THE STRANGEST ADVENTURE THAT EVER HAPPENED: EITHER in the ages passed or present. Containing a discourse concerning the success of the King of Portugal Dom Sebastian, from the time of his voyage into 〈…〉 battle against the 〈…〉. unto the sixth of 〈…〉 1601. In which Discourse, is diverse curious histories, some ancient Prophecies, and other matters, whereby most evidently appeareth: that he whom the Seigneurie of Venice hath held as prisoner for the space of two years and twenty two days, is the right and true king of Portugal Dom Sebastian. More, a Letter that declareth, in what manner he was set at liberty the IV. of December last. And beside, how he parted from Venice and came to Florence. All first done in Spanish, then in French, and now lastly translated into English.  PSAL. CXVII. 
By the Lord is this thing done: and it is miraculous in our eyes.  
LONDON, Printed for Frances Henson dwelling in the Blackfriars. 1601.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, WILLIAM RIder, Lord Mayor of this famous City of London, and to all the rest of the worshipful Senators and Aldermen his brethren: particularly by name, as bound by some favours, Sir Stephen Soame knight, M. john Garrard Alderman, with the two worshipful Sheriffs, M. Cambell and M. Craven.  
THe translation of this strange and admirable discourse (right Honourable and right Worshipful) being committed to my trust, and I finding it in the French to be commended from Venice, to the most Christian King of France, as a matter of truth and absolute assurance: lest in his English attire he should wander unregarded through the wor● I was the bolder (in love and humble duty to ●o● 〈◊〉 general) to make your names and titles the 〈◊〉 ●nance to his free passage, the same having bene● 〈◊〉 before, and sufficiently authorized: To tell yo● 〈◊〉 poor opinion of it were needless, because the m● sufficiently commends itself, and in reading it 〈◊〉 satisfy any curious questioner: Only my humble 〈◊〉 ●uest is, that my boldness to you may be held blameless, and my poor goodwill accepted but in indiffe●t worth. So shall I rest yours in any greater employment, and remain ready at all times with my very uttermost service.  
Your Honours and Worships in all duty, A. M.   

To the Reader.  
IN the end of the month of August last passed (gentle Reader) I received a packet of Letters ●n the Italian tongue, wherein one was written in fa●●● of the king of Portugal Dom Sebastian, who was as then said to be prisoner in Venice. This letter was directed to the most Christian king, and I carried it with all possible diligence I could use, and caused it to be delivered to his Majesty. In the same packet there was also a further traduction of the same letter; which having thus happened to my hands, I acquainted diverse of my friends therewith, who made such reckoning and esteem thereof, as it were a matter beyond all other most rare and marvelous. This letter was of such power, as it provoked and kindled in the hearts of my said friends, an extreme love and affection towards the Prince, and begot in them likewise a vehement desire, to see him in liberty and peaceable possession of his kingdom, as if themselves had been subjects thereto belonging. So (referring that to such as were more obliged by duty, and had more particular interest in such business,) after the receipt of this leeter, I laboured all I might to understand some tidings of his estate and success. Having then learned, that a Religious man, of the order of the preaching Friars (named brother joseph Texere a Portuguese, one known to the greatest and meanest in Europe, as also here very well) had written to this City to a Bishop a friend of his, a discourse of matters happening since the said king began to enterprise his Afric voyage: I so much importuned a nephew to the said Bishop, who kept this discourse in his hands to send to his uncle, as no excuses might serve from transferring it to mine. The reading thereof was to me so pleasing and agreeable, as both it encouraged and cut off all supposition of labour, in the speedy writing and copying it out. Having by this means this version in mine own power, I thought I should commit an inexcusable fault, if I should reserve to my proper use such a strange accident and worthy regard. Hereupon attending could get convenient opportunity, to the end that every one might 〈◊〉 the excellent occasions contained in this discourse: I concluded ●mit it to the press, accompanied with a letter of the said ●s, written by him since the sending of the Discourse to the same 〈◊〉, and wherewith it pleased his Lordship to acquaint me. Thou 〈◊〉 find (courteous Reader) at the beginning of this discourse, a ●lation of the letter written to his most Christian Majesty, 〈◊〉 is annexed hereunto, because it contains some points that are 〈◊〉 subject of this work, and which deserve both to be seen and 〈◊〉. And ere thou enter into it, be not abashed at the title we have 〈◊〉 it: for so soon as thou hast but stepped a little into it, thou wilt ●e it to be most apt and convenable. Now, because I would con●, I entreat thee not only gently to make acceptance hereof: but ●end in all parts and places the right of a king, whom God and ●e hath endued with infinite graces, wise, valiant, good & just, 〈◊〉 though lost in a cause no less honourable than Christian.  
Farewell. From Lions this 30. of januarie, 1601.   

The copy of a Letter, written by a Venetian Gentleman to his most Christian Majesty, translated out of Italian into French, and out of French into English.  
To the most Christian King, Henry the fourth, King of France and Navarre.  
THat great God, whose judgements are always diverse and contrary to ours, disposeth and ordereth all things on earth by different means, not being comprehensible to our capacities: and no body but himself, can attain to any certain knowledge of their issues and effects. But as he is full of sovereign goodness, of infinite wisdom, and admirable providence, he knows how to draw good out of evil, exalting and raising up those things, which the ignorant world taxes in his imaginations with titles base and abject. That this is most infallible, none knows, or hath better approved, than your most Christian Majesty: whose enemies, bred and borne in your own proper kingdom, being your liege people, vassals and subjects, accompanied with strange and foreign adversaries, most unjustly traversing and persecuting you, till you obtained that whereto God and nature had ordained you. Nevertheless, by the assistance of the same God (albeit to further & effect the better their damnable intentions, they took the coverture and pretext of Religion) your Majesty did manage those affairs with such wisdom and speed, as entering into the whole and lawful possession of the kingdom, their own eyes could witness the vanity of their pretences, and how ill shaped the cloak was that ●id their loose purposes. So that the same difficulty, which served them as their principal object to abuse the world withal, being broken and disappointed, stopped the mouth of their reasons alleged, and wasting their forces and strength, held their noses to the ground, till they came to knowledge of their own errors▪ although somewhat too late. And much more late had they been in finding remedy, if your most Christian Majesty (moved by your own ●ind nature and accustomed benignity) had not received them ●to grace and favour. So that hence themselves may discern, ●oth what I have before & now again say, that the judgements ●f God are diverse & contrary to men's▪ who seldom attain to ●ny perfect accomplishment of their plots and imaginations. Nor ●ake I so long a preamble (most Christian king) to any other ●nd, but to serve myself with that which I find fit in my very ●ule, as standing some way bound to speak to your Majesty, in ●uour of the poor and unfortunate (nevertheless most happy ●ne day, when God shall so please) Dom Sebastian, the true and awful king of Portugal. And to this attempt I bind myself the ●ther, through the malice of some, who for the interest of their e●ate only, give it out in the world (and it may be likewise before ●our Majesty) that he is but a silly foolish Calabrois. Wherefore ●ntend by this my letter to make known to your Highness the ●uth of the matter, that when he shall come to the acquaintance 〈◊〉 a king, a king so Christian and magnanimous as your Majesty 〈◊〉 one not to learn what it is to suffer outrageous persecutions, ●osses and injustices: it may be a means to urge assistance to a ●ore prisoned king, who desiring this illustrious Seigneurie, to ●t him but be seen to such Portegueses as were in this City, for ●knowledgement of some secret marks, which he had naturally ●aractered on his body, it might by no means be so permitted, ●ither he showed to the world in any sort. At length there came ●her a Gentleman of quality, a Portugueze, that brought the ●me marks proved as authentical, under the hands of the puble Notaries and Peers of Portugal: but the honourable Lords of ●s Estate were resolute not to let him see him, albeit the prisoner ●de this protestation ensuing to them: You say, my Lords, that ●m not Sebastian king of Portugal, let me be seen to my Portu●eses, yea to all the world: and if you find that I am not such as I ●intaine myself to be, let my head be smitten of.  
Upon which words, I thought good to signify to your most kristian Majesty, some particularities touching the prisoner. He ●h the same shape, the same hands and feet (to wit, the right ●re long then the left) he bears the same age, the same marks ●d gate, with the knees bowing inward, as Dom Sebastian's king 〈◊〉 Portugal did. Whereby of diverse in this city and other places he hath been known: for they accompanied in his voyage to Africa, and had seen him in his kingdom: with whom discoursing, he put them in mind of sundry particulars which they had had as then together, and were impossible that any other but the King himself should know. Of all which particular notes, I most humbly entreat your Majesty to hear only but two. There is a merchant here, who some five and twenty years since was wont to trade into Portugal: this man being at Lisbon before king Sebastian passed into Africa: mark what befell him. As he was upon the sea shore, stopping his ship that had received a leak, he saw a far off the King coming, making a goodly horse whereon he rid, to mount and curvet very sprightly under him: and he not knowing him to be the King: this beast (quoth he) what will he break his own neck? The King and others of the train hearing these words, galloped the horse so mainly toward the merchant, and made him in such a fearful taking, as the poor man verily thought he should lose his life. But when he knew him to be the King, he fell to the ground, and weeping (on his knees) desired pardon, for he feared lest his lavish tongue might have made him to be trussed up. The King as he was ever full of clemency, commanded him to stand up, entreating him very honourably, and bestowing sundry favours upon him.  
Sebastian seeing the same merchant here in our city, before he was arrested as a prisoner, demanded of him (unasked) if he remembered such a matter, and so acknowledging the one the other, diverse things passed between them which happened at that present occasion.  
Moreover, this King (I would say this prisoner) when he was at Messina, knowing that there dwelled a gentleman of a very famous family, who had accompanied him in his voyage to Africa: he went and found out his house, and upon some private passages between them, they kindly renewed their former acquaintance. Besides, since his arrival here in our city, and before his imprisonment, he writ diverse letters to the said gentleman, and received likewise letters back again from him. And by his express means, was a man and letters sent into Portugal, to sundry faithful Lords of that kingdom: but we hear that this man so sent to Portugal, died in those parts, but unknown how, ●●ter he had delivered all or the most part of his letters. Notwith●anding, as afflictions and miseries altars men's minds, making ●em forget or lay aside all kindness and friendship: even so this ●entleman (touched in this case, and to become a subject to the ●ng of Castille) hearing Sebastian was held as a prisoner, gave o●er and left off all former acquaintance. But I most humbly in●eat your Majesty, that in this case you would not stand aloof, ●t beholding the occurrences of this unhappy King, & (though prisoner) yet passing in such sound form of truth, that you ●ould interpose your authority, and manage this weighty cause ●ith such diligence and dexterity, as your Highness hath here●fore given accomplishment to affairs much more hot and ●fficult, wherein you shall do a work worthy the name of a ●odly and most Christian King, and for which, I pray the omnipotent Creator, to crown your Majesty with perpetual glory ●d felicity. From Venice, this 28. of july. M.D.C.  
The most humble and affectionate servant in duty to your Majesty most Christian. GIOVANNE CAPUGNANO.   

The Copy of a Discourse concerning the success of Dom Sebastian King of Portugal, since he began his enterprised voyage into Africa, until the sixth of januarie this present year, 1601.  
Sent by the reverend Father, brother joseph Texere Portugueze, to a Bishop his friend.  
More, a letter of the said Fathers to the same Bishop, wherein he declares, how the Venetians delivered out of prison the said King of Portugal, Dom Sebastian.  
MOST worthy Lord, (post habitam benedictionem) I received four letters from your most worthy Lordship, since the end of September hitherto, with this last which was delivered me the two and twentieth of the passed month, dated the fourth, and came by the way of Paris. For which, and for all the honours and graces you have done me in them, I often kiss the hands of your sacred self. They will me that I should answer (as one accused) to certain demands set down therein: which, in obedience to your worthy commandment, I purpose to do, and for my better understanding, as also all others whatsoever, the demands shall be set down in order following.  

The first demand.  
For what cause the King of Portugal Dom Sebastian, without leaving any heir unto his kingdom, would put his life in hazard of losing, passing at the age of 24. years and a half into Africa, a country of Infidels, and a land extremely hot and unfaithful?   

The second demand.  
What judgement I make of his life, whether he died in the battle, or saved himself? And what I think of the body that was buried (as his) in the church of Bethlehem, a covent of Monks of the order of Saint Jerome, a league from Lisbon, in the beginning of the year, 1583.   

The third demand.  
Wherefore (being alive) he would not discover himself? that he might be used like a King, and freed from so great misery, as is well known the slaves in Barbary do endure?   

The fourth demand.  
Where he hath been all this long continuance of time? and how chance he came to Venice, & not to France or some other place: where (without doubt) he might have received better entertainment, according as appertained to his condition? And whether, by my sight of him, I know him assuredly?   

The fifth demand.  
What they were that procured his liberty? What further tidings I have of him, and whether he determine to pass any further than this city?   

The sixth demand.  
Admit that this prisoner be the same king of Portugal Dom Sebastian, and that by the help of God, favour of his most christian Majesty, as also other Princes and estates of Christendom, the Seigneurie of Venice do so acknowledge him: what means and remedies hath he to recover his kingdoms, and to re-establish himself in the possession of them?   

An answer to the first demand.  
For answer to the first demand, I say, that the principal cause which provoked king Sebastian to pass into Africa, was (as being a very christian Prince, honourable and just) his inflamed desire to increase christianity, and to make the name of God known through the wide universe. And (as after he came to the years of discretion) he always maintained and cherished this ●ope: so such an apt occasion instantly offering itself, he did embrace it with all affection. But worthy Lord, the better to give notice of what I intent, I must derive my course from higher ●nstances, discoursing of the race and success of the later Barba●ian kings: to wit, Muley Mahamet Xarifa, and Muley Ma●uco surnamed Abdelmelech (who would term himself the ser●ant of the most high) this the uncle, the other the nephew, yet both royal pretenders. Muley Mahamet (father to Muley Hamet the bastard, now reigning in Barbary) had three legitimate sons, Muley Abdela Xarifa, Muley Abdelmumen, and Muley Abdelmelech, otherwise called Maluco, of whom we now are come to make mention. This was a very wise Prince, and of mighty valour, he joined to his own inheritance all the kingdoms of Barbary, and them he discretely governed while he lived. At point of death, he named for principal heir his eldest son Muley Abdela Xarifa: conditionally, that he should give to his two brothers part of his kingdoms. Muley Abdela succeeding thus his father, not only denied to fulfil his commandment, but concluded upon the death of his brethren. Who hearing thereof in the city of Miquines, where as then they kept, took counsel to withdraw themselves into Turkey: and so traveling thence, after they had dispatched some hindering difficulties, within a few days they arrived with their mother and sister at Tremessen, a city of the Turks. At the same time reigned in the kingdom of Fez, the only son to Muley Abdela Xarifa, named Muley Mahamet Xarifa, who by express charge sent a man to Tremessen, and there he murdered Muley Abdelmumen, as he was at his prayers in the Temple: Muley Maluco then being at Constantinople, where then bare sway the Sultan Selim. Muley Abdela advertised of this murder (although himself had before procured it) made show as if it displeased him greatly, and (with chiding his son) caused justice afterward to be done on the murderer. After some few years his hour of death approaching, he left as his only heir the said Muley Mahamet his son, without making any mention of his brother Muley Maluco: who still kept himself at Constantinople, intending to request succour of the great Emperor.  
Muley Maluco being certified of his brother's death, made such means unto the Sultan Amurath, who reigned then after the death of his father Sultan Selim, that he gave him ten galleys for his passage to the realm of Argell or Argiere, and commandment to the king of that country, to levy so many men as he could, and then to accompany him in his own person, till he had seated him in the kingdoms and lands of Barbary. Muley Maluco having been at Argiere, departed thence in company of the said king, and with him three thousand Turkish arquebusiers, all arriving together at Tremessen, where with ten pieces of artillery and other munition, the inhabitants united their forces with them. From thence he journeyed with his power into Barbary, and there after diverse fights with the king his nephew, he took possession of Teza, which was yielded to him without any resistance. And proceeding onward, he came to Fez, where then was Muley Mahamet with thirty thousand horse, and ten thousand arquebusiers: there was likewise an Andalusian Colonnell, that came and joined eighteen hundredth Andalusians' with him. The ordinance on either side played very roughly, Muley Mahamet's part did small damage, but Muley Malucos very much, discomfiting almost all his nephews horsemen, and forcing them to a speedy flight. On the other side, the foot (after diverse hot skirmishes) came to handy blows, continuing the fight so long, and with such fury, as dark night was feign to terminate the battle. Muley Mahamet beholding his troops thus vanquished, and considering it was beyond his strength to make any further counter-quarrie against his uncles forces, withdrew himself into Morocco, and such in his company as bare him best affection. His uncle took the way to Fez, where he was honourably received, and few days after gave free liberty to Bacha king of Argiere, to depart home again with his men, whereof seven hundredth remained there still with him. Muley Maluco understanding that his nephew prepared to charge him with a fresh encounter, went thence to Miquines, where continuing his resolution, within a while after the two armies began to show themselves near to the town of Halé, where the uncle overthrew again his nephew and his forces, which amounted to forty thousand horse, and ten thousand arquebusiers Muley Mahamet seeing himself flatly foiled in the field, and out of all hope of making head any more, fled to Morocco, whence he passed to the mountains (called Montes Claros) and by this retreat, Muley Maluco made himself sole Lord of Barbary.  
By this history is apparently to be seen, with what small help a man may game those kingdoms whereto he hath any right. In like manner, and with much more ease, may king Sebastian recover his: because it appertains to no other but him, for he is true Lord and King thereof.  
From the mountains Muley Mahamet sent his Ambassadors to the king Dom Sebastian, and desired succour at his hands: making him such large offers, as were very profitable, and greatly for the advantage of Christendom. He gave him (as I have learned from diverse credible persons) all the shores which he held on the Ocean sea, and six leagues into firm land, with the towns and cities thereto belonging: among which were the cities of Arzile, Saphin, & Larache, all very strong places & of great importance. Some say that he gave him the abounding Alcacarquibir, Tituan, and other places: more, he caused in the field a plain delivery of Arzile to be made, by Cid Albequerin brother to his wife, who was the governor of the said city. And granted him moreover, that the faith of jesus Christ should be preached in Barbary, and full power to crown himself Emperor of Morocco.  
This was the reason that made the King Dom Sebastian lo●ke up his crown, which the Kings his predecessors, and himself even until that time, had openly worn. I saw that Crown locked up into pieces of Artillery, which were newly and purposely made for that voyage: in like manner I saw the Banners, Standards, and the ships under sail for that army. And I know that the king Dom Sebastian took with him an uncle of mine, my mother's brother, who was judge of the Armouries in the kingdoms of Portugal, to serve him as master of those ceremonies, which were to be used in the act of his coronation as Emperor.  
The king Dom Sebastian seeing so great offers (and being a Prince of the loftiest enterprises, desirous to win honour, and such reputation as should wait on due merit) knowing what virtues consisted in himself, accompanied with such forces, courageous, fearless, hardy, active, ●nd presuming in himself that he only was borne to break down and squander the infidels impieties: accepted the conditions that were made unto him. And thus justly deserved the sins of Portugal, that he should put his person in danger of loss, his kingdoms and Monarchy in the balance as a pray to strange nations. Hence may your worthiness gather, what you desire to know out of the first demand.   

An answer to the second demand.  
I answer to the second demand negatively: that king Sebastian did not die in the battle, and that the body which was buried in Bethlehem was none of his. But before by manifest reasons I approve my sayings, let me entreat your sacred fatherhood to understand, that when he began to make his preparation for this voyage, I was then a man of years, and in some authority (which admit as spoken between ourselves, because that which oftentimes contenteth friends, displeaseth and raiseth a repining nature in such as are not so.) When he parted from Lisbon to pass into afric, being the year 1578. and in the month of june, I was in the 35. year of mine age, and had the use of very honourable charges, governing some covents of mine order, and had preached in diverse places of Portugal, with applause and satisfaction of mine auditors. The same year I was in Lent called from my covent at Santeren, where I than abode, to Lisbon, by Dom Alphonso de Chasteaublan● chief Almoner to the king, and Commissary general of the Bull for the Crusade, to preach in the towns of Esbernos, Borba, Villaricosa, Landroal, Terena, Moncaras, Moran, Mora and Portel: and I was enroled in the register of them, who were appointed to accompany the king in his present voyage, which could not by myself be performed, because my Prelates that had command over me, had consigned me to the government of the Covent of Santeren, which is the fourth of our order, and the chiefest in Portugal: because the Prior there ruling, began to find himself not well, and had accomplished his three years jurisdiction, in which respect my Prelates prayed the king to pardon me, from bearing him company in his purposed voyage, and at their requests it was obtained. Thus I stayed at home (although against my will) in Portugal, without passing into Africa. I hold the rather this kind of discoursing with your Lordship, because you may the better perceive, that I had years and authority (as before I declared) sufficient to know great men, and what belonged to state affairs. The king parted from Lisbon, taking with him about thirty religious persons of my order (to whom he bore very kind affection, and reposed trust enough in them, for he used to call them his brethren.) One of their number was our Provincial of Portugal, who commanded the orders through all the government of the kingdom, and as well in Europe as in Africa, Asia, and America, named brother john de Silue, grandchild or son to the Governor of Portugal, brother to the Bishop of the city called the Port of Portugal, and to Fernand de Silue, who at that very time was Ambassador into Castille: brother Manuel de Bosa, brother Vincent Afonseca, and other religious men of very good descent. There was also mine uncle Manuel Texere, of whom I made mention in my first answer, a brother of mine likewise, called brother Diego Cardose de Mirande, that married with a sister of mine, and divers others of my kindred. King Sebastian having joined with his army in Africa, at the city of Arzile, and leaving Larache, was gone toward the city of Alcacarquibir: there in the field thereto belonging, he put his men in order the fourth of the month of August.  
When the heavy news was brought to Portugal, and that I had intelligence thereof: because of the interest I had in the journey, I was constrained to go to Lisbon, being fourteen leagues distant from Santeren, to understand whether they were true or no. Where arriving the 25. of the said month, I met with mine uncle, who was the self same day returned from Africa. He by commandment of the General of the army, that remained behind as Lieutenant general for the king, had brought thither with him unto Lisbon Cid Albequerin, and his nephew the young Xarifa, son to his sister and Muley Mahamet Xarifa, which young Xarifa is now a Christian, and lives in Spain, bearing the title of the Prince of Morocco, and is commander of the order of Saint james, a Prince of many excellent parts and singular hope. Being thus with mine uncle, he told me that king Sebastian withdrew himself from the battle, embarked in his Galliot, but for certainty that he was alive. If I would know any other news, I should go visit Cid Albequerin: and he earnestly entreated me that I would do him so much pleasure, because the said Cid Albequerin would receive great contentment by my sight and knowledge, for on the way he had much talk with him of me. So I went to see Cid Albequerin, and after I had long conferred with him, I desired him to do me so much kindness, as to tell me what was become of Dom Sebastian. The first word that he gave me, was delivered with vehement expression of grief, being thus: He is not dead, and if he be, the God of the Christians is unjust. This he spoke to me very sprightly, and in perfect good Spanish, which he had the use of better than myself. Hereupon I entreated his Excellency to favour me in such sort, as to tell me what he understood of the whole affairese, and prayed to be resolved therein from his own mouth. He lifting his eyes up to heaven, having the tears ready to drop down his cheeks: O Ala (quoth he) which is as much as when we say, o Lord: then having been silent an indifferent while, he used these speeches to me: Reverend father, your fatherhood shall know, that although I am none of the oldest in the world, yet I have been seen in some battles, where I have noted men of singular valour, and incomparable power: but I never saw so brave and generous a knight (whereat he fetched a great sigh) as the king Dom Sebastian. For he exce●●ed all the rest, fight in this sad and disastrous battle, and ever I was by his side: all the world would have made him way, and by the behaviour of his sword, he left the earth covered with his enemy's bodies. God having then given (dear father) to the Christians, a Prince so valiant, hardy, courageous, wise, good and just, and to take him from them again in so short a time (for he was aged but 24. years, 7. months, and 15. days) he should show himself cruel and very unjust to them; and as for myself, I should so hold and esteem him. (A discrete answer out of an infidels mouth, considering he was better grounded in good speech, then governed by the rule of truth: because among the attributes which we give to God, one of the most proper is, that he is an upright judge, and the judgements of all truth are justified by himself, as the kingly Prophet David evidently shows us in the 18. Psalm and 10. verse.) And because (quoth he, proceeding) that I hold it for most certain, that he is alive, know that I came from the battle with him, and with the king Muley Mahamet my dear brother, and riding along the river of Larache, to pass on the other side, certain Moors gave us the chase some six leagues from the field of battle. So that we were forced to separate ourselves one from another, I passed the river, leaving the king and my brother on the other side. He was very sore hurt upon one arm, and the blood ran forth thereat abundantly: so that if he be dead, it was upon that wound, otherwise without all doubt he is living. I swear to your fatherhood, that my words are of truth.  
Myself having discoursed this story to diverse persons, as well in Portugal as some other parts of Spain, whence I departed in the year 1581. constrained to leave my country, as well for further freedom, as to save myself from the menaced danger of mine enemy, to pass into France, so to England, Holland, Zealand, and other quarters of Germany and Europe. Most worthy Lord, this may serve as a true testimony for me before men, to stop the mouths of some adversaries, who according to their depraving custom, say that I have not spoken this upon mine oath, but only invented it. He further named many to me that were forced to flight, whose names I do not now very well remember. I think I have remembrance of them at Paris among my papers written by the hand of a Gentleman, a Portugueze, who was named Sebastian Figuéra, which he gave me three years after, as I demanded divers questions of him concerning that day, to insert them in a book which I was then making. The same Gentleman parted with the king, who about four leagues from the field of battle, commanded him to turn back again, to understand whether the enemy pursued still o● no: which he did, but coming back the same way to seek the king, he could not see any of them that he had parted withal. And he had not gone far, but being grievously wounded, he was taken by the Moors: who questioning with him about king Sebastian, to the end they should desist from his further pursuit, he told them that he saw his body lying among the dead. Many years since I heard the same story, out of the same Gentleman's mouth.  
In all the speech I had with Cid Albequerin about king Sebastian, and in all my conference with mine uncle, and this last mentioned gentleman with diverse others, I never heard any report of his garments, nor of his arms, which were much differing from those of other Princes and gentlemen; which made me evermore hold it for most certain that he was still alive, because he could not be found dead in the battle. And this belief was secretly kept among the Portugals, although publicly they agreed with others and spoke the contrary: therefore let no body blame us in firmly maintaining, that this should appear to be the true king D● Sebastian I know well that your worthiness may reply unto me, a● I was not above three months since answered by my Lo●●he P●nce, (which Prince is Henry of Bourbon Prince of Conde, c●efe Prince of the blood, and chief Peete of France) at S. 〈◊〉 des Fossez, according to his quick and iugenuous spirit, (●s one of the most rare and apprehensive spirits in the world) who said: If you hold this opinion, how chance you have written in your book, De ortu Portugalliae & regni initijs, etc. which was printed at Paris in the year 1582. that the king Dom Sebastian was dead? I say now to your reverend Lordship, as than I answered the self same Prince: My Lord, your argument is very forcible, nevertheless you must know, that when I made that book which was in the year 1581. it was no long while after king Sebastian had thus lost himself, and as than it was a matter extremely perilous to manifest this truth: because that as Latin books might pass into Barbary, the king of that country gathering knowledge thereby, that the king Dom Sebastian was in those parts, and causing him by search to be found out, I might be justly taxed with the cause of his loss, which had been very great to all Christendom. But would you vouchsafe to see the book I made, De iure quod competie viris Portugallensibus in augurandis suis Regibus a● Principibus, which I writ in the year 1588. you shall there find, that when I speak of the king Dom Sebastian, I justify him not to be dead: and that the body which was buried in Bethlehem as his, was the body of a Swisser. In the said year▪ because it was so long since the matter had passed, I held it as no inconvenience to speak the contrary to what I had said before: wherefore I entreat, that this may serve as an answer and satisfaction to the alleged argument. As for the body (worthy sir) whether it were his or no; I say once again that it was not, & that the body buried in Bethlehem, in the month of januarie 1583. I then being prisoner in Lisbon, with 40. pound weight of iron on my feet, by the commandment of D. Philip II. king of Castille, was the body of a Swisser, for so the Portuguezes commonly called him. They that visited me in prison (the number was but small, but they were people of great authority) mocked such as said it was the body of Dom Sebastian, and often spoke thus to me: Oh happy Swisser, to have thy body buried with so much honour fa●g, and solemn pomp!  
King Philip dealt herein very industriously, as well by thrusting a dead man into the mouths of the Portuguezes▪ who justified their king to be living: as also thereby to deceive others, who knowing little or nothing herein, might the better be emboldened in following his course. Our king (worthy Lord) is living, according to the news that we have of him, which are correspondent to sundry prophecies, whereto in times past (albeit that I hold it as most assured, that my Lord and King could not be dead, and that the body which king Philip caused to be brought from Africa, and interred at Bethlehem, was the body of a Swisser) though they came neither from a David▪ nor an Esay, nor a Daniel, or any like Prophet, yet no man at all but would give both faith and credit to them. If herein I deceive myself, I desire that my infirmity may be pardoned, confessing that much more grea● is the desire I have to see so strange a marvel in my time, than any hope I have at all of accomplishment of those Prophecies, which your holy fatherhood may behold in the discourse annexed to the end of this answer, and that discourse, the reverend Father Doctor Sampayo, entitled Divinum Oraculum, etc.  
To prove that that body was not the body of our king Dom Sebastian, 〈◊〉 sufficeth to know, that many saw him living, who at this very day are dwelling, four, five and six leagues distant from the field of battle. Moreover I remember, that being by God's grace escaped from the rigorous imprisonment wherein I was conferring of this matter with some religious persons of my Order, who had endured bondage and slavery: they all told me, that the king Dom Sebastian was in Barbary with the Arabes, and lived in the mountains. And I call to mind, that as the reverend Father brother Thomas Sequera, Superior of Ebora and my ancient friend came to visit me, I saying to him, that I was much bound to Father Vincent of Aphonseca (who was then Archbishop of Goa) for the kind favours he had done me during my captivity: he answered me; If brother Vincent showed himself courteous to your fatherhood, I believe he did it because he was your kinsman (as indeed he was, but very far off) not in respect he was any good Portugueze. Understand (my worthy Lord) that this man was a very cunning crafty Spaniard, and was one of them we sent for Barbary. He was so bad a man, and of so vile a conscience, that he durst maintain for certainty, that the body of a Swisser was the very true body of our king Dom Sebastian, when all other else affirmed the contrary. He lies buried in Bethlehem, by commandment of the King of Castille: but I trust in God, that one day a king shall come into Portugal, who shall disinterre him out of Bethlehem, and send him to be buried in the Escurial.  
This brother Vincent of Afonseca, when the king of Castille began to recompense the services of some of his partakers, but scarce faithful friends to their own country, was made Archbishop of Goa, which is Primate of all the East Indies, and D. Edward de Meneses Viceroy of the said Indies. Moreover, the Portuguezes did so certainly assure themselves of their king Dom Sebastian's life, that a Portugal Mason was so bold, as to publish himself to be the said king Dom Sebastian, and found in the action very many followers: who went with him strait to Lisbon, and if he had entered the even of S. john Baptist, he had been received in seat of the same king Dom Sebastian. But being badly counseled, he lodged that night a league off the city, whither sallied forth diverse Castilian soldiers and good store of Portuguezes, that knew him to be a mere seducer. Whereupon, being forsaken of his associates that followed him like unarmed fools, he was taken and hanged, and caused divers others to be hanged likewise, of royal authority; among whom (to his own great ill hap) was a Precedent hanged.  
Likewise in a certain Province of Portugal, called Beyra a poor Portugueze of mean condition, gave out himself to be the King Dom Sebastian, and this was delivered for a matter so true and confident, as the Cardinal of Austria, who at this day is Archduke, and earl of Flaunders, being Viceroy in Portugal, determined to withdraw himself thence into Castille. Nevertheless, following the counsel of the five Governors of Portugal, who governed the kingdom conjointly with him, he sent to Captain Gil de Mesa, who now is one of the gentlemen of the chamber to the most christian King, that he should go with his company of two hundred men, and to take the man there, and bring him thither with all honour and reverence: because if he chanced to be that man he named himself to be, he would redeliver into his hands the sceptre, and the Crown belonging to the Portugal Kings and their kingdoms. Gil de Mesa went on his journey, and arriving in the Province of Beyra, came to the town of Penamacor, and finding the man, took him very easily, and brought him along with him to Lisbon: where being known for an impostor, he was publicly whipped with rods, and after sent to the galleys: he was living still not many years since, and every one called him sober Sebastian. He was not hanged, because in his trial he could not be charged with any other crime, than this which was but of his own invention. Lastly, we know that in Spain, a Cook or Pye-baker of Madrigal, made himself to be held for the king Sebastian, and in secret caused it so to be given forth: but afterward, as each of this false opinion had found before, he was known to be an abuser, and for he had committed other very heinous offences, was executed according to justice.  
These examples do witness perfectly to our eyes, that since the loss of their king Sebastian in Aff●icke, all the Portuguezes have evermore taken him to be living: and hereby appeareth sufficiently that he is not dead, neither was that his body which was buried in Bethlehem. Moreover, by the same examples your worthy Lordship may easily judge, that this man held as a prisoner at Venice, is the King Dom Sebastian himself, considering that in two years and five months already passed, since he first began to manifest himself, the Seigneurie continually found from day to day, more evident appearance still of truth, without encountering any thing whatsoever to the contrary, or could be believed for certain, in all the allegations of the Ambassador from Castille against the prisoner. The Lords of this honorabble estate, warned by the success of such false impostors, may the better excuse themselves, that they have with such extremity and long delay, proceeded against the very person of king Dom Sebastian. Which being so, and the divine Oracle ensuing added hereto: I hope I have answered (reverend Lord) your second demand.    

A divine Oracle, worthy to be published and known through all the world: imprinted at Lisbon in Latin, with permission of the holy office, in the year MDC.  
Brother Stephen de Sampayo Portugueze, of the order of the friars Preachers, reader of divinity in the University of Tolossa, To the Reader.  
AS the al-good and most mighty God, disposeth things with no less opportunity than clemency, it is come to pass that since the time of some four years past, there hath been found in Portugal two memories or monuments, of most venerable antiquity, in a very celebrate Monastery of the order of the Cisteaux, which we commonly call the abbey of Alcobaça, as the fathers of that covent searched among their papers and registers, for certain privileges for their warrant for a kind of vexation, whereof it shall be needless to speak at this time. And in short while after they were presented to Philip II. king of Castille, by the Prior Provincial of the said order, and read apart each from other before his Catholic Majesty, and then again redelivered back to the Monastery: both which (for certain causes) have been brought to light, and the translation of them conferred with the original.   

The oath of Dom Alphonso first king of Portugal, for approbation and assurance of the vision, which he saw the year MCXL. in the Province of Campo d'Ourique.  
I Alphonso first King of Portugal, son to the famous Earl Henry, grand child or son to the great King Alphonso, before you worthy personages, the Archbishop of Braga; and the Bishop of Coimbre, and Theotonio, and you other Lords, officers, and subjects of my kingdom: do swear upon this Cross, and on this book of the most holy Evangelists, which I touch with my hands; that I a miserall sinner, have seen with mine unworthy eyes, my Lord jesus Christ spread abroad upon the cross, in manner following.  
I being with mine army in the land which is near to the river Tagus, in the Province of Campo d'Ourique, to give battle to Ishmael, and to four other kings of the Moors, who had with them infinite thousands of men at arms: and my people being somewhat sad and fearful, to behold such a numberless multitude of warriors, came unto me and said, that it would be overmuch boldness in us to bid them battle. Whereupon, being very much afflicted with what I heard and saw, I began to ponder apart by myself what I were best to do. In my pavilion I had a book, containing both the old Testament and the new of jesus Christ; I opened it, and happening to read the victory of Gedeon, I began thus to say to myself: Thou knowest o Lord jesus Christ, that for the love of thee, I have undertaken this war against thine enemies: Lord, it is in thy hand to give me and mine strength to vanquish these blasphemers of thy name. And speaking so I fell asleep upon the said book, and sleeping, I saw an old man come to me, saying: Alphonse, take good courage, for thou shalt vanquish and put to repulse all these Kings here, and shalt break their forces, and God shall show himself to thee. As I was in this vision, suddenly came to me Ferdinand de Sousa gentleman of my chamber, who awaking me, said: Sir, raise yourself, for here is an old man come to speak with you. Let him enter, said I: if he be any of our friends. When the man was come in, I knew him to be the same good old man which I had seen in my vision; he said unto me: Sir, be of good cheer, you shall vanquish, you shall vanquish, and you shall not be vanquished. God loves you, for he hath cast the eyes of his mercy upon you, and on your race, even to the sixteenth generation, wherein your line shall be weakened and diminished. Nevertheless, in this diminution and feebling, there shall be no want of his divine favour and succour. He hath commanded me to tell you, that when you do hear in the night ensuing, the bell of mine hermitage, wherein I have lived sixty six years among the infidels, and in the protection of the most high: you shall come forth of your camp, all alone without company and he will make his great mercy appear unto you. I obeyed, and prostrating myself in reverence to the ground, worshipped the messenger, and him that sent him.  
And as I attended in prayer the second watch of the night, I heard the bell, than (armed with my sword and shield) I went forth of the camp. Then I saw on my right hand toward the East, a bright beam in the element, the splendour whereof increased more and more. And as I held mine eyes respectively fixed on that quarter, I saw in that beam (shining brighter than the Sun) the blessed Cross, and jesus Christ crucified thereupon: likewise both on the one side and other, a multitude of young men seeming very white, whom I accounted to be holy Angels. When I had beheld this vision, I laid by my sword, shield and garment, put off my shoes, and being prostrated along upon the earth, I wept abundantly: then going to entreat strength and preservation for my subjects, without any trouble I spoke in this manner: Lord, to what end dost thou show thyself to me? wouldst thou increase the faith of him that only believes in thee? It were better (Lord) that these infidels should see thee, to the end that they might believe: as for myself, from the day of my baptism, I have known and acknowledged thee the true God, Son of the Virgin, and the Father eternal.  
This cross was of admirable greatness, and elevated from the earth about ten Cubits: and the Lord with a sweet sound of his voice (which I heard with mine unworthy ears) said to me: I do not appear unto thee in this sort, for increase of thy faith, but to comfort thy heart against this battle, and to fix the chiefest Princes of this kingdom upon a firm rock. Courage Alphonso, for thou shalt not only vanquish and be conqueror in this battle, but likewise in all other which thou shalt fight against the enemies of the cross. Thou shalt find thy men cheerfully disposed to the battle, and in the name of a king they will require thee to enter the fight; make thou no doubt at all, but liberally grant whatsoever they demand. For I build and destroy both Empires and Kingdoms, and I will establish an Empire in thee and thy posterity: to the end that my name may be spread and augmented, even unto the very uttermost nations. And that thy successors may know that I have given thee thy kingdom, the Scutcheon of your armies shall be fully beautified with the price whereby I bought mankind, and of those wherewith the jews bought & sold me: this shall be to me a sanctified kingdom, for pres●auation of the faith, and loving of piety.  
Having heard these words, I worshipped and said: For what merits (O Lord) doth it please thee to show me so great grace? I will do whatsoever thou hast commanded me: and Lord, look favourably on my posterity as thou hast promised me, and keep my people of Portugal safe and sound. But if any misadventure be to be endured, convert it (Lord) rather against me and my successors, and pardon my people whom I love as my only son. Which the Lord showing me he would consent unto: Never (quoth he) shall my mercy part from thee nor thine, for by them I am to prepare a great harvest, and them have I chosen for my harvest labourers in lands far remote. This said, he vanished, and I (full of confidence and contentment) returned to my camp. And that these matters happened thus, I king Alphonso swear by the holy Gospels of Christ jesus, which I touch with these my hands. Wherefore I command my successors that shall come for ever, that they bear in their arms five Scutcheons parted in form of a cross, because of the cross and the five wounds of jesus Christ: and in each of them thirty pence, and on the top or Crest the Serpent of Moses, being the figure of jesus Christ. And that this may be a memorial to our generation; whosoever shall go against it, let him be cursed of God, and with the traitor judas eternally tormented in hell.  
Given at Coimbre the 29. of October. MCXL. 

S. Archbishop of Braga.  
P. Bishop of Coimbre.  
T. Prior.  
Gonsalo de Sousa, Attorney of Guimaranyes.  
Pelayo Mendes, Attorney of Braga.  
So●●o Martius, Attorney of Coimbre.  
Fernand Pires, cupbearer to the King.  
Pero Pays, ensign-bearer to the King.  
Vasco San●hes.  
Alphonso Mendes, gevernour of Lisbon.  
Mendoza Pirez, for Albert, great Chancellor to the King.  
I Alphonso king of Portugal.    
I Thomas de la Croix, notary public Apostolic, and Secretary to the Legate in these realms of Portugal, have corrected this copy of the oath of D. Alphonso of glorious memory, according to the perfect original, which is sealed with five seals at labels hanging, the two for most whereof seem to be those of the Archbishop of Braga, and the Bishop of Coimbre, and the other two lowest, to wit, the fourth and fifth, belong to two of those Lords that are named in the role. Lastly, that in the midst is the seal of the king, having five Scutcheons arranged in the form of a cross, an● in each of them thirty pence: according a● anciently the said king and his successors were accustomed to bear in their arms. All the rest of the seals are in red wax, except the kings seal which is of natural virgin wax, or rather as it is commonly called, white wax. The rest are hanged at labels of the same colour red, but that of the kings is fastened to a label cut out of the same parchment, being altogether whole and sound without harm. Thus do I certify & maintain all this to be true, as I am a Notary, & according to the oath whereto I stand obliged by reason of mind office. In affirmation whereof I have subscribed to this writing, & sealed it with my seal public & accustomed, at L●bo●e the 4. of November 1599 being thereunto prayed and requested.  
Thomas de la Croix.   

A testimonial of Alphonso the first king of Portugal, for a vassellage or free money by him granted.  
IN the name of God, because it is necessary, that every faithful man should do his part to the Ministers of God▪ of those goods which he hath received from the Sovereign giver of all things, to the end that by their means he may be made partaker of the heavenly treasures: I Alphonso, not long since created by the grace of God King of Portugal, and for that cause feeling myself to stand more obliged than any other, desirous to offer unto the most High my body and all my best means, that both I and any successors might reign for ever: acknowledge first to hold our kingdom at the hand of God, who made a gifter thereof to me, to the end that with firm heart and perfect charity, I should defend the Christian faith against the outrageous Infidels, and that I should enrich the holy Church with the revenues of my Realm▪ for performance whereof, it should be a holy kingdom, loved of God, and established for ever. And because I have already rendered myself tributary, and all such as shall appertain to me, to the blessed S. Peter and his successors, desiring likewise to have him my advocate to God and his blessed mother: by the consent of my subjects (who by their virtue, without any strange help, have established me on this my royal throne,) I appoint and constitute, as well for me as for my successors, that myself, my kingdom, my race and them that shall come after me, shall be in the safeguard, protection, defence, and patronage of the most glorious virgin Marie de Clairuaux. Ordaining and commanding to every one of my successors that shall come lawfully to the inheritance of this kingdom, every year to pay and give in manner of a fee-monie or tribute, and of vassellage to the said church of our Lady of Clairuaux, (which is of the Order of the Cisteaux situate in the Realm of France 〈◊〉 the diocese of Langres,) fifty maravedis of gold, pure, fine▪ 〈◊〉 ●ll and good. But if it happen, that any one of the said Mo●rie, enter or pass by our demean, where there is builded any Monastery, the persons and goods of such a one, shall be under the rule and patronage of the King, so that he shall not be molested, disquieted, troubled, nor deceived of his goods by any one. And if it happen, that they be restored to their former liberty, in what hour, time or moment it shall so come to pass, at their best advantage, let them do as they see cause. And because the goods of such Monasteries and persons may be as goods royal: the King shall have so much care of them as he ought to have if they were properly his own▪ And if any King, or Tyrant (which we hope that none such shall be borne of our race) come to molest the said persons, or make rape of their goods, and then countenance it, that he usurps on none of our heritage, nor of theirs, but those belonging to the virgin Marie: he shall be held as disloyal to his Lord, be exempted from the defence and custody which we appointed for my kingdom, and his seed shall not be seen upon the earth. As for the religious persons, which are to serve the Lord in this Monastery of Clairuaux, and the rest of their Order, they shall have care to recommend devoutly to God, the estate of our kingdom, and my soul, and theirs likewise of my kindred. And the Abbot Dom Bernard, and his successors perpetually shall celebrate the feast of the dedication of their church every year, on the day of the Annunciation of the blessed virgin Marie.  
For which, oh Virgin mother of my Lord jesus Christ, in honour and praise of whom this Order is established to shine upon the earth: I Alphonso king of Portugal thy humble servant do entreat, that thou wouldst defend my kingdom against the Moors, enemies to the cross of thy Son: and keep this crown free from all strange domination, and permit no one to pay this fee money and homage, but thy loyal servants, and those descended from myself. That if any one attempt any matter whatsoever, contrary to this vassellage and testimonial of this tribute: if he be a subject, let him be expelled out of our kingdom. If he be a King (which God forefend) let him be held as accursed by us, & never to be mentioned in our lineage▪ but that God (who gave us this kingdom) despoil him of all dignity, I suffer his enemies to vanquish him, and himself be buried in hell with that traitor judas.  
Made in the Church of Lamego, the 8. of Apr. MCXLII. 

I Alphonso the King.  
Ega● Munis, Grandmaister of the household.  
Pero Pays, ensign-baerer to the King.  
Fuas Raupi●o, Governor of Coimbre.  
Polayo de Sousa. Certifiers.  
Gonsalo de Sousa.  
Vascho Sanches.  
Mendoza Pirez.  
Rodrigo Aluares, witnesses.  
Alphonso Egas.    
I Thomas de la Croix, Notary public Apostolic approved, and Secretary to the Legate in these kingdoms of Portugal, have collationed and corrected this present copy upon his proper original, which is enabled with the seal Royal: and so I certify by the oath that is enjoined me in regard of mine office. In sign whereof, I have underwritten and signed this with my seal public and usual.  
At Lisbon the 4. of November, MDXCIX.   

THE SUCCESSION AND number of the Kings of Portugal.  
The first generation. Alphonso Henriques. 1. II. Sanche. 1. III. Alphonso. 2. FOUR Sanche. 2. V. Alphonso. 3. VI Denys. 1. VII. Alphonso. 4. VIII. Peter. 1. IX. Fernand. 1. X. john. 1. XI. Edward. 1. XII. Alphonso. 5. XIII. john. 2. XIIII. Emmanuel. 1. XV. john. 3. XVI. Sebastian. 1.  
Hereby is understood, that Sebastian is the sixteenth in generation, whereof king Alphonso Henriques spoke in the oath of his revelation. This Sebastian was borne after his father's decease, when were very instant and frequent prayers, processions and fastings among the people of Portugal, in the year, 1554. the day of the two holy Martyrs, Fabian and Sebastian, a matter almost beyond all hope: for his father died in nonnage or very young, and his mother was but sixteen years old. This Prince was of an exceeding good nature, high in courage, accompanied with great bodily strength, godly and religious, and that in such sort, as even from the cradle his subjects had him in much admiration, and they accounted him as another Caesar Augustus, according as carries the signification of the name of Sebastian.   

Ancient Prophecies which we cannot more convenably appropriate to any other, then to this self same Sebastian.  
S. Cyrille the Hermit, in the treatise of the revelation which was made to him, whereof the Abbot joachim glozed.  
TEmpore annorum 54. orietur Sol, etc. Et erit Sol delitescens. Pungetur aculeo despectissimo; in specu parvo tricamerato, & vectibus pergrandibus communito ab Scorpionitis mancipabitur. Postea ad bravium orbis pertinget, etc. Read all this Chapter.  
In English thus:  In the time of 54. years, a Sun shall arise, etc. And this Sun shall be hidden. He shall be pricked with a most despiteful sting; he shall be in a little cave of three vaults, made strong with very great bars, he shall be thralled by Scorpionites: afterward he shall come to triumph over the world, etc. Saint Isidore. 
Occultus Rex bis piè datus, in Hispaniam veniet in equo ligneo: quem multi videntes, illum esse non credent. Domabit superbos: spurcitias Hispaniarum purgabit. In Syriam transfretabit: super Sanctum sepulchrum signum Crucifixi ponet: & erit Monarcha.  
In English thus:  A hidden King shall twice be holily given, he shall come into Spain upon a horse of wood (that is a ship) whom many beholding, they will not believe that it is he. He shall subdue the proud: he shall purge the Spaniards of their filthinesses. He shall pass into Syria: he shall place the Ensign of the Crucifix upon the holy Sepulchre: and shall be a Monarch. Theophilus the Bishop. 
Dum secundum imperium occupabitur, Ciprúsque à Christi hostibus fuerit aggressa, Pastor ovium, coronis Graecorum nudus erit. Rhodia tunc Magistro carebit. Hispania potentia virtu●éque munita illi tradet Magistrum: Romae autem pastor glorio sui, ignotus apud homines, apud Deum probus & justus erit: qui cum uno Rege dictae Provinciae, qui oblitus, mortuus, & non regnaturus putabatur, regna deperdita recuperabit: Soldanum suae ditioni subiugabit, & in Christianis domum Dei restituet.  
In English thus.  While the second Empire shall be troubled, and Cyprus invaded by the enemies of Christ: the Pastor of the sheep of the Grecian troops shall be left naked. Rhodes shall then want a Master. Spain stored with virtue and power, shall give it a Master. And there shall be at Rome a glorious shepherd, unknown to men, good and just toward God: And this man, with a king of the same province, that shall be forgotten, dead, and thought never more to reign, shall recover again his lost kingdoms: shall subjugate the soldan under his dominion, and shall restore the house of God into Christendom. S. Methodus Bishop and Martyr. lib. 6. cap. 28. 
Expergiscetur Rex in furore tanquam homo à somno vini, quem existimabant homines tanquam mortuum esse. Hic exiet super filios Ishmael à mari Aethiopum, etc. Vide Biblioth. Patrum, fol. 526. primae Lutet. Paris. editionis.  
In English thus.  There shall a king awake in great fury, like a man out of a slumber of wine, whom men shall repute to have been dead. He shall go out against the sons of Ishmael towards the AEthiopian sea, etc. Sibylla Erithraea. 
Compressa aquila, cuius nomen quinque apicibus inaestimabiliter scriptum, ministrum iniquitatis destruet, ursum conteret, sceptrum e●us possidebit, etc. In tractatu qui incipit Requiritis à me, o ill●strissima turba Danaûm. lib. 2.  
In English thus.  The compressing Eagle, the name whereof is inestimably written in five marks, shall destroy the minister of iniquity, bruise the Bear, and shall possess his sceptre, etc. In the Treatise that beginneth: You require of me, O illustrious company of Grecians. The second book.  

An explication of some points contained in this Discourse.  

In the Epistle to the Reader.  
THe cause why the religious persons of Alcobaça sought among their papers some privileges and Donations of the Kings of Portugal, was because his Majesty Catholic Dom Philip II. King of Castille, pretended to sell the jurisdiction of seven towns, whereof the said Monastery is Lord. And because this divine Oracle was imprinted at Lisbon, it was made dangerous to declare the said cause. Wherefore the father Doctor Sampayo said, by way of parenthesis, that it was not good to speak of it at that time.   

In the Oath of the King Dom Alphonso.  
The said King commanded to his successors, to come to the field with their shield of arms, containing five scutcheons fashioned like a cross, in each of which should be figured the thirty pence, for which our Lord and Saviour jesus Christ was sold, etc. as more plainly is declared by the Notary Apostolic Thomas de la Croix in his certificate, assuring that they were so figured on the seals. It may be that this commandment was observed at the first beginning of the Realms of Portugal: but whether since then to this present, we do not find that it hath been kept, chiefly since the reign of Alphonso third of that name, and fifth king of Portugal, who was Earl of Bullen in France. He adjoined to the crown of Portugal the Realms of Algarbes, which were given him by Dom Alphonso le sage, King of Castille, and Emperor of the East, in dower of marriage with Domne Beatrix his daughter, not to meddle at all with the cross the first arms of Portugal (for first of all Portugal bore for arms a shield argent, without any other thing) he placed round about the shield which contained the five that fashioned the said Cross, seven scutcheons of gold, in a field Geules, which are the arms of the realms of Algarbes, and since then to this present, the kings of Portugal have evermore held the same arms, as they do at this day.  
Stephen Garibay, in his abridgement of the history of Spain, speaking of the Arms and Colours, calls those Castles of the Realms of the Algarbes, which engirt the Scutcheon of the arms of Portugal, Orla, in French Geule or a border, affirming that no other kingdom of Europe bears them but Portugal. By which reason we may say, that the Geule or border which we see about the arms of France, to wit, that of the order of S. Michael, and that of the holy Ghost, of the Golden Fleece in Burgundy, and that of the Garter in England etc. are but borrowed thence.  
Now to return to our arms: the King Dom Emanuel seeing himself in Europe, Lord of the kingdom of Portugal, and of the Realm of the Algarbe, which is in the province of Spain; in Africa of the other Realm of Algarbe, which is in the province of Barbary; of all the coast of Guinee, even to the Cape de bonne Esperance, and from thence unto the red sea: and of a great number of the Isles situate in the sea of the said Africa; in Asia of the Realm of Goa, and of a very spacious Monarchy, considering he held nine Kings his subjects and tributaries, and four Queens: in America, of Bresil, a province of very large extension: he bore a Sphere for his device, which signified the rule that Portugal had in the four quarters of the world. Adioying likewise, the Cross of the Order of the warfare of jesus Christ, because the King of Portugal, being grand master of the said Order, is Lord of diverse lands and towns in Portugal, and of all the authority which the Portugueses possess abroad from thence. And because sundry persons have demanded of me how they should understand these Scutcheons and pence: I here tell them, that the five Scutcheons in the Azure field set in one shield, the field whereof is Argent, each of them figured with five white pence, do signify five kings Moors, vanquished by one Christian king. The kings of the Moors subdued, are Ishmael and his four confederates: the vanquisher is the king Dom Alphonso the first, king of Portugal, from whom grew this commandment. As for the pence, because many have alleged to me, that in the five Scutcheons, there are but xxv. pence and not thirty, as other Authors and myself have written: I should be infinitely eased, if in removing their doubt they would but hear me. Would you find thirty pence? Count first of all the three Scutcheons above and below, which contain fifteen pence, next, them that are traversed on the right side, so that that in the midst be counted twice, considering it spreads unto either hand: and there you shall find other fifteen pence, which joined to the first, complete the number of thirty, and thus they may rest satisfied in their demand.   

To the Testimonial of vassellage and feoffment. And because I have already rendered myself tributary, and all such as shall appertain to me, to the blessed S. Peter and his successors, etc.  
WE find in the histories of Portugal, that in the year 1169. when Pope Alexander the sixth approved the election of the King D. Alphonso, and confirmed his kingdom to him: the king, by the consent of his Portugueses, made the said kingdom feudatary to the holy Church of Rome, promising to pay as in tribute every year two pounds of gold. In the time since, there is no memorial found at all, that this tribute hath been paid: as likewise none of our Historians do show unto us, that these fifty marvedies of gold have been paid to the Monastery of our Lady of Clairueaux. And me thinks (worthy Lord) that it were not much from the purpose, to make here a digression, thereby to acquaint your reverend worthiness, upon what reason the king Dom Alphonso had such devotion to this Monastery of Nostre dame de Clairuaux.  
The king Dom Alphonso and S. Bernard did both live at that time, and the king being informed of the wisdom, learning, and reformed life of this holy man, and what miracles God wrought by his means, in favour and for the benefit of the faithful: he began very quickly to receive him into good grace and opinion. At this very time, the king had sent his son Sanche to besiege the City of Santeren, called by the ancient Tordules S●alabis of Scabelisque the first founder; and by the Romans, Presidium julium; by the Christians, Santirenae, by reason of the holy Irena, a virgin & a Martyr, who suffered death there for the Christian faith, in the year of our Lord 696. Then afterward by the Moors Capelicastrum. This was a Parliament and colony of the Empire, and one of the greatest and most important towns of Lusitania, whereof the Moors were Lords. The King thinking one while in this siege, and of the Fortress of this city, because it was built on a high mountain, that it was a matter very doubtful and difficult to take and subdue: to purchase aid and help of God by the intercession of our blessed Lady the virgin, concluded in his soul, if he might happen to win the said city, to make her great offers, and to erect in his kingdom a great and notable monastery of Monks of the order of the Cisteaux (whereof ensued the said monastery of Clairuaux) which should and did flourish greatly through the world, and so doth to this day. The King Dom Alphonso sojourned then in the town of Coimbre, which then was the capital place of all the kingdom: within some few days after, the King departed from the said town, to be present at the siege with his son and train; and as he was upon the way, there came before him two or three religious men of the said order, who demanded of him (on the behalf of Friar Bernard) place for beginning the building of the monastery which he had promised. The King considering apart by himself, and remembering that he had made this promise is his heart, and yet had not imparted it to any person whatsoever, and seeing that Friar Bernard, who was distant off from him more than three hundred miles, knew thereof, he took it as a good augury or presage, and began to hold it for certainty, that the heavenly Architect would not slack his grace toward him, but that without all doubt he should conquer the said city. Having then given good and charitable welcome to the religious men, he said: My brethren, you come in a very apt season, let us journey on together, and I will recount it unto you, as also make accomplishment of my promise, so soon as I have recovered the city of Santaren from the Moors, which I have besieged by my son & soldiers.  
Three days after the arrival of the King there, the citiie was won and taken, more by the help of heaven, then by the valour and strength of the Christians: albeit no way to disparaged their deserving, they fought like hardy and very valiant men. The King doing the duty of a most brave Prince and Captain, seeing himself in extreme great danger at the entrance of a gate which he had won, whereon is an imag of our Lady, and is called the gate of our Lady Alamarma, which is as much to say as, fasten o● mine Arms, the very portugal words which the King used then to his Squire, because one had untied the buckles of his armour. The King being made Lord of a place of such weighty importance, marked out forthwith to the said religious men a great quantity of ground, whereon they should begin to build their monastery; which afterward increased in such sort, as in short time the number amounted to 999. They lived in particular little celles, dispersed among the valleys and mountains: and on feast days they would meet together to praise the Lord. The religious men of this monastery do hold by tradition, that their number shall never amount to a thousand, because if they give the habit to one within the church, they shall find another to be dead without. This hath been assured to me by persons of good years, religious men of the said monastery, who call themselves d' Alcobaça, among whom are divers of my kindred.  
A thing which (right worthy Lord) may very well be so For if if we shall give credit to Camden an English historian, who yet liveth at this day, and is an author worthy of belief: he certifies to to us in his Brittania, that in the land which at this day is called England (which such as are seen in Cosmography, know to be no greater than the kingdom of Portugal, with that of Algarbe in Lusitania) a tyrant King put to death twelve thousand religious persons, because they followed the part of another, who was the true and rightful King. The same Camden doth tell us, that these religious people were of a monastery, which was divided into three several bands, and that the least company of them contained seven hundred complete. But to come to our purpose, these religious folk of Alcobaça, builded by succession of time, in the great breadth of ground granted them by the King Dom Alphonso, seven cities, so do the Spaniards call them, and the Latins, oppida sive urbes, because that almost all of them are engirt with walls, and have castles, as in France, Poissy, Meulan, Mante, Vernon, etc.  
Philip II. King of Castille, would have sold the jurisdiction of them, as he hath sold others in Spain belonging to the Church. This moved the fathers of the said monastery, to turn over their papers, and was the cause, that we saw with our eyes a donation so devout and holy, made to the blessed mother of God our Lady of Clairuaux, whereof Saint Bernard hath been Abbot. Now reverend Lord, may it please you licence me, to come to the declaration of some words in the prophecies which perhaps may seem difficult to some wheresoever.   

Concerning that of S. Cyril the Hermit. Tempore annorum. 54. etc.  
This proposition hath lately been declared elsewhere, speaking of the King Dom Sebastian, who was borne in the year 1554. the 20. of januarie, between eleven and twelve of the clock at night, as I well remember. I lacking books here, and have not my memory so good (worthy Lord) now, as in times past, my travails, banishments, sicknesses (especially the last) hath deprived me of the better part, so that I cannot now cite some common known Psalms without book, which I had in my younger years by heart, and could say readily.   

Concerning that of S. Isidore. Occultus Rex bis piè datus. etc.  
This may be very well applied to Dom Sebastian my Lord and king: because that after the twelfth of januarie, the day whereon his father died, aged but sixteen years and seven months, till the twenty of the said month, An. 1554. when he was borne: at Lisbon throughout all Portugal, day and night they made continual processions, fastings and prayers, with very much devotion and great store of tears, as the reverend father doctor Sampaye makes known in his Epistle to the reader. The reason was, because the Portuguezes feared, that the kingdom should fall into the Spaniards hands. For that when the King D. john 3. grandfather to to King D. Sebastian, gave his daughter Mary as wife to Philip then prince of Castille, it was said by the contract of this marriage, that if it happened that the King D. john should decease without children, he that should be borne of Philip and Mary should be heir to the kingdom of Portugal, whereto the people than consented (say some) but repent afterward, that they laboured not to contend rather by law or war, which questionless had not wanted, because the Lord Dom Edward son to the infant Dom Edward brother to the said King. D. john 3. then lived, who was a Lord endued with many singular virtues, and as a legitimate Prince borne of Kings by the ligue masculine, did evermore claim the succession of his ancestors in the said kingdom, which never yet fell unto the distaff. Hereupon the Portuguezes prayed to God so instantly, with so many processions, fasts, prayers and tears, that it might please him to give them a Lord and Prince. Thus by divine grace was Dom Sebastian given to the Portuguezes the first time, and thus now again he gives him the second time.   

An answer to the third demand.  
For many causes (right reverend Lord) it was not necessary for the King Dom Sebastian to discover himself in Barbary: of all which we will allege but two. The first, if he had manifested himself, he had run into great danger of his life's loss, for his enemy could not more easily have put him to death, then in Barbary. There are a great number of officers kept in pay, who give them such morsels, which is called the Boccon, or poisoned bit, as the poor patient cannot by any means escape: they limit them to the year, month, days: what shall I say? to very hours and moments. The second, if Muley Hamet had got him into his power, the least that he would have demanded for his ransom, had been the cities and towns which the Portuguezes possess in Barbary. This had been a small gift for him, Tanger, Arzile, Mazagan, and the other places which the Kings of Portugal do hold in Barbary. Nevertheless, Septa had been great loss to Christendom, for it is the key of Africa and Europe. And the Moors having that in their own power, at all times, and whensoever they were thereto disposed, they might pass into Spain an hundred thousand horse and more, and from Spain post to other parts of Europe, as sometimes they did, when they were not so well enured to war, nor expert in Arms. Our histories of Portugal do tell us, that the infant Dom Fernand being taken by the Moors in the field of the city of Tanger, as he there held his siege: some few days after, they came to demand for his ransom only the city of Septa, which his father the King Dom john of worthy memory, the Bastard, had won from the Moors. The king (that then was) Dom Edward, for the singular love he bore to his brother, resolved with his people (who loved the Prince entirely) to give what they had demanded. The infant Dom Fernand being advertised of his brothers kind respect, and the people's goodwill to him likewise, found the means to write secretly unto them, that they should be very careful what they did, saying: God forbid, that by my occasion Christendom should endure such a damage: I had rather be partaker among an hundred thousand martyrs, or die in captivity in the Infidel's custody, then cause such a manifest danger to all Christendom.  
The Moors following still their motion (yet using the infant and his company with extreme cruelty) came to the knowledge, that it was hindered much more by the said infant, than the king his brother: whereupon they began to entreat him in far better manner, that he might the gladlier consent to his own redemption. But they could no way work him, to prefer his own particular benefit, before the weal public of Christendom. So that the Moors growing much displeased hereat, put him into an iron prison, without any bed or seat, and so placed him before the gates of the city of Morocco, giving him daily to eat certain ounces of bread, and a little water to drink. After some few months, this holy Lord rendered his spirit to his Creator, in that rigorous prison, suffering a glorious martyrdom, for the common good of all Christians, after the example of his Lord jesus Christ, redeemer of the whole world. His body is buried in the Covent of our Lady of victory, which is of mine Order, commonly called de la battle, in the Chapel of king D. john his father, where God (in regard of him) did continually many miracles, for advancement of the Christian faith.  
The religious Fathers of the said Covent, on the day of his death do not use to sing any Mass of Requiem, but that of all Saints, (because he was not canonised, nor yet beatified) wherein he is contained amongst them. Friar Jerome de Ramos, a religious man of mine Order, writ a book concerning the life of this glorious Saint, in the Portugal language. Which book I believe that the king Dom Sebastian hath both seen and read, and that in imitation of the said Saint, who was brother to his fourth grandfather, I am certainly persuaded, that he having so apt means to conceal himself, would not be discovered: for should he have there been revealed to the Moors, they might have come and demanded for his ransom, the towns and cities elsewhere set down, nay the city of Septa itself. And doubtless, the Portuguezes would have given them all, nay rather much more, for the liberty of a King so good, so virtuous, and so holy, whom they loved with such and so great affection, as if he had been a God and their redeemer.  
The king Dom Sebastian (most worthy Lord) was naturally so Catholic and christianly addicted, that for the adding but of a very pulse breadth of ground to Christendom, he would most gladly have yielded himself captive. And therefore we may well conjecture and credit his good nature, that when he could not get away without danger of his life, and likewise in respect of Christendomes general benefit, he held it much more glorious for him to die in prison and slavery in Barbary, then to live at liberty being Lord and Monarch of the world. Thus, right reverend Lord, give we end to the answer of your third demand.   

An answer to the fourth demand.  
Some do conjecture, that he hath been amongst the Moors in Barbary many years. Which very well be so (although such as have not been accustomed to frequent that country, do imagine it impossible) and oftentimes it hath so happened to the Portuguezes, that they have lived captives in Barbary for the space of 10.12.15.20.25. and 30. years, without any tidings heard of them all. The reason is, that all slaves Noble do appertain to the King, and such as hold them in their custody, are bound to make like delivery to him of them. Whereby very often the Lords of the Moors, knowing their slaves to be of noble race, dissemble with them, that they may not lose them: and that they may find means to be rid of them, granting them for their liberty some reasonable ransom.  
So got out of captivity the Prince my Lord Dom Antonio, who died at Paris with the title of King of Portugal, because he had been elected, received, sworn and confirmed by the people, King of the said Realm: who being slave to a particular man, his good fortune favoured him so much as not to be known: and he met with another slave of his company, an African Gentleman, who spoke very well the language of the Coimbre, and called himself Gaspar de Gran. This man made his master believe, that this slave Dom Antonio, was a Priest which would never be redeemed thence, because his kindred were very glad of his life in imprisonment, for thereby they had in mean while the benefit of his goods and rents: wherefore he gave him counsel, that it were much better for him to make some reasonable composition, then to be a loser altogether. In the end, the matter was so concluded, that for the ransom of the Prince and the said Gentleman, the sum of six hundred crusadoes must be paid him, which are Crowns valuing fifty solz or sauce Tournois. And the Moors parted thence with them, never traveling but by night, but hiding themselves all the day time: and on the fifth or sixth day after they arrived in the night at the gates of Arzile, where entering masked, they left their slaves, received their money, and then returned back to their houses. If the Lord Dom Antonio had been known for such as he was, and had fallen into the power of the king of Barbary, his matter had sorted a quite contrary way: for the slaves to the king are kept in very strong guard, and if they hold ten thousand crowns rend, there will be demanded fifty thousand for their ransom, which if they will not make promise of, they must endure the sharp bastonnadoes. The slaves that are to other particular men, are much more nearer their liberty: either by getting such a sum of money, saving themselves otherwise, or enlarged at length by the means of their Mistresses. It is a thing very ordinary in Barbary, worthy Lord, for the women Moors do extremely love Christians: & many times they receive liberty by the means of them, and likewise get very good gifts from them.  
In like sort diverse are freed and scape unknown, by means of the religious Fathers of the most holy Trinity, which are called the Order De Redemptione captivorum, in France we call them Mathurines. There is commonly Monks of this Order in Barbary, who deal with the Moors for the ransom of Christians: which Monks do pass through all the Realms of Barbary, clothed in their habits, with very much liberty, and have great credit with the Moors. Among whom, if they find some man of quality, that is not known at all, they compound immediately for his ransom, and counting down the money, or promising to pay it in a limited time, they set him at liberty.  
I think reverend Sir (because I can yet understand no further of matters passed) that my Lord the king Dom Sebastian, hath never been held as prisoner: or if he have, it was his good hap to meet with an honest master, with whom he lived so long, as till he could obtain his liberty, or compass the means to make an escape. And as we do imagine, he hath been wandering among the Aethiopians, as your worthy self may gather by the translation of two letters written unto me, the one from the Father doctor Sampayo, the other from Dom john de Castro: the originals whereof remain in my custody, with seven or eight other letters of theirs, which they did send to me from Venice.  
In this demand likewise, your reverend Lordship prays me to tell you▪ for what reason my Lord the king Dom Sebastian, did not come into France, or to any place else, where doubtless he might have been received according to his quality: namely, with better entertainment than he had at Venice? I answer, that being by God's grace restored to liberty, himself will deliver the causes that moved him, to go and present himself before the Lords there, and those likewise which withheld him from coming into France or elsewhere, according as yourself have alleged. As for my knowledge of him, it sufficeth me to hear the speech of him, I being in one place, and he in another. But coming to the sight of him, I can demand and know diverse notable things of him, which is impossible for him to have altogether forgotten: for assuredly he can and will resolve me in one or other. For since the time I became religious (which was at two and twenty years, and 26. days of mine age) he being then aged 12. years, one month, and 28. days, I have seen him in diverse quarters of Portugal, and conferred with him of very important affairs. Before I was religious, he being aged seven or eight years, I served as a Page to his Grandmother, his father's mother, who was sister to the emperors Charles the fifth, and Ferdinand, and grandmother to the most Christian Queen Maria de Medicis: and for this reason he is very near kinsman to the said Majesty, cousin germane removed by the father's side, john the son of Catherine, and likewise cousin germane removed by his mother's side, jane, who was eldest daughter to the said Charles the fifth brother to Catherine. This which hath been said (joined with the translation of the two missives ensuing,) may serve as answer to your fourth demand.    

The translation of a letter from the father Doctor Sampayo.  
To the Rright reverend father and Doctor, the father Friar joseph Texere Portugueze, Counsellor and Almoner to the most Christian King, in our covent of the friars preachers at Paris.  
Most reverend father and master:  
I Have heretofore written to your fatherhood concerning this present matter, and because I know not whether my letters have been delivered you or no, I determined to send one more after the rest. Persuade yourself (holy father) and even as God shall deal with my soul in the article of death: that no other motive stirs me hereunto, but only brotherly affection, truth and zealous love to the liberty of my country.  
The King Dom Sebastian our Lord, is prisoner here in this city, and so hath been for two and twenty months: whom God (in his judgements concealed to himself) hath permitted to come hither, transported to this place very poorly, and robbed by five of his own servants which he entertained in Cicilie. But so soon as he arrived here in this city (where he hoped to find good favour and support) immediately the Ambassador of Castille persecuted him most cruelly: persuading the Seigneurie, that he was a Calabrois, a thief, etc. For this cause the Lords imprisoned him, and rigorously proceeded against him: here they keep him close shut up, not suffering him to be seen, nor enlarged, nor execute any act of justice upon him: Quia nullam invenient in eo causam. Because they can find no just cause against him.  
Our sins are great, great is the strength of Spain, and the malice of the jewish Portuguezes in this country, whereof some wear red bonnets, and others black: but the last are most dangerous. They think that they can impeach what God hath ordained ab aeterno, as the devil would have done the death of jesus Christ, by the means of the wife of Pilate. That this is very true, I swear to your fatherhood, by the passion of jesus Christ: that this man is as truly the King Dom Sebastian, as I am known to be Friar Stephen de Sampayo. And if it be not found to prove accordingly, let me not only (be condemned as a liar, but for a renegade, a blasphemer and an heretic. For this, have I endeavoured my very uttermost diligence in my Portugal voyage. I have been on one side and another, and understand secretly, that he hath all the marks on his body, without failing in any one of them, as he had in his infancy, only the wounds excepted which he received in the bloody day at Africa. He gives the reason of his life, and yields account of all his passages in such sort, as there is no understanding so obstinate and blind, but must thereby be utterly vanquished; and God be my helper, as this is the truth.  
These Lords do expect, that Kings and Princes should undertake this business, at whose instance they would admit us to have sight and knowledge of him: because they would not be faulty toward the Spaniard: for they say, they would not incur the ill will of any one. This is an occasion whereby your reverend fatherhood may purchase more honour, and perform far greater service to God, than ever any Portugueze did: in coming hither, & bringing such letters of favour with you, as may obtain for us the sight of him, and by examination to apprehend the very certainty, for here you shall find with us more than twelve persons, of all the estates of his time to know him by. He hath been so unfortunate, that leaving all his companions scattered through the world, he is here arrived without any one of them. Dom George de Lancastre, Duke of A●eyro, whom he left in Aethiopia, were sufficient for his deliverance, if he were here present.  
I humbly pray your fatherhood, that upon sight of this present letter, you would speedily journey hither, for your personal being here is very necessary: considering withal, that a religious man your brother, of the order of S. Dominicke, uses these persuasions to you, one that desires your good, honour and quiet, with as earnest affection as his own.  
It is seventeen months since I put hand to this service, I have been in Portugal, and returned thence as I have told you, & it is impossible for me to be abused as some are: who think this man not to be the King Dom Sebastian, but that the Seigneurie detains another hidden in stead of him. This man here, known and reknowne for such, by the Concierges, by the judges, by the greater part of the Senate, and by his own Confessor, yet such is the invention of this world's children, as they imagine themselves more powerful than God, and would presume to abolish so marvelous a work of the Lord.  
I have written to the Governor, and to many other; I know not what the sins are of our Portugezes in France, who were wont to oppose their lives to extreme dangers, and hazard loss of their goods (with very good zeal) for a figure: and will they not now with so much honour, in an action of truth and glory, make their own advantage and benefit, not for a shadow, but for a rightful King, whose life (both in the prison and abroad) ravisheth all the country with admiration, by the means of his fastings, prayers, and disciplines? notwithstanding all which, his strength is not a jot impaired, for he is of very marvelous fortitude.  
Whosoever will say, that this man is a Calabrois, and that he speaks not a word of Portugal: he lies, he is the true King of Portugal Dom Sebastian, and speaketh Portugal (though somewhat corrupted, because it is 22. years since he spoke the language usually. Whosoever saith that they have shown him to us, he lies: for to delay and win time withal, these Lords sent me to Portugal, to be informed of the marks of his body, telling me, that otherwise they would not let me see him, and that the Portugals had such forward desire to be free from the Spaniards, as they would maintain (if need were) that their king Dom Sebastian was but a Negro. Now albeit that I have brought so many authentical marks, approved by public instruments from a Notary Apostolic, I have entreated that we may have sight of him, to examine him, and make known the truth or falsehood of the case, by the certifications which I brought hither with me, as also a Cannon of Lisbon that came along with me. It was answered us from the Senate, after diverse and sundry contestations; that it was not a matter belonging to them, to know whether he were a king or no, without some Kings and Princes moved the same to them on his behalf.  
I speak so amply to your fatherhood, because you may perceive with what zeal I write at this instant. I justify again unto you, and swear by the eternal God, by his only begotten son, and by all our faith: that this prisoner is our true Lord the King Dom Sebastian. If your reverend self would come with letters from his most Christian Majesty, I believe that without any hindrance, they would show him to us, and upon acknowledging, let us have him enlarged. We are now going to move our request to his Holiness, that it might please him to set a helping hand to this business, considering it is a case so just and meritable of pity, wherein we doubt not but to have his furtherance.  
With this present I have sent you the oath of the holy King, to the end that you may make it public by impression: and by the first convenient means, I will send you a letter which his Majesty wrote to his holiness, with an Elegy wherein he makes the discourse of his life. Once more I earnestly entreat your fatherhood, as much as possibly remains in me, that by no means you will let slip so notable an occasion, well worthy to carry his deserving talon, and that in person you would manage a matter of such importance: which, beside imploring the strong arm of the King, and the favour of all Princes, hath necessarily need of the assistance of all loyal Portuguezes. For what account of himself, can the reverend father Friar joseph Texere render to the world, so firm and constant a lover of his country? What excuse can he allege, though there may be many, for not giving furtherance to this affair? Will he incur the infamy of N. who for his offences should be seen that this king doth live? What hath your fatherhood done against the kingdom, that you should not present yourself before all the world with plain and open looks? Oh, for the love of God, I beseech you consider in your soul, with what sincere affection I use this language to you: I trust God himself will illuminate your reverend understanding, to behold how dear an interest you have in this cause. From Venice the xii. of October 1600.  
The servant and brother to your fatherhood Friar Stephen de Sampayo.   

Another Letter from Dom john de Castro.  
To the worthy Sir, Doctor Texere, Counsellor and Almoner to the most Christ●n King: chief Almoner to my Lord the Prince, and Confessor to Madam the Princess his mother.  
At Paris, in the covent of the jacobius.  
SIR,  
I am extremely astonished, being the man that you are, and so well known for a Portuguese, that you should at any time covet any thing more, than the freedom of Portugal; that you make so small account of this incredible marvel, concerning the king Dom Sebastian, the only prize of all that kingdoms best adventures, considering it is now so many years since, that you employed yourself in this business, with no small service unto the said Lord. You have seen the whole discourse along of this matter, by letters as well from myself as others, and because the former which I writ unto you, were but briefly handled, as committing what remained overplus to better leisure, I am now determined (for diverse good respects) to touch more largely, yet as briefly as I can, the very foundation and ground of the whole work.  
The King Dom Sebastian, who in the year 1578. lost himself in the battle of Africa (he whom the enemy calls a Ca●a●o●s) is the very same prisoner which is now detained here: even as certainly as you are Friar joseph, and myself Dom john. He departed safe and alive from the battle, but very sore wounded; God having so delivered him, with some other of his company, among whom was the Duke of Aueyro. And having gone the better part of the world, about the end of his peregrination, he resolved to live private in an Hermitage; where after some time passed, he was inspired by God, that he should return against to Portugal to govern his kingdom. The self same inspiration was likewise given to an Hermit, in the company of whom he ●ad lived: which Hermit revealed many things very secret to him touching this matter: for which cause he departed from the place where he abode, to accomplish what the Spirit of God had inspired and enjoined him to.  
So he arrived in Sicily, in the year 1598. where he entertained four or five servants (for he went before without company) with whom he embarked himself at Messina, in a Galley belonging to his Holiness, to 〈◊〉 for Rome, purposing to discover himself to his said Holi● When he was come near Rome, those fellows 〈…〉 entertained for his servants, robbed and despoiled him of 〈◊〉 had, leaving him both poor and naked, so that he was 〈◊〉 to seek to needy and very wretched people, who besto● 〈◊〉 somewhat on him for the honour of God. This mishap made him alter his former purpose; and th● poor miserable man was glad to trace all Italy, in hope to find the thieves that had thus despoiled him. In the end, hearing no tidings at all of them, he retired to this City, the above named year, in the month of june, having about him but one poor Gazetes, a piece of money valuing three Liards of France. In this manner he lodged at a needy wretched house, where he remained some days not being known. Afterward, diverse particularly began to listen after him: for they heard that he called himself first a Knight of the Cross, and then afterward, the King Dom Sebastian. As this brute ran abroad, Antonio de Brito Pimentel, Pantaleon Pessoa, and many others came oftentimes to see him at his lodging: and by occasion of this rumour, which spread itself more and more through the City, changing his lodging, he fell by misfortune into the hands of vile men, which being but very bare themselves, yet gave him clothes and food at their charges. He got very evil reputation by the company of such people, which was the principal cause or his strange misadventure. He was with those companions at Padua, whereof this Seigneurie being advertised by the Ambassador of Castille, and of some tumults made among them: to forestall such inconveniences as might ensue, they sent to the Podestat of Padua, that he should by commandment cause him to avoid the Town within certain hours, and by like certain days to depart the places belonging to their Estate.  
Hereupon for some special reasons best known to himself, he returned again unto this City, where the Signior thereof at the instance of the said Ambassador (who assured them that he was but a thief and a seductour, proving it by the testimony of jewish merchants Portugueses, and other persons of self-same honest quality, who took their oaths he was not the King Sebastian, because the true King died in the battle of Africa, neither did he resemble him in any degree, imputing to him many and very enormous crimes) they sent to apprehend him, and as a malefactor committed him to very close imprisonment: notwithstanding, there were many persons both before and since his commitment, that had known him very well in Portugal, and affirmed him to be the true king Dom Sebastian.  
At his first questioning withal, he declared to the Lords his mishap in Africa, and in what manner God had delivered him. After, to diverse others he did the like, and perceiving they would search into all his secrets, yet using him very hardly, being a King, and one that had no way prejudiced their estate: upon his natural and wont inclination to choler, moved in a subject of such justice and equity, he refused to make them any more direct answers, but one while said one thing, then again another; nevertheless, he evermore maintained himself to be the true king Dom Sebastian, desiring the Lords therein to believe him, and if they approved him not to be the same▪ then to chastise him justly as a false deceiver, which as yet to this instant they would never do, nor yet permit him to be seen by any.  
He is in a certain prison, where no man may enter or speak to the prisoners: neither may one write unto him, on peril of the saylours' life, if he should but consent thereto. He hath endured very great poverties, and passed through many hard traverses: being no less reproached and misprized, than the basest prisoners with him. His life is very religious, addicted altogether to prayer and fasting, feeding but on bread & water most days in the week. And yet notwithstanding this austere abstinence, he is very strong, as I have heard by one of the prisoners released out of that prison: who departed thence greatly affectionate to him, seeming to love him highly, and reported matters marvelous of his strength and other good parts.  
As for the exterior marks of his body, he wants not one of them which he had when as he reigned: the self same lip, look, head, body, arms, thighs, legs and feet, not failing of any one mark which he had naturally (imprinted as it were) on his person. He is wounded on the brow of the right eye, and on the head, as many witnessed, when they saw him in the Afric battle: he hath abundance of great wounds on his arms and legs: he speaks Portugal as mingled or corrupted, wherein he is not much to be blamed, considering he hath not spoken it in the space of two and twenty years, according to the resolution he took with his friends and companions, because they might pass the better unknown. His hand writing is the self same, observing still the same manner and method; all which are very well remembered by diverse, that have both scene and known them in times past. In the secret notes of his body, there is none likewise wanting, albeit he have many & very notable, as is justified by good testimony, approved by the public Notaries of Portugal. It is impossible to find another man in the world, that should have all the self same marks, and it seems that God had thus signed him from the womb of his mother, with so many rare and signal marks, to make him known (by means of them) in so unhappy and miserable a time, even as he hath likewise preserved him for the fulfilling of so great and ancient Prophecies, which have so copiously spoken of him. May it please God but to permit, that the prosperities in the accomplishment yet remaining to him, may answer in like certainty to the foretold adversities, which he hath passed already.  
Things standing in this estate, we have demanded audience of the Seigneurie, which twice hath been granted us by the Senate with very good will. And there we delivering the rumour that ran abroad, of the imprisonment of our King Dom Sebastian, by means whereof all Portugal was moved, and all Christendom held it for marvelous and strange: we requested that he might be seen and known, and if he were found to be the true King Dom Sebastian, that he might be so held and esteemed of every one. If upon their suffering him, to be thus questioned and seen by us, we returned and avouched him to be the same, we would submit ourselves to such imprisonment as they thought meet, and suffer what punishment they would please to appoint, if herein we dissembled or dealt false with them. Before these audiences could be obtained, we offered them a Charter in parchment, whereby we gave them to understand, that we desired no other grace or favour, but what hath been granted in the like case by Philip. 2. King of Castille (he having more interest in this matter than they) about two Portuguezes, who in Portugal did feign themselves severally to be the true King D. Sebastian, he caused them to be kept in a public prison, where all the world might have seen and spoken with them, to the end that they might not be abused by them, and they were soon found to be villains and deceivers, whereby the Portuguezes were quickly resolved.  
We required moreover, that good order might be taken for his diet, and that his person should be safely regarded, while this affair were further proceeded in, lest his enemies might compass his death by poison: for if any such thing should so come to pass, the Portuguezes would report continually, that the Seigneurie of Venice had murdered their proper, natural, lawful and true King, when it should plainly appear that he was no Calabrois,- whence would arise such ill will between the Portuguezes and the Venetians, as the Seigneuries name should for ever be scandalised through the world. See here the substance of all that we could do, yet we continued still in our right, with all the diligence we could possibly use, calling never for any other thing than justice. And as we grew great in the poor opinion of our hopes, Diego Manuel chanced to arrive there, by whose coming we were somewhat more comforted, persuading ourselves now to obtain thoroughly what we desired: because he had brought letters of great importance, which mainly might set forward our earnest suit. And to strengthen us yet more, Sebastian Figuera came hither likewise the 4. of this month, with letters from the States in general of Holland, & from the Prince Maurice unto the Seigneurie, in favour of the King Dom Sebastian, which were delivered on the morrow, for the Lords had appointed us to be heard again as that day.  
Now advise yourself very well, whether I have reason or no to think strangely of you, and to expect your presence here for obtaining of this glory, wherein you have so seriously travailed until this day. If you have any remembrance of heaven, or any high and generous spirit, here have you a subject meet to employ it in. I believe you reserve to yourself the surname of a Portugueze, for nothing but to join it only with that of Texere. This should be the hidden treasure, whereof in the end of the year 1598. you called to the finding your good friend the knight Buodo, when you made your passage into Holland. If you be desirous of glory and happiness, we shall soon have you here: divide yourself in pieces for the Prince, and you shall find the effects thereof in the mercies of God. In sooth I know not how you have abstained from coming barefoot hither, considering how zealous you have been for the good and profit of our country; and such a professed enemy beside to the Spaniard; and (in times past) of high courage for undertaking of any worthy attempt; seeing (under heaven) is not the like case as here offers unto you; beside, being free for whosoever to embrace. Awake your spirits either now or never, and seeing you have so much credit in those parts, pray, importune your friends in any place wheresoever, and if you may, obtain letters from his most Christian Majesty, the famous Queen of England, the general States of Holland, and from all the Princes and Lords of France: that this Seigneurie may suffer the prisoner to be known what he is, true or false, or at least to enlarge him, because to this hour they will neither let him be known nor seen: but fail not to come, with what favours you can compass. And say that denial herein maybe made unto you, yet you must not slack your coming in a business so expedient: for you shall do no mean service to your Prince, as you have done heretofore and that very notably, and had we but your presence here, we should hold it sufficient.  
Do not let fall to ground so great an adventure, seeing you have done so much already for a shadow, and give the like counsel unto your friends; for never can hap like occasion to this. On one side the enterprise is put into your hand, on the other the recompense: do like a defender of your country, and your merit shall be more than following times can acknowledge. Notwithstanding, let me thus condition with you, that you shall not be so covetous a lover of yourself, as to make a sole benefit of the honour in this action, but to divide some participation thereof to your friends.  
I had forgot to tell you that the prisoner hath had of the Siegneurie, five crowns of this money monthly to dispend, which is a little more than four crowns of the Sun; of which he gives away the most part to the poor for the honour of God. I once more entreat you to haste your affairs with what brevity you may, and as you come, give copies of this letter to so many as shall require it, for I will send the same to as many others as I write unto. You shall do me a singular pleasure, in making my commendations to M. de Tiron, and tell him, that this is the marvel whereof I had talk with him so many years since, and let him make account to be as certain of my service, as his merits do justly challenge. And to Monsieur le Commaundeur de Chastes, say that the time is now come wherein I shall make known to him how much I rest engaged and am ready at his service. And so please him to credit me: if he desire to purchase supreme glory and great estate, let his employment be entire on this Prince's behalf, for thereby he shall gain more honour and repute, than his highest thoughts is able to imagine I kiss the hands of all our friends according to my duty, and let each one receive me as effectually his. Our Lord give you understanding of all I have writ unto you, with happy and prosperous success in your travail. From Venice the 6. of November 1600. humbly kissing your hands.  
The most affectionate to your service, Dom john de Castro.  
This Dom john de Castro, whom I think your reverend Lordship knows very well, hath ever held this opinion; that the king Dom Sebastian was still alive, and that Portugal should one day be restored by him. He took it for a matter so firm and certain, that in the year 1596. when I was at Folambray, about some affairs belonging to mine order and myself, the King besieging la Fere, he justified it in the Chapter house of our covent of jacobines at Paris, to divers Portuguezes (persuading them never to accord with D. Philip. 2. King of Castille, neither ever to go together) for he knew assuredly that the King Dom Sebastian lived, & that Portugal would be restored within few years; saying moreover, that he esteemed it for a matter so certain, as he durst maintain it upon his oath. Hereupon, so soon as he heard that the King Dom Sebastian was kept prisoner at Venice, he could not any way remain in quiet. Immediately he made his voyage for England, to entreat the royal Queen to favour and further this case: from England he went to Holland, for the self same purpose, and being returned to Faris, he never ceased till he came to Venice, where he arrived the 28. of june last passed, and his voyage was of such importance, as we hope it will serve sufficiently to get his King at liberty.  

An answer to the fifth demand.  
The persons that procured the liberty of my Lord Dom Sebastian king of Portugal, are these following. The father doctor de Sampayo, regent in the faculty of Theology at Tolossa, whom your worthy Lordship doth know very well. He in the service of the said King, adventured his life in very great hazard, passing secretly into Portugal, and managed the matter wish such dexterity, as it was possible for any man whatsoever to do. A doctor of the order of Saint Bernard, named Friar Chrysostome, a very religious man, & (as I have heard) of good credit and authority. Dom john de Castro before named, the son to Dom Alvaro de Castro, who was one of the 4. governors that ruled the kingdom, conjointly with the King Dom Sebastian, those whom we call in Portugal, Veadores de la hazienda, & grand child to Dom john de Castro, heretofore viceroy in the East Indies: of whose high prowesses, worthy deeds of arms & victories, our histories give no mean commendation. A Cannon of Lisbon, a man of noble lineage and rich, who abandoning his country, and forsaking his goods, departed expressly from Portugal on this respect: and brought the marks which the said king hath on his body, approved by authentical instruments of a Notary Apostolic. Rodrigo Marquis, Diego Manoel, and Sebastian Figuera, which three were servants to the king Dom Antonio, namely companions in the same fortune. The last is he of whom we have made mention in the second answer, and the same whom Dom john de Castro saith in his letter, to arrive at Venice, with letters from the general States of the united Provinces, and the Prince Maurice.  
It hath been told me, that they expect at Venice the Lord Dom Christopher, youngest son to the king Dom Antonio, who is at Rome, and with him these Lords Manuel de Brito Pimentel, Pantaleon Pessoa de Neyva, Frances Antoine, and other Gentlemen of Portugal, of whom I can say nothing what they are, because their names were not written to me. The news that I have at this present, are no other than those contained in the said letters from the Doctor de Sampayo, and from Dom john de Castro, from each of whom I have received diverse other, which nevertheless sort all to one self same end. There be sundry other letters here from other Portuguezes, that affirm this man to be the true king of Portugal Dom Sebastian, and approve it for truth by many reasons, giving such plain appearance of verity, that (according to human judgement) cannot be encountered or ratified on any other than himself. So that I see nothing which may call me into doubt of his not being the same man, for otherwise he must questionless be a spirit or devil: which cannot be, considering his life is so holy and perfect, his proceeding most simple▪ and (to use the very same words which one hath written to me) it is all mere simplicity. If he were a seductour, or an evil spirit, he would express store of artificial crafts and frauds in his doings: beside, a wicked spirit would never endure so long and rigorous an imprisonment. The aforenamed advertisements, instances and entreats from the specified persons, beside reason itself, bind me (most worthy Sir) to part thus briefly, but I hope to visit you again to morrow after breakfast: and so I close up mine answer to your fifth demand.   

An answer to the sixth and last demand.  
For answer to the sixth and last demand, I say (right reverend Lord) that it is to me very much displeasing, to serve as a Confessor in this business, and by that means stand bound to keep all under seal: for this reason I dare not answer categorically, because I fear to offend my most inward well-willers in their trust. Notwithstanding, that I may induce the king of Portugal Dom Sebastian my Lord into France, I promise to make the mighty truth so apparent, that it shall violently break the very strongest bars opposed against it, and overflow the whole earth, that with much glory and prosperity it may float through all the Septentrion, and grace him home into his own kingdom.  
When the Portugals shall have their best loved & desired king at liberty: who shall offer resistance? If Sir, you reply to me, demanding how I dare assume such confidence in this case of Sebastian, seeing (in late proof) we could not do any act of great importance, when we had Dom Antonio present with us: I answer, that to justify my words▪ I have a thousand reasons that make for me. There was great difference between Sebastian and Antonio. Antonio came to the Crown by a very great hazard and difficulty: Sebastian from the womb of his mother was borne Prince & heir. Antonio employed his time to govern and visit the churches of his Prior de Crato (he was grand Prior of Malta in Portugal, and for this respect, Lord spiritual and temporal of thirteen cities, and more than four hundred villages:) Sebastian used to manage his horses, and follow the exercise of arms. Antonio, as a man Ecclesiastical and regular, kept his sword rusting in the scabbard: Sebastian like one secular and a King, carried his daily naked, shining brighter than crystal. To confirm what I say, me seems (worthy Sir) that it is not necessary to allege all the reasons which offer themselves: it sufficeth us to know for certain, that the king Dom Sebastian hath at this day, and evermore had the will and heart of a Portugueze, which is as firm in seeking his subjects benefit and love, as it was ever ready with his weapon to encounter his enemy.  
The Portuguezes know very well, that they have already felt for the space of 21. years, one month, and 25. days, the honey & sweet relish of his government, & that if they have in all the passed time, tasted any thing unsavoury in his actions (because he was a little stiff and sharp:) they have since then been so over-glutted with gall, as they will find his very bitterest behaviour, more sugared and sweet than the others best taste. Moreover, if there be great difference between man and man: even so on the other side is there between time and time. The Portuguezes live at this day, with an unquenchable thirst of their liberty, so that they would gladly cast themselves from the tops of high mountains, to find a redress for their slavish bondage. In the passed time, as they had never tasted but their own natural government, so they knew not how to prove the bitter, nor how well to esteem the benefit of the sweet. Hence grew so many parts taking, both before and after the election of Dom Antonio. He had with him the people, the Lords of the family of Vimieuse and others, with the most part of the ecclesiastical and regular persons. The duke of Bragancia, he brought in his quarter many Lords of Portugal (for they were almost all descended of his house) and their followers, which made near the number of two hundred thousand in Portugal. The Nobles of Portugal, which are there called Escuyers or chevaliers d'vne Lance, & are the principal strength and sinews of the Realm, they betook themselves all to see the sport of this play. The fourth part, which held for his Catholic Majesty D. Philip king of Castille, because of the discord and division of the rest, was the strongest, & proceeded at more pleasure in those affairs. There was but one sole part with the King Sebastian, and to him they continued still united firm: for it is a thing very public, and known through the world, that the Portuguezes not only loved Dom Sebastian as their king, but honoured him as if he had been a God. Wherefore (worthy Lord) I hold it for most certain, that so soon as they should understand their King to be in France, they would immediately shake off the yoke of Castille, they would send him money to supply his necessities, and would levy an army by sea, with whom they would gladly come to seek him, and no body could tell which way to hinder them, for they are in possession, and hold all Portugal and his Monarchy properly in their hands.  
His Majesty Catholic holds nothing in Portugal which he can warrant or defend: for what can three or four hundred soldiers do within the castle of Lisbon, when for defence of the same there shall need 10000 There is in this Castle a Parish that holds more than 500 houses or make-fires, this castle was the palace of our Kings, builded on a mountain all of earth, subject to undermining & blowing up. His said Majesty keeps his Garrison therein to no other end, but only for ostentation: I myself was prisoner in it 3. months and a half, in the year 1582. after the death of the Lord of Strozzi, & I have heard Captains say, that if 10. thousand soldiers were in it, they would make them dance out thereof in a moment, & mocked such as esteemed it for a safe security, if any rumour or tumult should be blown through the city. His Catholic Majesty holds as impregnable the Tower of Bethlehem on the sea, for guard of the port a league from Lisbon; at three leagues that of S. john; at 4. that of S. Anthony; at 5. that of Cascayes. In the first, third, & fourth, there is not above 100 men of war: in the second, of S. john, admit there were more than 400. whosoever is or shall be Lord of the land, shall be so likewise very easily of all those towers. But say that S. john's is mighty & strong: I know for certainty, that the 16. part of Prince Maurice his A. B. C. were enough to race & batter it in 4. hours. (This A. B. C. are 24. Canons, which the Prince Maurice caused to be made for the battery of Stenwick, & took it perforce in the year, 1592.)  
Moreover, his Majesty Catholic hath an other Tower, which his father caused to be made in the midst of the sea on a rock, which is called Teste seche: this tower serves to no end, but that the other of S. john's doth countenance it. At Setuball six leagues from Lisbon, there is also at entrance of the port a tower called S. Philip, of very slender importance, by being built at the foot of a high mountain that commands it. I think beside these, at the port of Viana, sixty leagues from Lisbon, he keeps a Garrison of Spaniards in another tower: behold here the strength of his Majesty Catholic in Portugal. But of what import will they prove, though he had much more advantage, if the Portugals were counited & combined together? so much the sooner ensued his loss.  
Dom john king of Castille the first of that name, called himself king of Portugal in the right of his wife, who was daughter to D. Fernand king of Portugal; the Queen mother, her kindred and allies, did likewise take part with the castilians: but the Portuguezes knitting themselves in an unity together, rend forth of his hands whatsoever he had insulted on, and chased him out of the kingdom, after they had overthrown him in the battle of Aljibarota: albeit he had in his army four and thirty thousand men, and they were but 7. thousand only: afterward, they gave him defiance again at Valverde, at Trancoso, and elsewhere, as is to be seen in our histories (if your reverend self but please to read, you shall there find it agreeing with my words) and in pursuit they gave him law at their own pleasure, as anon we shall tell you more in this answer.  
Thus we may easily perceive, that it consists not in the strength of the king Catholic Dom Philip, both to guard Portugal, and keep all the kingdom thereof under bridle, though he assembled all Spain, and all his other command. Wherefore I am of the mind (most worthy Lord) that so soon as his Majesty Catholic is given to understand, how that the King Dom Sebastian is come into France, he will immediately send his Ambassadors to him, and offer him the reintegration of his realm in quiet (swept clean already of corn and chaff) as much as to say, as without pretending any thing to him but love and kindness. And I think his Council will thereto advise him, if they have any fear of God, if they be wise, discreet, or friends to the service & welfare of their king. For if king Sebastian come with strong hand to the restoration of Portugal, no way can hinder him the entrance of Portugal, then into Castille, and from thence through all Sapine, whereby he will bring Dom Philip into such distress, as doubtless he will go near to make ruin of all. And when he shall come to urge his agreement, Dom Sebastian not only will bind him to pay all his dispense, damages and wrongs endured by occasion of the war: but likewise to restore him those revenues and profits, which the king his father and himself have hauled out of Portugal, for the space of more than twenty years, which will amount to more than forty millions. Nay, that which is more, to destroy him, and be grateful to his friends, and them that aided him in the recovery of his kingdom: he will constrain him to render the realm of Navarre to the king most Christian: that of Arragon to the Duke of Lorraine, those of Naples and Sicily to his holiness, and likewise to the other Princes of Europe, all that he hath held from them perforce; for the flower they are in coming to peace and concord, the swifter ensues the great loss and mishap of Spain.  
This which I say reverend Sir, is not in bare and simple words only, nor shall this be the first time, that Portugal hath taught law to Castille: such as are pleased in reading histories, shall find this very true, and of many that we might report and set down in account, we will allege but only one. Dom Peter King of Castille, surnamed the cruel (who was slain by his bastard brother, that came to reign afterward, and named himself Henry the II.) left two daughters, the first called Constance, the second Isabel, wife to Edmond of Langley brother to john of Gaunt, the husband to the elder daughter Constance, of whom was borne a daughter named Catharine. The said john of Gaunt, in the regard of his wife Constance, qualified the king of Castille and Leon, and made his direct passage from Gascoigne (which then was in the rule of the English) into Spain, with eighteen thousand foot, and two thousand horse, and took the Groigne, with the aid of john the bastard, elected King of Portugal, received, sworn, confirmed, and obeyed by the Portuguezes, who were to him very good friends. Thence he went on to Portugal, whence he entered into Castille, and so on to the City of Burgos, distant from the place where he parted more than twenty six leagues: took it at his arrival, and made himself master of all the cities, towns and castles he came to: moreover, they that were further off, came and for fear submitted themselves. And easily had he attained to a larger advantage, but that his men died, who through their neglect in ordering themselves, and small providence in good husbandry, were overtaken by famine, whereon a pestilence ensued among them, and they were brought to such scarcity of victuals, as they were forced to run to the enemy's camp, which was under the guide of Lewes Duke of Bourbon, who in favour of king john of Castille, came thither well accompanied with the French, to request wherewithal to save their lives. Which the said john of Portugal beholding, complained to the Duke, saying, that it was not good for his soldiers to treat with the enemy, affirming that they would cause more prejudice than all the other: therefore he should repeal them presently, & forbid all community of speech with the contrary part. Otherwise when they should enter fight, all would by the edge of the sword be destroyed, the one in regard of love to the other. Thomas Walsingham an English historian, delivers it in the self same terms, and saith, that the king of Portugal had with him four thousand Portuguezes, and all of them very well armed.  
Within few days after, certain Ambassadors sent by the king of Castille, came to the Duke, desiring peace of him in all humility, to whom the Duke would give no audience, Notwithstanding, the hunger & pestilence did enforce him, to withdraw thence into Portugal to the town of Trancoso, whither they came again seeking to him, being sent the second time from the said john king of Castille, & to urge once more the same request: showing the Duke by many reasons, the great profit might be drawn out of a kind peace between them. The Duke then gave them the hearing, & condescended to their demand, although it was greatly against his will; chiefly, because he heard that the king hf Portugal was willing thereto, and then (being touched therein by a more effectual cause) namely, the intelligence of the troubles beginning in France among the French and English, and some seditions at home in England: all which showed him, that he could draw no fresh supplies thence, because that there seemed to be greater need, and the mortality in his army did most of all require it.  
The accord between the King and the Duke was made in this manner. That Henry eldest son to King john, named Prince of Castille, should espouse Catherine the only daughter of the said Duke john of Gaunt, and Constance his wife, and should succeed in the kingdoms of Castille, Leon, and other Seigneuries: that the king should endow the mother and daughter, and so he did: giving to the mother the city of Guadalajata, Medina del Campo and Olmiedo: afterward, being with her in the said Medina, he gave her likewise Hueta. To the daughter he gave the Esturies, creating and naming her Princess, and his son Prince thereof. So from thence forward, the eldest son ever bare the surname of this principality: as of Daulphinies in France, of Wales in England, of Girona in Arragon, of Vienna in Navarre, etc. Moreover, he should give the Duke six hundredth thousand franks of gold, for his return into England, and forty thousand franks in name of rent, beside the said cities and towns during the lives of him an her.  
john of Castille accepted of all these conditions with right good will, yet he had France and the French on his side, and the King of Arragon (with whose sister he was married, of whom was borne the said Prince Dom Henry, and Fernand that after was king of Arragon, against the right of the true heirs indeed) and Charles the III. king of Navarre his brother: but he knew notwithstanding all these, that having civil wars in Castille, and Portugal for an enemy, fortune would forsake him in all his realms & Seigneuries. Thus could and can the kingdom of Portugal bear head against the rest of Spain. It is most certain, that at all times, and as often as Portugal hath the favour of France, of England, or some other strange Prince whosoever it be, it compels the king of Castille (to whom that is a bridle) to make him yield to reason, and come at command, nay, to accept of conditions very ignominious and prejudicial. And those of the Duke might have been much more advantageable to this agreement, if the king of Portugal had been willing: because having the sword in his hand, he might have cut out his partage at his own pleasure. He was the judge, and it was done with his will: Qui habet gladium, potest dividere campos. And hence it came, that the Duke departed not very well contented with him: although he gave him in marriage his eldest daughter Philippe.  
By this already rehearsed (worthy Lord) may be understood, that they who have not the pearls of spotted affection in their eyes, may discern, and others, whose hearts are not fatted with hate to this good king, may know, that my words are neither bourdings nor songs. For if this King Dom john the bastard, having all Spain, all France, and some of Castille his allies banding against him, for himself only four thousand Portuguezes, and some English in weak estate, and yet then suspected to, being withdrawn from Castille into Portugal, could make laws to his enemies: what shall Sebastian do, accompanied with a great number of Princes of Europe, with his Portuguezes and his own person, which degenerates not a jot from that of his grandfather Dom john the bastard, who for his fair deeds was surnamed, Of worthy memory: against a young king, slenderly experimented, and but badly armed? It is not to be doubted but he shall restore Portugal, seeing God and the prophecies have so made him promise; and that he shall cleanse and purge the Spaniards of their vices and abuses, according as S. Isidore hath prophesied, who since he flourished, it is more than a thousand years. What contentment, what joy shall the world receive by sight hereof, and namely they that are the children of God? What felicity for the Roman Church? What good for the weal public of Christendom? Let the enemy judge this cause, and (as one said in Portugal) let them crack this nut, and know, that yet at this day Portugal is far stronger than Spain, yea all Spain in the time of the said Bastard. Then all that were soldiers, were skilful in handling the sword, the lance, the halberd and the cross or long bow: now at this day they can not be drawn from the harquebus or musket; for this reason the Portugals have yet more soldiers than Spain. Because the Castilians, yea or the Spaniards that come from the garrisons of the king of Castille, do never part thence but lame and maimed, except it be some of the principal Gentlemen. Of the Portugueses sent from Portugal to the East Indies, there comes back commonly the third part of them, and of them that are scattered in diverse places of Africa the second part. This is most certain, for in the beginning of the reign of our Lord D. Antonio, I found a roll of the soldiers that were to be had in Portugal, wherein it was assured me, that within the province d'Entre, Douro and Migno, which is called in Latin Interamnis, which contains no more than eighteen leagues in length, & twelve in breadth at the most, three thousand old soldiers were to be found.  
To this answer, it remains for me yet to satisfy another objection, which your revered sanctity may make unto me, to wit, Some that have a mighty opinion of the King of Castilles strength, would make the world believe, that he is infinitely powerful, and can invade Portugal with huge numbers of soldiers. To the first point I answer briefly and succinctly: That the King of Castille is in no place more weak then in Spain. To the second: Whence shall he gather such supplies of soldiers? Shall he furnish himself out of those garrisons and forces which he hath from Spain? Not so. If in case he will cull out of the said garrisons some soldiers to forage Portugal, he must at the least have four months time to do it. In less than four days may men pass from Brittany to Lisbon. Could he bring fifty thousand men into Portugal, wherewithal will he feed them? I would only twenty thousand. Moreover, what would avail fifty thousand soldiers in Portugal? All those being there, could not impeach the King Don Sebastian from landing: for Portugal hath an hundred and forty leagues on the coast, and throughout is landing easily to be had. In some parts, they that are on land in one place cannot in a day give succour to the other, albeit they are distant but two leagues. If king Sebastian did but set foot on land, all Portugal would presently run to him: by which reason, strange soldiers would be forced to yield themselves, or throw themselves headlong into the sea, or die with famine, or else by the hands of their enemies.  
Now give I conclusion to this present discourse, humbly beseeching your worthy Lordship, to hold excused such slips as are therein, because in the writing thereof, I have been driven to some nightly hours (which could not be very many since I received your last letter) for so long a certification by pen, and but that I was enjoined thereto by your express command, I could gladly have excused myself from so tedious a travel. But the honours and graces received from so worthy a person, have been so great, and continued in such sort, as they bound me to obey without all excuse. If my pen have erred in any point (whereof I doubt not) this hope is left me, that one day I may give your Lordship more ample, certain & assured satisfaction, in all whatsoever shall please you to require. I write in the Castilian language, because your worthy self did so command me, and in regard you take some delight therein, as it hath been often told me. But should I confess the truth, my love would much more have forwarded me, & rather have had me to write in my native Portuguese. Our Lord guard and give prosperity to a parsonage of such honour. From Lions the 6. of january. 1601.  
The most humble orator and servant to your worthy Lordship, Friar joseph Texere Portuguese.    

The copy of another Letter from the said father Friar joseph, to the same Bishop.  
MOst worthy Lord (habita benedictione) being since the 23 of this instant month, dispatched with passport from his Majesty most Christian, and the worthy Lega●e Aldobrandino for my passage into Italy about affairs of mine Order, & some of mine own in particular, with sundry letters of favour for Venice, for Rome and other places: furnished with all things needful for my voyage, I departed not till the 24, because it was the even of Christmas, (I had received the 22. your Lordship's letter, whereto I made no answer till the 6. and then gave it to my Lord your nephew, who is not hence departed as yet.) And as I thought to depart on the Sunday after the feasts, I could not do it, by reason we had intelligence, that on the way of Lions were disbanded soldiers of the Swissers, who rob and ill entreated all passengers. Hereupon, I made account to depart in the company of my Lord Monsieur de Sancy, who traveled to the Fort of S. Catherine. The said Lord being hindered by his businesses, made me to attend from day to day, till the Sunday following, the 7. of this instant: and yet our parting was put off from Sunday to Monday. It seems that God had so appointed it, to the end I should not throw myself into danger, nor the incommodities of the season, neither undertake a journey to no end. For on the same Sunday, when we had resolved without fail to depart thence, about the seventh hour of night, I received letters from Venice, whereby I was advertised, that the king of Portugal Don Sebastian my Lord, was set at liberty. And at the ninth hour of the same night, came a Gentleman to my lodging, one of my friends and acquaintance, with him a Page belonging to a Lord my friend likewise, carrying a lighted torch; which Gentleman told me on the behalf of the said Lord, that he had also received letters from Venice, wherein were some news that he desired to acquaint me withal. I took my cloak, and went to see him in his lodging, where he confirmed to me the same tidings. And parting thence after ten a clock, I went to visit another Lord, who, at the first sight of me, said: I very well know ●at you come to tell me. Suddenly he again ratified the for● news, discoursing them to me by diverse particularities; that said king was so parted thence; that he went to embark him 〈◊〉 at Liuorne for passage to Marseilles, and from Marseilles to 〈◊〉 Court: that there came in his company the Lord Christo●o, youngest son to the deceased King D. Antonio, and D. ●n de Castro, of whom one had written to him, that at the sight ●e king D Sebastian he stood much amazed: but coming to ●er consideration, threw himself suddenly at his feet, and ●ed him his Lord and King.  
On the next day, came in public very many letters, all groun● upon this subject only. The joy and gladness was so great ●ng the Princes, & every where in the Court, with the Prince's, Ladies and Gentlewomen, great and small, noble and vn●le, Ecclesiastical and regulars, as I cannot express to your ●thinesse. My Lord, your nephew both heard and saw all, he 〈◊〉 report it as an eye witness, what ke thinks of the forward wills desire's, which he beheld in the Princes, Lords & Gentlemen. ● conjointly offered their persons, their means & abilities in the ●ice of this king, whom the most part of such as had written of 〈◊〉 from Venice, Padua, & other parts, gave the name of holy.  
●urely I dare affirm thus much unto you, as a matter certain 〈◊〉 not to be doubted, that if this king my Lord come into this ●gdome, as we already are advertised: his Majesty most Chri●, with all his power and authority, can hardly hinder the aces, Lords, Gentlemen, Soldiers; what should I say? the ●sts, Monks, Merchants, Mecanicks; the Pilots and Mari●, from assisting with their service this Prince.  
My Lord, I have every day hardly passed to and fro from my aging, for in the streets some call me, others meet me, & some ●y to tear the very cloak off my back. Such as heretofore ●e incredulous, & made a mockery hereof, are those that now ●heir hands highest to heaven, and come to make the largest ●s: Res miranda. Every day we have here nothing but false ●mes, for so soon as some four or five men are seen to ●e on horseback, immediately it is the King Sebastian, men, ●en and children run out of the City to meet him. In brief, ●oy, the contentment, and the desire of this Prince's arrival is so great, yea, in all persons without any difference, as if he were given as an only remedy, to the travails and miseries of this present age. And that it may prove so, if ancient prophecies deceive us not, all Christendom hath reason to hope much, of prosperity and welfare by the means of this holy King.  
The news that I have, how he was set at liberty, are these. After that the Portuguezes had obtained audience of the Senate, which the Lords granted them with benign and ready will: Diego Manuel arrived there from France, and Sebastian Figuera from the States of Holland, with letters in favour of this affair, as elsewhere you have heard before, and from Rome the Lord Dom Christopher, with Manuel de Brito Pimentel, Pantaleon Pessoa de Neyva, and Frances Antoine, with whom there joined many Portugueses more, that came from divers parts. The eleventh of this month past, the Lords entered into Council (which they there term Pregay) where commonly you shall have two hundred Lords of the chiefest of that Seigneurie. The Pregay held for the space of four days. On the last, which was the instant about ten of the clock in the night, the Lords concluded on their last resolution in this case. They caused the prisoner to be brought, and commanded a Secretary to set down this determination following.  
Because he names himself to be the King of Portugal Dom Sebastian, he is commanded out of this City within one day, and from the parts belonging to this Seigneurie within three days more; on pain of commitment to the galleys for the space of ten years, with iron gives at his feet. But if his indisposition of body cannot suffer this pain: then he stands condemned to perpetual imprisonment. Moreover, for punishment of his disobedience committed, in not departing the lands belonging to the State at the time when by commandment of the podestate of Padua he was so enjoined, they had already given him these two years and 22. days imprisonment, since the contempt.  
The sentence pronounced, he was immediately set at liberty; between eleven and twelve of the clock in the night. Some letters from certain of Italy, speaking in this manner, say: This was but a box of coriander comfits, to please the Spaniard withal, because he is their neighbour: the gazetes affirm the same.  
A French Archbishop resident in those quarters, a man of ●es, great authority and virtue, writing in his own language, ●ne of his friends dwelling in this city: The Portuguezes (saith ●hat were here to demand their King, in the end had him, knew 〈◊〉, saluted him, and carried him hence. The first sign of acknowledgement given by them, was, that he had one hand longer than the ●r. The Lords of this signory think they dealt wisely, in wash● their hands of him.  
●he king went from the Senate (without any suffered to keep ● company) and came all alone to the house of one master ●unces his ancent host, a Greek by birth, with whom he found aged two gentlemen Portuguezes, Rodrigo Marques and Se●an Figuera. These men having well beheld and noted him, ●t they found him mightily changed, and differing from him ●m they saw in Africa on the battle day; yet they knew him. ●ques ran speedily to the lodgings of the Lord Dom Cristo●o, and of Dom john de Castro, to advertise them of what had ●ed: the king remained in conference of Portugal affairs with ●era. It was thought good to remove the king out of that house ●o lodge him where D. john lay, as being more capable and 〈◊〉 public. Then came the Lord Dom Christopher, and the ●e Portuguezes that came with him from Rome, to see him, all the three knew the king: Manuel de Brito having seen him portugal, Pantaleon Pessoa and Frances Antoine, having like● seen him in Portugal, and since then in the day of Africa. ●e Portugueses being thus come to the lodging of D. john, with ●m Diego Manuel abode, the king in presence of some stran● took occasion of speech with them in this manner:  
Portuguezes, you have done a very great good to your coun●●nd a service very signal to me that am your Lord and king: ●re my vastalles and subjects, and seeing you have performed ● you aught, both in your respect to God and your own ob● duty, you shall not find me ingrateful for it; I am your father, 〈◊〉 you shall be my children. Now that I am in your hands, I pray 〈◊〉 order your proceedings with discretion; because you stand ●d to satisfy such as shall question you, how you know me 〈◊〉 our Lord and king. And if you find that I am not he, but an ●er, chastise me accordingly, throw me into the sea, There are some among you possessed with writings of the marks which I have on my body, as well those secret, as the other apparent: them the father doctor de Sampayo, and the Cannon brought from Portugal proved authentical by public instruments of credit from the Notary's Apostolic. I know those instruments to be made judicially, and witnessed by persons of quality that nursed me, and many times saw me naked when I was a child. Behold I pray you for your own satisfying, whether it be so, that I have all those marks or no.  
And as he would have unclothed himself, to be more perfectly known to them, the Portug●●zes would not suffer him, but desired that he would discourse to them some matter of his adventures. Whereto he replied, that he would therein resolve them an other time, in mean while, he requested them to pleasure him so much, as to tell him some news of his friends and country. Hereupon he began to inquire of Dom john de Castro, concerning his brethren, his uncles and other kindred: of Dom Christopher, for his brother Dom Emanuel. And after he had conferred a long while with him, well considering and noting his face and countenance: You resemble very much Dom Antonio your father (quoth he to him) but I pray God give you grace to resemble in deeds your Grandfather the infant Dom Lewes Duke of Beja.  
Here we have many things (worthy Sir) to speak of, and let me tell you, that this king never loved some actions of the Lord Dom Antonio (who was cousin germane to his father the Prince D. john) because he was a man addicted to women, lofty, somewhat unquiet, and he had demanded of the Queen D. Catharine, and of the Cardinal D. Henriques brother to his grandfather the king D. john, and to the infant D. Lewes, father to Antonio, somewhat that they would not give him, as finding they were not so much beholding to him. Some few days before he departed on his Africa voyage, in very much choler he had some sharp and rough speech with Dom Antonio: and thereupon the said Lord was not shipped in the same Gallion with the king, but in that of Dom Alphonso, de Portugal, Earl of Vimieuse (father to D. Frances de Portugal, who came into France with the title of Constable) to whom he was a very great friend. So much for the Lord Dom Antonio: and so much likewise for the infant, whom D. Sebastian never knew (for when he died in the end of the ● 1555. Sebastian was but two years old) he was a Prince great in virtue and wisdom, of whom Duarte Nunes de ●, albeit in the book he writ against me, he speaks evil of all: ●of him he says well enough. This infant was a Prince very sty, valiant, practised in the art military, addicted to arms, excellent horseman, loved hunting, and the Mathematics; ●y, religious. And being endued with so many rare and heroi●●ertues, the Princes and council of the Realm of England, ●ested and made choice of him to join in marriage with ●ry their Queen, to reign with her over them. In sum, infant was so wise, discreet and skilful, as any prince ●d not be accomplished with better parts. For this ● Sebastian, although he knew him not, but by fame only: yet aspected his name greatly, loved and made reckoning of his ●ns.  
●ow your Lordship may consider how proper these words ●o the King Dom Sebastian. After two and twenty years and ●e, he discovered in public, what he had kept hidden in his ●e breast, and which could not be manifested by any other, 〈◊〉 by himself only, because God alone knows the inward ●ghts of men. He hath made known to divers, the marks of ●nds received on his head in the battle of Africa, causing 〈◊〉 to put their fingers therein, and to them showed beside the 〈◊〉 signs naturally caractered on his body. Thus spent he about ●e hours space with the said Portuguezes, demanding divers ●ers of them, showing himself so familiar and friendly, as he acted each of them very choicely and lovingly. But yet he ●ot off the carriage of royal majesty, which seemed in him ●esse, then if he were sitting in his seat of justice with the ●ne on his head, and sceptre in his hand, in the city of Lis●▪ Afterward, when every one was withdrawn to his rest, ●ent and fell on his knees before a Crucifix, which he ware in ●osome, where he so continued, till one came to call him on ●ourney.  
●ome have written to me, that since he hath been seen ●ng his Portuguezes, he hath made good appearance, that he is actually of their nation, profferring in all perfection the words he pronounced: and if any one of them that parleyed with him, intermeddled any French words among the rest (because the most part of them had lived in France, and spoke the French language) he would tell them of it: so that yet he seems better to understand that tongue, then speak it. One writes likewise, that he saith, the armour he ware is hid in a certain place. That the duke de Aueyro, the Earls of Redondo, and of Sortella, D. Fernand de Meneses, and D. john de Castro, cousin germane to him whom we have so often named, are all yet alive, that he very well knows where they are, & so soon as he shall have commodious means, he will send to them. Christopher de Tavora was slain before his eyes by certain robbers, that set upon them as they journeyed.  
Dom john de Castro writ in a letter to me, that his face is now much altered from the form it had at his parting in Africa. As for the small wrinkles in his face, those he knew very perfectly, so likewise did Sebastian Figuera; the Father de Sampayo, Pantaleon Pessoa, Frances Antoine and other Portuguezes, beside sundry strangers, that had seen him and knew him when he was in Portugal. And as for his gate or carriage of his body, it is the very same without any altering. Moreover, that he departed from Venice in the time assigned him, and is coming for France, himself with others being on the way with him. He prays me to order my business in sort, that I would be present in the Court of his most Christian Majesty, attending this adventure so strange and marvelous: so far the letter.  
For this cause (worthy Lord) and in respect, whether he come by sea or land, or whether he will pass for Holland from hence: I am determined not to be absent, till I have seen him here, or understand he hath taken some other course. If I should do otherwise, I think the world would repute me a bad servant to my King, and an enemy to my true and sovereign Lord. But I find there are some, moved (by what devils I know not) that labour still to persuade me, and would perforce make me to believe, although these news are so true, public and certain, yet that this King of Portugal Dom Sebastian, is no other than a Calabrois. But as that language is engendered and borne from the womb of a castilian, so I answer such kind of men, that it is behoveful for them to know, I am more bound to credit ●e noble, a●d religious persons, who by letters written and 〈◊〉 by their own hands, as also by their oaths, have assured ●hat the prisoner set at liberty by the Lords of Venice, is our ●ng of Portugal Dom Sebastian; then to be led by any Ca● opinions.  
●s a terrible thing to see and hear the goodly reasons allea●y these wise masters, to underprop their false and depraved ●ions. It contenteth us, that he is swart, and that the King 〈◊〉 Sebastian was fair; that he speaks not Portugueze, etc. To ●s have no interest at all in this matter, but (with a purposed ●e) yield themselves enemies to this truth: what imports it whether a man black or white should be King of Portugal? ●hether he speaks Portugueze or Italian? It sufficeth, that a 〈◊〉 as white as snow, passeth the Equinoctial line on the 〈◊〉 of Guinea; that he performs the voyage of Saint Thomas, 〈◊〉 any other part wheresoever he pleaseth of Aethiopia, or 〈◊〉 iournes sundry years in Barbary, may become as black ●h, for the more white a man is, the sooner he becomes the ●er. We understand that the king Dom Sebastian hath been ethiopia and in Persia: where if he have lost his whiteness ●oper colour, it is not a thing to be wondered at.  
●osoeuer hath known the Lord Dom Christopher (reue● Lord) youngest son to the deceased king Dom Antonio, 〈◊〉 his infancy, till he came to the age of 18. years, for so old ●s when he undertook his voyage to Barbary, will confess ●e that he was then as white as milk, fair and neatly fa●d: but little more than three years when he lived in Barba●●re sufficient to make him become so black, swarthy and de●d, that at his return to England whence he had parted beloven those that had been most frequent with him, could not 〈◊〉 him. He arrived in Barbary in the beginning of the year, 〈◊〉 and came again into England in 1592. at which time I was ●nce. Then afterward he came to Paris, in the end of the 〈◊〉 1594. on Christmas even after dinner, at what time I was ●g at Chess with the king his father, in the street of S. Hono● ●ere he lodged at the Swan. So soon as the news came to ●er, that he was beneath in the court, I craved leave to go 〈◊〉; and descending the stairs, I passed by him not knowing him, and went to talk with Dom john de Castro, and Scipio de Figueredo, who had come with him from England, demanding news of them of the said Lord Dom Christopher; they told me that that was he whom I had met and passed by. I swear to your Lordship, that hearing those words, I stood as rapt out of myself, to see him so deformed and changed, and the others by no means could persuade me that it was he. I swears again to your worthiness, as a Christian, an honest man, and 〈◊〉 ●ous as I am, that I was so angry to behold him thus changed, having lost the goodly complexion he had before, as I w● 〈…〉 an hour in a room beneath by myself, and would neither 〈◊〉 nor speak with him: hereof I have store of good witnesses yet to this day.  
If little more than three years had so much power, so strangely to alter the Lord Dom Christopher, how much more may above twenty years, change the king Dom Sebastian? Let this suffice to answer the ignorant and malicious. As for his speaking Portugueze: who hath examined him? not I certainly, nor any other Portugueze semblable to me. He speaks a mixed kind of Portugueze (my good Lord) according as Dom john de Castro writes to me in his last letter. As for his writing, it is the same, and the self same hand: I have seen many memories and papers written by him, which being conferred with the other that he writ before his passage to Africa, the one and other do truly agree. For the rest, when the King Dom Sebastian shall be in good estate, though he speak not Portugueze, I will hold him excused; considering it is more than twenty years that he hath been forth of his country, and still traveled among strangers.  
In this city of Lions, among the Spanish Comedians, there is a Portugueze aged about some thirty years, a man well born, learned, and speaks the Latin tongue very well, the place of his birth not far from mine: from him I could never get one Portugueze word, yet speaks he as perfect Castilian, as if he had been borne and brought up in the Court of Madrill: and it is but five years since he hath been absent from his own country, where be forsook his kindred, some of them being well known to me. We have an hundred thousand like examples through all ●s, and it is a thing so common, as there can never want due ●e thereof. But I will not spare to speak this as truth, if the Dom Sebastian, or any other Portugueze whatsoever, harmost the use of his Portugal language: by being conversant ●g his countrymen, come not again to the recovery there● shall pardon me then to be suspicious of him. By means ●gh a man may easily grow into heat, (my Lord) reproving opinions, and restraining the audacious courses of people ●orted with passions: therefore whosoever will speak truth, 〈◊〉 say, that my Lord Dom Sebastian king of Portugal, is no ●rois. But the very self same king, who in the year, 1578. 〈◊〉 his voyage into Africa, in favour of Muley Mahamet Xa● moved by the offers which were made unto him, for the stage and weal public of all Christendom. This doth ●re plain to the eye, by those things whereon he hath trea●th the Portuguezes and other strangers, before he was im●ed, in the prison, and afterward abroad: and verifies itself ●l by the marks secret as apparent, which he bears on his 〈◊〉, and which I will translate to you at the end of this let●▪  
〈◊〉 the rest, to close up this last answer, I cannot choose but 〈◊〉 my complaint to your reverend worthiness, of these med●●ssieurs, that term my Lord and king to be a Calabrois. ●w two years and more since they have lived in this error, ●e as strong headed in this opinion now, as they were the ●ay. Turely Sir, when I but think hereon, I can hardly 〈◊〉 my cool blood from warming, for I never saw any one of 〈◊〉 Gallants that would say to me: He is of such a territory, such 〈◊〉 son, or kin to such a one: he hath lived among such, etc. ●ering Calabria is in subjection to his Majesty Catho● who for this reason only might send through all that ●ey, and inquire of his quality and original, as being his 〈◊〉: that they will not do so much at one time or other, this 〈◊〉 afflicteth me.  
●w Sir remains an answer to an objection of the enemy, ●o slubber, baffle, and annihilate a matter so certain, 〈◊〉 of the true King Dom Sebastian, say, that this fellow ●he first deceiver; but in Flaunders there was a Baldwin, in France a Martin Guerre, etc. I can very well (as one that hath read some histories) help such kind of people to prove their intentions, remembering them of the names and deeds of some impostors: setting apart the nero's and others, as Smerdis the Mago king of the Persians, the false Alexander of Syria, son to Protarcus a man of base condition: Lambert Symnell, who named himself Edward the fifth king of England, and son to Edward the fourth, Peter Warbeck, whom the English call Periquin, or Perkin, who needs would be Richard younger brother to the said Edward, and others. But the fact and proceeding of these, differed greatly from the examen and true square of King Dom Sebastian: also the means and respects whereby they presumed for king's titles, carried another habit than this of king Sebastian's. Concerning Baldwin and Martin Guerre, their jugglings were discovered in very few days: so fell it out with Smerdis, for Phaedimia the daughter of Otanes, disproved him quickly by his short ears: and so was he known to be Mago, brother to Cantizites, & not for Smerdes the son of Cyrus. The false Alexander, an Egyptian by nation, was brought in by Ptolemy Euergetes, against Demetrius the younger. Lambert Symnell was provoked on by great men of England, to term himself a king, against Henry the seventh, of whom they could not endure the government. Peter Warbeck, a native of Tourney, by the means and favour of Margaret Duchess of Burgundy, second wife to Charles the warrior: named himself Richard, youngest son to King Edward the fourth, and by her bare himself against the said king Henry.  
But King Sebastian is risen in another kind of degree, without aid, without favour, not assisted by any Prince, poor and miserable, armed only with his truth, and the conduct of God: and yet we hope he shall not want help for the recovery of his kingdom. This is then sufficient to answer those questionary contrivers. As for their demand to me, where he hath had abiding for so many years, and why he spared to make himself manifest: himself one day (when it pleaseth God) will therein resolve us. It is no new thing to hear of a man, that have not been heard of for many years. I think there is at this day a dozen of men in France, that have come home again amongst 〈◊〉 ends, after their being abroad for the space of twenty 〈◊〉 nay 30. years, without any news once heard of them all their absence. If I would number them (Sir) who have impelled to verify themselves, for such as they maintained ●lues to be, I should make a discourse more ample, then ●ich I gave to my Lord your nephew.  
●e the decrees of the Parliaments in France looked over, ● would be found therein, of whom I find it no way in●ient to nominate some. As the Lord of Boisgarnier, a Gentleman of Maisse: and next him his son the Lord of ●erre near ●o Gyan: the Lord of Morinuille, called Courtesied ●ed of the royal house of Dreux, and other who have had ●nd labour enough in making themselves to be known.  
●ng thus answered these objections, I will conclude, assu●ur worthiness, that being obliged by so many testimonies ●rkes of truth, I think that not only myself, but even a ●n, should commit a mighty trespass against the holy ● in not believing this for a verity. Our Lord give accom●ent to my desires, and so soon as he shall be arrived, I will speedy imparting to your worthy self, of all the pleasures ●ntentments I receive. This shall be the end of my traverses ●serable fortunes: this shall be the beginning of my glory city, where our Lord give you ample perfection in aeter● ●om Lions the 12. of january MDCI  
Kissing the hands of your reverend Lordship: your devoted servant: Friar joseph Texere Portugueze.   

〈◊〉 marks and signs which the King of portugal Dom Sebastian bears naturally on his body.  

HE hath the right hand greater than the left.  
The right arm longer than the left.  
3. The body from the shoulders to the girdlested is so short, as his doublet can serve none other but himself only.  
4. From the girdlested down to the knees he is very long.  
5. The right leg is longer than the left.  
6. The right foot greater than the other.  
7. The toes almost equal.  
8. On the little toe of the right foot he hath a wart so increasing, as it appears to be like a sixth toe.  
9 The instep or neck of the foot, very high raised up.  
10. On the one shoulder is a seal or mark, of the greatness of a Vinten of Portugal: such a piece of money as a French piece of three blanks, the very least and ancientest.  
11. On the right shoulder toward the chine of the neck, he hath a black scar, of the largeness of ones little nail.  
12. He hath little pimples on his face and hands, and very apparent: but such as knows it not cannot discern them.  
13. He hath the left side of his body shorter than the right, so that he halts a little without any perceiving.  
14. He lacks one tooth on the right side, in the neither ●aw.  
15. He hath the flux of seed, or gonorrhea.  
16. He doth abound in a signal very secret, that is to be spoken of when need shall require.  
17. Besides these secrets and signs, he hath many other which my easily be seen: as the fingers of the hands long, and the nails likewise.  
18. The lip of ostrich, like his grandfather Charles the fifth Emperor, father to his mother, and of his grandmother Catherine Queen of Portugal, mother to his father, sister to the said Charles the fifth.  
19 His feet little, and his legs crooked, etc. All these marks were borne with him.  
20. He hath many marks of the arqebus on his left arm, which he received in the battle of Africa.  
21. Another mark or wound upon the head.  
22. Another upon the right eyebrow.    

●e copy of a letter written by a Gentles a Portuguese, to the most excellent Prince, ●he Lord Dom Emanuel, son to the Lord Dom Antonio, elect king of Portugal, abiding at Dort in Holland.  
●e out of Portuguese into castilian, out of castilian into French, and lastly out of French into English.  
●Ost excellent Lord, in the separation which was made at Florence of the Portuguezes, who had at Venice procure deliverance and freedom of the King of Portugal Dom ●ian our Lord: the choice for France was committed to my ● Dom Christopher your brother, Dom john de Castro, ● Manuel and Frances Antoine, they went by the way of ●ne, and from thence intended to go to Marseilles. Manuel ●ito, and Sebastian Figuera, they went for Rome, friar Chry●e for Parma, friar Stephen de Sampayo, and Rodrigo Mar● ●ooke another course, as all the others did. My direction was ●e States of Holland, whither it was not possible for me to ●y Germany, in regard of the reasons you shall read in this ●urse. Sebastian Figuera told us, that he had written to you ●e the whole passage, touching the King our Lord and us, & ●s letters by the ordinary way of Lions. Now because it may ● out, that those letters are not as yet arrived at you, or might ●ps be lost by the way: I determined with myself, in regard may be with you in fewer days, than I can come to see your ●lency, to give you advertisement by these letters, of all the ●e passages since we arrived at Venice.  
●he Lord Dom Christopher being at Rome, had intelligence ●ters from Doctor Sampayo and other Lords, how needful ●s for him to succour the affairs of our Lord the king Dom Se●a●. For which cause he left Rome, bringing in his company ●uell de Brito & myself: Frances Antoine came unto us the 18. of November, the 28. we arrived at Venice, where being with other Portuguezes, we were informed of the business, and what was expedient to be done for him. Certain days after, the Lord Dom Christopher required audience, which was given him on Monday the 11. of December. Before he entered to the Senate, he was caused to sit down without, in a chamber richly hung with tapistry, where he attended till he should be called in. They gave him the seat on the right hand of the Prince, & speaking to him, termed him Illustrissime: when these courtesies had been done him, he gave in writing what he desired.  
The same day, the Prince, with above two hundred of the principal Signior of that State, entered to Council, touching the matter of the king D. Sebastian our Lord: this assembly is called the Pregay, there they determine of matters grave and important. The Tuesday following, the Pregay held again for the same cause. The wednesday being S. Lucy's day, the Pregay held not at all, because they then made election of an Attorney. They sat again the Thursday, and the Friday following the case was concluded. At night after ten a clock, the King our Lord was called to the Senate, where to him was intimated, the self intimation which had been made to him by the Podestate of Padua, the year 1598. It is said, that when the king entered the Senate, and while the decree of his sentence was reading, all the Signior were up on their feet, and noted him with very much respect. The king being gone from the Senate, went presently, without admitting the company of any one, (though many made offer of themselves) to the lodging of his first host, master Frances, where I had diverse times seen him before his imprisonment.  
Thither came Rodrigo Marques, and Sebastian Figuera, who at first sight of him was much astonished, because he found him very different from him whom he had seen in Portugal, and in Barbary the very same day of our overthrow, flying four leagues distance from the field of battle. But when he had well considered the form of his face, the dimples, the brow, the eyes, nose, and Ostrich lip, (which is not now so plump, as when he was in Portugal, because than he was in good plight, and now very meager) his speech, and the other parts of his body: he suddenly sent ●o Marquis, to advertise the Lord Dom Christophero ●f, and the other Portugueses. They thought it meet, that ●ing should be brought to the lodging of Don john de ●o and Diego Manuel, as being a house more retired from ●oples haunt of the City, then that belonging to Master ●es; and so it was done. Thither resorted all the Portugue●●ccept the father Doctor Sampayo, and Friar Chrysostome, ●eing overlated, went to the Monastery of S. Dominicke, ● is of the advocation (as I think) of S. john and S. Paul ●rs, and brethren: neither was there the Cannon, nor the ●deacon, who was gone to Rome.  
〈◊〉 the King saw us all there together, he prayed us that we 〈◊〉 examine him, and know if he were the true king of Por● Don Sebastian or no, and he would have unclothed him● to show us the secret marks of his body: which we would ●ffer, because Dom john de Castro had already known him ●ently, and principally by his speech (for as he began to ●e, his voice was somewhat low yet very strong, & in con●g rose higher and higher, as it ever did in Portugal) so did ●es Antoine likewise. He perceiving that we would not ●t him to discover his nakedness, showed us the right hand ●r then the left: the arm so to; afterward his shoulders to ●rdlested; and from his girdlested to the knees, his legs and 〈◊〉 And to make it more apparent, that he was shorter of all ●rts left then on the right, he kneeled down, commands to mark him very diligently; and we saw, that without ●ubting, the said left part of his body was shorter more by ●ers breadth than the right. Then he prayed Diego Ma● ●o give him a book, or else a pantofle (which was nearest ●) and putting it under his left knee, than it made his body aht. We saw the pimples in his face and hands, the hurt that ●d on the right eyebrow, and let every one in the compa●●uch the wound in his head with their fingers. Afterward ●ewed us the place where he wanted the tooth in the right beneath, and we know very well, that Sebastian Neto his ●r, had thence drawn it forth; of whom himself enqui●●erie particularly.  
After he had long time held discourse with us, in common and severally of diverse matters, we entreated him to eat something: but he answered, that because it was Friday, he would not so much as make a collation, but only would fast with bread and water, and meant not to break that fast, for he was thereto obliged by a vow. Hereupon we entreated him to take his rest, but we could not obtain so much of him: all that he would then permit us to do about him, was to pull off his shoes, to warm him. I pulled off the right, and presently passed my hand along the toes, where I felt the wart on the little toe, which is so great, as it makes a resemblance of a sixth toe. Furthermore we desired him to do us so much grace, as to tell us somewhat of his fortunes, whereto he answered; That he had lived evermore in travel, in misery and poverty; but the talk thereof we should refer till another time, and tell him some tidings of his friends, & of such things which as then might give him pleasure to hear. Then he began to view us very earnestly one after another, and seeing us habited of diverse fashions and colours, because some were attired after the French, others like Hollanders, some Italian like, and Frances Antoine as a Pilgrim, with his walking staff in his hand: he began to say smiling, Tanto trage? So many sorts? which he spoke with such a grace, as comforted and greatly gladded us to hear; and those of us that had perfectly known him before, saw in this very act, that he was our true Lord and King Dom Sebastian.  
He then inquired of the Lord Dom Christopher, concerning your Excellency; of D. john de Castro touching his brethren, & particularly of Friar Fernand, a Religious of Saint Dominique, beside, concerning his uncles and kindred. Then of all in general, for the Lady Domne Catherine his aunt Duchess of Bragancia, and the Duke her son, telling us, that when he made the Africa voyage with him, he was very little, but fair (the said duke having not then accomplished ● years.) Then he inquired likewise of his Palace de la Ribera; of Euchobregas, of Castillo; and principally of those de Santos le vieil (which I think did belong to the father of Dom john, or else to his grandfather Dom john de Castro) whether they were sound, enlarged, or destroyed? He very much loved the situation thereof, as being ●ll, on the sea, without and within the town, and in a ●ire prospect. Moreover, he would be informed of the ●f S. john, and whether the Castilians had built any Fort 〈◊〉 Teste-seche or no. He demanded of us if they kept still 〈◊〉 one the general procession, on S. Sebastian's day, which beginning from the day of his birth. They come forth of ●sh of Saint john, and then go to the church of S. Vincent ●a, which church is a parish, and likewise a Monastery anons regulars of Saint Augustine, and therein is an arm ●t Sebastian.  
●nquired also of D. Theotonio de Bragancia, who at this archbishop of Euora, brother to the grandfather of him 〈◊〉 Duke now: of Dom Alphonso de Castello-blanco his Al● who now is Bishop of Coimbre: of Dom Fernand de ●s, surnamed Bouche-owerte, otherwise Gobe-mouches, or ● mouth: of Dom Lewes Perera de Euora, godfather to ●hn de Castro, and a cousin german of ours: and for ma●ers: naming their names, the places of their abiding, ●arges that they had: giving such notable ensigns of ●nd so extraordinarily, as it rapt us all into exceeding ad●n.  
〈◊〉 like he did of Ladies, among whom he named Domne ● de Alcacona, daughter to Peter d' Alcacona, Earl de las ●, and chief Secretary of Portugal: who was wife to Alvaro de melo, son to the eldest son of Dom Al● marquess of Ferrara, which Dom Alvaro the Mellowed ●ed in the Afric journey. This Lady his wife Domne 〈◊〉 (according as I have heard) was one of the fairest, gal● best disposed, honest and most virtuous Ladies of Por● He asked much news of the Sisters of Christopher de 〈◊〉, and other Ladies, the names of whom I do not re●r. For when I went in the Afric voyage with the said 〈◊〉 was but a young lad, no other than a Page, whereby I ●ot have the knowledge of many persons. All which ●e demanded of us, with the grace of as royal authority it had been in the year 1578. (when he set forward on ●age to Africa) and in his palace of Ribera at Lisbon; ●h as much simplicity did he proceed in all, and through all, plainly, without fraud, cavillation or heat, as it had been an infant of ten years old.  
When he had awhile well noted the Lord Dom Christopher your brother, he said unto him: You resemble very much Dom Antonio your father, but I pray God (in deeds) you may resemble your grandfather the infant Dom Lewes Duke of Bega; in steed of saying Beja. He pronounceth what he speaks in Portuguese, but makes a mixture of other strange words there amongst, or by the breaking of divers syllables. As, when he spoke to us of France, he would usually say Franca. And we would say: Sir, in Portuguese, we say Franca. How? quoth he, do not we say in Portuguese, Villa-franca, Paramanca, & c? In like manner as when we intermeddle some French word among our Portuguese, we shall and do relish it, because we have been in France, and know how to speak French, and so by custom fall into the same blame he doth.  
We spent three hours and more with his Majesty in these discourse, after which, the Lord Dom Christopher and others withdrew themselves, and he remained with D. john and Diego Manuel: who likewise stepped aside into another chamber, leaving him alone where he had been, to the end he might repose himself, because he had not slept in all the night before; but in steed of sleeping, he fell to prayer. Before we left him, he offered to pull on his shoes; D. john made offer, but could not, albeit he took pains enough: nor likewise Diego Manuel after D. john, because the instep of his foot was so high, as it required much better strength to pull them on. He seeing that they could not attain it, set his foot upon a stool, and plucked it on himself very easily: a very certain testimony of his natural strength, and a verifying of that which is said among the marks of his body.  
The father de Sampayo and Friar Chrysostome stayed not long before they came, who with the King and D. john, thought good to have him out of that house (because the people began now to make a murmuring and grumbling, every one being very desirous to see him) & to convey him to the covent of S. Dominick. So did himself likewise desire, not only to part thence, but quite out of Venice: and that they would resolve themselves, which way were best to take for avoiding the country. D. john and Dic● manuel went on with him, the said fathers hasting before to ●minickes, and leaving him there, all four went to the lodge the Lord D. Christopher: where considering, that the passa● either side, for the Grisons and Germany were stopped up, ●anes of the Ambassadors of Castille and Savoy, whereof ●ad good intelligence by Venetian gentlemen, who went 〈◊〉 quest thereof, and assisted them with their best country concluded, that they would depart the night following 〈◊〉 the city, in the habits of religious converts from S. Domi●, with an Italian father of the said monastery, and embar●●hemselues in a Gundelot, pass thence to Chioazza, & from ●azza strait to Ferrara: where they would stay for more ●anie to go for Florence, and from thence to Liuorne, and so ●rseilles. As it was said, so it was done.  
●e night being come, the King embarked himself in a gun●, with the said Italian father: whose courage failed him, and ●uing the hardiness to venture this journey, left his majesty 〈◊〉 gundelot, & returned to his monastery. The father de Sam● ●nd Friar Chrysostome seeing this, concluded that of them 〈◊〉 (because delay caused danger) the Friar Chrysostome ●d accompany him. So passed they on, even until it was night ●e saturday, which was the 16. of December, the King having ●larged the night before, being the 15. of the same month▪ ●ay following being sunday, and the 17. the father doctor ●mpayo, came to the lodging of the Lord Dom Christopher, ●er Dom john and the other Portuguezes (being advertised ●of) came very soon after. They hearing by the father do●, in what manner the King was departed, became extremely ●ed in mind and very pensive, suspecting immediately some ●e to ensue: for Friar Chrysostom was a very bad man, of evil ●t, and too well known in Italy, and every where bruited, ●e was at Venice soliciting the King's delivery. All agreed, 〈◊〉 should away the very same hour, to accompany his Ma●: so I embarked myself forthwith, and on the monday fol●g, arrived at Chioazza, 25. miles from Venice, where I ●d news, that the King took another way (because he had egence, being refreshing himself on land, that there was a of war arrived, who made inquiry after two religious persons, and had soldiers aboard sent from the Ambassador of Castille) and so that they were gone by Padua.  
Hereupon I shipped myself again in hope to recover them, which was impssible for me, by reason of the waters extremity, but was constrained to return to Venice. Here let me tell your Excellency, that the night whereon the king was enlarged, there arose in Venice a very great wind, which endured until midnight after the next day: wherein ensued such a mighty overflow of the waters in the city, as it drowned up great store of houses, and did harm to the amounting of above three millions. For all the cisterns were lost, also the wines, the spices, sugars and merchandises, that were in their lower warehouses. This inundation began (as I said) on tuesday at night the 19 of December, the day limited for the Kings departing from the confines of the Siegneurie, as likewise notwithstanding he did. A thing which bred a very strange amazement among the men in those parts, who held divers opinions of this accident, and almost all assured themselves, that the presence of this holy King, was a wonderful preservation to the city.  
All matters concerning this Prince, are accommpanied with extraordinary signs from heaven. One told me on the way, that the 28. of the month past, fell two such thunder claps at Florence, as have shiverd la Copa of the great Church, and almost an unrecoverable loss. For it is said, the work can never be brought to the perfection wherein it was, in the judgement of the best, if they would dispend thereon four hundred thousand crowns: the first amounted to six hundred thousand; they that imagine the least, speak of two hundred thousand.  
So soon as I was at Venice, came the letters of Friar Chrysostome, written from Padua; wherein he signified, that the King would go thence by Ferrara, and from Ferrara to Florence, whereon, they all put themselves in readiness to follow. And because many report that the king traveled continually like a Jacobine: I assure your Excellency they deceive themselves, for he left it off at his parting from Padua, betaking himself to his Cape and reier. Those letters made me take sea the same day, and making to Ferrara with all speed I could, at my arrival I heard the king was passed. Thence I followed, and came to Florence the ●●rst of januarie, and going to seek Friar Chrysostome at the monastery of the Cisteaux, he told me, that the great Duke had made ●ay of our Lord the King, and as for himself, he had attended too days about his delivery. I gave notice hereof to the Lord Dom Christopher, and the other Portuguezes, who were as yet ●n their way thither, and arrived there the 4. of the said month; ●here having first done some diligent endeavours towards the great Duke, they concluded upon our separation. So the quarter of Hol●nd being committed to me, as I signified to your Excellency in ●e beginning hereof, I returned to Venice, where I would not ●ew myself, but from Venice passed to Ausbourg, from Aus●ourg to Noremberg to gain Hamborough, which possibly I ●ould not do by reason of the snows. The thieves upon the ways, ●nd sundry other discommodities much hindered me: which made ●e come to this city of Heildelberg, where I have visited the mountie Palatine, and the Countess your fair sister. From hence 〈◊〉 will go into Lorraine, and thence pass into France: praying God to guide me with safety to Paris, to the end I may speedily ●ome to your Excellency; whom the Lord prosper and keep in ●s protection. From Heidelberg this twelfth of February 1601. 〈◊〉 leave many things unwritten, which at large I will deliver to ●our Excellency, when I shall be so happy as to see you.  
The most humble and obedient servant to your Excellency. Pantaleon Pessoa de Neyva.  
● Forgot to tell your Excellency, that the king, not only during his ● imprisonment, was 27. times questioned by my Lords the Se●tors in common: but likewise by the jailor, and also by his con●ssour in particular: by the warders and prisoners that were with ●m. To all whose interrogations, he evermore maintained & pro●sted, that he was the true king of Portugal D. Sebastian: & instant requested, that he might be confronted, by the marks & signs ●hich were known he had naturally imprinted on his body. Iu●fying withal, that he had a body of flesh and bones, and not of ●asse, to grave any supposed marks upon it: praying he might be seen of the Portuguezes, yea, and to strangers that had known him in Portugal or elsewhere, before he lost himself in the battle of Aff●icke, all which they would not permit. At the beginning, he answered them still to very good purpose, but in the end, seeing they would do him no such favours as he desired, but only proceed with him in nothing but demands: being somewhat by nature impatient and choleric, he much disdained to answer their interrogatories. Notwithstanding, being returned to the prison, and discoursing to the prisoners what demands they had made to him, he said: I answered here and there to such a demand, but I must answer such and such things. This is the report of such as have been delivered out of the same prison wherein he was enclosed▪ and himself likewise told us as much since then, from his own mouth.  

An addition of some importance.  
I Thought good to add to the end of this work, what hath been delivered to me by a parsonage of good credit, who heard it spoken by the mouth of the King Dom Sebastian himself, among other questions that were made to him: he being desired to reveal, whether he had been kept as a captive in Africa or no: made answer, that he was not taken nor stayed as a captive or slave; but having escaped from the battle by flight, though very sore wounded, and with him those that are mentioned in the last letter of Friar joseph Texere, to the Bishop; to wit, the Duke d' A● 〈◊〉 of Redondo and de la Sortella, D. Fernand de Meneses, and 〈◊〉 john de Castro, etc. who by the King's advice, did all secretly and strangely disguise themselves, that they could not be known to any one: which being done, the King and they in the confused return of the army to Portugal, came back with them, where having bound the rest to him by a dear engaged oath, would none of them be seen or known, but providing themselves of such jewels and money as they could conveniently get, departed all again from Portugal. Being urged to express his reason for so doing, the King said: that his grief and shame was so great, that by his folly and rash- loss to the hurt of all Christendom, 〈…〉 more be seen, but penitently wander through the world, without any intent ever to revisit his kingdom more, and the very same mind he found likewise to be in his friends so sworn to him. Being asked, by what means he now returned without them (whom he avoucheth to be all living) and why no sooner he discovered himself: he answered, beside some reason already expressed in the letter of Dom john de Castro of his living in a hermitage, etc. that he will more at large satisfy this demand, when he shall have his person secured in any country.  
Likewise, by another of worth to be believed, it is said that the worthy gentleman sir Anthony Shirley (for his great valour & services) in high account with the Sophy of Persia, hath written to an especial friend of his▪ that a gallant gentleman, who named himself Le chevalier de la Cro●x, The Knight of the Cross, with other Gentlemen his companions, were in great reputation with the said Sophy of Persia, by reason of divers exceeding and singular proofs made of their valour and knightly services, which they performed against the Turk in the Sophy's behalf. Agreeing with the report of himself in Venice before his apprehension (in the letter of the said Dom 〈◊〉 de Castro) where he first named himself the Knight of the Cro●●: which falling out ● be so, there is no question to be made, but though he had himse● there, as in all other places, this Knight of the Cross wil● plainly approve himself▪ as already it is for certainty received, 〈…〉 king of Portugal Dom Sebastian, and the 〈…〉 ●uered, when he discou● 〈…〉 that the 〈…〉   
FINIS