then said Master Vicechamberlaine, 
M. Vicechamberlaines speeches, proving manifestly Parrys traitorous intentions.  This is absued. Thou hast not only confessed generally, that thou wert guilty according to the indictment, which summarily, and yet in express words doth contain that thou hadst traitorously compassed & intended the death and destruction of her Majesty: but thou also saidest particularly that thou wert guilty of every of the Treasons contained therein, whereof the same was one in plain and express letter set down, and red unto thee. Yea, thou saidest that thou were guilty of more Treasons too besides these. And didst thou not upon thy examination voluntarily confess, how thou wast moved first thereunto by mislike of thy state after thy departure out of the Realm, And that thou didst mislike her Majesty for that she had done nothing for thee, How by wicked Papists and Popish books, thou wert persuaded that it was lawful to kill her Majesty, How thou wert by reconciliation become one of that wicked sort, that held her Majesty for neither lawful Queen, nor Christian, And that it was meritorious to kill her? And didst thou not signify that thy purpose to the Pope by letters, and receivedst letters from the Cardinal, how he allowed of thine intent, & excited thee to perform it, and thereupon didst receive absolution? And didst thou not conceive it, promise it, vow it, swear it, and receive the Sacrament that thou wouldst do it? And didst not thou thereupon affirm, that thy vows were in heaven, and thy letters and promises on earth to bind thee to do it? And that whatsoever her Majesty would have done for thee, could not have removed thee from that intention or purpose, unless she would have desisted from dealing as she hath done with the Catholics, as thou callest them? All this thou hast plainly confessed: and I protest before this great assembly, thou hast confessed it more plainly and in better sort, than my memory will serve me to utter: And sayest thou now, that thou never meantest it?  
Ah said Parry, your honours know, how my Confession upon mine examination was extorted.  
Then both the Lord Hunsdon and Master Vicechamberlayne affirmed, that there was no torture or threatening words offered him.  
But Parry then said, that they told him, that if he would not confess willingly, he should have torture: whereunto their honours answered, that they used not any speech or word of torture to him.  
You said, said Parry, that you would proceed with rigour against me, if I would not confess it of myself.  
But their honours expressly affirmed, that they used no such words. But I will tell thee, said Master Vicechamberlayne, what we said. I spoke these words, If you will willingly utter the truth of yourself, it may do you good, and I wish you to do so: If you will not, we must then proceed in ordinary course to take your examination. Whereunto you answered, that you would tell the truth of yourself. 
Parry reproved of false speeches, and so by himself also confessed.  Was not this true? which than he yielded unto.  
And hereunto, her majesties Attorney general put Parry in remembrance what speeches he used to the Lieutenant of the Tower, the Queen's majesties Sergeant at Law, Master gaudy, and the same Attorney on Saturday the twentieth of February last, at the Tower, upon that he was by them then examined by order from the Lords: which was, that he acknowledged he was most mildly and favourably dealt with, in all his examinations, which he also at the Bar then acknowledged to be true.  
Then Master Vicechamberlayne said, that it was wonder to see the magnanymitie of her Majesty, which after that thou hadst opened those traitorous practices in sort as thou hast laid it down in thy confession, was nevertheless such, and so far from all fear, as that she would not so much as acquaint any one of her highness privy Counsel with it, to his knowledge, no not until after this thine enterprise discovered & made manifest. And besides that which thou hast set down under thine own hand, thou didst confess, that thou hadst prepared two Scottish Daggers, fit for such a purpose: and those being disposed away by thee, thou didst say that an other would serve thy turn. And with all, Parry, didst thou not also confess before us how wonderfully thou wert appalled and perplexed upon a sudden at the presence of her Majesty at Hampton Court this last Summer, saying that thou didst think thou then sawest in her, the very likeness & image of king Henry the seventh? And that therewith, and upon some speeches used by her Majesty, thou didst turn about and weep bitterly to thyself? And yet didst call to mind that thy vows were in heaven, thy letters and promises on earth, and that therefore thou didst say with thyself, that there was no remedy but to do it? didst thou not confess this? the which he acknowledged.  
Then said the lord Hunsdon, 
The L. of hunsdon's speeches convincing Parry manifestly of his treason.  Sayest thou now, that thou didst never mean to kill the Queen? didst thou not confess, that when thou didst utter this practice of treachery to her Majesty, that thou didst cover it with all the skill thou hadst, and that it was done by thee, rather to get credit and access thereby, then for any regard thou hadst of her person? but in truth thou didst it, that thereby thou mightest have better opportunity to perform thy wicked enterprise. And wouldst thou have run into such fear as thou didst confess that thou wert in, when thou didst utter it, if thou hadst never meant it? what reason canst thou show for thyself? With that he cried out in a furious manner, I never meant to kill her: I will lay my blood upon Queen Elizabeth and you, before God and the world: and thereupon fell into a rage and evil words with the Queen's majesties Attorney general.  
Then said the lord Hunsdon, This is but thy popish pride and ostentation, which thou wouldst have to be told to thy fellows of that faction, to make them believe that thou diest for popery, when thou diest for most horrible and dangerous treasons against her Majesty, and thy whole country. For thy laying of thy blood, it must lie on thine own head, as a just reward of thy wickedness. The laws of the Realm most justly condemn thee to die out of thine own mouth for the conspiring the destruction both of her Majesty, and of us all: therefore thy blood be upon thee, neither her Majesty, nor we at any time sought it, thyself hast spilled it.  
Then he was asked what he could say, why judgement of death ought not to be awarded against him.  
Whereto he said, he did see that he must die, because he was not settled.  
What meanest thou by that, said master Vicechamberlaine. Said he, look into your study, and into your new books, and you shall find what I mean.  
I protest (said his honour) I know not what thou meanest: thou dost not well to use such dark speeches, unless thou wouldst plainly utter what thou meanest thereby. But he said, he cared not for death, and that he would lay his blood amongst them.  

The L. chief justices speech to Parry.  Then spoke the lord chief justice of England, being required to give the judgement, and said, Parry, you have been much heard, and what you mean by being settled, I know not, but I see you are so settled in popery, that you cannot settle yourself to be a good subject. But touching that you should say to stay judgement from being given against you, your speeches must be of one of these kinds, ●●ther to prove the Indictment (which you have confessed to be true) to be insufficient in law, or else to plead somewhat touching her majesties mercy, why justice should not be ●●●e of you. All other speeches wherein you have used great liberty, is more than by law you can ask. These be the matters you must look to, what say you to them? whereto he said nothing.  
Then said the lord chief justice, Parry, thou hast been before this time indicted of divers most horrible and hateful treasons, committed against thy most gracious Sovereign, and native country: the matter most detestable, the manner most subtle and dangerous, and the occasions and means that led thee thereunto, most ungodly and villainous. That thou didst intend it, it is most evident by thyself. The matter was the destruction of a most sacred and an anointed Queen thy sovereign & mistress, who hath showed thee such favour, as some thy betters have not obtained: yea, the overthrow of thy country wherein thou wert borne, and of a most happy common wealth whereof thou art a member, and of such a Queen, as hath bestowed on thee the benefit of all benefits in this world, that is, thy life, heretofore granted thee by her mercy when thou hadst lost it by justice and desert. Yet thou her servant, sworn to defend her, meantest with thy bloody hand to have taken away her life, that mercifully gave thee thine when it was yielded into her hands. This is the matter wherein thou hast offended. The manner was most subtle and dangerous beyond all that before thee have committed any wickedness against her Majesty: For thou making show as if thou wouldst simply have uttered for her safety the evil that others had contrived, didst but seek thereby credit & access, that thou mightest take the apt opportunity for her destruction. And for the occasions and means that drew thee on, they were most ungodly and villainous, As the persuasions of the Pope, of Papists and Popish books. The Pope pretendeth that he is a pastor, when as in truth he is far from feeding of the flock of Christ, but rather as a wolf seeketh but to feed on and to suck out the blood of true Christians, and as it were thirsteth after the blood of our most gracious and Christian Queen. And these Papists and Popish books, while they pretend to set forth divinity, they do in deed most ungodly teach and persuade that which is quite contrary both to God and his word. For the word teacheth obedience of subjects towards Princes, and forbiddeth any private man to kill: but they teach subjects to disobey Princes, and that a private wicked person may kill. Yea, and whom? a most godly Queen, and their own natural and most gracious sovereign. Let all men therefore take heed how they receive any thing from him, hear or read any of their books, and how they confer with any Papists. God grant her Majesty, that she may know by thee, how ever she trust such like to come so near her person. But see the end, and why thou didst it, and it will appear to be a most miserable, fearful and foolish thing: For thou didst imagine, that it was to relieve those that thou callest Catholics, who were most likely amongst all others to have felt the worst of it, if thy devilish practice had taken effect. But sith thou hast been indicted of the treasons comprised in the indictment, and thereupon arraigned, and hast confessed thyself guilty of them, the Court doth award, 
The form of the judgement against the traitor.  that thou shalt be had from hence to the place whence thou didst come, and so drawn through the open city of London upon an hurdle to the place of execution, and there to be hanged and let down alive, and thy privy parts cut off, and thy entrails taken out and burnt in thy sight, than thy head to be cut off, and thy body to be divided in four parts, and to be disposed at her majesties pleasure: And God have mercy on thy soul.  
Parry nevertheless persisted still in his rage and fond speech, and ragingly there said, he there summoned Queen Elizabeth to answer for his blood before God: wherewith, the Lieutenant of the Tower was commanded to take him from the bar: and so he did. And upon his departure, the people stricken as it were at heart with the horror of his intended enterprise, ceased not, but pursued him with outcries, as, Away with the Traitor, away with him, & such like: whereupon he was conveyed to the Barge, to pass to the Tower again by water: and the Court was adjourned.  
After which, 
2. Martii. W. Parry the traitor executed.  upon the second day of this instant March, William Parry was by virtue of process in that behalf awarded from the same Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, delivered by the Lieutenant of the Tower early in the morning, unto the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex, who received him at the Tower hill, and thereupon, according to the judgement, caused him there to be forthwith set on the hurdle. From whence he was drawn thereupon through the midst of the City of London, unto the place for his execution in the Palace at Westminster: where, having long time of stay admitted unto him before his execution, he most maliciously and impudently, after some other vain discourses eftsoons and often delivered in speech, that he was never guilty of any intention to kill Queen Elizabeth, and so (without any request made by him to the people to pray to God for him, or prayer publicly used by himself for aught that appeared: but such as he used, if he used any, was private to himself) he was executed according to the judgement. And now for his intent, how so ever he pretended the contrary in words, yet by these his own writings, confessions, letters, and many other proofs afore here expressed, it is most manifest to all persons, how horrible his intentions and Treasons were, and how justly he suffered for the same: and thereby greatly to be doubted, that as he had lived a long time vainly and ungodly, and like an Atheist and godless man, so he continued the same course till his death to the outward sight of men.  
Here endeth the true and plain course and process of the Treasons, arrest, arraignment, and execution of William Parry the Traitor.   

An addition not unnecessary for this purpose.  
FOrasmuch as Parry in the abundance of his proud and arrogant humour, hath often both in his confession, and letters, pretended some great and grievous causes of discontentment against her Majesty, and the present state: It shall not be impertinent, for better satisfaction of all persons, to set forth simply and truly, the condition and quality of the man, what he was by birth and education, and in what course of life he had lived.  
This vile and traitorous wretch was one of the younger sons of a poor man, called Harry ap David: he dwelled in North-wales in a little village called Northoppe, in the County of Flint: there he kept a common ale house, which was the best and greatest stay of his living. In that house was this Traitor borne, his mother was the reputed daughter of one Conway a Priest, Parson of a poor Parish called Halkyn in the same county of Flint: his eldest brother dwelleth at this present in the same house, and there keepeth an ale house as his father did before him. This traitor in his childhood so soon as he had learned a little to write and read, was put to serve a poor man dwelling in Chester, named john Fisher, who professed to have some small skill & understanding in the law. With him he continued divers years, and served as a Clerk, to write such things, as in that trade which his masterused, he was appointed. During this time, he learned the English tongue, and at such times of leisure, as the poor man his master had no occasion otherwise to use him, he was suffered to go to the grammar School, where he got some little understanding in the Latin tongue. In this his childhood, he was noted by such as best knew him, to be of a most villainous & dangerous nature and disposition. He did often run away from his master, and was often taken & brought to him again. His master, to correct his perverse and froward conditions, did many times shut him as prisoner in some close place of his house, & many times caused him to be chained, locked, & clogged, to stay his running away. Yet all was in vain: for about the third year of her majesties reign, for his last farewell to his poor master: he ran away from him, and came to London to seek his adventures. He was then constrained to seek what trade he could to live by, and to get meat and drink for his belly, and clothes for his back. His good hap in the end was to be entertained in place of service above his desert, where he stayed not long, but shifted himself divers times from service to service, and from one master to another. Now he began to forget his old home, his birth, his education, his parents, his friends, his own name, and what he was. He aspired to greater matters, he challenged the name & title of a great gentleman, he vaunted himself to be of kin and allied to noble and worshipful, he left his old name which he did bear, & was commonly called by in his childhood, and during all the time of his abode in the country, which was William ap Harry (as the manner in Wales is.) And because he would seem to be in deed the man which he pretended, he took upon him the name of Parry, being the surname of divers gentlemen of great worship, and haviour. And because his mother's name by her father a simple priest, was Conway: He pretended kindred to the family of Sir john Conway, & so thereby made himself of kin to Edmund Nevil. Being thus set forth with his new name and new title of gentleman, and commended by some of his good favourers, he matched himself in marriage with a widow in Southwales, who brought him some reasonable portion of wealth. She lived with him but a short time, and the wealth he had with her lasted not long: it was soon consumed with his dissolute and wasteful manner of life. He was then driven to his wont shifts, his creditors were many, the debt which he owed, great, he had nothing wherewith to make payment, he was continually pursued by sergeant and Officers to arrest him, he did often by sleights and shifts escape from them. In this his needy and poor estate, he sought to repair himself again by a new match in marriage with another widow, which before was the wife of one Richard Heywood. This matter was so earnestly followed by himself, and so effectually commended by his friends and favourers, that the sisly woman yielded to take him to husband: a match in every respect very unequal and unfit: her wealth and yearly livelihood was very great, his poor and base estate worse than nothing, he very young, she of such age, as for years she might have been his mother. When he had thus possessed himself of his new wives wealth, he omitted nothing that might serve for a prodigal, dissolute, and most ungodly course of life. His riot and excess was unmeasurable, he did most wickedly deflower his wives own daughter, and sundry ways pitifully abuse the old mother: He carried himself for his outward port and countenance (so long as his old wives bags lasted) in such sort, as might well have sufficed for a man of very good haviour and degree. But this lasted not long, his proud heart and wasteful hand had soon powered out old Heywoods' wealth. He then fell again to his wont shifts, borrowed where he could find any to lend, and engaged his credit so far as any would trust him. Amongst others, he became greatly indebted to Hugh Hare, the gentleman before named. Who after long forbearing of his money, sought to recover it by ordinary means of Law. For this cause Parry conceived great displeasure against him, which he pursued with all malice, even to the seeking of his life. In this murderous intent, he came in the night time to M. Hare's chamber in the Temple, broke open the door, assaulted him, and wounded him grievously, and so left him in great danger of life. For this offence he was apprehended, committed to Newgate, indicted of burgularie, arraigned, and found guilty by a very substantial jury, 
Party condemned for burgularie, pardoned of the Queen.  and condemned to be hanged, as the Law in that case requireth. He standing thus convicted, her Majesty of her most gracious clemency, and pitiful disposition, took compassion upon him, pardoned his offence, and gave him his life, which by the Law and due course of justice he ought then to have lost. After this he tarried not long, but pretending some causes of discontentment, departed the Realm, and travailed beyond the seas. How he demeaned himself there from time to time, and with whom he conversed, is partly in his own confession touched before. This is the man, this is his race, which he feared should be spotted if he miscarried in th'execution of his traitorous enterprise, this hath been the course of his life, these are the great causes of his discontentment.  
And whereas at his arraignment and execution, he pretended great care of the disobedient popish subjects of this Realm, whom he called Catholics, and in very insolent sort seemed to glory greatly in the profession of his pretenced Catholic religion: The whole course and action of his life showeth plainly, how profanely and irreligiously he did always bear himself. He vaunted, that for these two and twenty years passed he had been a Catholic, and during all that time never received the Communion: yet before he travailed beyond the Seas, at three several times within the compass of those two and twenty years, he did voluntarily take the oath of obedience to the Queen's Majesty, set down in the statute made in the first year of her highness reign, by which, amongst other things, he did testify and declare in his conscience, that no foreign prince, person, prelate, state, or potentate, hath or aught to have any jurisdiction, power, pre-eminence, or authority, Ecclesiastical or Spiritual, within this Realm, and therefore did utterly renounce and forsake all foreign jurisdictions, powers, and authorities, and did promise to bear faith and true allegiance to the Queen's highness, her heirs and lawful successors.  
With what conscience or religion, he took that oath so often, if he were then a Papist in deed, as sithence the discovery of his treasons he pretended, let his best friends the Papists themselves judge. But perhaps it may be said, that he repented those his offences past: that since those three oaths so taken by him, he was twice reconciled to the Pope, and so his conscience cleared, and he become a new man, and (which is more) that in the time of his last travel, he cast away all his former lewd manners: that he changed his degree and habit, and bought or begged the grave title of a Doctor of law, for which he was well qualified with a little grammar school latin: that he had plenary indulgence, and remission of all his sins, in consideration of his undertaking of so holy an enterprise as to kill Queen Elizabeth, a sacred anointed Queen, his natural and Sovereign Lady: that he promised to the Pope, and vowed to God to perform it: that he confirmed the same by receiving the Sacrament at the jesuits, at one Altar with his two beaupeeres, the Cardinals of Vandosme and Narbone: and that since his last return into England, he did take his oath upon the Bible to execute it. These reasons may seem to bear some weight in deed amongst his friends the jesuits, and other Papists of state, who have special skill in matters of such importance.  
But now lately in the beginning of this Parliament in November last, he did eftsoons solemnly in public place take the oath before mentioned, of obedience to her Majesty. How that may stand with his reconciliations to the Pope, and with his promises, vows, and oath to kill the Queen, it is a thing can hardly be warranted, unless it be by some special privilege of the Pope's omnipotency.  
But let him have the glory he desired, to live and die a Papist. He deserved it, it is fit for him, his death was correspondent to the course of his life, which was disloyal, perjured, and traitorous towards her Majesty, and false and perfidious towards the Pope himself, and his Catholics, if they will believe his solemn protestations which he made at his arraignment and execution, that he never meant nor intended any hurt to her highness person. For if that be true, where are then his vows which he said were in heaven, his letters & promises upon earth? Why hath he stolen out of the Pope's shop so large an Indulgence and plenary remission of all his sins, and meant to perform nothing that he promised? Why was his devotion and zeal so highly commended? Why was he so specially prayed for and remembered at the Altar? All these great favours were then bestowed upon him without cause or desert: for he deceived the Pope, he deceived the Cardinals, and jesuits, with a false semblance, and pretence to do that thing which he never meant.  
But the matter is clear, the conspiracy, and his traitorous intent is too plain and evident: it is the Lord that revealed it in time, and prevented their malice: there lacked no will, or readiness in him to execute that horrible fact. It is the Lord that hath preserved her Majesty from all the wicked practices and conspiracies of that hellish rabble: it is he that hath most graciously delivered her from the hands of this traitorous miscreant. The Lord is her only defence in whom she hath always trusted.   

The Printer to the Reader.  
WHEN I had taken in hand, and began the printing of this treatise or declaration aforesaid, a gentleman of good understanding and learning, came to me, and being made acquainted by me with the former treatise, he said, that he had by conference with divers that were at the arraignment of this traitor, where also he himself was present, collected together the whole proceeding against him, and had also attained to the view of all his confessions, his letters, and other writings there published against him: by all which, he had gathered into a short Treatise most manifest proofs of the horrible treason intended by the Traitor against her Majesty.  
And although the former treatise doth at length manifestly declare the same, yet I required this Gentleman my friend, to grant me the copying of his collections, which he was willing to do: And so I have been bold, for the more ample satisfaction of every reader, to add the same hereunto. Wherein also (gentle Reader) thou shalt find inserted these Figures, 1.2.3.4. etc. till 13. And the like in the Traitors own Confession, by which is noted the principal points of the drift of this most horrible Treason.   

A few observations gathered out of the very words and writings of William Parry the traitor, applied to prove his traitorous conjuration, with a resolute intent, imagination, purpose, and obstinate determination to have killed her Majesty, our most gracious sovereign: whom the Lord hath saved, and ever may he save by his mercy.  
THis W. Parry the traitor, 1. confesseth to have conceived the treason at Venice, by conference with Ben. Palmio, of whom he still thinketh so well, as he can not but speak of him with reverent mention, whereas, if he had never thought, or did now forethink the Treason, he would rather curse the time that ever he met with such a bloody and treacherous ghostly father. Well, this grave and learned Friar Palmio (saith he) made the matter clear in religion & conscience, and commended the Traitors devotion. This treason Parry so apprehended, as he wrote presently to the Pope, presenting the service. 2 Returned to Paris, he conferred with Morgan, vowed to perform it for restitution of England, etc. 3 Being dissuaded (as the credible man writeth) by Wats, he replied that he was gone so far, as he could not go back, but promised faithfully to perform th'enterprise, if the Pope would upon his offers and letters allow it, and grant remission, etc. Where this by the way is to be noted, that if the opinions of these English Priests (as he will needs make us believe) were differing from the Pope, and our English jesuits, varying from jesuite Palmio and other beyond sea jesuits, in the question of murdering a Prince: some of them at least would have given loyal intelligence of such a treason conceived & nourished in that man, who had made so many privy both beyond and on this side the sea, and could not be dissuaded from his purpose, but ever departed with a resolution contrary to these cold disswaders. It were no good policy to trust this popish Traitor, but rather to suspect all Pope-created Priests to be of the same mind with their supreme head, and all English jesuits to consent with foreign jesuits their fellow members. They be all of one order and vow, they have one superior, and if they had detested this fact in deed, some of them, seeing the wretch to persist, must needs have bewrayed it, & not to suffer him to go on headlong in such a sin, leaving her royal person to the will and malice (as much as in them lay) of a murdering Ruffian. But to prove his intent with continuance & growing of the same, 4 again he writeth letters to the Pope, in janu. 1584. by that account, took advise upon them in confession of An. Codreto, was commended, again confessed, took the Sacrament (verily cruentum sacramentum, & sacrificium cruoris) at the jesuits, at one altar, with the Cardinals of Vandosmi and of Narbone. Hereof he had certificate to the Pope, which he sent enclosed in his letters to his Holiness, to lead him to absolve him, which he required in consideration of so great an enterprise undertaken without reward. 5 The letter and certificate he read to Ragazzoni, and left with him to be sent to the Pope, who wished him good speed, promising he should be remembered at the altar. 6 He doubteth, lest if Morgan died, and he miscarried in th'execution (as he did, God be thanked, and choked in the halter, notwithstanding their remembrance at the altar) and his intent never truly discovered, that is to say, that he did it for the Catholics, it might be a spot in his race. Mark here the very word intent in his own confession. Morgan assureth him, that the lord Fernehurst should go into Scotland, & be ready to enter upon the first news of our Queen's fall. Thus much for his intent beyond Sea, and before his conjuration discovered.  
Upon his arrival in England, he wrote to Court, that he had a special service of discovery to the Queen: but with what intent, let his own words speak, more to prepare access and credit, then for any care had of her person. Admitted to her gracious audience, he discovered the conjuration, yet in what manner? let himself say, even covered with all the skill he had. This intent was with deep Treason: for as he saith, so he did, he disclosed only so much as he thought good and necessary to ground in her highness a settled confidence towards him, whereby he might effect his traitorous intent with better opportunity, and his own safety. He be ●●ayed himself so far as he might cover his chief drift, many principal things concealed, nothing of lord Fernehurst with 〈◊〉 Scottish forces, etc. Receiving from the Pope himse●●●● commendation and allowance of his enterprise, of encouragement & plenary indulgence by no meaner 〈…〉 cardinal di Como, though he showed the letter to 〈◊〉 majesty, not for any care of her person, but for his better a●●esse and credit, as the rest, yet let his own words tell what his intent was at the very receiving and showing the ●ame setter: Forsooth (saith he) this letter confirmed 〈◊〉 resolution to kill the Queen, making it clear in his 〈◊〉 science, as a thing lawful and meritorious.  
Now is his intent grown a resolution, not doubtful, but clear in conscience, not alone lawful, but meritorious▪ Papa dixit, a Cardinal is Nuncio: Wh●● other thing is this, then for the Pope & his Cardinals, like another Antoninus Commodus, to make one Inter sicarios ● glaediatores? The devil enforcing thi● traitors heart 〈◊〉 execute his intent, he was troubled looking upon the ●ueene, and remembering her excellencies, yet he saw no remedy, his vows were in heaven, his letters and promises on earth. Yea, he strove to close his 〈◊〉 at these excellencies, and obstinated his heart by seeking reasons to quench all sparks of humanity & allegiance arising in his thoughts. For thus reasoneth he against his conscience, Why shouldst thou care for her? what hath she done for thee? hast thou not spent ten thousand marks, etc. What more devilish intent could possess a traitor, then to labour to suppress a small remain of conscience abhorring to kill so excellent a parsonage, which God stirred up in his thoughts to his juster condemnation? D. Allens book redoubled his former conceits, every word was a warrant to a prepared mind. See how the smooth words of that Catholic book are interpreted and conceived. One spirit occupieth the Catholic reader with the Catholic writer, and therefore can best expound the writer's sense in his reader's mouth, even to be a book fraught with emphatical speeches of energetical persuasion to kill and depose her Majesty, and yet doth the hypocrite writer, that traitor Catholic, dissemble and protest otherwise. Parry suffering repulse in a suit for S. Katherins, communeth with M. Nevil, recommendeth the enterprise as honourable and profitable to the Catholic common weal. Being prejudiced in opinion of Allens book (as before) he commendeth it, and delivereth it to Nevil, thereby to work the same vile intent in him which it had already confirmed in himself. He took now an other oath upon the Bible, after the manner of a Protestant, to pursue th'enterprise, and meant (he saith) to perform it, so far forth as the place and manner of doing was appointed. This second conjuration he never bewrayed in six months, till accused by Nevil, and then at first denied it. Finally to declare his height of malice, he saith, if the Queen had preferred him never so greatly, yet must this bloody enterprise have holden, except she had relieved the Catholics. Was this no intent, which neither benefit nor bounty could stay? which neither fear of God, nor reverence of excellency could repel? which neither dread of punishment, nor tract of time could remove? Did he conceive it, confer and advise of it, vow himself to the execrable service, present & offer it, harden his heart against others dissuasions, beat back contrary motions of his own conscience, go so far as he could not go back, promise it faithfully, receive a Church Sacrament thereupon, make certificate thereof, propound himself the end and reason of his intent, discourse upon the contingent sequel, preventing the spot of his race, receive letters of allowance, commendation, encouragement, and absolution, could he vow in heaven, and promise on earth, could he do all this in a thing which he meant not? Can he resolve and confirm his resolution of a thing which he intended not, yea, could he intend and mean (for all these be his own words) that which he never meant nor intended? could he redouble his conceits, and have a prepared mind for that he intended not? would such a crafty traitor practise with others by persuasive speech, and traitorous book, in such a matter, as the only broaching thereof must capitally endamage his kinsman and friend, and withal lay his own head in his friends hand? and yet notwithstanding, either he meant this treason, either else he little loved his friend, to tempt him so dangerously, whom yet, he saith, he loved so, as to suffer his finger in his dish, and his hand in his purse. But, which is above all, would any man swear again on the Bible, appoint time and place, conceal it with as much peril as if he had done it, would he deny it, would so ambitious a man discontent himself with all preferment, for that chieving of that which he meant not? was this mischievous course begun and continued, a long time, at home and abroad, in many kingdoms, communicated with many persons, of several nation and quality, as Pope, Cardinal, Nuntio, Friar, Priest, King's Secretary and Ambassadors, all this while not meant? Was it frankly and voluntarily confessed meant, finally, recorded by pleading guilty in manner and form with all circumstance, and yet could he die an innocent for intent? All this falling upon no simple man, but upon one, not now the first time holding up his hand at bar, and upon a Doctor of law, the very hood whereof is able to give a man more judgement, then to slip without light in all these things. I know not how he may be excused, without strong suspicion of the excuser. And if a Prince may not judge a wicked servant out of his own mouth, nor determine an offence by two or three mouths, it were a notable world for Traitors and murderers, thus to have all proceed set lose, as well of our common Laws, which condemn upon all evidences, as of the civil laws, which give capital sentence upon confession only: yea, Moses wisdom is overreached, and Christ's equity in his evangelical parable against the lewd servant not using his talon is eluded. All this is also ratified by voluntary letters of his to her Majesty apart, & to her honourable Counsel. And if any Italianate Papist, nevertheless will needs believe this repugnancy of his last speeches, let him yet take this one note of him, whereby to consider how credible a man he crediteth. Either Parry meant this monstrous murder according to his vows in heaven, and sworn promises in earth, and so died a desperate Traitor, protesting the contrary in his last words upon his soul and damnation: or else was he perjured, to the foul abuse of Pope and all popery, most execrably profaning God's name by promising, swearing, vowing, etc. that which he meant not. Necessarily therefore must he perish upon perjured treason, or wreck upon desperate deieration. Nothing avoids this Dilemma, but a Popish Bull of Dispensation, which if he had, I know not how Princes may not as safely suffer Wolves and Bears come to their presence, as such Papists. And very like it is that Parry had a special Bull, either else was it comprehended in his Indulgence, that he might take oaths contrary to his Catholic conscience, as he did the oath of Supremacy in beginning of the last Parliament. Which, if his conjurators had not been privy with what intention he did swear, he never durst have taken it, lest they should have now bewrayed him as a man sworn against the Pope, therefore not to be trusted. But the truth is, this Papist Parry was both a Traitor, and a manifoldly perjured Traitor, etc.    

Imprinted at London by C. B.  
Cum privilegio.   

¶ A prayer for all Kings, Princes, Countries and people, which do profess the Gospel: And especially for our sovereign Lady Queen Elizabeth, used in her majesties Chapel, and meet to be used of all persons within her majesties Dominions.  
O Lord God of hosts, most loving and merciful father, whose power no creature is able to resist, who of thy great goodness hast promised to grant the petitions of such as ask in thy sons name: we most humbly beseech thee to save and defend all Princes, Magistrates, kingdoms, countries & people, which have received and do profess thy holy word and Gospel, and namely this Realm of England, and thy servant Elizabeth our Queen, whom thou hast hitherto wonderfully preserved from manifold perils and sundry dangers, and of late revealed and frustrated the traitorous practices and conspiracies of divers against her: for the which, and all other thy great goodness towards us, we give thee most humble and hearty thanks, beseeching thee in the name of thy dear son jesus Christ, and for his sake, still to preserve and continue her unto us, and to give her long life & many years to rule over this land. O heavenly father, the practices of our enemies, and the enemies of thy word and truth, against her and us, are manifest and known unto thee. Turn them, O Lord, if it be thy blessed will, or overthrow and confound them for thy name's sake: suffer them not to prevail: take them, O Lord, in their crafty wiliness that they have invented, and let them fall into the pit which they have digged for others. Permit them not ungodly to triumph over us: discomfort them, discomfort them, O Lord, which trust in their own multitude, and please themselves in their subtle devices, and wicked conspiracies. O loving Father, we have not deserved the least of these thy mercies which we crave: for we have sinned and grievously offended thee, we are not worthy to be called thy sons: we have not been so thankful unto thee as we should, for thy unspeakable benefits powered upon us: we have abused this long time of peace and prosperity: we have not obeyed thy word: we have had it in mouth, but not in heart: in outward appearance, but not in deed: we have lived carelessly: We have not known the time of our visitation: we have deserved utter destruction. But thou, O Lord, art merciful, and ready to forgive. Therefore we come to thy throne of grace, confessing and acknowledging thee to be our only refuge in all times of peril and danger: and by the means of thy Son we most hearty pray thee to forgive us our unthankfulness, disobedience, hypocrisy & all other our sins, to turn from us thy heavy wrath and displeasure, which we have justly deserved, and to turn our hearts truly unto thee, that daily we may increase in all goodness, and continually more and more fear thy holy name: so shall we glorify thy name, and sing unto thee in Psalms and Hymns, and spiritual songs: and thy enemies and ours, shall know themselves to be but men, and not able by any means to withstand thee, nor to hurt those whom thou hast received into thy protection and defence. Grant these things, O Lord of power, and Father of mercy, for thy Christ's sake, to whom with thee and thy holy spirit, be all honour and glory for ever and ever. Amen.   

¶ A prayer and thanksgiving for the Queen, used of all the Knights and Burgesses in the High Court of Parliament, and very requisite to be used and continued of all her majesties loving subjects.  
O Almighty and most merciful God, which dost pitch thy tents round about thy people, to deliver them from the hands of their enemies, we thy humble servants which have ever of old seen thy salvation, do fall down and prostrate ourselves with praise and thanksgiving to thy glorious name, who hast in thy tender mercies from time to time saved and defended thy servant Elizabeth our most gracious Queen, not only from the hands of strange children, but also of late revealed and made frustrate his bloody & most barbarous treason, who being her natural subject, most unnaturally violating thy divine ordinance, hath secretly sought to shed her blood, to the great disquiet of thy Church, and utter discomfort of our souls: his snare is hewn in pieces, but upon thy servant doth the crown flourish. The wicked and blood thirsty men think to devour jacob, and to lay waste his dwelling place: But thou, (O God) which rulest in jacob, and unto the ends of the world, dost daily teach us still to trust in thee for all thy great mercies, and not to forget thy merciful kindness showed to her, that feareth thy name. O Lord we confess to thy glory & praise, that thou only hast saved us from destruction, because thou hast not given her over for a pray to the wicked: her soul is delivered, & we are escaped. Hear us now we pray thee, (O most merciful father) and continue forth thy loving kindness towards thy servant, and evermore to thy glory and our comfort, keep her in health, with long life, and prosperity, whose rest and only refuge is in thee, O God of her salvation. Preserve her, as thou art wont, preserve her from the snare of the enemy, from the gathering together of the froward, from the insurrection of wicked doers, and from all the traitorous conspiracies of those which privily lay wait for her life. Grant this, O heavenvly father, for jesus Christ's sake, our only mediator and advocate, Amen.  
Io. Th.   

A Prayer used in the Parliament only.  
O Merciful God and Father, forasmuch as no counsel can stand, nor any can prosper, but only such as are humbly gathered in thy name, to feel the sweet taste of thy holy spirit, we gladly acknowledge, that by thy favour standeth the peaceable protection of our Queen and Realm, and likewise this favourable liberty granted unto us at this time to make our meeting together: Which thy bountiful goodness we most thankfully acknowledging, do withal earnestly pray thy divine Majesty so to incline our hearts, as our counsels may be subject in true obedience to thy holy word and will. And sith it hath pleased thee to govern this Realm by ordinary assembling the three estates of the same: our humble prayer is, that thou wilt graff in us good minds to conceive, free liberty to speak, and on all sides a ready and quiet consent to such wholesome laws & Statutes, as may declare us to be thy people, and this Realm to be prosperously ruled by thy good guiding and defence: so that we & our posterity may with cheerful hearts wait for thy appearance in judgement, that art only able to present us faultless before God our heavenly Father: to whom with thee our Saviour Christ, and the holy Spirit, be all glory both now and ever. Amen.   

Imprinted at London by C. B.  
Cum privilegio.