THE Expedition into Scotland of the most worthily fortunate prince Edward, Duke of Soomerset, uncle unto our most noble sovereign lord the kings Majesty Edward the . VI governor of his highness person, and Protector of his grace's Realms, dominions & and subjects: made in the first year of his majesties most prosperous reign, and set out by way of diary, by W. Patten Londoner.  
VIVAT VICTOR.   

Unto the right honourable Sir William Paget, knight of the most noble order of the Garter, controller of the kings majesties household, one of his highness privy counsel, Chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, and his most benign Fautour and Patron, William Patten, most heartily wisheth felicity.  
Having in these last wars against Scotland (that never wear any with better success achieved) made notes of acts there done, and disposed the same since my coming home, into order of diary as followeth. As one that would show sum argument of remembrance (right honourable Sir) of your most benign favour, that aswell while I was with the right honourable my very good lord and late master the earl of Arundel, as also since, ye have vouchsafed to bear me, I have thought meetest to dedicate my travail unto your honour. How finally I either am or have been by any means able to merit the same your gentelnes, by so much the less have I need here too show: as your human generosite, your willing benignity, and promptness to profit all men is unto all men so commonly known, for the which your name and honour is so familiar and well esteemed with foreign princes abroad, & so worthily well-beloved of all estates at home, for who was he of any degree or cuntree that had any just suit, or other a do with our late sovereign lord the kings Majesty deceased, when his highness, in these his latter years for your approved wisdom, fidelity, trust, and diligence had committed the special ministery & dispatch of his weighty affairs unto your hands, that felt not as much then as I have found since? or who findeth not still a constant continuance thereof where the equity of his suit may bear it? Right many sure of the small knowledge I have, could I myself reckon both of than and since, which here all willingly I leave unattempted to do: both by cause my rehearsal should be very unnecessary & vain to you that know them better than I, and also that I should tell the tale to yourself: Whoon for the respect of your honour as I have a reverence with vanities from your grave occupations to detain, so have I for honesties sake a shame to be suspect by any means to flatter. That same your syngler humanity where with ye are wont also so gently to accept all thing in so thankful a part & where with ye have bound me so straightly to you, did first (to say the truth now) embolden me in this theme to set pen to the book, & now after in this wise to present my work unto you. The which if it shall please your honour too take well in worth and receive in to your tuition, As the thing shall more indeed be dignified by having such a Patron, than your dignity gratified by receiving so unworthy a present, even so what fault shallbe found thearin I resume as clearly coming of myself. But if ought shallbe thought to be aptly said, pleasant, any thing savouring of wit or learning, I would all men should know it, as I acknowledge it myself, that the must holy be referred to you, than couraging of whose favour hath ministered such matter to my wit. That like as Ovid said to Cesar of his, so may I say to you of mine, Ingenium vultu statque caditque tuo. 
Faustor i  But now no further with my talk too trouble you. Thus with increase of honour unto your worthiness most heartily I wish the same continaunce of health and wealth.  
Your most bounden client and pupil. W. Patten.   

A PREface, serving for much part, in stead of argument, for the matter of the story ensuing. (?)  
ALthough it be not always the truest means of meeting to measure all men's appetites, by one man's affection: yet hereof at this time dare I more then half assure me, that (even as I would be in case like myself) so is every man desirous too know of the manner and circumstances of this our most valiant victory over our enemies, and prosperous success of the rest of our journey. The bolder am I to make this general judgement, 
Arist. Metaph i  partly, for that I am somewhat by learning, but more by nature instruct to understand, the thirsty desire, that all our kind hath to know. And then for that in every company, and at every table (where it hath been my hap to be since my coming home) the hole communicacton was in a manner nought else, but of this expedition and wars in Scotland, whearof many to me then have ministered so many interrogatories, as would have well cumbered a right ripetunged deponent readily to answer: & I indeed thearto so hastily could not: Yet nevertheless blame them no more for quickness of question, than I would myself for slowness of answer. For considering how much in every narration, the circumstances do serve for the perfect instruction of them that do here. I can easily think the same wear as much desired of them to be hard, as necessary of me to be told. And specially of this (to say chiefly of the battle) being such a matter as neither the like hath been seen with eyes, by any of this age now, or red of istorie of any years past. So great a pour so well picked & appointed, so restful & fresh, so much encouraged by hope of foreign aid, at their own doors, nay, in the mids of their house, and at the worst so nigh to their refuge: to be beaten vanquished, put to flight, and slain: by so small a number, so greatly travailed and weary, so far within their enemies land, and out of their own, without hope, either of refuge or rescue The circumstances hereof with the rest of our most triumphant journey, which otherwise aptly for unaptness of time I could not utter by word of mouth, here mind▪ I god willing no we too declare by letter of writing: Not as of arrogancy taking upon me the thing, which I myself must confess many can do better, but as of good will, doing mine endeavour (for that in me lieth, to make all men privy of that, whereof it wear meet no man wear ignorant. aswell because they may the rather universally be moved to pray, praise, & glorify the most merciful Lord, whose clemency hath so continually of these late years, vouchsafed to show his most benign favour toward us: As also to worship honour and have in veneration, the reverend worthiness of our most honourable Counsel. By whose general sage consultations & circumspect wisdoms, as friendship with foreign princes & provision for th'enemy, hath been continued and made abroad, we guarded from outward invasion or disturbance at home, no prince with obedience & diligence more nobly served, nor no commonalty with justice & mercy, more sagely governed: Even so by the special invincible virtue and valiant policy of my lord Protectors grace, we have first and as it wear in the entry of this most honourable & victorious voyage, overturned many of our enemies rebellious holds, & then overcummen the double of our number and strength in open field by plain dint of sword, slain so great a multitude of them, with so small a los of our side, taken of their chiefest prisoners, won and keep a great sort of their strongest forts, builded many nue, taken and destroyed their hole navy, & brought the tounships in the hither parts of their bounds, above twenty mile cumpas in an honest obedience, unto the kings Majesty. By the Martial courage of his undaunted hardiness was this expedition so boldly taken in hand, by the presence and adventure of his own person was the same so warily & wisely conducted, by the virtuous policy of his circumspect prows was this victory or rather conquest so honourably achieved: unto whose valiance and wisdom I can entirely attribute so much, as to the furtherance of Fortune nothing at all, 
De divinac. two.  which as Cicero proveth, is either a vain name or not at all: or if there be is ever subject (as the Platonikes affirm) to wisdom and industry. The which indeed did so manifestly appear in th'affairs of this voyage, that like as in account the several numbers of. x.xx.xxx.xl. being cast together, must needs make up the just sum of an. C. Even so such his grace's providence, circumspection, courage & order (done fortune what she could) must needs have atteind to such success of victory. That if the Romans wear content to allow the honour of triumph to Scipio African for overcumming Hannibal and Syphax. 
Tit. Livi.  And to M. Attilius Regulus for vanquisshing the Salentynes. And thearto, to set up images (the highest honour that they had) for a perpetual memory of M. Claudius Marcellus, and Mutius Scevola: the one but for killing Uiridomar the French king in field at the river of Pade, 
Valeri. li. i. & iii Plini. de vir. illust.  and for devising how Annibal might be vanquished, and overcumming but of th'only city of Sarragoze: And tother but for his attempt to slay king Porsenna that besieged Rome. What thanks then, what estimation, what honour and reverence condign for these his notable demerits ought our Protector to receive of us? nay, what can we worthily give him? How be it, if we call to mind, how first about Alhallowen tide was .v. year. M.D.XLij. his grace lying as Lord warden in our marches against Scotland, by the drift of his devise both the great invasion of the late Scottish king, james the fift, was stoutly then withstood at Solom Moss, the king his deaths wound given him, & most part of all his nobility taken. How the next year after, he being accompanied with my lord the Earl of warwick, but with an handful to speak of, did burn both Lieth and Edinborow, & returned thence triumphantly home, but with an easy march travailing xliiii long miles, through their main land. Whose approved valiance, wisdom, and dexterite in the handelinge of our prince's affairs, how can we be but sure that it did not smally advance or cause about the conclusion of an honourable peace, between France and us? (although it did not then straight ensue) when his grace in the same year, soon after his return out of Scotland was deputed Ambassador to treat with the bishop of Belay and other the French kings commissioners at Hardilow castle. In the year. M.D.xliiii. How his grace about August so invaded the Scottish borders, wasted and burnt Tyupdale and their Marches, that even yet they forthink that inroad. In February than next, how, being appointed by our late suffrain Lord to view the fortifications in the Marches of Caleys, the which his grace having soon done with diligence accordingly, he so devised with my Lord the earl of warwick, than Lieutenant of Bullein, and took such order with the rest of the garrisons there, that with the hardy approach of but vii in. men, he raised an army of xxi M. Frenchmen that had encamped themselves over the River by Bulleyn, & therewith then wan all their ordinance, carriage, treasure, & tents in their camp, hole as it stood with the los but of one man. And from thence returning by land to Gynes, won in his weigh within the gun-shot & rescue of Arde the castle of Outinges, called otherwise the red pile. How hereto by his force. M.d.xlu was Pykardy invaded and spoiled, the forts of Newhaven, Blanknestes & Bullenberge begun builded, and so well plied in work, that in a few weeks ear his thence departing they wear made and left defensible. Calling to mind I say (I speak not of his unweryed diligence in the mean time) these his valiant incursions, his often overthrowing, and notable victories over our enemies And yet though this his last be far to be preferred above them all, having been so great, and acheving so much in so little time, the like not hard nor red of and (but that there be so many witnesses) half incredible, yet is it none other sure, but such as makes his grace's virtue rather nue again then strange, and rather famous then wonderful. We wonder not ye wots but at things strange & seldom seen or hard, but victory to his grace seems no les comen and appropried then heat to the fire, or shadow to the body. That, like as the well keeping of the Palladie in Troy was ever the conservation and defence of the city, 
Palladium was an ancient wooden image in Troy, whearuppon Apollo by oracle did prophecy, that then should Troy be destroyed▪ when that wear had out of the City. This not unknou est to the Greeks Diomedes▪ & Ulysses, in the time of the siege there, shelled the tower walls where the image was kept, killed the warders, and brought the image a weigh with them, whearuppon soon after the city was destroyed.  even so in warfare the presence of his parson is certain safeguard of the host, and present victory over th'enemy: for the which I have hard many of right honest haviour to say, that for surety of themselves they had rather in field be a mean soldier under his grace, then under any other a great Captain. And sure, but that by my profession I am bound and do believe all things to be gooverned, not by fortune or hap, (although we must be content in common speech to use the terms of our formers devised) but by the mighty pour of almighty God, 
Mat ten  without whose regard a sparrow lighteth not upon the ground, I could count his grace a Prince that weigh most fortunate of any living. But now remembering my religion, and what fortunes force is, & hereto seeing his graces Godly disposition and behaviour in fiercest time of war, seeking nothing more than peace, neither cruel upon victory nor insolent upon good success, but with most moderate magnanimity, upon the respect of occasion, using as the Poet saith: 
Vergil.  Parcere subiectis & debellare superbos. In peace again wholly bend to th'advancement of God's glory and truth, the kings honour, and the commons quiet and wealth. And herewith conferring the benefits and blessings, that by the prophet David the Lord assureth too all them that so stand in love and dread of him. 
Psal. cxi. & c.xxvii.  I am compelled to think his grace, as lest happy by fortune, so most blessed by God: and sent to us both king and commons as a minister, by whom the merciful Majesty of the Lord, for our entire comfort of both soul and body, will work his divine will. That if without offence I may openly utter, that I have secretly thought: I have been often at a great muse with myself, whither the kings Majesty of such an Uncle and governor, we of such a Mediator and Protector, or his grace again of such a Prince & Cousin might most worthily think themselves happiest. But since I am so certain, thexcellency of his acts, and the baseness of my brain to be so far at odds, as aught that I could utter in his praise, should rather obscure and darken them, and as it wear wash ivory with ink, then give them their due light and life: let no man look that I will here enterprise too deal with the worthiness of his commendations, who both have another matter in hand, and they again being such as might by themselves be an ample theme for a right good wit: whearin to say either little or insufficiently, wear better in my mind left unattempted & say nothing at al. Mary, an Epigram made upon the Citizens receiving of his grace, and for gratulation of his great success and safe return: the which I had, or rather (to say truth and shame the devil, for out it wool) I stolen: perchance more familiarly then friendly, from a friend of mine: I thought it not much a mis for the neatness of making and fynenes of sense, and somewhat also to serve (if reason would bear it) in am of my lack, here too place.  
Aspice nobilium (Dux inclyte) turba virorum.  
Vtque alacris latos plebs circumfusa per agros.  
Te patriae patrem communi voce salutent.  
Scilicet et Romam victo sic host Camillus,  
Sic redijt victor domito Pompeius jarba.  
Ergo tuus felix reditus, praesentia felix.  
Vtque Angli, fusique tua gens effera Scotti  
Dextra, (qua numquam visa est victoria maior)  
Det Deus imperium per te coeamus in unum:  
Simus & vnanimes per secula cuncta Britanni.  
Though I plainly told ye not that my friends name wear Armigil Wade, yet, ye that know the man, his good literature, his wit and dexterity in all his doings, & mark the well couching of his clue, might have a great ges, of whose spinning the thread wear.  
But why these wars, by our late sovereign Lord the kings Majesty deceased, a Prince most worthy of eterne fame (whose soul God have) wear in his days begun and yet to continued. Forasmuch as by sundry publication of divers writings, aswell then as since, the just title of our king unto Scotland, the Scots often deceits, untruths of promise, and perjury, hath been among other in the same writings so manifestly uttered: I intend not here now to make it any part of my matter, which is but only a journal or diary of this expedition into Scotland, whearin I have digested our every days deeds orderly as they wear done, with their circumstances (so nigh as I could) from the time of my lord Protectors grace, coming to Newcastle, until or breaking up of the camp from Rokesborow. And herein I doubt not, but many things both right necessary & worthy to be uttered I shall leave untold, but sure rather of ignorance then of purpose. Although in deed I know it wear meetest for any writer in this kind to be ignorant of fewest and writing of most, yet trust I again it will be considered that it is neither possible for one man to know all, nor shame to be ignorant in that he cannot know. But as touching deeds well done, being within the cumpas of my knowledge: as so God help me, I mind to express no man's for flattery so will I suppress no man's for malice. This battle and field now, which is the most principal part of my matter, the Scots & we are not yet agreed how it shallbe named: we call it Muskelborough field, because that is the best town (and yet bad enough) nigh the place of our meeting: Sum of them call it Seton field (a town there nigh too) by means of a blind prophecy of theirs, which is this or sum such toy, Between Seton & the say, many a man shall die that day. Sum will have it Fauxside, Bray field, of the hill (for so they call a Bray) upon the side whearof our forward stood, ready to come down and join. Sum other will have it Unreskfeld, in the fallows where of, they stood & we met. Sum will have it Walliford field, & sum no field at all, for that they say there wear so few slain, and that we met not in a place by appointment certain, according to the order and manner of battle, with such like fond arguments. Marry the hinderers of this meeting I think for their meaning small sin to beshrew. They of this haste hoped to have had the hole advantage, for what they did appoint upon, with out warning then so early to dislodge, and so hastily tapproche, who cannot judge? And whither they meant to make a field of their fight, or meant too fight at all or not, judge ye, by this that after ye here. Certain it is that against their assemble and our encounter, (for they wear not unware of our coming) in the former part of the year, they had sent letters of warning to the states of their Realm, and then caused the fire cross in most places of their country to be carried: whearof the solemnity is never used, but in an urgent need, or for a great power, either for defence of themselves, or invasion of us. And this is a cross (as I have hard sum say) of ii brands ends, carried a cross upon a spears point, with proclamation of the time and place when and whither they shall come, and with how much provision of victual: Sum other say it is a cross▪ painted all red, and set for certain days in the fields of that Baronrie, whearof they will have the people too cum: whereby, all between sixty and sixten are peremptorily summoned: that if they come not with their victual according, at the time and place then appointed all the land there is forfeited strait to the kings use, and the tariers taken for traitors and rebels. By reason of which letters & fyercroes, there wear assembled in their camp (as I have hard sum of themselves (not of the meanest sort) to confess above xxvi M. fight footmen, beside ii M horsemen prickers (as they call them) and hereto four thousand I rishe Archers brought by th'earl of Arguile, all which (saving certain that we had slain the day before) came out of their camp to encounter with us. Now, where they will have it no field, let them tell their cards, and count their winning, and they shall find it a field, howbeit, by mine assent, we shall not herein much stick with them, since both without them the truth shall have place, and also by the courtesy of gaming we ought somewhat to suffer, and let ever the losers have their liberty of words. But whatsoever it wear, field or no field, I dare be bold to sai not one of us all, is any whit prouder of it, than would be the tooth that hath bit the tongue, ootherwise then in respect that they wear our mortal enemies, and would have done asmuch or more to us: nor are nothing so fain to have beaten them as enemies, as we would rejoice to receive them as friends: nor are not so glad of the glory of this field, as we would be joyful of a steadfast atonement: whereby like countrymen and countrymen, like friend & friend, nay like brother and broother we might in one perpetual and brotherly life, join, love▪ & live together, according as thearunto, both by the appointment of God at the first, and by continuance of nature since we seem to have been made and ordained: separate by seas from all other nations, in customs and conditions little differing, in shape and language nothing at all. The which things other nations viewing in charts, and reading in books, and there with hearing this tumult, this righting these incursions and intestine wars between us, do thearat no less marvel and bless than, than they would too here Gascoing fight with France, Aragone with Spain, Flaunders with Brabant, or to speak more near and naturally, friend with friend, brother with brother, or rather hand with hand.  

To the Scots.  That no little both wonder and woe it is to me my Cuntreemen (for I can vouchsafe ye well the name) to consider, what thing might move ye, what tale might incense ye, what drift force ye, what charm enchant ye, or what fury conjure ye, so fond to fly from common sense, as ye should have need to be exhorted to that, for the which it wear your parts most chiefly to sue, so untowardly to turn from humane reason, as ye will be the hynderars of your own weals, & so untruly to serve from the bonds both of promise and coovenaunt, as ye will needs provoke your friends to plain revengement of open war. Your friends in deed (nay never wink at the word) that have so long before these wars forborn our quarrels so just, that wear so loath to begin, and since that suffered so many injuries unrevenged: entreating your men taken, not as captives of our mortal enemies, but as Ambassadors of our dearest friends.  
Oh how may it be thought to be possible that ye should ever forget, or else not ever remember the great munificence of our most magnificent prince our late king? that when with most cruelty, by slaughter of subjects and burning of towns, 
At Allowentide. M.d.xlii  your last king jamy with all your nobility had invaded his Realm, and soon after the invincible policy of my lord Protectors grace, then lying at Anwike, as lord warden of our Marches, by the sufferance of God's favour (which, thanks to his Majesty hath not yet to left us) at Solom Moss made them captive and thrall to our princes own will: with whom for their deeds, if his highness had dealt then as they had deserved, what should have blamed him? or who could have controlled? since what he could do, they could not resist, and what he should do, they had set him a sample. But his Majesty (among the huge heap of other his princely virtues) being ever of nature so inclined too clemency, as never of will would use extremity, even strait forgetting who they wear, and soon forgiving what they had done, did not only then receive them into his highness grace: place every of them with one of his nobility or counsel (not in prison like a captive) pardon them their raundsommes: whearwith (if they be aught worth) sum Prince might have thought hymn self rich, and hereto most friendly (for the time they wear here) entertain them, but also of his Princely liberality imparting treasure at their departing to each of them all, did set them frank and free at their own doors: touching their silks, their chains, and their cheer beside: I mind not here among matters of weight to tarry on such trifles: Marry there be amoong us that saw their habit and port both at their coming and at their departing. Take it not that I it you here in the teeth with our good turns (yet know I no cause, more than for humanitees sake why ye should be forborn) but as a man may sometime without boast of himself, say simply the thing that is true of himself: so may the subject without obbraid of benefits, recount the bounty of his Prince's largesse. Although, perchance it wear not much against manerflatly to break courtesy with them who either of retchlessness forget their friends benignity, or else of ingratitude will not acknowledge it. To my matter now: What would Cyrus, Darius, or Hannibal in this case have done? (noble conquerors and no tyrants) but why so far of? what would your own king jamy have done? nay what king else would have done as our king did? but somewhat to say more. As our prince in cases of pity was of his own disposition most merciful, so wanted there not then of consaillours very near about his highness, that showed them selves their friends, & furthered his affects in that behalf to the uttermost: being thus persuaded, that as ye of the nobility appeared men, neither rude of behaviour, nor base of birth, so ye would never show your selves inhuman and ingrate towards him, too whom ye should be so deeply bound. And though since that time, God have wrought his will upon his Majesty (a loss to us sure worthy, never enough to have be lamented, but that his mercy hath again so bountifully recompensed us with an image, so nigh representing his father's Majesty and virtues, & of so great hope and towardness) yet be there left us most of the counsellors we had, who upon occasion will bend both pour and will to show you further friendship. In part of proof thereof to speak now of later days, how many means and ways hath my lord Protectors grace, within his time of governance under the kings Majesty that now is, attempted and used to shun these wars and show himself your friend? what policy hath he left unproved? what shift unsought? or what stone unsturde? touching your weals now, ye mind not I am sure to live lawless and hedles without a Prince, but so to bestow your Queen, as whoose make must be your king: And is it then possible ye can so far be seduced, & brought too believe, that in all the world there should be any so worthy a Prince as our king? aswell for the nobility of his birth, for his rare cumlines of shape, his great exellencie of qualities, his singular towardness to all godliness & virtues? any likely to be so natural a Prince for you, as his majesty borne, bred, and brought up under that, hemisphery & cumpas of element, and upon that soil that both ye & we be all? any so meet for her as your princes own cuntreman, a right Briton both bred and borne: a Prince also by birth, of so great a pour & of so meet an age? The joining of whom, both the kings their fathers did vow in their lives, and ye since agreed upon in Parliament, and promised also after their deaths. Than which thing (taking once effect) what can be more for your universal commodities, profits, and weals? whereby even at ones of foreign foes, ye shall accept as familiar friends, of weak ye shallbe made strong, of pour, rich, & of bond free. And whither this now be rather too be offered of us, or sued for you I make yourselves judges. What we are able alone to do both in peace and war, aswell without you as against you: I need not here to brag. Yet seek we not the mastership of you, but the fellowship, for if we did we have ye wots a weigh of persuasion of the rigorous Rhetoric so vengeable vehement (as I think ye have felt by an oration or two) that if we would use the extremity of argument, we wear soon able so to beat reason in to your heads or about your heads, that I doubt not ye would quickly find what fondenes it wear to stand in strife for the mastery with more than your match: We covet not to keep you bond, that would so feign have you free, aswell from the famed friendship of France (if I may call it any friendship at all, that for a few crowns do but stay you still in store for their own purpose) whearunto now both ye seem subject, and your Queen ward, which friendship nevertheless (what soever it be) we desire not, ye should break with them for the love of us, but only in case where ye should be compelled to lose either them or us: and in that case perchance we may be content again too lose them for you.  
aswell from the semblance or rather dissembling of this feigned friendship (I say) when cooveit to quite ye, as also from the most servile thraldom and bondage under that hideous monster, that venomous Aspis and very Antichrist the Bishop of Rome, the which of so long time ye have and yet to do most miserably abide: whose importable pride and execrable arrogancy, aswell most presumptuously against all sacred estates of Princes upon earth, as also most contiumeliously against the high Majesty of God himself with fastidious and utter contempt of both God and man, both the context and tenor of his own Decrees, Decretals, Canons, and Extravagantes made and conspired at the congregations counsels and synods at sundry times for the maintenance and augmenting of his antichristianes authority, in his holiness name assembled. And hereto his wicked blasphemy against God, his devilish dispensations against his divine laws, his obstinate rebellion against all powers, his outrageous usurpation in Princes lands, his cruel tyranny for keeping of his kingdom, his covert hypocrisy at home, his crafty conspiracies abroad, his insatiable avarice, his subtle superstition, his mischievous malice, his privy theft, his open rapine, his sacred simony, his profane hoordom, his ambition, sacrilege, extortion, Idolatry & poysenynges, with many other his carnal virtues beside. And also the undoubted witness of holy writ, in both the testaments doth most certainly show and plainly make clear to the eyes of ye all, if ye will not wilfully wink, at the ye should willingly see. Of him hardly spoke the prophet Daniel: 
Capi. xi.  He shallbe lift up a high, & magnified against all that is God, & shall speak presumptuous words, and shallbe set i a course, until wrath be fulfilled against him. In the same Chap. He shall set at nought the God of their fathers, & shallbe in the dalyaunces and desires of women, and shall pass nought for God, but shall obstinately be stubborn, and rise against all. And the holy prophet Ezechiel. 
Cap. xxviii  Thy heart was lift up very high, and saidest: I am God, and sit in God's seat, where thou art but man & not God, and nevertheless hast framed thy heart like the heart of God. Thappostel saint Paul also, in whom the graces of God did so plentifully abound seemed not utterly to forget this prelate, when in his epistle too the thessalonians he said: 
two. Tessa. two.  The lord jesus shall not come till first there be a failing, and that wicked man be discooveuered, the child of perdition, who is adversary and exalted against all that is called God, in such sort, as he stik not to sit in the temple vaunting himself that he is God: And addeth a little after, whom the lord jesus shall quell with the spirit of his holy mouth. Of him & his abominable behaviour is there much in both the holy testaments, 
Heir. xxiii eze. xxxiiii Apo. xiiii. xvii.xix.  & a great deal more (I must confess) than I know my cumning can recite, Al, so plai in sense, and easy to be understand, that if ye confer the words of the same with the acts of his life, ye shall have no more cause to doubt, whither he be the only antichrist, them ye may have, whither he wear only Christ of whom saint John the Baptist said, 
joan. i Mat. xv.  behold the lamb of God: & the Centurion, This was sure the very son of God. I speak neither of spite nor of spetialtie of this precious prelate Paul the iii that now is alone, but of him & his hole auncetrie of these many years passed: of whom sure, who list too say aught, wear meet they said truth: & who list to say truth, can say no more good: for their acts by their office and lives by their profession, are no les certainly known unto all the woorld to be thus, then is the lion (as they say) by the paw, or the day by the sunneshyne. The trees of that stock bear never other fruit. And therefore was it that neither the Greeks, the Ruthens nor many nations in th'east parts besides (whom we cannot count but Christians) could never be brought once so much as to taste of it: and would never abide the presumptuous usurpation of his insolent empery, but utterly at the first did wisely refuse the unwieldy weight of so heavy a burden, 
Contrary too Christ's, whose burden is light, & yoke easily.  and the painful wring of so uneasy a yok: The Bohems & Germans, of later years have quite reject and cast him up. 
Mat. xi.  And we at last, not so much led by themsamplesensamples of others well doings as moved by the mere mercy and grace of almighty God, 
Psal. cxlv.  who (as by David he hath promised) is ever at hand and nigh to all them, that call upon him in truth, and always ready too do that he came for, 
Mat. xviii.  that is too save that was forlorn: through the aid and goodness of his mighty pour and eterne wisdom strengthening his worthy champion, our late sovereign lord, and custructinge his circumspect counsel, have we most happily exterminate & banished him our bounds. whereby as we have now the grace to know and serve but one God, so are we subject but to one king, he naturally knoweth his own people, & we obediently know him our only sovereign, his highness estate brought and reduced from partition, & in manner subjection unto the old princely entire and absolute pour again, and ours redeemed from the doubt, to whom we should obey. The great polling & intolerable taxes of our moony, yearly both from his Majesty and us, now saved clear within his Realm. Not fain now to fetch justice so injustly ministered, as he the bids moste (like Caleys market) what soever be the cause, shallbe sure of the sentence, & that so far from home & with so great cost of money & danger of life. Our consciences now quite unclogd from the fear of his vain terriculaments and rattelbladders, and from the fondness of his trimtrans & gugaws his interdictions, his cursings his damynng to the devil, his pardons, his soilyng, his plucking out of purgatory, his superstitious sorts of sects of religion, his canonisation of saints, forbidding & licensing the eating of meat, singing & saying, & wots not a word, roving a procession, gadding a pilgrimage, worshipping of idols Oblations & offerings, 
Saint Uncumber. Saint Mudwyn. Saint Agnes Saint sith.  of oats, images of wax, boud pens & pis for deliverance of bad husbands for a sick kowe, to keep down the belly, and when kit had lost her key, setting up candles too saints in every corner, & knak king of beadstones in every pew, tolling of bells against tempests, Scala coeli Masses, Pardon Beads, Tanthonie belles, Tauthrie laces, Rosaries, Collets, charms for every disease, and Suffrain suffrages for every sore, with a thousand tois else of his devilish devices, that lak of opportunity doth let me here to tell.  
We are now no more by them so wikkedly seduced to the great offence of God's dignity & utter apparel of our souls. Now have we (by his divine pour) wound ourselves out of the danger of his just indignation that we worthily wear in, for our former obstinacy, and turning from his truth, and have received with most humble thanks giving his holly word, whearof we have the free use in our own tongue. These goodly benefits, or rather Gods blessings, if ye will yourselves, shall we with God's assistance bring you to enioi aswell as ourselves. But if ye will not, but still be stubborn in your ungodliness refuse his graces that he daily offereth, wilfully wry so far from his truth, and be utterly obstinate in upholding the Antichrist: 
Daniel. xi.  As first Daniel the prophet doth declare what ye are, and show you the state ye stand in, by these words. They shall magnify him as many as have drunk of the wine of the wrath of God, and whose names are not written in the book of life. Even so think ye hardly that the just judgement, which the head Priests and seniors the Iues, in answering Christ, unwares to themselves did give of themselves, unto your confusion shall be verified upon you: 
Mat. xxi.  which is, without mercy shall the Lord undo the evil, and set out his vineyard to other good husbands that will yield him fruit in due times: And the soon after himself said to them: therefore the kingdom of God shallbe taken from you, 
Eod. capit.  & be given to the nation that will do profit: And hereto that sharp sentence of s. Paul too be pronounced, specially against you. 
i Tes. two▪  The lord jesus with Thangels of his bliss shall come from heaven in a flame of fire, taking vengeance upon all them, that will not know God, & obey the Gospel of him our lord jesus Christ, they shallbe punished by death for ever from the glory of his virtue, when he shall come to be glorified among his holy, & be wonderful in the eyes of all that believe. aswell, nevertheless that ye may be delivered from the dreadful danger of this most terrible sentence, as also that the lord of his unmeasurable mercy, will once vouchsafe to open your eyes, & waken you out of this drowsy Endymion's drean, 
Endymion▪ be loved of the Moon was laid by her in to a continual sleep, in a den of mount Latmus in Caria, where she kissed him,  or rather this mortal 
* A disease coming of burnt choler, cumpelling the patient to coveit nought, but drowsy sleep, too forget all thing and to be as it wear in a trance.  Lethargy, whearin by the biting of this most venomous 
† Bitten with this serpent, as cast in a deadly slumber with a stifelinge, & benunuminge of all parts, and with a yore, do soon die.  Aspis (the Pope I say) ye do lamentably lie a slumber, being benumbed of all the limbs of your soul and lacking the use of all your spiritual sensis: 
Cic. i. tue. quest.  how ever of grace ye shallbe moved to do, we shall of charity most heartily pray (for we do not so much remember our quarrel, & forget our profession, but that we can wish rather your amendment, than your destruction) And hereto that ones also ye may see the miserable subjection, 
Cçlius. lib. xiii.  whearunto ye are thrall: and have the grace, to pray for grace to the lord that ye may be quited of that captivity, and be made apt to receive the truth and his holy word: and then to know who be your friends, & whither we will you well: With whoome by so many means sith God of good will hath so nigh joined you, seem not you of frowardness to sever asunder against the thing that should be a general wealth and common concord, the provision of nature, and ordinance of God: and against his holy word, which not all unaptly, perchance here may be cited. 
Mat. nineteen▪  Quos Deus coniunxit, homo ne separet. The great mischiefs, rising by this disunion and seavering, and the manifold commodities coming by the contrary, being shortly by you had in consideraunce, this marriage (I doubt not) between our Prices shallbe consummate, all causes of quarrel ceased, atonement between us made, and affirm alliance of friendship for ever concluded: The which thing as most heartily, for my part I daily wish for, so have I good hope shortly to see, and herewith betake you to God.  
But now, to return out of my disgression, for though I have been long a talking to my cuntrymen abroad in the North, yet wear I loath to seem to forget my friends, at home in the South: And far like the diligent servant, that walks so earnestly on his masters erraund, that in the mids of his weigh, forgets whither he goeth. Howbeit I might well perchance think it even here high time to leave, wear it not that since I am in hand to utter in this case what I know, & nooseld of my nurse, never too be spare of speech: though I be but a bad evangelist, yet will I leave as few unwritten verities as I can. As my lords grace, my lord of warwick, tother estates of the counsel there, with the rest of the dignity of th'army, did at our setting outward, tarry a few days at Barwike: the well appointing of the noble men for their bonds, & of the knights & gentlemen for themselves, & servants (I mean specially of the horsemen) which though but at moustres was never showed of purpose, yet cooled it not at that time be hid, but be bright & apparent in every man's eye: & was (if I can aught judge) I assure you, for the goodly number of the likely men & ready horses, for their perfect appointment of sure armour, weapon, & apparel & their sumptuous suits of liverers beside: whereof I must of duty (if I must of duty sai truth) most worthily prefer, and give the chiefest price and prayle too my lord Protectors graces train, & to my lord of Warwykes) was I say so generally such, and so well furnished, that both their duty toward their prince, their love toward their country, & to the rulers wear there: & hereto th auncient English courage and prows might have easily in this assemble been viewed. Men going out, never better at any time in all points appointed, never better beseen, with more courage and gladder will: whearof with speed (for no doubt our enemies had factors at this mart among us, though (as wisdom was) they did not openly occupy) the Scots had soon knowledge: And as they are merry men, and feat jesters hardly, they said (as we heard) that we wear very gay, and came by like a wooing, the which though they spoke drylie, more too tant the sumpte of our show, then to seem to know the cause of our coming, yet said they thearin more truly, than they would kindly consider, for in deed, even as they wear ascertained by my lords graces Proclamation, aswell at and before our entry into their country, that the cause of our coming then was nothing else but touching the performance of coovenauntes on both sides about this marriage, that had been before time on both sides agreed upon, which should be greatly for the wealths of us both, & not to make war sure, nor once to be enemy, but only to such as should appear to be the hinderers of so Godly and honourable a purpose: even so according too the promise of the Proclamation, neither force nor fire was used wittingly against any other, during all our time of abode in the country, howbeit the truth was so, that having doubt of the warste, it was wisely consulted so to go to commune with them as friends, as nevertheless (if needs they would) we might be able too meet them as foes, the which thing proved after, not the worst point of policy. But what a marvelous unkind people wear they, that where we came (as wooers cumme, not ootherwyse) but for good love and quiet, they to rceyve us with hatred and war? It was too much ungentleness and inhumanitee, sure in such a case too be showed: Yet since that we so quit them their kindness, and departed so little in their det, let us bear somewhat with them. Marry I wot they wear not all so well content with the payment: For the Earl Huntley (a gentleman of a great sobriety, and very good wit as by his very presence is half uttered) being asked of a man of estate with us by weigh of communication (as I hard) how he bore his affection toward the joining of the two Princes. In good faith (quoth he) I wade it sud gea forth, and hand well with the marriage, but I like not this wooing. But now lest I may worthily be doubted by the plot of my Prologue, to have made the form of my book, 
* There is a tale indeed (beside the Bible) that saint Peter, having gotten leave of our Lord too make a man, made one first with a very great head, them with an exceeding little neck and so forth with such inequalitee of proportion.  like the proportion of saint Peter's man, I will here leave of further process of Preface, and fall to the matter.  
FINIS.   

Certain noble men, and other being special officers in this expedition.  

THe duke of Somerset, my lord Protectors grace general of the army, And capitain of the battle, having in it iiii. M. footmen.  
The earl of warwick, lord lieutenant of the army, and having the forward of iii M footmen.  
The lord Dacres the rearward of iii M. footmen.  
The lord Gray of Wylton, lord lieutenant of boleyn, high Marshal of the army, and capitain general of all the horsemen there.  
Sir Ralph Sadleyr knight, Treasaurer of the army.  
Sir Frances Bryan knight, capitain of the light horsemen, being in number ii M.  
Sir Ralph Uane knight, lieutenant of all the men of arms and dimilaunces, being in number four M.  
Sir Thomas Darcy knight, capitain of all the kings Majesty pencioners, & men of arms.  
Sir richard Lee knight, devisor of the fortifications to be made.  
Sir Peter Mewtus knight, captain of all the hackbutters a foot, being in number vi C.  
Sir Peter Gamboa knight spaniard captain of ii C. hakebutters on horseback.  
Sir Frances Fleming knight, master of the ordinance.  
Sir james Wilforde knight, Provost Martial.  
Sir George Blaag, and Sir Thomas Holcroft, Commissioners of the mousters.  
Edward Shelley, my lord Gray's Lievetenannt of the men of arms of Bulleyn.  
John Bren, captain of the pioneers, being xiiii C.   

Officers upon the sea.  
¶ The lord Clinton, lord Admiral of the fleet, which was of .lxv. vessels, whereof the Galley and xxxiiii more good ships, wear perfectly appointed for war▪ and the residue for carriage of munition and victual.  
Sir William Woodhouse knight, his Uiceadmirall.  
There were in the th'army of great ordinance drawn forth with us by horse xu pieces.  
And of carriages ix C. carts beside many waggens.    

THE Story and process of the journey.  
MY lord Protectors grace, 
Saturday the xxvii. of August.  whom neither the length nor weariness of the way did any whit let, speedily to further that he had deliberately taken in hand, riding all the way from London his own person in post, accompanied with my lord Martial, and sir Frances Bryan, was met a vi mile on this side Newecastell, by my lord lieutenant and Master Treasurer (who for the more speedy dispatch of things were comen to town there three or iiij days before) and all the nobles Knights & Captains of the army on horseback, attending upon them. And coming thus to town, my lords grace was honourably (for the dignity of the place) with gun-shot & presence of the Mayer, Aldermen, and commoners there, about iij. of the clock in the afternone, received and welcomed, & lay at the house of one Peter Ryddell.  
This day morning, in the fields of the North-east side of the town, 
sunday the the xxviii of August.  monster was made of such dimie lances & light horsemen as were comen, where at my lords grace was himself, my lord lieutenant & other of the counsel of the army.  
In the after none came the lord of Mangierton with a xl Scottish gentlemen of the east borders, and presented themselves to my lord at his lodging, whom his grace did gently accept.  
It would not be forgotten & it were but for ensamples sake, how a new pair of gallows were set up in the market place and a soldier hanged for quarrelling and fighting.  
All Captains with their bands that had been mounstred, 
monday the xxix. of August.  were commanded forward. My lords grace himself did early also then departed the town, dined at Morpeth twelve mile on the way, and lay that night in Anwyke Castle with sir Robert bows knight, lord Warden of the middle marches, being xii mile further. Where there neither lak any store of geastes or of good cheer to welcumme them with, In the provision whereof a man might note great cost and diligence, and in the spending a liberal heart.  

Tuisdaye the thirty. of August  This day his grace having journeyed in the morning, a ten mile, dined at Bamborow castle, whereof one sir John horsley knight is captain. 
Bamborowe castle.  The plot of this Castle standeth so naturally strong, that hardly can any where (in my opinion) be found the like: inaccessible on all sides, aswell for the great height of the crag, whereon it standeth, as also for the outward form of the stone whereof the crag is, which (not much amiss perchance) I may liken to the shape of long bavens, standing an end with their sharper and smaller ends upward. Thus is it fenced round about and hath hereto on the eastside the sea, at flood coming up to the hard walls. This Castle is very ancient, and called in Artures days (as I have hard) joyous guard: hither came my lord Clinton from▪ shipboard to my lord. In the afternone, his grace road too berwick xiiii. mile further, and there received with the Captains, garrisons, and with the officers of the town, lay in the castle with sir Nicholas Strelley knight, the capitain there.  
Much part of this day his grace occupied in consultation, 
Wednisdaye the last of August.  about orders and matters, touching this voyage and army. This day, to th'intent we mought save the store of the victual, we carried with us in the army by cart, & to besure rather among us to have, somewhat to much then any whit to little, as also that we should not need to trouble our ships for victual, till we came to the place, by my lords grace appointed, every man of the army upon general commandment made private provision for himself for four days victual.  

Thursday the first of September.  His grace, not with many more than his awn band of horsemen, road too a town in the Scottish borders, standing upon the sea coast, a vi mile from berwick, and is called Aymouth, 
Aymouth.  whereat there runneth a river into the sea, the which he caused to be sounded, & perceiving then the same well to be able to serve for a haven, hath caused since their building to be made, whereof both Master and captain is Thomas Gower, Marshal of Berwyke.  
Upon commandment generally given by sound of trumpet, 
Friday the ii of September.  all saving the counsel departed the town, and encamped a ii flightshottes of, upon the sea side, and toward Scotland.  
This day my lord Clinton with his fleet, took the seas from Berwyke toward Scotland and herefore the rather, that though they might not have always wind at will to keep their course still with us, yet & it wear but with the driving of tides, they might upon any our need of munition or victual not long be from us. My lord lieutenant and master Treasurer, who remained at Newcastle after my lords grace for the full dispatch of the rest of the army, came this day to Berwyke.  

Saturday the three of September.  My lord lieutenant from out of the town did camp in field with the army.  
To th'intent, the excuse of ignorance, either of the cause of my lords graces coming, or of his goodness, to such of the Scots, as should show themselves to favour the same coming, might quite be taken from them, his grace's Proclamation (whereof they could not but here) was openly pronounced by Herald, after sound of trumpet in iii several places of our Campe.  
Beside the mere matter of this journey I have here to touch a thing, which seem it never so light to other, yet of more weight to me then to be let pass unspoken of.  
In the morning of this day my lords grace, walking upon the Rampere of the tounewalles, on the side toward Scotland did tell I remember, 
My lords graces dream.  that not many nights before, he dreamt he was comen back again to the Court, where the kings Majesty did heartily welcume him home, and every estate else. But yet him thought he had done nothing at all in this voyage: Which when he considered, with the kings highness great costs, and the great travail of the great men and soldiers, and all to have been done in vain, the very care & shamefast abashment of the thing did waken him out of his dream. What opinion might we conceive of his thoughts waking, that even dreaming was moved with so pensive a regard of his charge toward his prince, and with so human a thought toward all men else? Howbeit, my mind is rather to note the prognostication and former advertence of his future success in this his enterprise, the which (I take it) was hereby then most certainly showed him, although of right few (or rather of none) the same so taken. That if for ensample like to this I should rehearse to you out of the old Testament, 
Gene. xli  how the seven plentiful years, and the seven years of famine in Egypt were plainly signified afore to Pharaoh by his dreams of seven fat oxen, and seven full ears of corn, and by seven. lean Oxen that devoured the fat, and vii withered ears consuming the full ears. 
justini li. i.  And hereto out of profane authors, how Astyages king of Medians was many a day before admonished, that he should be overcomen by a 
* His name was Cyrus.  nephew of his (as yet then ungotten & unborn) and lose his kingdom, and this by a dream also, wherein he thought there sprung out of the womb of his daughter Mandane, a vine, by the spreading of whose branches all Asie was shadowed. 
joseph. de antiquit. Li xvii. ca ultimo.  And how Archelaus king of Cappadocia was warned afore of his banishment out of his country and kingdom by his dream of ten wheat ears full type that wear eaten of Oxen: and hereto the multitude of ensamples, beside touching this case, in Tully, Valerius Maximus, 
De Divin, i Valer. li. i. ca seven. Plin. devir. illust. capi. xxvi. Cael. antiq. lect. li. xiiii capi. xlii. Sueton. in Domitian. capi. xxiii.  Pliny the second, Celius Rediginus, Suetonius, and in infinity other authors more, they should be to cumberous & irksum both for me to write and you to read. The natural cause of which kind of propheciing (as I may call it) whither it come as Astronomers hold opinion, by the influence of the air or by constellation, or else by sobriety of diet, and peculiar to the Melancholycke, 
Socra. apud Plat. de. Rep. ix  both as Plato and also Physicians affirm, or by gift of God as divines judge. I trust I shallbe borne with all though I do not here take upon me to discus, but leave it for a doubt among them as I found it. Yet that there is such dignity and divinity in man's soul, as sometime in dreams we be warned of things to come, both the learning of ancient Philosophers, 
Iambl. inde Mister. Egypt. Mercur. in Pymand.  Plotinus, jamblicus, Mercurius, Trismegistus, with many other doth avow, holy scripture and profane stories do prove, & daily exsperience to them that do mark it, doth also show.  
But to this now, that my lords grace dreamt one thing, and the contrary came to pass, writers upon exposition of dreams, and specially Artemidorus, do make ii special kind of dreams, 
Li. i ca two.  the one Speculative, whereby we see things the next day after (for the most part) much like as we saw them in dream: tother Allegoryke, which warneth us as it were by ridddell of things more than a day at the least, after to come. And in these Allegoryke dreams he saith, the head betokeneth the father, the foot the servant, the right-hand signifieth the mother, the left the wife, 
Li. two. cap i lxv.  and so forth. And sometime one contrary is meant by an other, as to seem for some cause to weep or be sorry, is a token of gladness to come, and again to joy much is a sign of care, 
Li. iii. cap. xxvii. Li. iiii. ca iii.  to see foul water coming into the house, a sign to see the house burning, Apollonides a surgeon thought he went out and wounded many, and soon after he healed many. Of which sort of dreams, this of my lords grace was, that showed he had done nothing, and signified (as we may now be hold to construe) he should do so much, as were scant possible to do more. Howbeit as I would have no man so much to note & esteem dreams, as to thick there are none vain, but all significative, a thing in deed, both fond superstitious & against the mind of God uttered in the old law, 
Deut. xviii  So would I have no man so much to contemn them, as to think we can at no time be warned by them, a thing also both of to much incredulity, & against the promise of God, rehearsed in the new law by Peter out of the prophet johel: 
Act. two. johel. two.  But least with my dreams I bring you a stepe, I shall here leave them, & begin to March with the army.  

sunday the iiii. of September.  My lords grace came from out of the town, & the army raised from out of the camp. And after disposition of order that sir Frances Bryan, the Captain of lightt, orlinen with a four C. of his band should tend to the scout a mile or ii before. The carriages to keep a long by the sea coast, And the men of arms & dimilaunces divided in to iii tropes, answering the iii wards, so to ride in array directly against the carriages a ii flight shot asunder from them. Our three battles kept order in pace between them both. The forward foremost, the battle in the midst, & the rearward hindermost each ward his troop of horsemen & guard of ordinance, & each piece of ordinance, his aid of pioneers for amendment of ways where need should be found. We marched a vi mile, & camped by a village called Roston in the Baronrie of Bonkendale.  
We marched an viii mile till we came to a place called the Peaths, 
monday the v. of September.  It is a valley, 
The Peaths.  running from a vi mile West, strait Eastward and toward the sea a .xx a twenty score broad from bank to bank above, and a .v. score in the bottom, wherein runs a little river: So stepe be these banks on either side and deep to the bottom, that who goeth strait down shallbe in danger of tumbling, & the comer up so sure of puffing & pain, for remedy whereof the travailers that way have used to pass it, not by going directly, but by paths & footways leading stopewise, of the number of which paths, they call it (somewhat nicely in deed) the Peaths. A Brute a day or ii before was spread among us that hereat the Scots were very busy a working, & how here we should be stayed & met withal by them, whereunto I hard my lords grace vow, that he would put it in proof, for he would not step one foot out of his course appointed. At our coming, we found all in good peace, howbeit the side ways on either side most used for eas were crossed and cut of in many places with the casting of travers trenches, not very deep in deed, and rather somewhat hindering then utterly letting, for whither it were more by policy or diligence (as I am sure neither of both did want) the ways by the pioneers were soon so well plained, that our army, carriage and ordinance were quite set over soon after sun set and there as then we pight out camp. But while our army was thus in passing, my lords grace willing to lose no time, and that the enemies aswell by deed as by brute should know he was come, sent an Herald to summon, a Castle of George Douglash called Dunglas, 
Dunglas.  that stood at the end of the same valley nearer the sea, and a mile from the place of our passage. The Captain thereof Matthew Hume, a brother's son of the lord Humes upon this summons required to speak with my lords grace, it was granted & he came. To whom ꝙ his grace, Since it cannot be, but that ye must be witting both of our coming into these parts, & of our Proclamation sent hither before & proclaimed also since, and ye have not yet comen to us but keep this hold thus, we have cause to take you as our mere enemy. And therefore be ye at this choice (for we will take none advantage of your being here now) whither ye & your company will render your hold & stand body & goods, at the order of our will, or else to be set in it again as ye were, & we will assay to win it as we can. The captain being about this riddel brought in great doubt what answer well to make, & whither best to do, at last strooken with the fear of cruelty that by stubbornness he should well deserve, & moved again with the hope of mercy, that by submission he might hap to have, was content to render all at his grace's pleasure, and thereupon commanded to fetch his company, returned to the castle. In the time of tarrying for fetching his guard, we saw our ships with good gale and order fair sailing into their Fryth, 
The Fryth.  which is a great arm of the sea, and runneth Westward into their country above four mile. Upon this standeth, Lieth, Black nest, sterling & saint Ihons' Road, and all the best towns else in the Southpart of Scotland. This capitain came & brought with him his band to my lords grace, which was of xxi. sober soldiers, all so appareled and appointed, that so God help me. (I will say it for no praise) I never saw such a bunch of beggars come out of one house together in my life. The captain and vi of the worshipful of the company were stayed & commaundëd to the keeping of the Provost Marshal, more (hardly) to take Mundais handsel, then for hope of advantage: the residue were licensed to gea their gate▪ with this lesson, that if they were ever known to practise or do aught against the army, while it was in the country & thereupon taken, they should be sure to be hanged. After this surrender, my lord John Gray, being capitain of a number (as for his approved worthiness right well he mought) was appointed to seize & take possession of the manner with all & singular thappurtenauncesappurtenances in & to the same belonging, with whom (as it happed) it was my chance to go thither: the spoil was not rich sure, but of white bread, oaten cakes, & Scottish ale, whereof was indifferent good store, & soon bestowed among my lords soldiers accordingly, as for sword, buklers, pikes pots, panz, yarn, linen, hemp & heaps of such baggage beside were scant stopped for, & very liberally let alone, but yet sure it would have rued any good housewives heart, to have beholden the great unmerciful murder that our men made of the brood geese and good laing hens that were slain there that day, which the wives of the town had penned up in holes in the stables & sellers of the castle ear we came. In this mean time my lords grace appointed, the house should be overthrown, whereupon the Captain of the pioneers with a iii C of his labourers were sent down to it, whom he strait set a digging about the foundation. In the town of dunglas (the which we left unspoiled & unburnt) we understood of the wives (for their husbands were not at home) that it was George Douglash devise & cost to cast these cross trenches at the peaths, & stood him in four Scottish l '. which is as much star. as. iiii. good english crowns of. u.ss. a piece, a meet reward for such a work.  
Our pioneers were early at their work again about the castle, 
Tuisdaye the vi. of September.  whose walls were so thick & foundation so deep, & there to set upon so craggy a plot, that it was not an easy matter soon to underdig them: Our army dislodged & marched on. In the wai we should go, a mile & a half from Dunglas Northward, there were two. piles or holds, Thornton & Anderwike, set both on craggy foundation and divided a stones cast asunder, by a deep gut wherein ran a little river. Thornton belonged to the lord Hume, 
Thornton.  and was kept then by one Tom Trotter, whereunto my lords grace over night for summons sent Somerset his Herald, toward whom iii or .v. of this captains prikkers with their gads ready charged did right hastily direct their course, but Trotter both honestly defended the Herald, & sharply rebuked his men: and said for the summons he would come speak with my lords grace himself, notwithstanding he came not, but strait lokt up a xvi poor souls like the soldiers of Dunglas fast within the house, took the keys with him, & commanding them they should defend the house & tarry within (as they could not get out) till his return, which should be on the morrow with munition & relief, he with his prikkers prikt quite his ways. Anderwyke pertained to the lord of Hambleton, 
Anderwyke.  and was kept by his son & heir (whom of custom they call the Master of Hambleton) & an viii more with him, 
To be known that the Scots call the son and heir of every lord the Master of the house and surname, whereof his father is called lord.  gentlemen for the most part as we hard say. My lords grace at his coming nigh, sent unto both these piles, which upon summons refusing to tender, were straight assailed, Thornton by batrie of four of our great pieces of ordinance & certain of sir Peter Mewtus hackbutters to watch the loopholes & windows on all sides, & Anderwyke by a sort of the same hackbutters alone, who so well besturd them, that where these keepers had rammed up their outer doors, cloyed & stopped up their stairs within, & kept themselves a fit for defence of their house about the battilmentes, the hackbutters got in & fired them underneath: whereby being greatly troubled with smoke & smother, & brought in desperation of defence they called pitifully over their walls to my lords grace for mercy, who, notwithstanding their great obstinaci & themsampleensample other of the enemies mought have had by their punishment, of his noble generosite & by these words making half excuse for them. Men may some time do that hastily in a gear, whereof after they mai soon repent them, did take them to grace, & therefore sent one strait to them. But ere the messenger came, the hackbutters had gotten up to them and killed viii. of them aloft, one leapt over the walls, & running more than a furlong after was slain without in a water. All this while, at Thornton, our assault & their defence was stoutly continued, but well perceiving how on the tone side they were battered, mined on the other, kept in with hackbutters round about, & sum of our men within also occupying all the house under them (for there had likewise shopt up themselves in the highest of their house) & so to do nothing inward or outward, neither by shooting of base (whereof they had but one or two) nor tumbling of stones (the things of their chief annoyance) whereby they might be able any while to resist our power, or save themselves, they plucked in a banner that afore they had set out in defiance, & put out over the walls▪ a white linen clout tied on a sticks end, crying all with one tune for mercy, but having answer by the whole voice of the assailers, they were traitors & it was to late, they plukt in their stick, & sticked up the banner of defiance again, shot of hurled stones, & did what else they could, with great courage of their side & little hurt of ours Yet then after, being assured by our ernesty, that we had vowed the winning of their hold before our departure, & then, that there obstinacy could deserve no less than death, plucked in their banner once again, & cried upon mercy, & being generally answered, nay nay look never for it, for ye are erraunt traitors, than made they petition that if they should needs die, yet that my lords grace would be so good to them as they might be hanged, whereby they might somewhat reconcile themselves to God ward, & not to die in malice with so great danger of their souls: 
A policy of war.  A policy sure in my mind, though but of gross heads, yet of a fine devise. Sir Miles Partridge being nigh about this pile at the time & spring one in a red doublet, dydges', he should be an Englishman & therefore came & furthered this petition to my lords grace the rather, which then took effect, they came & humbled themselves to his grace, whereupon without more hurt they wear but commanded to the Provost Marshal. 
My lords graces pity.  It is somewhat here to consider, I know not whither the destiny or hap of man's life: The more worthy men, the les offenders & more in the judges grace wear slain & the beggars, the obstinate rebels that deserved nought but cruelty wear saved. To say on now, the house was soon after so blown with powder, that more than the one half fell strait down to rubrish & dust, the rest stood all to be shaken with rifts & chynkes. Anderwyke was burned, & all the houses of office and stakkes of corn about them both. While this was thus in hand, my lords grace in turning but about saw the fall of Dunglas, which likewise was undermined and blown with powder.  
This done, about noon we marched on passing soon after within the gun-shot of Dumbar, a town stonding longwise upon the seaside whearat is a castle (which the Scots count very strong) the sent us divers shots as we passed but all in vain: their horsemen showed themselves in their fields beside us, toward whom Bartevile with his viii▪ men all hackbutters on horseback (whom he had right well appointed) & John de Rybaud, with divers other did make, but no hurt on neither side, saving yte a man of Barteviles slew one of them with his piece, the skirmish was soon ended. We went a iiii. mile further, & having travailed that day a ten mile, we camped nigh Cantallon, & had at night a blind alarm.  
Here had we first advertisement certain, that the Scots wear assembled in camp at the place where we found them.  

wednesday the vii of September.  ¶ Marching this morning a. ij mile, we came to a fair river callen Lyn running all strait eastward toward the sea, over this River is there a stone bridge that they name Lynton brig, of a town thereby on our right-hand & eastward as we went that stonds upon the same river, Our horsemen & carriages passed through the water, (for it was not very deep) our footmen over the bridge. The passage was very strait for an army, & therefore the lengar in setting over. Beyond this bridge about a mile Westward (for some thought as then we turned) upon this same river on the southside stondes a proper house and of sum strength bylyke, they call it hails Castle, 
Hails castle.  and pertaineth to the earl Bothwel, but kept as then by the governors appointment, who held the earl in prison. Above the southside of this Castle lieth a long hill, Eeast & West, whearuppon did appear in divers plumps about iii C. of their prickers, sum making toward the passage too lie in wait there to take up stragglers and cut of the tail of our host. My lords grace, and my lord Lieutenant, against the Castle upon an hill over which we should pass, did stay a while, aswell for the army that was not all cum, as also too see a skirmish that sum of these prickers by coming over the River toward us began to make, but did not maintain. whereupon our forward marching softly afore, his grace then took his way after, at whom, out of the Castle there wear roundly shot of (but without hurt) vi. or vii pieces, the which before that, though sum of our men had been very nigh, yet kept they all covert. In this mean time did there arise a very thick mist, My lord the earl of warwick then lord Lieutenant (as I told you) of the army, did so nobly quite himself upon an adventure that chanced then to fall, as that his accustomed valiance might well be acknowledged, whereby first, and first of all men (a little, but not without purpose now to digres) being lord Lieutenant of Bulleyn next after it was won, beaten on all sides, weak without, ill harbour within, and (now to say troth, for the danger is passed) scant tenable as it was, did so valiantly defend it against the dolphin then and all his power, that as I remember was reckoned a lii M. Of whom in a camisado than, as they had slain many of our men & won the base town, his lordship killed above viii. C counted of the best soldiers in all France, drove the rest away, & recovered the town from them again. And the next year after, occupying his office of lord Admiral upon the sea in person himself, what time the great fleet of France with all their Galleys (which was no small pour) came to invade our costs, he profrered battle unto the French Admiral & all his navy, which fight (I will not say how cowardly) he utterly refused, his lordship repeiled their force & made them fame to fly back again home with all their brags & cost in vain. And the same year, but with a vii M. (whereof not v. M. londed) maugre all France he burned Treaport & divers villages there beside, returned to ship again with the los, but of one David Googan & no more. And the year than next. M, D.xlvi. after his diligence so well showed among the rest of the commissioners, that an honourable and friendly peace was concluded between France & us, his lordship was sent over by our late sovereign lord, to receive the oath of the late French king for confirmation of the same peace. In which journey, how nobly he did advance his port for the kings majesties honour & estimation of the realm (& yet not above his degree) all men that saw it, will easily confess with me, that it was to much then, to be showed in few words here. Very few things else (to say truth) that have been any where in these wars against the enemy either nobly attempted or valiantly achieved, whearin his lordship hath not been, either the first there in office, or one of the foremost in danger. That if it fell so feet for my purpose to speak of his lordship's honour at home, as it hath done somewhat to touch his proowes abroad, I could sure for commendation thereof move myself matter, wherein I wear able to sai rather liberally much, then scarcely enough: but omitting that therefore, & to turn to my tale again, his lordship regarding the danger our rearward was in by reason of disorder, caused at this passage by the thickness of this mist, & nienes of the enemies, himself scant with a xvi horse (whereof Bartevile & John de Ribaude wear ii: seven. or viii light horsemen more, & the rest, of his own servants) returned toward the passage to see to the array again. The Scots perceiving our horsemen to have passed on before, & thinking (as the truth was) that sum Captain of honour did stay for the looking to the order of this rearward: keeping the southside of the river, did call over to sum of our men to know, whither there wear any noble man nigh there: they wear asked why they asked, one of them answered that he was such a man (whose name our men knew to be honourable among them) & would come in to my lords grace, so that he mought be sure to come in safety: our young soldiers nothing suspecting their ancient falsehood, told him that my lord Lieutenant the earl of warwick was nigh there, by whose tuition he should be safely brought to my lords graces presence, they had cund their lesson, & fell to their practice, which was this, having cummen over the water, in the way as my lord should pass, they had couched behind a hillock about a ii C. of their prickers, a xl had they sent beside, to search where my lord was, whom when they found part of them pricked very nigh. & these again a ten or xii of my lords small company did boldly encounter & drove them wellnie home to their ambush, flying perchance not so much for fear of their force as for falsehood to trap them: But hereby informed that my lord was so nigh, they sent out a bigger number, & kept the rest more secret, upon this purpose that they might either by a plain onset have distressed him or else that not prevailing, by feigning of flight to have trained him into their ambush, & thus instruct they came pricking toward his lordship a pace, why (ꝙ he) & will not these knaves be ruled? give my staff, the which then with so valiant a courage, he charged at one (as it was thought) Dandy Car a capitain among them that he did not only compel Car to turn, & himself chased him above xii score together, all the way at the spear point, so that if Carres horse had not been exceeding good & wight his lordship had surely run him through in this race, but also with his little band caused all the rest to flee a main. After whom then as Henry Uane, a gentleman of my lords & one of this company did fiercely pursue, four or .v. scots suddenly turned & set upon him, & though they did not altogether scape his hands free, yet by hewing & mangling his head, body & many places else, they did so cruelly entreat him, as if rescue had not come the sooner: they had slain him out right, but saved as he was, I dare be bold to sai, many a. M. in war & else where have died with les, then half the les hurt. Here was Bartevile run at sydeling and hurt in the buttok, & one of our men slain. Of Scots again, none slain but iii taken, whearof one was Richard Maxwell & hurt in the thigh: who had been long in england not long before & had received right many benefits, (as I hard himself confess) both of the late kings Majesty & of my lord Lieutenant, & of many other nobles & gentlemen in the court beside: & therefore for his ingratitude & traitorous untruth threatened too be hanged: But as otherwise he had a great deal to much more than he deserved, so had he here somewhat to little, for how my lords grace bestowed him I wots not, but hanged in deed he was not. To make my tale per fit it is certainly thought, that if my lord Lieutenant had not thus valiantly encountered them ear they could have warned their ambush, how weakly he was warded, he had been beset round about by them, ere ever he could have been ware of them or rescued of us: where now hereby his Lordship showed his wonted worthiness, saved his cumpanie & discomfited the enemy. Soon after he overtook my lord Protector, being as then set at dinner, to whom he presented these prisoners & recounted his adventures, whose grace in the mean tune had happed upon a fellow like a man, but I wots not of what sort, small of stature, red headed, curled round about & shedded afore, of a xl year old, & called himself Knocks. To say somewhat of his haviour, his cote was of the colour of a well burned brik (I mean not black) & well worth. xx. d. a broad yard, it was prettily fresed, half with an ado & hemmed round about very suitably with pasmain lace of green caddis, me thought he represented the state of a summoner in sum city or of a peddler in sum boorowe, how far so ever he had travailed that day he had not a whit filed his boots for he had none on, harmless bilyke, for he wore no weapon, he road on a trotting tit well worth a couple of shillings, the loss whereof at his taking he took very heavily, yet did my lords grace cause him to be set on a better. I take his learning was but small but his utterance was great sure, for he never lined babeling, very moist mouthed and somewhat of nature disposed to slaver, and therefore fain (without a napkin to wipe his lips) to sup at every word, sum said it was no fault in the man, but the manner of the country, in deed they have many moist mists there, no lak of audacity nor store of wit, for being taken & brought in for a spy & posed in that point whither he went, neither by the honesty of his erraunde, nor goodness of his wit, was he able to make any likely excuse, the tenor of his talk so tempered thoorow out, and the most of his matter so indifferently mingled, as (if they make him not both) it was hard for any there to judge, whether they might rather count him a foolish knave or a knavish fool, at whom my lords grace and other had right good sport. As Bartevile that day had right honestly served, so did the lords right honourably quite it, for strait upon the overtaking of my lords grace, my Lord Lieutenant did get him a surgeon, & dressed he was, strait after laid and conveyed in my lords graces own chariot, that was both right sumptuous for cost and casy for carriage. The rest that wear hurt, wear here all so dressed Scots & other. ●●e had marched that day a ix. mile and camped at night by a town standing upon the Fryth, & called Lang Nuddrey. Here ●●e found a gentle woman (some said a lady) the wife of one hugh Douglas, she was great with child, & in a house others, there abode her good time of deliverance, & had with her an ancient gentle woman her mother, a mid wife & a daughter: whose estate the counsel understanding, my lords grace & my lord Lieutenant took order that all night without danger or damage she was well preserved, but soon after our departure in the morening, I hard, that sum of our northern prickers had visited her, not much for her profit▪ nor all for their honesties that had they then been caught with their kindness, they should have been sure of thanks according▪ good people be they, but given much (as they say) to the spoil.  

Thursday the viii. of september, being, our lady day.  ¶ This morning in the time of our dislodging, sign was made to sum of our ships (whereof the most part & chiefest lay a ten or xii. mile in the Fryth beyond us over against lieth & Edinborowe) that the lord Admiral should come a shore to speak with my lords grace. In the mean time somewhat early, as our galley was coming toward us, about a mile & more beyond our camp the Scots wear very busy a wafting her a shore toward them with a banner of Saint George that they had: but my Lord Lieutenant soon disappointed the policy, for making toward that place where my Lord Admiral should land, our men on the water by the sight of his presence did soon discern their friends from their foes. By and by then my lord Clinton the Admiral came to land, Who with my Lord Lieutenant road back to my lords grace, among whom order was taken, that our great ships should remove from before lieth, & lie before Muskelborowe and their camp, and our smaller vessels that wear vitaillers to lie nearer us. This thus appointed, my lord Admiral road back to take the water again. And as our army had marched onward a mile or ii there appeared upon a hill that lay longwise east & west, & on the southside of us, upon a vi. hundred of their horsemen prickers, whearof sum within a ii flightshot directly against us upon the same hill, and most further of, toward these over a small bridge (for there ran a little river also by us) very hardly did ride about a doosein of our hackbutters on horseback, and held them at bay so me to their noses that whether it wear by the goodness of our men or badness of them, the Scots did not only not come down to them, but also very curteisiy gave place & fled to their fellows: & yet I know they lack no hearts, but they cannot so well away with these crakkes. Our army went on, but so much the slowlyer, because our way was somewhat narrow, by means of the Fryth on the tonesyde and certain marshes so nigh on the toother. The Scots kept always pace with us upon their hill, and showed themselves upon sundry brunts, very crank & brag, at whom as our captains did look to the ordering and arraiing again of the battles, my lord protectors grace appointed ii field pieces to be turned, each piece shot of twice, whereof one Gold that master gunner there discharged the tone & did so well direct it, that at his former shot he struck of the leg of a black horse, right fair and as it was thought the best in the company, & at his next shot he killed a man: hereby, rather somewhat calmed then fully content, they went their ways & we saw no more of them till the time of our camping, & then showed they themselves very lordly aloft upon this hill again overagainst us, as though they stood there to take view of our camping & monster of our men. My lord Martial minding to know their commission did make toward them with a band of horsemen, but they went wisely their way & would never abide the reasoning of the matter. In the way as we came not far from this place, George Ferrer a gentleman of my lord Protectors & one of the commissioners of the carriages in this army, happened upon a cave in the ground, the mouth whereof was so worn with the fresh print of steps, that he seemed to be certain there wear sum folk within, & gone down to try, he was readily received with a hakebut or ii He left them not yet, till he had known whither they would be content to yield & come out, which they fond refusing, he went to my lords grace, and upon utterance of the thing got licence to deal with them as he could, and so returned to them with a score or two of pioneers. Three ventes had their cave that we wear wareof whereof he first stopped up on, anoother he filled full of straw and set it a fire, whearat they within cast water a pace, but it was so well maintained without that the fire prevailed, and they fain within, to get them belike into anoother parlour. Then devised we (for I hapte to be with him) to stop the same up, whereby we should either smother them or find out their ventes if they had any more: as this was done, at another issue about a xii score of, we mought see the fume of our smoke to come out, the which continued with so great a force & so long a while that we could not but think they must needs get them out or smother within, and forasmuch as we found not that they did the tone, we thought it for certain they wear sure or the toother, we had done that we came for, and so left them.  
¶ By this time our ships taking mannerly their leave of lieth with a score of shot or more, and as they came by, saluting the Scots in their camp also with as many, came & lay according to appointment. We had gone this day about a v. mile, & camped toward night nigh a town they call salt, Preston by the Fryth. Here one Charleton, a man before time banished out of England, & continuing all the while in Scotland, came in and submitted himself to my lords grace, who took him to mercy.  

Friday the ix of september.  ¶ This day is marked in the calendar with the name of saint Gorgon, no famous saint sure, but either so obscure that no man knows him, or else so ancient as every man forgets him. Yet wear it both pity and blame that he should lose his estimation among us. And methinks out of that little that I have red, I could somewhat say to bring him to light again, but then am in doubt, what to make of him, a he saint a she saint or a neuter (for we have all in our kalendar.) Of the male and female saints, every leaf there showthe samples enough. And as for the neuter, they or rather I wots unmarked than unknown, as saint Christmas, s. Candelmas, saint Easter, Saint Whitsuntide & sweet saint Sunday that comes once a week. touching my doubt now: If the day bear name in the worship & memory of him whom the preacher Horace doth mention in his first book of sermons by these words Pastilloes Rufillus olet, 
satire. two. Phorcus king of the Iles Corsica & Sardinia had four daughters, Scylla, Medusa, Stenio & Euriale called Gorgon's, of whom as Neptune had ravished Medusa Gorgon in the temple of Pallas: This Gods for displeasure of the fact changed all the hear of her head into snakes and adders, & gave her a further gift that who so ever saw her should be turned straight into stone, Perseus coveiting to kill this monster borrowed of Mercury his wings and falchion and struck of her head as she slept & brought it with him, which Pallas did after set in her shield & it had the same pour still after as it had while she lived.  Gorgonius hircum. then may we be bold to believe it was a he saint, but yet a very slooven saint & belike a nesty. If this name were Calendared of Medusa Gorgon that had the hear of her head turned into adders, whom Perseus overcame and killed, as doctor ovid declares in his four book of changes Gorgonis anguicomae Perseus superator, then may we be sure it was a she saint. But if it wear in the honour of Pallas shield whearin this Medusa Gorgon's head was graven, as Titus 
* Stroz. pr̄. Aeolo four  Stroza (a devout doctor to, but of later days) doth say, Gorgonis anguicomae caelatos aegide vultus, Pallas habet. Then was it neither a he nor a she but a plain neuter saint. And thus with the ancient authority of mere poetical scriptures, my conscience is so confounded, as I wots not in the world what saint to make of him. 
‡ jacob de voragine  james of the synkhole (saving your reverence) a trier forsooth that wrote the Legendaurie, telleth me a very preposterous order in good cookery, of one 
* Legend. autea cap. cxxviii.  Gorgon & his fellow Dorotheus, that wear first sauced with vinegar and salt, and after the then broiled on a girdyron. But to be plain (as it is best for a man to be with his friends) he hath farced his book so full of lies, that it is quite out of credit in all honest company. And for my part, I am half a shamed to say that I saw it, but since it is said, & somewhat to tell you what that I saw, 

Thom. Cantuar. ca xi. Lupus. ca cxxiii.  
Petr. exorcist. cap. lxxiiii.  
Thaismere trix. cap. cxlvii.   he makes me Thomas the traitor, Lupus the Lechour Peter the knave (if I may call a conjuror so) & Thais the hoor all to be high & holy saints in heaven, & that with such prodigal impudency & so shameless lying as I may safely think he had either a Bull to make saints of devils, or else a placard to play the knave as he list. But as for Gorgon, be he as he be may, it makes no great matter, for he shall have my heart while he stondes in the calendar, he hath been ever so lucky. But what saint so ever he be, he is sure no Scots man's friend, but a very angry saint toward them, for upon his day xxxiiii year paste, they had a great overthrow by us at Floddom field, and their king jamy the fourth slain, and therefore is this day not smally marked among them. To tell our adventures that befell now upon it, I think it very meet that first I advertise, how here as we lay, our camp and theirs wear either within the sight & view of oothers, & indistaunce (as I guessed) a ii mile & little more asunder, we had the Fryth on the north, & this hill last remembered as I said on the south (the west end Whereof is called Fauxsyde Bray, 
Fauxsyde Bray.  whereupon standeth a sorry castle and half a score houses of like worthiness by it.) And had westward before us, the lying in camp. A long this hill (being about a mile from us) were they very bisy pranking up and down all the motening, and fain would have been a counsel with the doings of our camp. We again because their army seemed to sit to receive us, did diligently prepare that we might soon go to them, and therefore kept our camp all that day, my lords grace and the counsel sitting in consultation, the captains & officers providing their bands, store of victual, & furniture of weapon, for furtherance whearof our vessels of munition and victuals wear here all ready come to the shore. The Scots continued their bravery on the hill, the which we not being so well able to bear, made out a band of light horsemen & a troop of dimilances to back them: our men got up on the hill & thereby of even ground with the enemy, road strait toward them with good speed and order. Whom at the first the Scots did boldly countenance & abide, but after when their perceived that our men would needs come on, they began to prick and would fain have begun ear they had told their erraund: but our men hasted so speedily after, that even strait they wear at their elbows, and did so stoutly then bestir them, that what in the onset at the first and after in the chase (which lasted a iii mile, wellny to as far as the furthest of their camp on the southside) they had killed of the Scots within a three hours, above the number of xiii. C. & taken the master of Hume the lord Humes sun and heir ii priests & vi. gentlemen: whearof one (I remember) by sir jaques Granado, and all upon the highest & well me niest of the hill toward them, within the full sight of their hole camp. Of our side again one spanish hakbutters hurt, and taken Sir Ralph Bullmer knight, Thomas Gower Marshal of Berwyke, and Robart Crouch: all Captains of several bands of our lighthorsmen, and men of right good courage & approved service, & at this time distressed by their awne forwardness, & not by the enemy's force.  
¶ After this skirmish it was marveled on their side that we used so much cruelty, & doubted on ours that we had killed so many. Their marvel was answered that they had picked the quarrel first themselves, & showed us a president at paniarhough, where of late years without any mercy, they slew the lord Evers & a great cumpenie with him, & our doubt was cleared by the witness of their oun selves, who confessed that there wear two. made out of their camp xu C horsemen for skirmish & .v. C. foot men to lie close in ambush and be ready at need, and of all these for certain, not vii hundred to return home.  
After this skirmish also hard we, 
The lord Hume hurt.  that the lord hume himself for haste in this flight had a fall from his horse, and burst so the canell bone of his neck, that he was fain to be carried strait to Edenborowe, and was not a little despaired of life.  
Then also my lords grace, my lord Lieutenant & other of the counsel, but with a small guard, upon this Fauxsyd Bray where the slaughter (as I said) was made, about half a mile southeast from them, did take full view of their camp, whereof the tents as I noted then, were divided in to four several orders and rues lying east & west and a prikshot asunder, & moustred not unlike (as thought me) unto four great ridges of ripe barley. 
The Scots camp.  The plot where they lay so chosen for strength, as in all their country sum thought not a better: safe on the south by a great marysh, and on the north by the Fryth, which side also they fenced with ii field pieces and certain hakbuts a crok lying under a turf wall: Edinborough on the west at their backs, & eastward between us and them, strongly defended by the course of a river called Eske running north in to the Fryth: which as it was not very deep of water, so wear the banks of it so high and step after the manner of the Peaths mentioned before in our mundaiss journey, as a small sort of resistauntes might have been able to keep down a great number of comers up. About a xii. score of from the Fryth, over the same river is there a stone bridge which they did keep also, well warded with ordinance. From this hill of Fauxsyde Bray descended my lords grace my lord Lieutenant and thoother along before their camp within les than two. flightshottes into a lane or street of a xxx foot broad, fenced on either side with a wall of turf an elle of height: which weigh did lead straigth northward and nigh to a church called saint Mighels of Undreske standing upon a mean rising hill somewhat higher than the site of their camp. Thus this viewed, they took their return directly homeward to our tents, at whom in the way the Scots did often shoot, but with all their shot and of all our cumpenie they killed but one horse in the midst of iii without any hurt of the rider.  

〈…〉  ¶ And as my lords grace was passed well nigh half the way homeward, a Scottish herald with a cote of his prince's arms upon him (as the manner is) and with him a trumpetour did overtake his grace, we thought upon sum message and therefore every man gave them place to come & say their erraundes, which as I mought ges (partly by the answers as follow) wear these, 
The heralds message.  or to this effect. The herald first, my lord the Governor hath sent me to your grace to inquire of prisoners taken, and there with to say, that for the pity he hath of effusion of Christian blood, which by battle must needs be shed, and because your grace hath not done much hurt in the country, he is content ye shall return as ye came, and will proffer your grace honest conditions of peace. And then the trumpetour: 
The trumpetours erraund.  My lord my Master the earl of Huntley, hath willed me to show your grace, that because this matter may be the sooner ended & with les hurt, he will fight with your grace for the hole quarrel twenty to xx.x. to ten or else himself alone with your grace man to man. My lords grace having kept with him my lord Lieutenant had hard them both throughly, and then in answering spoke somewhat with louder voice, then they had done their messages. where upon we that wear the riders by, thinking his grace would have it no secret, wear somewhat the bolder to come the nigher. The words whearof (as seemed me) wear uttered so expeditely with honour and so honourable with expedition, as I was for my part much moved then to doubt, whither I mought rather note in them, the promptness of a singular prudence or the animositee of a noble courage. And they wear thus, your governor may know, 

My lords graces answers.  
To the herald   that the special cause of our coming hither was not to fight, but for the thing that should be the weal of both us and you, for God we take to record, we mind no more hurt to the Ream of Scotland than we do too the Ream of England, & therefore our quarrel being so good, we trust God will prosper us the better. But as for peace, he hath refused such conditions at our hands as we will never proffer again, and therefore let him look for none, till this weigh we make it.  
¶ And thou Trumpet, 
To the trumpetour.  say to thy Master, he seemeth to lak wit to make this challenge to me, being of such estate by the sufferance of GOD as have so weighty a charge of so precious a jewel, the goovernaunce of a kings parson, and then the protection of all his reams, whereby in this case I have no power of myself, which if I had, as I am true gentleman it should be the first Bargain I would make, but there be a great sort here among us his equals, to whom he mought have made this challenge with out refusal, ꝙ my lord Lieutenant to them both, he showeth his small wit to make challenge to my lords grace & he so mean, but if his grace will give me leave I shall receive it, & trumpet bring me word thy master will so do, and thou shalt have of me a. C. crowns. Nay quoth my lords grace, the earl huntley is not meet in estate with you my lord. But herald, say to the governor and him also that we have been a good season in this country, 
Sober, is the proper term whereby the Scots do signify small, little, easy, or slender.  and are here now but with a sober cumpenie & they a great number, & if they will meet us in field they shallbe satisfied with fighting enough. And herald, bring me word they will so do & by my honour I will give the a thousand crowns. Ye have a proud sort among you, but I trust to see their pride abated shortly & of the earl huntleys too, iwis his courage is known well enough but he is a glorious young gentleman. This said, my lord Lieutenant continued his requests that he might receive this challenge, but my lords grace would in no wise grant too it, these messengers had their answers, and there with leave to departed.  
¶ It is an ancient order in w●t, inviolably observed, that the heralds & trumpetours at any time upon necessary messages may freely pass too and fro between the enemies, without hurt or stay of any, as privileged with a certain immunitee & freedom of passage: Likewise as during the time of any such message, hostilitee on both sides should utterly cease. The Scots notwithstanding, what moved them I know not, but somewhat beside the rules of Stans puer ad mensam, shot, iii. or four shot at us in the midst of this message doing but as hap was wide enough. On the morrow after they had their guns taken from them every eachone, & put into the hands of them that could use them more with good manner.  
¶ It becometh not me I wots, apertly to tax their governor with the note of dissimulation: for how ever he be our enemy, yet a man of honourable esiat & worthy (for aught I know) of the office he bears. Howbeit touching this message sent by the herald, to say as I think I am fully persuaded he never sent it either bicaus he thought it would be received by my lords grace, whose courage of custom he knue to be such that would never brook so much dishonour as to travail so far to return in vain: or else that he meant any sparing or pity of us whom in his heart he had all ready devoured. But only to show a colour of kindness, by the refusal whearof he might first in his sight the more justly (as he should list) use extremity against us, and then upon victory triumph with more glory. For asfor of victory, he thought himself no les sure, than he was sure he was willing to fight. That makes me in this case now to be so quite out of doubt, wear the causes whearof I was after so certainly informed. And they were, first his respect of our only strength (as he thought) our horsemen, the which not so much upon policy to make his men hardy against us, as for that he plainly so took it, he caused to be published in his host, that it was holy but of very young men unskilful of the wars and easy to be dealt with al. And then his regard to the number & place of our power & his, the which indeed wear far unequal. And hereto his assured hope of xii galleys and l ships that always he looked for to be sent out of France to come in at our backs. He with his host made themselves hereby so sure of the matter, that in the night of this day, they fell aforehand to plaiing at dice for certain of our noble men and Captains of fame. For asfor all the rest they thought quite to dispatch, and wear of nothing so mooch afeard, as lest we would have made away out of the country ear they and we had met, bruting among them, that our ships the day before removed from before lieth, but only to take in our footmen and carriage, to the intent our horsemen then, with more haste and its cumber might thence be able to high them homeward: for the fear hearof also, appointed they this night to have given us a camisado in our camp as we lay, whearof even then we happed to have an inkeling, & therefore late in the night entrenched our carriages and waggemboorowe had good scout without and sure watch within, so that if they had kept appointment (as what letted them I could not learn) they should neither have been unwelcummed nor unlooked for. Ye, the great fear they had of our hasty departure made them so hasty as the next morrow (being the day of the battle) so early to come toward us out of their camp, against whoom then though they saw our horsemen readily to make, yet would they not think, but that it was for a policy to stay them while our footmen and carriage might fully be stowed a shipboard. Meruailousmen, they would not believe there wear any bees in the hive, till they came out and stang them by the noses. They fared herein (if I may compare great things to small & earnestie to game) like as I have wist a good fellow ear this, that hath cum to a dicing board very hastily thrusting, for fear lest all should be done ear he could begin, and hath soon been shred of all that ever he brought: but after, when he hath cum trow the board with his hands in his boosom & remembered there was never a penny in his purse, he could quickly find, that the fondness was not in tarrying to long but in coming to soon. We are warned if we wear wise of these wit les brunts by the common proverb that saith: It is better sit still, then rise up and fall. But bylyke they know it not. In the night of this day, my lords grace appointed that early in the next morning part of our ordinance should be planted in the lane I spoke of, under the turf wall next to their camp: & sum also to be set upon the hill nigh to Undreske church afore remembered: & these to th'intent we should with our shot cause them either holy to remove their camp, or else much to annoy them as they lay. It was not the lest part of our meaning also, hereby to win from them certain of their ordinance that lay nearest this church.  
¶ No great breach of order I trust, though here I rehearse the thing, that not till after I hard touching the trumpetours message from the earl Huntley. Which was (as I hard the earl himself say) that he never sent the same to my lords grace, but George Douglas in his name: and this by him devised, not so specially for any challenge sake, as for that the messenger should maintain by mouth his talk to my lords grace, while his eye wear rolling to toot & pry upon the state of our camp, & whither we wear pakking or no (as indeed the fellow had a very good countenance to make a spy.) But my lords grace of custom not using so readily to admit any kind of enemy to come so nigh, had dispatched them both with their answers (as I said) ear ever they came within a mile of our camp. As I happed soon after to rehearse the excuse of the Earl and this drift of Douglas, a gentleman Skot that was prisoner and present, swore by the mis it was like enough for he kend George full well, and said he was a meet man to pike whatels for other men to fight for. To th'intent I would show my good will to make all thing as easy to the sense of the reder as my knowledge cooled instruct, and forasmuch as the assaylee specially of our horsemen at the first, their retire again, and our last onset, pursuit, and slaughter of the enemies, can not all be showed well in one plot: I have devised and drawn, according to my cunning, three several views of them, placed in their order as follow in the battle. Whearin are also other towns and places remembered, such as that time I thought meet to mark, and as my memory could since call to mind. No fine portraiture indeed, nor yet any exquisite observance of geometrical dimension, but yet neither so gross nor far from the truth I trust, but that they may serve for sumeas of understanding. But since the skantnes of room will not suffer me plainly & at length to write there every places name, but therefore am fayin in stead of a name to set up a letter. The Reder must be content to learn his A.B.C. again, such as I have there devised for the expounding of the same views. They that list to learn, I trust in this point will not much stik with me, considering also that Ignoratis Terminis, 
Aristot.  ignoratur & ars. If they know not my A.B. C. they cannot well know my matter: like as he that knows not Raymundes Alphabete shall never come to the composition of his quintessence: 
In practica testi sui. ca two.  what he shall do though, sum practitioners do dout. And minding to interrupt the process of the battle the followeth with as few mean matters as I may, I have thought good, this hereto have before written.  
¶ This day morening somewhat before viii of the clock, 
Saturday the x. of september being the day of the battle.  our camp dislodged, and our host marched strait toward the church of Undreske, aswell for intent to have camped nigh the same, as for placing our ordinance & other considerations afore remembered. The Scots, I know not whither more for fear of our departing or hope of our spoiling, wear out of their camp coming toward us, passed the river, gathered in array, and wellny at this church ear we wear half weigh to it. They had quite disappointed our purpose, and this at the first was so strange in our eyes, that we cooled not devise what to make of their meaning. And so much the stranger, as it was quite bysyde our expectation or doubt, that they would ever forsake their strength to meet us in field. But we after understood, that they did not only thus purpose to do, but also to have assailed us in our camp as we lay, if we had not been stirring the tymelyer. And to th'intent at this time, that aswell none of their soldiers should lurk behind them in their camps, as also that none of their captains should be able to flee from their enterprise, they had first caused all their tents to be let flat doum to the ground ear they came out, & then all that had horses aswell nobles as other (few except) that were not horsemen appointed, to leave their horses behind them, & march on with their soldiers afoot. We came on speedily a both sides, neither as thento any whit ware of others intent: but the Scots indeed with a rounder pace: Betwent the two. Hillocks betwixt us and the church, they moustred somewhat brim in our eyes, at whoom, as they stayed there a while, our galley shot of and slew the Master of Greym with a five & twenty near by him, and therewith so skarred the four thousand Irish archers brought by the earl of Arguile, that where (as it was said) they should have been a wing to the forward, they cooled never after be made to come forward. Hereupon did their army hastily remove & from thence declining southward, took their direct weigh toward Fauxsyde Bray: Of this, sir Ralph Uane Lieutenant of all our horsemen (as I think of all men he first did note it) quickly advertised my lord: whose grace thereby did readily conceive much of their meaning: which was to win of us the hill, & thereby the wind and the sun if it had shined, as it did not (for the weather was cloudy & lowering) The gain of which three things whither party, in fight of battle can hap to obtain, hath his force doubled against his enemy. In all this enterprise, they used for haft so little the help of horse, that they plucked forth their ordinance by draft of men, which at this time begun freely to shoot of toward us: whereby we wear further warned they meant more than a skirmish. Here with began every man to be smitten with the care of his office & charged, & thearupon accordingly to apply him about it: Hearwith began still riding too & fro, herewith a general rumour & buzzing amoong the soldiers, not unlike the nois of the sea being hard a far of: & herewith my lords grace & the counsel on horseback as they wear, fell strait in consultation. The sharpness of whose circumspect wisdom's, as it quickly spied out the enemy's entntes, so did it amoong other things promptly provide thearin to prevent them, (as needful it was, for the time asked no leisure.) Their devise was this, that my lord Gray with his band of Bulleners & with my lord Protectors band & my Lord lieutenants, all to the number of an xviii. C. horsemen on the east half: & sir Ra●e Uane with sir Thomas Darey captain of the pencioners & men of arms & my lord Fitzwater's with his band of dimilaunces, all to the number also of a xvi C. to be ready & even with my lord Marshal on the west half, & thus all these together afore to encounter the enemies a frunt, whereby either to break their array, & that weigh weaken their power by disorder, or at the lest to stop them of their gate, & force them to stay while our forward might wholly have the hills side, & our battle and rearward be placed in grounds next that in order and best for advantage. And after this then; that the same our horsemen should retire up the hills side to come down in order a fresh and infest them on both their sides, whiles our battles should occupy them in fight a frunt. The policy of this devise for the state of the case, as it was to all that knue of it generally allowed to be the best the cooled be, even so also taken to be of no small danger for my lord Marshal, sir Ralph Uane & other the assailers, the which nevertheless I know not whither more nobly and wisely devised of the counsel, or more valiantly and willingly executed of them for even there with good courage taking their leaves of the counsel, my lord Marshal requiring only, that if it went not well with him, my lords grace would be good to his wife and children, he said he would meet these Scots: and so with their bands these captains took their weigh toward the enemy. By this, wear our forward and theirs within a ii flightshot asunder: The Scots hasted with so fast a pace, that it was thought of the most part of us, they wear rather horsemen than footmen. Our men again wear led the more with speed. The Master of the ordinance to our great advantage plucked up the hill then certain pieces, and soon after planted ii or iii canons of them, well nigh upon the top there, whereby having so much the help of the hill, he might over our men's heads shoot nighest at the enemy. As my lords grace had so circumspectly taken order for the array and station of the army, & for th execucion of every man's office beside: Even as it is meetest that head to be highest, that should well look about for the safeguard of all the other membres and parts of the body, so did his grace (first perfectly appointed in fair harness) accompanied with no more (as I noted) then with Sir Thomas Chaloner knight, one of the Clerks of the kings majesties privy counsel) take his way toward the height of the hill to tarry by the ordinance, whearas he mought both best survey us all and secure with aid where most he saw need, and also by his presence be a defence to the thing that stood weakest in place and most in danger, the which thereby how much it did stead, anon shall I show. As his grace was halt up the hill (my lord Leiutenaunt as it chanced by him) he was ware the enemies were all at a sudden stay and stood still a good while. The sight and cause hereof was marueyllous too us all, but understandable of none, my lords grace thought (as in deed the most likely was) that the men had much over shot themselves and would fain have been home again, & herewith said to this effect: These men surely will come no further, it wear meet to cast where we should camp, for pain of my life they will never fight. It had been hardly, I wots not how bad, but I am sure no good devise for our pour to have forsaken their ground to assail them whearthey stood, so far from the hill, that we had wellnie won so hardly, and should keep to so much advantage. And in warfare always, timely provision is counted great policy. Hereto his grace was sure that we wear able, better and longer to keep our hill, than they their plain. Asfor fight now, it mought be more than likely to who that considered it, their courage was quite quailed, & therefore had no will to come any further, but would have been glad to have been whence they came. first, because at that time, beside the full monster of our foot men, of whoome they thought we had had none there, but all to have been either shipped or a shipping: then they saw plain that we wear sure to have the gain of the hill, and they the ground of disadvantage, out of their hold & put fro their hope. And hereto, for that their Herald gave my lords grace no warning the which by him (if they had meant to fight it out) who would not have presumed, that for the estimation of their honour, they would little stuck to have sent, and he again and it had been but for his thousand Crowns would have been right glad to have brought? These be the considerations that both then and since did persuade me, my lords grace had good cause too say they would not fight. Howbeit, hereunto if I witted & disclosed but half as much now, as (I am sure) of circumspection his grace knue then, I do not doubt, but I were able sufficiently to prove, he might well be no les certain of that he had said, then any man might be of an undone deed: the which nevertheless how true it was, the proof of the matter soon after did declare, which was, that the Scots ran quite their way, & would never tarry stroke with our footmen, where the fight on both sides should have been showed. notwithstanding by this time considering bylyke the state they stood in, that as they had left their strength to soon, so now to be to late to repent, upon a change of countenance they made hastily toward us again, I know not (to say truth) whither more stoutly of courage or more strongly of order, me thought than I might noote both in their march. But what after I learned, 
The manner of the Scottish order in Battle.  specially touching their order, their armour and their manner of fight aswell in going to offend as in standing to defend, I have thought necessary here to utter. hackbutters have they few or none, & appoint their fight most commonly always a foot. They cum to the field well furnished all with Jack and skull, dagger, buckler, and swords all notably broad and thin, of exceeding good temper & universally so made to slice, that as I never saw none so good, so think I it hard to devise the better: hereto every man his pike, & a great kercher wrapped twice or thrice about his neck, not for cold but for cutting. In their array toward the joining with the enemy, they cling & thrust so near in the foreranke shoulder to shoulder together, with their pikes in both hands straight afore them and their followers in that order so hard at their backs, laying their pikes over their fooregoers shoulders, that if they do assail undissevered, no force can well withstand them. Standing at defence, they thrust shoulders likewise so nigh together the forerankes well nigh to kneeling stoop low before for their fellows behind, holding their pikes in both hands, and therewith in their left their bucklers, the one end of the pike against their right foot▪ tother against the enemy breast high, their followers crossing their pike points with them forward, and thus each with other so nigh as place & space will suffer, through the hole ward so thick, that as easily shall a bare finger pierce through the skin of an angry hedgehog, as any encounter the frunt of their pikes. My lord Marshal, notwithstanding, whoom no danger detracted from doing his enterprise, with the company and order afore appointed, came full in their faces from the hills side toward them. Herewith waxed it very hot on both sides, 
The countenance of war.  with pitiful cries, horrible roar and terrible thundering of guns beside, the day darkened above head with smoke of shot, the sight and appearance of the enemy even at hand before, the danger of death on every side else, the bullets, pellettes & arrows flying each where so thik, and so uncertainly lighting, that no where was there any surety of safety, every man strooken with a dreadful fear, not so much perchance of death as of hurt, which things, though they wear but certain to sum, yet doubted of all, assured cruelty at the enemy's hands without hope of mercy, death to fly and danger to fight. The hole face of the field on both sides upon this point of joining both to the eye and to the ear, so heavy, so deadly, lamentable, furious, outrageous, terribly confuse, & so quite against the quiet nature of man: as if to our nobility the regard of their honour and fame, to the knights & Captains, the estimation of their worship and honesty: and generally to us all, the natural motion of bounden duty, our oun safety, hope of victory, & the favour of God that we trusted we had for the equity of our quarrel, had not been a more venhement cause of courage, then the danger of death was cause of fear, the very horror of the thing had been able to make any man to forget both prows & policy. But my lord Marshal & the other, with present mind & courage waerely and quickly continued their course toward them. And my lords grace then at his place by thordinance aloft. The enemies were in a fallow field, whereof the furrows lay sydeling toward our men, by the side of the same furrows, next us and a stones cast from them, was there a crosdich or slough, which our men must needs pass to come to them, whearin many that could not leap over stack fast, to no small danger of themselves and sum disorder of their fellows. The enemies perceiving our men fast approach, disposed themselves to abide the brunt, and in this order stood still to receive them. The earl of Anguish next us in their forward, as capitain of the same with an viii M. & iiii. or .v. pieces of ordinance on his right side, and a four C horsemen on his left: Behind him somewhat Westward, the governor with a ten M. inlond men (as they call them) the choicest men counted of their country. And the earl Huntley in the rearward, wellnie even with the battle on the left side, with viii M. also. The. iiii.m. Irish Archers as a wing to them both, last indeed in order, & first (as they said) that run a way. These battle & rearward wear warded also with their ordinance according. Edward Shelley Lieutenant under my lord Gray of his band of Bulleners, was the first on our side that was over this slough, my lord Gray next, and so then after two or three ranks of the former bands. But badly yet, cooled they make their race, by reason the furrows lay travers to their course. That, notwithstanding, and though also they wear nothing likely well to be able thus a frunt to cum within them to hurt them, aswell, because the Scottishmen'S pikes wear as long or longer than their staves, as also for that their horses wear all naked without barbs, whereof  


¶ The exposition of the letters of this table.  
A. Signifieth the place we camped in before the battle.  
B. Our rearward.  
C. Our battle.  
D. Our forward.  
E. The square close.  
F. The foot of the hills side.  
G. My lord Protectors grace.  
H. The master of the ordinance.  
I. Our horsemen.  
K. The slough.  
L. The lane and the ii turf walls.  
M. Their forward & horsemen by the same.  
N. Their battle.  
O. Their rearward.  
PP. The ii hillocks before the church.  
Q. Saint Mighels of undreske.  
R. Muskelborowe.  
S. Their horsemen at the end of fauxside Bray.  
TTTT. Their rues of tents.  
V The turf wall toward the frith.  
W. Our carriages.  
X. the marish.  
Y. Our galley.  
Z. Edinborow castle.   

¶ The signification of certain other notes.  
Signifieth a footman.  
A horseman.  
A hakbutter a foot.  
A hakbutter on horseback.  
An archer.  
A footman slain.  
A horseman slain.  
The fallow field, whearon their army stood.   
  
though there wear right many among us, yet not one put on, forasmuch as at our coming forth in the morning, we looked for nothing les than for battle that day, yet did my lord and Shelley with the residue, so valiantly and strongly give the charge upon them, that whither it wear by their prows or power, the left side of the enemies that his lordship did set upon (though their order remained unbroken) was yet compelled to sway a good weigh back & give ground largely, and all the residue of them beside, to stand much amazed. Before this, as our men wear well nigh at them, they stood very brave & bragging shaking their pike points, crying, cum here loundes, cum here tykes, come here heretics, & such like (as hardly they are fair mouthed men) Though they meant but small humanity▪ yet showed they hereby much civility, both of fair play to warn ear they struck, & of formal order to chide ear they fought.  
Our Captains that wear behind, perceiving at eye that both by the unevinnes of the ground, by the sturdy order of the enemy, and for that their fellows wear so nigh & strait before them, they were not able to any advantage to maintain this onset, did therefore, according to the devise in that point appointed, turn themselves & made a soft retire up toward the hill again. Howbeit, too  

This second Table showeth the placing of our footmen, the slaughter of Edward Shelley and the other. the Retire of our band of horsemen up to the hill, and the breach of array of the stragglers from them. But touching the exposition of the notes and letters, I refer the reder to the Table before.  
  
confess the truth, sum of the number that knue not the prepensed policy of the counsel in this case: made of a sober advised retire, an hasty temerarious flight. Sound to any man's ear as it may, I shall never admit for any affection toward country or kin, to be so partial, as will wittingly, either bolster the falsehood or berry the truth, for honour in mine opinion the way gotten wear unworthily won and a very vile gain: howbeit hereby I cannot count any lost, where but a few lewd soldiers ran rashly out of array without standard or Captain upon no cause of need, but of a mere undiscretion & madness: A madness in deed, for first the scots were not able to pursue because they wear footmen, & then if they cooled, what hope by flight, so far from home in their enemy's land, where no place of refuge?  
¶ My lord Marshal, Edward Shelley, little Preston, Brampton and Gerningham, Bulleners, Ratclyf, the lord Fitzwater's brother, Sir John Cleres' son & heir, Digges of kent, Ellerker a pencioner Segrave. Of my lord Protectors band my lord Edward, his grace's son, Captain of the same band, Stanley, Woodhous, Coonisby, Horgill, Morris Dennys, Arthur and Atkinson, with other in the foreranke, not being able in this earnst assault, both to tend to their fight afore, & to the retire behind: the Scots again, well considering hereby how weak they remained, caught courage a fresh, run sharply forward upon them, and without any mercy slew every man of our men that abode furthest in prece: a vi more (of Bulleners and other) than I have here named, in all to the number of a xxvi. and most part gentlemen. My lord Grey, yet and my lord Edward (as sum grace was) returned again, but neither all in safety nor without evident marks they had been there: for the one with a pike through the mouth was razed a long from the tip of the tongue, and thrust that way very dangerously more than two inches within the neck, and my lord Edward had his horse under him with swords wounded sore, and I think to death. Like as also a little before this onset, Sir Thomas Darcy upon his approach to the enemies, was strooken glancing wise on the right side, with a bullet of one of their field pieces, and thereby his body bruised with the boowing in of his harness, his sword hilts broken, & the forefynger of his right hand beaten flat. Even so upon the parting of this fray, was Sir Arthur Darcy slashed at with swords, and so hurt upon the wedding finger of his right hand also, as it was counted for the first part of medicine, too have it quite cut away.  
About the same time, certain of the Scots ran out hastily to the kings Majesties standard of the horsemen, (the which sir Androwe Flammak bare) and laying fast hold upon the staff thereof, cried a king a king. That if both his strength, his heart and his horse had not been good, and hereto, somewhat aided at this pinch by sir Raulph Coppinger a pencioner: both he had been slain, and the standard lost, which the Scots nevertheless hold so fast, that they broke and bore away the nether end of the staff to the burrel, & intended so much to the gain of the standard, that sir Androw (as hap was) scape home all safe, and else without hurt. At this bysines also, was my lord Fitzwater's Captain of a number of dimilances, unhorste, but soon mounted again, scape yet in great danger, and his horse all hewn: Hereat further wear Cavarley the standard bearer of the men of arms, and Clement Paston a pencioner, thrust each of them into the leg with pikes: and Don Philip a Spaniard, in the knee: divers other maimed and hurt and many horses sore wounded beside.  
¶ By this time had our forward, accordingly gotten the full vantage of the hills side, and in respect of their march, stood sydeling toward the enemy: Who nevertheless wear not able in all parts to stand full square in array, by reason that at the West end of them upon their right hand, and toward the enemy, there was a square plot enclosed with turf (as their manner of fencing in those parts is) one corner whearof, did let the square of the same array. Our battle in good order next them, but so as in sustenance of array, the former part thereof stood upon the hills side, the tail upon the plain. And the rearward wholly upon the plain. So that by the placing and countenance of our army in this wise, we showed ourselves in a manner to cumpas them in, that they should no way scape us: the which, by our power and number we wear as well able to do, as a spynners' web to catch a swarm of bees. Howbeit for heart and courage we meant too meet with them, had they been as many more. These undiscrete gadlinges, that so fond broke array from the horsemen in the retire (as I said) ran so hastily through the orders and ranks of our forward as it stood, that it did both their disorder many, feared many, & was great encouraging to the enemy. My lord Lieutenant, who had the guiding of our forward right valiantly had conducted the same to their standing, and there did very nobly encourage & comfort them. Bidding them pluck up their hearts, & show themselves men, for there was no cause of fear: asfor victory, it was in their oun hands if they did abide by it, & he himself even there would live and die among them. And surely, as his wurthines always right well deserveth, so was his honour at that time, accordingly furnished with worthy Captains. First sir John Lutterel, who had the leading of a iii C. of his lordship's men that wear the foremost of this forward, all with harness & weapon, and in all points else so well trimmed for war, that like as at that time I could well note my lords great cost and honour, for that their choice and perfect appointment and furniture: so did I then also consider sir John Luttrels' proowes and wisdom for their valiant conduction and exact observance of order, whom (knowing as I know) for his witmanhod, good qualities & aptness to all gentle feats beside, I have good cause to count both a good Captain a warfare in field, and a worthy courtyar in peace at home. 
I mean such a one as Conte Balthasar the Italian in his book of Courtyar doth frame.  Then, in the same forward, Sir Morrice Dennis, another Captain, who wisely first exhorting his men to play the men, showing thereby the assurance of victory: & then to the intent they should be sure, he would never shrink from them, he did with no les worship than valiance, in the hottest of this bysines alight among them, and put his horse from him. But if I should (as cause I confess there wear enough) make here any stay in his commendation therefore, or of the forward courage of Sir George hayward, who bear the Kings majesties standard in the battle: or of the circumspect diligence of sir William Pykering, and Sir Richard Wingfeld, Sargeauntes of the band to the forward or of the prompt forwardness of Sir Charles Brandom, another Captain there, or of the painful industry of sir james Wilford, Provost Marshal, who placed himself with the foremost of this forward, or of the good order in march of sir Hugh Willoughby, and William Dennis esquire captains both, or of the present heart of John Chaloner a Captain also in the battle, or of honest respect of Edward Chamberlain, gentleman harbynger of the army, who willingly as then came in order with the same forward. Or of right many other in both these battles (for I was not nigh the rearward) whose behavours & wurthynes wear at the time notable in mine eye, (although I neither knue then all of them I saw, nor cooled not since remember of them I knue) I mought well be in doubt, it should be to much an intrication to the matter to great a tediousness to the reder. And therefore to say on: The Scots wear somewhat disordered with their coming out about the slaughter of our men: the which they did so earnestly then intend, they took not one to mercy: but more they wear amazed at this adventorous & hardy onset. My lords grace, having before this for the causes aforesaid, placed himself on this Fauxsyde Bray: and thereby quickly, perceiving the great disorder of these straggling horsemen: hemmed them in from further straying, whom sir Ralph Uane soon after with great dexterite brought in good order and array again. And therewith the rest of our strengths by the policy of my lords grace, and diligence of every Captain and officer bysyde, wear so opportunely and aptly applied in their feat, that where this repulse of the enemy, & retire of us was doubted of many to turn to the danger of our los: the same was wrought and advanced (according as it was devised) to our certainty of gain and victory. For first at this sloughe where most of our horsemen had stand, sir Peter Mewtus Captain of all the hackbutters a foot, did very valiantly conduct & place a good number of his men, in a manner hard at the faces of the enemies. Whereunto Sir Peter Gamboa a Spaniard, Captain of a ii C. hackbutters on horseback did readily bring his men also, who with the hot continuance of their shot on both parts did so stoutly stay the enemies, that they could not well come further forward: then our archers that marched in array on the right hand of our footmen, & next to the enemy pricked them sharply with arrows as they stood. Thearwith the  

This third Table showeth the coming into array of our horsemen upon the hill again, the placing of the hackbutters against the enemy, the shooting of our archers, and then the coming down of our horsemen after about the chase and slaughter of the enemy.  
M. Signify the pikes and weepons let N. fall by the Scots in the place they O. stood in. As for the other characters & notes, I refer the reder again to the first Table.   
Master of the ordinance to their great annoyance did gall them with hailshot & other out of the great ordinance directly from the hill top, and certain other gunner's with their pieces, a flank from our rearward, most of our artillery & missive engines, then holy thus at ones with great puissance & vehemency occupied about them: Herewith, the full sight of our footmen all shadowed from them before by our horsemen & dust raised, whoom than they wear ware in such order to be so near upon them. And to this the perfect array of our horsemen again coming cooragiously to set on them afresh. Miserable men, perceiving themselves then all to late, how much to much, they wear misenformed, began suddenly to shrink. Their governor that brought them first to the bargain, like a doughty Captain, took hastily his horse, that he might run foremost away. indeed it stood somewhat with reason that he should make first homeward that first made outward, but (as sum of them said) scant with honour & with shame enough. The earl of Anguish, & other chief Capitains, did quickly follow as their governor led: And with the foremost their Irishmen. Thearwith then turned all the hole rout, kest down their weapons, ran out of their wards, of with their jacks, & with all that ever they might, betook them to the race that their governor began. Our men had found them at the first (as what could escape so many thousand eyes?) and sharply and quickly with an universal outcry, they fly they fly, pursued after in chase amam: and thearto so eagerly, and with such fierceness, that they overtook many, and spared indeed but few, (as it mought then hardly have been both folly & apparel to have showed any pity) But when they wear once turned, it was a wonder to see how soon & in how sundry sorts they wear scattered: The place they stood on, like a wood of staves strewed on the ground as rushes in a chamber, unpassable (they lay so thick) for either horse or man: Here at the first had they let fall all their pikes. After that every where skatred sword, buklers, daggers, jacks, and all thing else that either was of any weight or might be any let too their course, which course among them, three ways specially they made, sum along the sands by the Fryth toward lieth, sum strait toward Edinborow, whearof part through the park there (in the walls whearof, though they be round about of flint stone, yet wear there many holes all ready made) and part of them by the high way that leads along by holly rood Abbey. And the residue, & (as we noted then) the most of them toward Dakyth, which weigh by means of the marish, our horsemen wear worst able to follow. Sundry shifts sum shrewd sum, sorry, made they in their running, divers of them in their courses, as they wear ware they wear pursued but of one, would suddenly start back & lash at the legs of the horse or foin him in the belly, & sometime did they reach at the rider also: whereby Clement Paston in the arm and divers other otherwise in this chase wear hurt. Sum other lay flat in a furrow as though they wear dead, thereby past by of our men untouched, as I hard say the Earl of Anguish confessed he couched till his horse happed to be brought him. other sum, to stay in the river cowringe down his body, his head under the rote of a Willow tree with scant his nose above water for breath: A shift, but no succour it was too many that had their skulls on, at the stroke of the follower too shrink with their heads into their shoulders like a tortuis into his shell: Oothers again for their more lightness, cast away shoes and doblettes and ran in their shirts: And sum also seen in in this race all breathless to fall flat down, and have run themselves to death.  
¶ Before this, at the time of our onset came there Eastward a .v. C. of their horsemen up a long this Fauxsyde Bray straight upon our ordinance and carriage. My lords grace (as I said) most specially for the doubt of the same placing himself thereby, caused a piece or two to be turned toward them with a few shots whearof, they wear soon turned also and fled to Dakyth. But had they kept on, they wear provided for accordingly, for one parson Keble, a chaplain of his graces, and two or three other, by and by discharged four or five of the carts of munition, and therewith bestowed pikes, bills, bows, and arrows, to as many as came, so that of carters and other there wear soon weaponed there about a thousand, whoom parson Keble and the other did very handsomely dispose in array, and made a pretty monster. To return now, Soon after this notable strewing of their footman's weapons, began a pitiful sight of the dead corpses, lying dispersed abroad, sum their legs of, sum but hought, and left lying half dead, sum thrust quite through the body, oothers the arms cut of, divers their necks half asunder, many their heads cloven, of sundry the brains pashed out, sum others again their heads quite of, with other. M. kinds of killing. After that & further in chase, all for the most part killed either in the head or in the nek for our horsemen cooled not well reach them lower with their swords. And thus with blood & slaughter of the enemy, this chase was continued .v. miles in length westward, from the place of their standing, which was in the fallow fields of Undreske, until Edinborowe park, & well nigh to the gates of the town itself, and unto lieth. And in breadth nigh four mile, from the Fryth sands up toward Daketh southward. In all, which space the dead bodies lay as thik as a man may note cattle grazing in a full replenished pasture. The river ran all red with blood, so that in the same chase wear counted aswell by sum of our men, that somewhat diligently did mark it, as by sum of them taken prisoners that very much did lament it, to have been slain above xiiii thousand. In all this cumpas of ground, what with weapons, arms, hands, legs, heads, blood, and dead bodies, their flight mought have easily been tracted to every of their iii refuges. And for the smallness of our number, and shortness of the time (which was scant .v. hours, from one till wellnie vi.) the mortality was so great, as it was thought, the like afore time not to have been seen. indeed it was the better maintained with their oun swords that lay each where scattered by the way, whearof our men as they had broke one, still took up another, there was store enough, and they laid it on freely, that right many among them, at this business broke three or four ear they returned homeward to the army. I may well perchance confess that herein we used sum sharpness (although not asmuch as we mought) and little courtesy, and yet I can safely avow, all done by us, as rather by sundry respects driven and compelled, then either of cruelty or of delight in slaughter. And like (sumwaye) to the diligent Master that sharply sumtime (when warning will not serve) doth beat his scholar, not hardly for hate of the child, or his own delight in beating, but for love he would have him amend his faults or negligence, and beats him once surely, because he would need to beat him no more. One cause of the correction we used, I may well count to be their tyrannous vow they made (which we certainly hard or) that whensoever they fought and overcame, they would liea so many, and spare so few: a sure proof whereof they plainly had showed at our onset before, where they killed all and saved not a man.  
Another respect was, to revenge their great and cruel tyranny showed at Panyar hough (as I have before said) where they slew the Lord Evers (whom otherwise they mought have taken prisoner and saved) and cruelly killed as many else of our men as came into their hands. We wear forced yet hereto by a further & very earnest regard, which was the doubt of assemble of their army again, whearof a cantle (for the number) had been able to compare with our hole host, when it was at the greatest: and so perchance we should have been driven with double labour to beat them again, and make two works of one: whearas we well remembered, that a thing ones well done is twice done. To these, anoother and not the meanest matter was, 
The name of lord▪ the Scots take in like signification of speech as we do. But a lard with them (I take it) is as a squire with us, A lound is a name of reproach as a villain or such like.  their armour among them so little differing, and their apparel so base and beggarly, whearin the Lurdein was in a manner all one with the Lord, and the Lounde with the lard: all clad a like in jacks covered with white with white leather, dooblettes of the same or of fustian, and most commonly all white hosen. Not one with either chain, broochring, or garment of silk that I cooled see, unless chains of latten drawn four or five times along the thighs of their hosen and dooblet sleeves for cutting: and of the sort I saw many. This vileness of port, was the cause that so many of their great men and gentlemen wear killed & so few saved. The outward show, the semblance & sign, whereby a starunger might discern a villain from a gentleman was not amoong them to be seen: As for words & goodly proffer of great raundsums, wear as common and rife in the mouths of the tone as in the toother. And therefore hereby it came to pass that after, at the examination and counting of the prisoners, we sound taken above twenty of their villains to one of their gentlemen: whoon no man need to doubt, we had rather have spared then the villains, if we cooled have known any difference between them in taking: And yet notwithstanding all these our just causes and quarrels to kill them, we showed more grace & took more to mercy, than the case on our side for the causes aforesaid did well deserve or require: for bysyde the Earl Huntley, who in good harness appointed likest a gentleman of any of them that I cooled hereof or see, (but cooled not then escape bicaus he lact his horse and therefore happed to be taken by Sir Ralph Uane) and bysyde the Lord of Yester, Hobby Hambleton Captain of Dunbar. The Master of Sampoole. The lard of Wimmes taken by john Bren. A broother of the earl of Cassils. And bysyde one Moutrell taken by Cornelius Controller of the ordinance in this army. And beside one of the Camals an Irish gentleman taken by Edward Chamberlain, & bysyde many other Skottish gentlemen more, 
A kinsman bylyke of the earl or Arguiles whose proper sur name is Lamall, like as the earl of Anguishes is Douglas, & the earl Huntleys' Gordon. A Scottish herald was also taken, but here not placed, bicaus my lords grace caused him forth with free y to be released home without raundson or los  whose names & takers I well remember not. The prisoners accounted by the Marshals book wear numbered to above xv. Touching the slaughter, sure we killed nothing so many, as (if we had minded cruelty so much) for the time and opportunity right well we mought: for my lords grace of his wonted mercy mooch moved with the pity of this sight: and rather glad of victory then desirous of cruelty, soon after (by ges) v. of the clock, stayed his standard of his horsemen at the furthest part of their camp westward, and caused the trumpets to blow a retreat. Whearat also sir Ralph sadleyr treasurer (whose great diligence at that time, and ready forwardenes in the chiefest of the fray before, did worthily merit no small commendation) caused all the footmen to stay, and then with much travail and great pain made them to be brought in some order again: It was a thing yet not easily to be done, by reason they all as then somewhat bisyly applied their market, the spoil of this Scottish camp. Whearin wear found good provision of white bread, ale, otencakes, otemeal, mutton, butter in pots, cheese, & in divers tents good wine also: good store to say truth of good victual for the manner of their country. And in sum tents amoong them, as I hard say wear also found of silver plate a dish or two: two. or iii goblets, and iii or four chalices, the which the finders, (I know not with what reverence, but with sum devotion hardly) plucked out of the cold clouts & thrust into their warm boosons. Here now to say somewhat of the manner of their camp: As they had no pavilions or round houses of any commendable cumpas, so wear there few other tents with posts as the used manner of making is: And of these few also, none of above twenty foot length, but most, far under: for the most part all very sumptuously beset (after their fashion) for the love of France with fleur de lices, sum of blue buckram sum of black and sum of sum other colours. These white ridges (as I called them) that as we stood on Fauxsyde Bray did make so great monster toward us, which I did take then to be a number of tents: when we came, we found it a linen drapery, of the coorser cameryk in deed, for it was all of canvas sheets: and wear the tenticles or rather cabayns and couches of their soldiers, the which (much after the common building of their country beside) had they framed of iiii. sticks, about an elle long a piece, whearof ii fastened together at one end a fit, and the ii ends beneath stict in the ground an elle asunder, standing in fashion like the bow of a soowes yoke: Over ii such bows (one as it wear at their head, thoother at their feet) they stretched a sheet down on both sides, whereby their cabain became roofed like a ridge: But scant shit at both ends & not very close beneath on the sides, unless their sticks wear the shorter, or their wives the more liberal to lend them larger naperie. Howbeit within they had lined them and stuffed them so thick with straw, that the weather as it was not very cold, when they wear once couched, they wear as warm as they had been wrapped in horsdung.  
This the plot of their camp was called Edminston edge, nigh Gilberton a place of the Lord of Brimstons', half a mile beyond Muskelboorowe and a iiii. mile on this side Edenborowe, and occupied in largeness with divers tents and tenticles, that stood in sundry parts out of square about a miles cumpas: whearin as our men upon the sound of retreat at their retire wear somewhat assembled we all with a loud and entire outcry and hallowing, in sign of gladness and victory, made an universal noys and shout: whearof the shrillness (as after we hard) was hard until Edinboorowe.  
It was a wonder to see, but that (as they say) many hands make light work, how soon the dead bodies wear striped out of their garments stark naked, even from as far as the chase went, until the place of our onset: whereby the parsonages of the enemies, might by the weigh easily be viewed and considered: that which for their tallness of stature, cleans of skin, bigness of bone, with due proportion in all parts, I for my part advisedly noted to be such, as but that I well saw that it was so, I would not have believed sure so many of that sort to have been in all their cuntree: Amoong them lay there many priests and kirkmen as they call them: of whoom it was bruited amoong us that there was a hole band of a iii or four M. but we wear after informed, it was not altogether so. At the place of the charged at the first by us given, there found we our horses slain, all gored and hewn, and our men so ruefully gashed and mangled in the head specially as not one by the face cooled be known who he was. Little Preston was found there with both his hands cut of by the wrists, and known to be he, for that it was known he had of each arm a bracelet of gold, for the which they so chopped him. Edward Shelley alas that worthy gentleman and valiant Captain all piteefully disfigured and mangled amoong them lay: and but by his beard nothing discernible Of whoom (bysyde the properness of parson) for his wit, his good qualities, his activity in feats of war, and his perfect honesty (for the which with all men of all estates he was alway so much esteemed & so well-beloved) & hereto for that he was so near my friend: I had cause enough here without parsimony to prays his life, & lament his death, wear it not that the same should be to great a digression and to much interruption of the matter: 
As their fell suddenly in Roon a great dungeon & swallowig of ground Curtius a Roman gentleman, for that pleasing of the gods & that the same might cease, mounted on his horse and leapt down into the same, which strait then after closed by again. Vale. Max. li. vi. ca vi. Decius Mus & Publius Decius his sun, Consul of Room, as they should fight, the Father against the I atines, & the sun after that against the Samnites, & wear warned by dream that those armies should have the victory, whose Captains wear first slain in field, they both ran willingly in to the hosts of their enemies, they wear slain, & their armies won the field Plutarch. de Decio pre. paral. xxxvii. Et Livi. de. P. Decio li. x. dec. i.  But touching the manner of his death, I think his merit to mooch to be let pass in silence: who not inferior in fortitude of mind either unto the Roman Curtius or the ii Decii, he being in this business foremost of all our men against the enemies: considering with himself, that as his hardy charge upon them, was sure to be their terror, and very likely to turn to the breach of their order: and herewith also that the same should be great courage to his followers that came to give the charge with him: And pondering again that his turning back at this point, should cause the contrary and be great danger of our confusion: was content in his kings and contrees quarrel, in hope the rather to leave victory unto his cuntremen, thus honourably to take death to himself. Whoom, let no man think, no foolish hardiness or weariness of life drove unto so hard an enterprise: whose sober valiance of courage had often ootherwyse in the late wars with France been sufficiently before approved, and whose state of living myself I knue to be such, as lak nothing the might pertain to perfect worldly wealth. I trust it shall not be taken that I mean hearby to derogate fame from any of the rest that died there (GOD have their souls) who I wots bought the bargain as dear as he, but only to do that in me may lie to make his name famous, Who amoong these (in my opinion) toward his prince and country did best deserve.  
nigh this place of onset, where the Scots at their running away had let fall their weapons (as I said) There found we, bysyde their common manner of armour, certain nice instruments for war (as we thought.) And they wear, nue boards ends cut of, being about a foot in breadth and half a yard in leangth: having on the inside, handels made very cunningly of ii cords ends: These a God's name wear their targets again the shot of our small artillery, for they wear not able to hold out a canon. And with these, found we great rattles swelling bigger than the belly of a pottle pot, covered with old parchment or double papers, small stones put in them to make noys, and set upon the end of a staff of more than two else long: and this was their fine devise to fray our horses when our horsemen should come at them: Howbeit bycaus the riders wear no babies, nor their horses no colts: they cooled, neither doodle the tone nor fray the toother, so that this policy was as witless as their power forceles.  
Amoong these weapons, and bysyde divers other banners standards and pennons, a banner of white sarsenet was found under which it was said these kirkmen came, whearupon was painted a woman with her hear about her shoulders, kneeling before a crucifix, and on her right hand a church, after that written a long upon the banner in great Roman letters, Afflictae sponsae ne obliviscaris, which words declared that they would have this woman to signify, the church Christ's spouse, and thus in humble wise making her petition unto Christ her husband that he would not now forget her, his spouse being scourged and persecuted, meaning at this time by us. It was said it was the Abbot of Donforlings Banner, but whither it wear his or the bishop of Dunkels the goovernours brothers (who I understood wear both in the field.) And what the number of these kirkmen was, I cooled not certainly learn: but sure it was sum devout papists devise, that not only bylyke would not endeavour to do aught for atonement and peacemaking between us, but all contrariwise brought forth his standard stoutly to fight in field himself against us: pretexing this his great ungodliness thus bend toward the maintnaunce of a noughty quarrel, with colour of religion to come in aid of Christ's church. Which church to say truth coming thus to battle full appointed with weapon and guarded with such a sort of deacons to fight: how ever in painting he had set her out, a man might well think that in condition he had rather framed her after a cursed quean that would piuk her husband by the pate except she had her will, then like a meek spouse that went about humbly by submission and prayer to desire her husband's help for redress of things amiss. Howbeit for saving upright the suftiltie of this godly man's devise, it is best we take him he meant the most likely: that is, the church malignant and congregation of the wicked, where unto that Antichrist the bishop of Room is husband whom Christ said, as a thief comes never but to steal slay & destroy. 
Io. ca ●.  And whose good sun this holly Prelate in his thus coming to the field with his Afflictae now showed himself to be.  
There was upon this Fauxsyde Bray (as I have before said) a little castle or pile which was very busy all the time of the battle, as any of our men came nigh it, to shoot at them with such artillery as they had (which, was none other then of handgunnes and hakbutes, and of them not a doosein neither) little hurt did they, but as they saw their fellows in the field thus driven and beaten away before their faces, they plucked in their pieces, like a dog his tail: and couched them selves within all mute: but by and by the house was set on fire, and they for their good will brent & smothered within.  
Thus through the favour of god's bounty, by the valiance and policy of my lords Protectors grace by the forward endeavour of all the nobles and counsel there beside, and by the willing diligence of every captain, officer, and true subject else, we most valiantly and honourably won the victory over our enemies. Of whoons xiiii M wear slain thus in field, of which number (as we wear certainly informed by sundry and the best of the prisoners then taken) bysyde the earl of Loghen war, the lord Fleming, the master of Greym, the master of Arskyn the master of Ogleby, the master of Auendale, the master of Roven and many other of noble birth among them: there wear of lards, lards suns & other gentlemen slain above xxvi C. & v. C. wear taken prisoners whearof many gentlemen also, among whom wear there of name (as I have before named) the earl Huntley lord chancellor of the Ream there. The lord of pester, Hobby Hambleton captain of Dunbar. The Master of Sampoole. The lard of Wymmes, and a broother of the earl of Cassyls. Too thousand by lucking & lying as though they wear dead scape away in the night all maimed and hurt. Herewith won we of their weapons and armour more than we would vouchsafe to give carriage for, & yet wear there conveyed thence by ship into these parties of iakkes specially and swords above xxx M. This night with great gladness and thanks giving to God (as good cause we had) about vii of the clok we pitched our camp at Edgebukling Bray bysyde Pynkersclough, and a mile beyond the place we camped at afore.  
About an hour after that, in sum token (as I took it) of gods assent and applause showed to us touching this victory, the heavens relented and poured down a great shower of rain that lasted well nigh an hour, not unlike and according as after our late sovereign lords conquest of Bullein plentiful showers did also then ensue.  
And as we wear then a settling & the tents a setting up, amoong all things else commendable in our hole journey, one thing seemed to me an intolerable disorder & abuse, that where as all ways both in all towns of war & in all camps of armies, quietness & stillness without nois is principally in the night after the watch set, observed. (I need not reason why) our Northern prikkers the borderers, notwithstanding with great enormity (as thought me) & not unlike (to be plain) unto a masterless hound howling in a high weigh when he hath lost him he waited on: sum hooping, sum whistling and most with crying, a Berwyke a Berwyke a Fenwyke a Fenwyke, a Bulmer a Bulmer or so ootherwise as their captains names wear, never lined these troublous & dangerous noises all the night long. They said they did it to find out their captain & fellows, but if the soldiers of our other countries and shears had used the same manner in that case, we should have oft times had the state of our camp more like the outrage of a dissolute hunting then the quiet of a well ordered army. If is a feat of war in mine opinion that might right well be left: I could rehearse causes (but that I take it, they are better unspoken then uttered, unless the fault wear sure to be amended) that might show, they move alweis more peril to our army but in their one nights so doing, than they show good service (as sum say) in a hole viage. And since it is my part to be plain in my process I will be the bolder to show what further I noted & hard. Anoother manner have they amoong them of wearing handkerchiefs rolled about their arms & letters broudred upon their caps, they said themselves the use thereof was that each of them might know his fellow & thereby the sooner assemble, or in need to aid one another & such like respects: Howbeit there wear of th'army amoong us (sum suspicious men perchance) the thought they used them for collusion, & rather bycaus they might be known to th'enemy, as the enemies are known to them (for they have their marks too) & so in conflict either each to spare other, or gently each to take other. In deed men have been moved that rather to think so, bycaus sum of their crosses wear so narrow & so singly set on that a puff of wind might have blown them from their breasts & that they wear found right often talking with the Skottish prikkers within les than their gads length asunder, & when they perceived they had been spied, they have begun one to run at another, but so apparently perlassent, as the lookers on resembled, their chasing like the running at base, in an uplondish town, where the match is made for a quart of good ale: or like the play in Robin Cooks skole, where bicaus the punics may learn they strike few strokes but by assent & appointment. I hard sum men say it did mooch augment their suspicion that weigh, bicaus at the battle they saw these prikkers so badly demean them, more intending the taking of prisoners than the surety of victory, for while other men fought, they fell to their prey, that as there wear but few of them but brought home his prisoner, so wear there many that had vi or vii Many men yet, I must confess are not disposed all ways, to say all of the best, but more ready haply to find oothers men's faults then to amend their oun. Howbeit I think sure as for our prikkers, if their faults had been fewer their infamy had been les. yet say I not this so much to disprais them, as for mean of amendment. Their Captains and gentlemen again, are men for the most part all of right honest service and approved prows, & such sure as for their well doing, would soon becum famous if their soldiers wear as toward as themselves be forward.  
As things fell after in communication, one question among other arose, who killed the first man this day in field, the glory whearof one jeronimo an Italian would fain have had, howbeit it was after well tried, that it was one Cuthbert Musgrave a gentleman of my lord of Warwick's, who right hardly killed a Gunner at his piece in the Scots forward, ear ever they begun any whit to turn: the fact for the forwardness well deserving remembrance I thought it not meet to be let slip in silence.  
This night the Skottish goovernor when he thought once himself in sum safety, with all speed caused the earl Bothwel to be let out of prison: which whither he did for the doubt he had that we would have released him wild he nild he, or whither he would show himself fain to do somewhat before the people to make sum amends of his former fault I do not know, but this sure, rather for some cause of fear, then for any good will: which was well apparent to all men, in that he had kept the earl so long before in hold, with out any just cause.  

Sunday the xi. of september.  ¶ In the morning a great sort of us road to the place of onset where our men lay slain, and what by gentlemen for their friends, and servants for their Masters, all of them that wear known to be ours wear buried. In the mean time, the Master & officers of the ordinance, did very diligently get together all the Skottish ordinance, which bycaus it lay in sundry places they could not inn all over night. And these wear in number a thirty. pieces, whearof one culuerine iii sacres ix. smaller pieces of brass & of iron 17. pieces more mounted on carriage.  
These things thus done, somewhat a fore none our camp raised, we marched along the Fryth side strait toward lieth: & approaching me the same about three of the clock in thafter none, we pight our field a prikshot on thissyde the town: being on the southest half somewhat shadowed from Edinborowe by a hill, but the most of it lying within the full sight & shot of the castle there, & in distance somewhat above a quarter of a mile. My lords grace, guarded but with a small cumpeny was cummen to lieth well nigh half an hour before the army, the which he found all desolate of resistance or any body else. There wear in the haven that runneth into the mids of the room, vessels of divers sorts a xiii. somewhat of ode, wines, wainskot and salt wear found in the town, but as but little of that, so nothing else of value: for how much of other things as could well be carried, the inhabitants overnight had pact awei with them. My lord Martial and most of our horsemen wear bestowed & lodged in the town, my lords grace, my lord Lietenaunt & the rest of th'army in the camp.  

Monday the xii. of september.  ¶ This day my lords grace with the counsel and sir Richard Lee, road about that town, & to the plots and hilloks on either side nigh to it, to view & consider whither the same by building, might be made tenable and defensible.  
¶ Certain of our smaller vessels burned Kynkorne and a town or two more standing on the north shore of the Frith against lieth. 
Tuysday the xiii. of september.   
In the after noon, my lords grace rowed up the Fryth a vi or vii miles westward as it runneth into the land, and took in his way an Island there called saint Coomes Ins, which standeth a four mile beyond Lieth and a good weigh nearer the north shore then the south, yet not within a mile of the nearest. It is but half a mile about, and hath in it a pretty Abbey (but the monks wear gone) fresh water enough, and also coonyes, and is so naturally strong as but by one way it can be entered. The plot where of, my lords grace considering, did quickly cast to have it kept, whereby all traffik of merchandise, all commodities else coming by the Fryth into their land, & utterly the hole use of the Fryth itself with all the havens upon it should quite be taken from them.  

Wednesday the xiiii of september.  ¶ This day my lords grace tiding back again eastward to vyew divers things and places, took Dakyth in his way, where a house of George Douglasses doth stand: and coming somewhat near it, he sent Soomerset his herald with a trumpet before to know, who kept it, and whether the keepers hold it or yield it to his grace, Answer was made that there was a lx parsons within, whoom their master lying there the saturday at night after the battle, did will that they, the house, and all that was in it should be at my lords graces commandment and pleasure. Where upon the chiefest came out, and in the name of all the rest humbled himself unto my Lords will, proffering his grace in his Master's name, divers fair goshawks, the which my Lords grace how nobly soever he listed to show mercy upon submission, yet uttering a more majesty of honour, then to base his generosity to the reward of his enemy, did (but not contemptuosly) refuse, and so without coming in past by, and road to the place where the battle was begun to be strooken: the which having a pretty while overseen, he returned by Muskelborowe and so along by the frith, diligently marking and noting things by the way. And aswell in his return, as in his out going, many wear the houses, gentlemen, and other, that upon submission his grace received in to his protection.  
This day my lords grace aswell for countenance of building, as though he would tarry long, as also to keep our pioneers somewhat in exercise (whoon a little rest would soon make nought) caused along the east side of lieth a great dich and trench to be cast toward the Frith, the work whearof continued till the morning of our departing.  
¶ My Lord Clinton, 
Thursday the xv. of september  high Admiral (as I said) of this fleet taking with him the galley (whearof one Broke is Captain) and four or .v. of our smaller vessels besides, all well appointed with munition & men, rowed up the Frith a ten mile westward to an haven toun standing on the south shore called Blaknestes, whearat towards the water side is a castle of a pretty strength. As nigh whearunto as the depth of the water there would suffer: the Skots for safeguard, had laid the Mary willough by and the Antony of Newcastel ii tall ships, which with extreme injury they had stolen from us before time, when no war between us: with these ley there also an other large vessel called (by them) the Boss and a vii more, whearof part laden with merchandise: my lord Clinton, & his compenie with right hardy approach, after a great conflict betwixt the castle & our vessels, by fine force, won from them those iii ships of name, & burned all the residue before their faces as they lay.  

Friday the xvi of september.  ¶ The lard of Brimston, a Skottish gentleman who came to my lords grace from their counsel for cause of communication bilyke, returned again to them having with him Norrey an herald & king of arms of ours: who found them with the old queen at Sterling, a town standing westward upon the Frith a twenty mile beyond Edinborowe.  
¶ There was a fellow taken in our camp, 
Saturday the xvii. of september.  whoons the Scots called English William, an English man indeed, that before time having done a robbery in Lincolnshier, did after run away into Scotland, & at this time cummen out of Edinborough castle as a spy for the Scots was spied himself with the manner, and hanged for his meed in the best wise (bicaus he well deserved) upon a nue giebet somewhat beside our camp, in the sight both of the town & castle. God have mercy on his soul. There is no good logicioner, but would think, I think, that a Syllogisim thus form of such a theving maior, a runaway minor, and a traitorous consequent, must needs prove (at the weakest) to such a hanging argument.  
Sir John Luttrell knight having been by my lords grace, and the counsel elect Abbot by gods suffrance of the monastery of saint Coomes Ins afore remembered, in the after noon of this day departed towards the Island to be stalled in his see there accordingly: & had with him a coovent of a C. hackbutters and l pioneers to keep his house and land there, and ii row barks well furnished with munition & lxx mariners for them to keep his waters. whereby it is thought he shall soon become a prelate of great power. The perfectness of his religion, is not always to tarry at home, but sumtime to row out abroad a visitation, & when he goithe, I have hard say he taketh always his summoner's in bark with him, which are very open mouthed & never talk, but they are hard a mile of, so that either for love of his blessings, or fear of his cursings he is like to be sooveraigne over most of his neighbours.  
My lords grace as this day giving warning that our departure should be on the morrow and minding before with recompense somewhat according, to reward one Barton that had played an untrue part: commanded that over night his house in lieth should be set afyer. And as the same the same night about .v. of the clock was done, many of our soldiers that wear very forward in fyering, fired with all hast all the town beside. But so farfoorth (as I may think) without commission or knowledge of my lords grace, as right many horses both of his graces and of divers others wear in great danger ear they cooled be quited then from out of the town vi great ships lying in the haven there, that for age and decay wear not so apt for use, wear then also set, a fire which all the night with great flame did burn very solemnly.  
In the time of our here camping many lards and gentlemen of the country nigh there, came in to my lord to require his protection, the which his grace to whoom he thought good, did grant.  
This day also, came the earl Bothwell to my lords grace, a gentleman of a right comely port and stature, and hereto of right honourable and just meaning and dealing toward the kings majesty, whoom my lords grace did therefore according unto his degree & demerits, very friendly welcum and entertain, & having supped this night with his grace, he then after departed.  
There stood southwestward about a quarter of a mile from our camp, a monastery, they call it holly rood abbey, sir Water Bonhan and Edward Chamberlayne got licence to suppress it whereupon these commissioners making first their visitation there, they found the monks all gone: but the church and mooch part of the house well covered with lead, soon after they plucked of the lead & had down the bells (which wear but ii) and according to the statute did somewhat hearby disgrace the house. As touching the moonkes, bicaus they wear gone, they put them to their pensions at large.  

Sunday the xviii. of september.  ¶ My lord grace for considerations moving him to pity, having all this while spared Edinborowe from hurt, did so leave it, but Lieth and the ships still burning, soon after seven. of the clock in this morning caused the camp to dislodge. And as we wear parted from where we lay, the castle shot of a peal (with chambers hardly & all) of a xxiiii pieces, we marched sowtheast from the Frith, into the landward. But part of us kept the weigh that the chief of the chase was continued in, whereby we found most part of the dead corpses lying very ruefully with the colour of their skins changed grenish about the place they had be smitten in, and as thento above ground unberied, many also we perceived to have been buried in Undreske church yard, the graves of whoom, the Scots had very slily for sight covered again with green turf. By diverse of these dead bodies wear there set up a stik with a clout, with a rag, with an old shoe or sum other mark for knowledge, the which we understood to be marks made by the friends of the party dead when they had found him, whoons then sith they durst not for fear or lack of leisure convey away to berry while we wear in those parts, they had stict up a mark to find him the sooner when we wear goon. And passing that day all quietly a vii mile, we camped early for that night at Crainston, by a place of the Lord of Ormstons'. This morening his grace making Master Andrew Dudley knight, broother unto the earl of Warwyk (as his valiance sundry where tried, had well before deserved it) dispatched my Lord Admiral and him by ships full fraught with men and munition toward the winning of an hold in the east side of Skotland called Broughty Crak, which standest in such sort at the mouth of the tiver of Tey, as that being gotten, both Dundy, saint john's town, and many towns else (the best of the country in those parts, set upon the Tey) shall either be come subject unto this hold, or else be compelled to for go their hole use of the river, for having any thing thereby coming inward or outward.  
¶ We went a ten mile, 
Monday the xix of september.  and camped toward night a little a thissyde a market town called Lawder: at the which as we had indeed no friendly entertainment, so had we no envious resistance, for there was no body at home. Here, as our tents wear a pytching, a doosein or twenty of their hedge creepers horsemen, that lay lurking thereby, like sheep byter curs to snach up and it wear but a sorry lamb for their prey, upon a hill about half a mile sowtheast from us, ran at and hurt one of our men. For acquitaile whearof, my lords grace commanded that iii or four houses (such as they wear) standing also upon a hill ii flight shot southward from our camp, should be burnt. Thomas fisher his grace's secretary road strait thither with a burning brand in his tone hand, and his gun in the toother, accompanied with no more but one of his own men and fired them all by and by. I noted it for my part an enterprise of a right good heart & courage, peradventure so mooch the rather, bicaus I would not gladly have taken in hand to have done it so myself, specially since part of these prikkers stood then within a slight shot of him. Howbeit as in all this journey upon any likelihood of bysines I ever saw him right well appointed and as forward as the best, so at the skirmish which the Scots proffered at hails castle on wedensday afore written the vii of this month, I saw none so near them as he: whereby I may have good cause to be the less in doubt of his hardiness. Here also as we wear settled, our herald Norrey returned from the Scots counsel, with the lard of Brimston and Rose their herald: who upon their suit to my Lords grace obtained, that .v. of their counsel should have his graces safecundet that at any time and place within fourteen days during our abode in their country or at Berwyke, the same .v. might cum and comen with .v. of our counsel touching the matters between us.  

Tuysday the xx. of september.  ¶ Rose the herald departed early with this saufecundet, our camp raised and we went that day an vii mile till as far as Hume castle: where we camped on the westsyde of a rocky hill that they call harecrag which standeth about a mile westward from the Castle. The Lord of Hume (as I said) lay diseased at Edenborowe of his hurt in his flight at the Frydays skyrmysh before the battle. the Lady his wife came strait to my lords grace, making her humble suit that like as his goodness had graciously been showed to right many other in receiving them and their houses into his grace's protection and assurance, even so, that it would pleas him to receive and assure her and her house the Castle: My lords grace minding never other but to assure her she should be sure soon to forego it, turned strait her suit of assurance into communication of tendering, for my part I doubt not but the terror of extremity by their obstinacy, and profit of friendship by their submission, was sufficiently showed her: the which having well (by like) considered, she left of her suit and desired respite for consultation till the next day at noon, which having granted her, shear turned to the castle. They say a match well made is half won: we wear half put in assurance of a toward answer by the promise of a prophecy amoong the Frenchmen, which sayeth. Chasteau que parloit & femme que escote: lung voet rendre, & lautre: and so forth. There wear certain hackbutters that upon appointment afore, had beset the castle: who then had further commandment given them, that taking diligent heed none should pass in or out without my lords graces licence, they should also not occupy any shot or annoyance till upon further warning.  
¶ This Lady in this mean time consulted with her sun & heir prisoner with us, 
Wednesday the xxi of september.  and with other her friends the keepers of the castle, at the time appointed, returned this day to my lords grace: requiring first a longer respite till viii a clock at night, and therewith saufcundet for Andrew Hume her second sun and john Hume lord of Coldamknowes a kinsman of her husbands, Captains of this castle, to cum and speak with his grace in the mean while: It was granted her, whearupon these Captains about iii of the clock came to his Lordship & after other coovenauntes with long debating on both parts agreed upon, she and these Captains concluded to give their assent to render the castle, so far forth as the rest of the keepers would therewith be content. For ii or iii within (said they) wear also in charge with keeping it, as well as they: for knowledge of whose minds, my lords grace then sent Soomerset his herald with this lady to the castle to them: who, as the herald had made them privy of the articles, would fain have had leisure for xxiiii hours longer to send to their Lord to Edimborowe to know his will, but being wisely & sharply cauld upon by the herald, they agreed to the coovenauntes, afore by their Lady and captains concluded on. Whearof part wear (as I saw by the sequel) that they should depart thence the next day morning by ten of the clock with bag and baggage as mooch as they cooled carry, saving all munition and victual to be left be hind them in the Castle: Howbeit for as mooche as before time their nation had not been all together so just of coovenaunt, whereby as then we mought have cause firmly to credit their promise, my Lords grace providing, each weigh to be ready for them, caused this night viii. pieces of our ordinance fenced with baskets of earth to be planted on the southside toward the Castle within pour of batrie, & the hakbuttes to continue their watch and ward.  

Thursday the xxii. of september.  ¶ This morning my lords grace having deputed my lord Grey to receive the rendering of the castle, and Sir Edward Dudley after to be captain of the same. They both departed to it: & at the time set, Androwe Hume and four other of the chiefest there with him came out, & yielding the castle delivered my lord the keys. His lordship causing the residue also to cumme out then, saving vi or vii to keep their baggage within (who all wear in number lxxviii) entered the same with master Dudley and divers other gentlemen with him. He found there indifferent good store, of victual & wine: and of ordinance, two bastard culverins, one sacre iii fawconets of brass, and of iron viii. pieces beside. The castle standeth upon a rocky crag, with a proud heith over all the country about it, on every side well me fenced by marrysh, almost round in form, with thik walls▪ & (which is a rare thing upon so high and stony a ground) A fair well within it. The keeping of this castle my lord betaking unto master Dudley accordingly, returned to my lords grace at the camp.  
We raised, 
Friday the xxiii. of september.  and came that morning to Rokesborow, and three mile from Hume: our camp occupied a great fallow field between Rokesborowe and Kelseye standing eastward a quarter of a mile of: a pretty market town to, but they wear all goon forth there. My lords grace with divers of the Counsel and Sir Richard lee knight (whose charged in this expedition specially was to appoint the pioneers each where in work as he should think meet, and then (where my lords grace assigned) to devise the form of building for fortification: whoom surely the goodness of his wit and his great experience hath made in that science right excellent) went strait to Rokesborowe to cast what there for strengthening might be done. The plot and site whearof hath been in time passed a Castle, 
Rokesborow.  and standeth naturally very strong, upon a hill east and west of an eight score in length and iii score in breadth, drawing to narownes at the east end: the hole ground whearof, the old walls do yet environ. Beside the height and hardiness to come to, it is strongly fenced on eythter side with the course of two. great rivers, Tivet on the north and tweed on the sowth: both which joining sum what nigh together at the west end of it, Tyvet by a large cumpas a bout the fields we lay in, at Kelsey doth fall into this tweed which with great depth & swiftness runneth from thence eastward into the sea at Berwyk, and is notable and famous for ii commodities specially, Salmons: and whetstones. Over this, betwixt kelsey and Rokesborowe hath there been a great stone bridge with arches, the which the Scots in time paste have all to broken bycaus we should not that wei cum to them. Soon after my Lords graces survey of the plot and determination, to do as much indeed for making it defensible, as shortness of the time and season of the year could suffer: (which was, that one great trench of twenty foot broad with depth according, and a wall of like breadth, and height, should be made a cross with in the castle from the tone side-wall to thoother and a xl foot from the west end: and that a like trench and wall should likewise be cast a travers within about a quoyts cast from th'east end, and hereto that the castle walls on either side, where need was should be mended with turf and made with loop-holes as well for shooting directly foorthward as for flanking at hand: the work of which devise did make, that beside the safeguard of these trenches & walls, the keepers should also be much fenced by both the end walls of the castle) the pioneers wear set a work and diligently applied in the same.  
¶ This day the Lard of Cesfoorth, and many other lards and gentlemen of Tyvetdale and their marches there having cum and communed with my lords grace, made us an assurance (which was a friendship and as it wear a truis) for that day till the next day at night.  
¶ This day in the mean while their assurance lasted, these lards and gentlemen aforesaid, being the chief in the hole marches and Tyvetdale, came in again, whoom my Lord's grace with wisdom and policy without any fighting or bloodshed, did win then unto the obedience of the kings majesty: for the which they did willingly then also receive an oath, whose names ensue.  

Lards.  
The lard of Ceffoorth.  
The lard of Fernyherst.  
The lard of Grenehed.  
The lard of Hunthill.  
The lard of Hundley.  
The lard of Markestone by mersyde.  
The lard of Bouniedworth.  
The lard of Ormeston.  
The lard of Mallestaynes.  
The lard of Warmesey.  
The lard of Lynton.  
The lard of Egerston.  
The lard of Marton.  
The lard of Mowe.  
The lard of Ryddell.  
The lard of Reamersyde.   

Gentlemen.  
George Trombull.  
john Hollyburton.  
Robert Car.  
Robert Car of Greyden.  
Adam Kyrton.  
Andrew Meyther.  
Saunder Spuruose of Erleston.  
Mark Car of Litleden.  
George Car of Faldenside.  
Alexander Makdowell.  
Charles Rotherford.  
Thomas Car of the year.  
John Car of Meynthorn.  
Walter Holy burton.  
Richard Hanganfyde.  
Andrew Car.  
james Douglas of Eavers.  
james Car of Mersyngton.  
George Hoppringl●●  
William Ormeston of Endmerden.  
John Grymslowe.   
Many wear there more beside, whose names also for that they remain in register with these, I have thought the less mister here to writ.  
My lords grace did tender so mooch the furtherance of the work in the castle, that this day (as every day else during our camping there) his grace did not styk to dig with a spade above ii hours himself: 
Curti. lib. viii.  whereby as his estate sure was no more embased then the majesty of great Alexander what time with his oun hands he set the poor cold soldier in his oun chair of estate▪ to relieve him by his tier. So by the example hereof was every man so moved, as there wear but few of lords knights and gentlemen in the field, but with spade shovel or mattook did thearin, right willingly & uncompelled their parts.  

Sunday the xxv. of september.  ¶ This day began the Scots to bring victual to our camp, for the which they wear so well entreated and paid, that during the time we lay there, we wanted none of the commodities their country cooled minister.  

Monday the xxvi of september.  ¶ No notable thing but the continuance of our work at the Castle: for furtherance whearof, order was taken that the captains of footmen each after other should send up his C. of soldiers thither to work an hours space.  
¶ The lard of Coldehamknowes not having so fully kept his appointment made at Hume castle touching his coming again to my lords grace, 
Tuisday the xxvii. of september  at Rokesborowe: Sir Ralph Uane with a two or iii C. horses, about iii of the clock in this morning was sent for him to his house, which was a vii mite from us: the which charged Master Uane did so earnestly apply, as he was there with his number before vi: but the lard whither he was warned thereof by privy scout or spy, he was passed by, an other way, and was soon after vii with my lords grace in the camp, master Uane was welcummed and having no resistance made, but all submitted, & proffer of cheer (for so had the lord charged his wife to do) soon after he returned to the camp.  
This day my lords grace was certified by letter from my lord Clinton and sir Andrew Dudley that on the wednesday last being the xxi of this moonth, after certain of their shot discharged against the castle of Browghty Crak, the same was yeldyn unto them, the which sir Andrew did then enter, and after keep as captain.  

Wedynsday the xxviiii of september.  ¶ A Skottysh herald accumpanied with certain Frenchmen that wear perchance more desirous to mark our army then to wit of our welfare, came and declared from their counsel the within a seven-night after, their commissioners to whoom my lords grace had before granted his safecundet, should come & commune with our counsel at Berwyk: whose coming my lord Lieutenant & master Treasurer & thoother of our commissioners did so long while there abide. But these Scots (as men that are never so just, and in nothing so true as in breach of promise and using untruth) neither came, nor by like meant to cum: And yet sure take I this no fetch of no fine devise, unless they mean hereby to win, that they shall need never after to promise; using the feat of Arnus, 
In Epigran. Mor●.  who with his all ways swearing and his ever lying, at last obtained that his bare word was as much in credit as his solemn oath, but his solemn oath indeed no more than an impudent lie: Howbeit since I am certain that sundry of them, have showed themselves right honest, I would be loath here to be counted so unadvised, as to arret the faults of many to the infamy of al.  
It was said amoong us they had in the mean time received letters of consolation and of many gay offers from the French king: yet had that been no cause to have broken promise with the counsel of a Ream: Howbeit, as these letters wear to them but an unprofitable plaster to heal their hurt then, so are they full likely (if they trust much therein) to find them a corzey that will fret them a nue sore.  
¶ My lord grace considering that of virtue and welldooing the proper meed is honour. Aswell therefore for reward to them that had afore done well, as for cause of encoorage to other than after to do the like, did this day after noon adorn many lords knights and gentlemen with dignities as follow. The names and promotions of whoons I have here set in order, as they wear placed in the heralds book.  

Sir Ralph Sadlier, 
Banereis.  Treasurer.  
Sir Frances Bryan, Capteyn of the light horsemen.  
Sir Ralph Uane, Lieutenant of all the horsemen.   
These knights wear made Banerettes a dignity above a knight, and next to a Baron, whose acts I have partly touched in the story before.  


Knights.  The lord Grace of Wylton high Marshal.  
The lord Edward Seimor my lords graces sun.   
Of these, the reder shall also find before.  

The lord Thomas Haward  
The lord Walldyke.  
Sir Thomas Dacres.  
Sir Edward Hasting.  
Sir Edmund bridges.  
Sir John Thin, my lords graces Stuard of household.  
Sir Miles Partridge.  
Sir John Conwey.  
Sir Giles Poole.  
Sir Ralph Bagnolle.  
Sir Oliver Laurence.  
Sir Henry Gates.  
Sir Thomas Chaloner, one of the Clerks of the kings majesties privy counsel, and in this army, (as I mought call him) chief secretary, who with his great peyns and expedite diligence in dispatch of things passing from my lords grace and the counsel there, did make that his merit was not with the meanest.  
Sir Frances Fleming master of thordinance there, a gentleman whoom long exercise & good observance hath made in that feat right perfect, where unto in this voyage he joined so mooch heed and diligence, as it was well found how much his service did stead.  
Sir John Gresham.  
Sir William Skipwyth.  
Sir John Buttes.  
Sir George Blaag.  
Sir William Francis.  
Sir Frances Knolles.  
Sir William Thorborow.  
Sir George Haward.  
Sir james Wylforde.  
Sir Rauf Coppinger.   
But that I have written in the story before with what forward hardiness Sir George haward did bear the kings majesty standard in the battle, & there also of the industrious pain of sir james Wilford, & how sir Rauf Coppinger did aid not smally in safeguard of the standard of our horsemen, I would have been more diligent to have rehearsed it here.  

Sir Thomas Wentwoorth.  
Sir John Maruen.  
Sir Nychans Strange. 
Yet knights   
Sir Charles Sturton.  
Sir Hugh Askue.  
Sir Francis Salmyn.  
Sir Richard Tounley.  
Sir Marmaduke Constable  
Sir George Awdeley.  
Sir John Holcroft.  
Sir John Soutwoorth.  
Sir Thomas Danby.  
Sir John Talbot.  
Sir Rowland Clerk.  
Sir John Horsely.  
Sir john Forster.  
Sir Christofer Dies. 
three spaniards.   
Sir Peter Negroo.  
Sir Alonzo de vile.  
Sir Henry Hussey.  
Sir james Granado.  
Sir Water Bonham.  
Sir Robert Brandling mayr of new castle and made knight there at my lords graces return.   
As it is not to be doubted but right many more in the army beside these, did also well and valiantly quite them. Although their prefermente was rather than differred, than their deserts yet to forgotten: even so among these wear there right many, the knowledge of whose acts and demerits, I cooled not come by: And yet would have no man no more to doubt of the worthiness of their advancement than they are certain of his circumspection and wisdom, who preferred them to it. Whearupon all men may safely thus far forth without offence presume, that his grace unworthily bestowed this honour on no man.  
By this day, as Rokesborowe was sufficiently made tenable and defensible, (that which to see, my lords grace seemed half to have vowed before he would thence depart) his grace and the counsel did first determine, that my lord Gray should remain upon the borders there as the kings majesties Lieutenant. And then took ordre for the forts, that sir Andrew Dudley Captein of Broughty Crak had left with him. CC. soldiers of hackbutters and other, and a sufficient number of pioneers for his works. Sir Edward Dudley Captain of Hume castle lx. hackbutters xl horsemen and a. C. pioneers. Sir Ralph Bulmer captain of Rokesborowe. CCC. soldiers of hackbutters & other, &. CC. pioneers.  

Thursday the xxix. of september being Mighelmas day.  ¶ As things wear thus concluded, & warning given over night that our camp should this day dissolve, every man fell to pakking a pace: my lords grace this morening soon after seven. of the clock was passed over the tweed here. The best place whearof for getting over (which was over against the west end of our camp, and not far from the broken atches of the broken bridge) was yet with great stones in the bottom so uneven of ground: And by reason of rain that lately tell before, the water so deep and the stream so swift that right many of our horsemen and footmen wear greatly at their passage in peril, and one or two drowned: and many carriages overthrown and in great danger also of losing.  
My lords grace took his weigh straight toward Nuecastell, and thence homeward: And my lordtherle of warwick, my lord Grey, and sir Ralph, Sadleyr with divers other road toward Barwyke, to abide the coming of the Scottish commissioners. In the mean time of tarrying there my lord of Warwyk did make v. knights.  

Sir Thomas Nevell, the lord Nevil'S brother.  
Sir Anthony Strelley.  
Sir Uerney.  
Sir John Bartevile, French man. and anoother.   
But the Scots like men, though supper in covenant yet constant in usage: and therefore les blushing to break promise, than custom, came not at all: whereupon my lord & other of our commissioners, having tarried for them, the full time of appointment which was until the iiii. of october, the next day after departed thence homeward. In part of the mean time, while my lords grace was thus doing thexploits in Skotland as I have before written, the earl of Linnos, with my lord Wharton lord Warden of our westmarches against Skotland (according as his grace had before taken order) with a number of v. M. entered Skotland on the west marches. And first passing a two. mile (after a days & a nights defence) they won the church of Annan, a strong place and very noysum alway unto our men as they passed that weigh. There they took lxii prisoners the keepers of the same, burnt the spoil for cumber of carriage, and caused the church to be blown with powder: passing thence, a xvi mile within the land, soon after they won a hold, called the castle of milk, the which they left well furnished with munition & men and so returned. divers other acts notable they did, here left unwritten of me, because unknown too me, but asmuch as I certainly hard of, I have thought meet hereunto to add: because I may well count them as part of this expedition & voyage.   

A Peroration unto the gentle reder, with a short rehearsal of the Acts done.  
I Have thus absolved my book, but neither with such speed, as perchance it had been the office of him, that would take upon him to write of this matter, nor as the dignity of the Argument required publication. For well it may be thought, a man with mean diligence, that had been forth in no part of the voyage might in this space have learned and written, as much by inquiry at home. And sith the pour of time is in each case so great, as things indifferently good, by choice of opportunity are made much commendable, & again by coming out of season, may much be disgraced: Right small then may I take my merit to be, that cum now so intempestively to tell the tale, whearof all men's ears are full of a four mooneths before. Yet for excuse of my slackness (as who would not be blameless?) trusting that my plain confession may the rather move you too take things too the better: I have thought it best, to render you the very cause thereof: which is, that after I had sum what entered into this business. And thereby compelled to consider the precise observance of deeds, words, and in a manner of gestures: and the diligent marking of the situation of towns, castles and churches, of the lying of hills plains and fields, of the course of rivers, of respect of winds and of infinite such other things that ought first too have been made there, while they wear a doing, & while a man had been at them (the which in deed I had not so perfectly written in my notes, and therefore driven to stress my memory the more for calling the same too mind again) And here with regarding the great heed that ought to be had in rehearsal of circumstances, and placing of things, accordingly in writing as they wear done, seen or hard: I found the enterprise a great deal more weighty, than the slenderness of my wit was able quickly to pass with. Howbeit, when upon deeper consideraunce I pondered with myself, what a thing it was to make any monument in this so prosperous a commonalty, whereof the Governors are so absolutely wise, & where in an infinity number of men so finely witted and so profoundly learned are beside: I rather regarded the counsel of the wise poet Horace, 
Ind Art. Poet.  who wills a man to keep his writings in his hands nine year, (meaning a good while for correction) then had any haste of publication, whereby at ones I should lose my liberty of amendment. Which liberty though after, I mought have never so well, yet because it is nothing so commendable to mend a fault as to make no fault, I would gladly before have had the leisure to look, that the thing might have passed as faults from me, as my diligence could have made it. And surely had it not been more for answering the expectation of sum men of honour, who knew I was in hand with the matter, and who else peradventure might have doubted my diligence, than it was for mine own desire, to have my doings soon to cumme abroad, I would have taken a better breath ear they had come out yet. But sins the chance is cast, & the word thus uttered cannot be called again, whereby I have ieoperded with your iii hours reading to make you censor of my three months writing: judge ye I pray you (as ye may) with favour, and construe my meaning to the best. My need, I know is much to pray, for I am not so foolish too think myself so wise, that with a text all faultless I can drive forth so long a process. But as I, for the time have endeavoured to say, rather as well as I can, then aswell as can be, so shall there be for me liberty too all men too write, what else they can utter, either foorther or better: which if they do, I shall with all my heart becum then as benign a reder to them, as I would wish you now to be here to me.  
¶ To the intent now, I would quite from cumber of inquiry or question, such as haply would wit, what a do I had in the army, or how I had any knowledge of that I have written: I have thought it courtesy not to be dangerous to show, that it pleased my very good lord, the earl of warwick, Lieutenant of the host (who thereby had pour to make officers) too make me one of the judges of the Marshalsey: as Master William Cycyl, now master of the Requests, with my lord Protectors grace was the other: whereby we both, not being bound so straightly in days of travel to ordre of march: nor other while, but when we sat in Court, too any great affairs, had liberty to ride, to see things that wear done, and leisure too note occurrences that came: The which thing (as it chanced) we booth did, but so far from appointment between us. As neither was wyting of others doing, till somewhat before our departure homeward. Marry, since my coming home indeed, his gentleness being such as too communicate his notes with me (I have I confess) been thereby, both much a certeyned in many things I doubted. And somewhat remembered of that, which else I mought hap to have forgotten  
¶ But now, forasmuch as it hath pleased the most benign goodness of God, so favourably to aid us in these our affairs, and so much to tender the equity of our cause, as by his minister, and our head in this journey my lord Protectors grace, we have turned our enemy's intents for destruction of us, unto their own confusion: And first overturned of there holds, Dunglas, Thornton, Anderwyke, and Annan church, overcummen then with the half of their number xxxii M: slain xv. M.iii C: maimed ii M: taken xu C: burned, lieth & kynkorne (as more of their towns else we mought, if our Chieftain had been as willing, as our captains wear ready) won the best of their navy, and burned the residue: won from them, and keep in the mids of their land saint Coomes Ins, and Broughty crak, and thereby (but by our leave) keep them from their hole inteecourse of merchants: won also & keep the Castle of Milk and Hume castle: won of ordinance in their forts, and at the field above lxxx pieces: builded Rokesborow castle, & Aymouth and gained unto the kings majesties obedience, all Tyvedale and their Marches: All this in so short a time, as within xxv days: with so small a loss of our side in all the hole voyage, as under the numbered of lx. persons: and that in this the first year of our kings majesties dominion & rule: whereby, according unto his singular towardness, else evident, we may well conceive an assured hope, his highness too shall have a most happy reign, and with a (God's grace) a long: I would wish and exhort, that ye, which wear not there (for though ye wear far from any danger of the los, yet can ye not be but full partners of the winning) should effectually with us (according as we all have cause) give & wish, first glory and prays unto God, obedience and victory to our soveraygn, honour and thanks unto our Protector and counsellors, worship to our chivalry, commendation unto the rest that wear out, and a better mind unto our enemies. And I, trusting unto the benignity of your gentle acceptance, who of this work shall hap to be Reder, with such indifferency of request touching the same as Horace made to his well-beloved friend Numicius, 
Epist. i.  shall thus take my leave of you.  
Vive Vale: si quid novisti rectius istis,  
Candidus imperti: si non his utete mecum.  
Out of the Parsonage of s. Marry hill in London, this xxviii. of january. 1548.   

Faults escaped in the printing, and to be correct as followeth.  

a. the first leaf, on the first side, the xviii line, or, read: our,  
a. the ii first side, the xvii line, Blank nests, read: Blaknests.  
a. vi. first side ii line, his, read: this.  
a. vi. second side ix line, or, read our.  
●. v. first side ten line, aswell, add: as.  
●. two. first side, vi. line, put out: a marvelous.  
A. v, first side vi line, their, read: there.  
B. iii. first side, viii. line, put out: these.  
B. iii, two. side, v. line, Douglash, read: Douglasses.  
B iiii. two. side, seven. line four mile, read: iiii. score mile.  
B. v. two, side, viii. line, stopped, read: stooped.  
B. vi, first side, seven. line, Douglash, read: Douglasses.  
L. seven, first side, ix. line. for, give my: read give me my.  
E. two, two. side, xxi. line ii read: two. M  
E iiii, two. side, viii. line, iii. read: iii. L  
E v, two. side, xiii. line, honourable, read: honourably  
E viii. two. side, first line, sight, read: fight  
F two, two. side, iii. line, hands, read: hand  
F iii, two. side, xvii. line, enough, read: enugh  
F vi, i side, x. line, any whit, add: (I dare say)  
G two, two. side, ix, line, of our, add: horsemen before them, they had sum sight of our.  
G seven, first side, two line, men, read: mens  
H iii, i side, xvii. line, Morris, read: Norris there, xx. line, earnst, read: earnest  
H v, two. side, x. line, sustenance, read: continuance  
H seven. two. side, v. line, bear▪ read: bare  
H viii, first side xiiii line, matter, add: and there, xi. line, remember, add: all there, xx. line, intend, add: as  
K two, two. side, first line, xv, read: xv. L  
K vi, two. side, two. line, his, read: the  
L iii, two. side, seven. line, lucking, read: lurking   
¶ FINIS.   

Imprinted in London, the last day of june in the second year of the reign of our sovereign lord king Edward the VI: by Richard Grafton, printer to his most royal Majesty, in the year of our lord.  
M. D. XL VIII.  
¶ Cum previlegio ad imprimendum solum.