LUTHER'S LIFE COLLECTED, FROM THE WRITE OF HIMSELF, AND OTHER LEARNED PROTESTANTS, TOGETHER With a further short discourse touching Andrea's Melanchton, Bucer, Ochine, Carolostadiius, Suinglius, Caluine and Beza, the late pretended Reformers of Religion. Taken from the only report of learned Protestants themselves. By their fruits you shall know them, do men gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles? Math. 7.16. By JOHN BRERELEY Priest and Author of the Protestants Apology. AT S. OMERS, For JOHN HEIGHAN, Anno 1624. With permission of Superiors. TO THE CHRISTIAN READER. Being requested by such as may challenge interest in my labours, to write somewhat in satisfaction of those, whose meaner capacity is not able to discern of learned discources, nor to wade into the depth of more intricate points and questions concerning religion, I could not make choice of any thing more fitting in this kind, than the description of their lives & proceedings, who now in this last age under pretence of reformation, impugned our ancient, and no less long before continued (a) For the thousand year's last past Simon de Voion in his discourse upon the catalogue of the doctors etc. printed at London 1598. in the epistle to the reader post med. affirmeth that Anno 605. when pope Boniface was stalled in the papal throne, than falsehood got the victory etc. then was the whole world overwhelmed in the dreegges of antichristian filthiness abominable superstitions, and traditions of the pope, than was that universal apostasy from the faith foretold by Paul. And master Powel in his consideration of the papists reasons printed 1604. page 105. fine saith. I grant that from the year of Christ 605. the professant company of popery, hath been very visible and perspicuouse: And master D. Fulke in his answer to a counterfeit catholic, printed 1577. act. 11. pag. 36. initio saith. The religion of the papists came in and prevailed in the year of our Lord. 607. etc. and so universally that (saith he) the revelation of Antichrist, with the church's flight into the wilderernes, was anno 607. when &c. (see this last in his rejoinder to Bristoe printed 1581. pag. 347. circa med.) And master Parkins in his exposition of the creed, printed 1596, and after the last edition of his works▪ volum. 1. printed 1608. pag. 266. b. initio saith. During the space of 900. years from the time of Boniface, the popish heresy hath spread itself over the whole earth, and the faithful servants of God were but as an handful of wheat in a mountain of chaff which can scarce be discerned: and Vorstius in his Antibellarminus printed 1610. pag. 154. initio saith, quod ad Ecclesiam Romanam hodiernam attinet, tametsi fatemur eam hactenus mille circiter annos, continuo sub hac corrupta formae generatim accepta durasse etc. Also master Naper in this treatise upon the revelation (for the supposed worth thereof dedicated to his majesty, and reprinted at london 1594. and again reprinted at london 1611. cum privilegio regiae maiestatis, and as appeareth by the preface thereto, imprinted and set out diverse times in the french and duche tongues, and to be published in latin to the utility of the whole church) acknowledgeth a yet longer universal continuance of our religion saying. Between the year of Christ 300. and 316. the Antichristian and papistical reign began reigning universally, & without any debateable contradiction 1260. years (after the firste edition, proposition 36. pag. 68 prope finem and after the other edition pag. 90. fine) and the same so affirmed by him, not in regard of some or other particular doctrine of our religion, but so generally concerning the whole, that, saith he, gods true church, most certainly abode so long latent: (edition. first. in c. 15. pag. 191. initio.) and invisible (ibidem in cap. 12. pag. 161. col. 3. circa med. and after the 2. edition pag. 201. fine.) The pope and his clergy possessing the outward visible church of christians, even 1260. years: (ibidem in c. 11. initio. edit. 1. pag. 145. fine.) And master Brocard upon the revelations printed. 1572. fol. 110. à circa med. affirmeth, that the church was trodden down & oppressed by the papacy even from Silvesters time to these times, during (the said) 1260. years: and see him further there fol. 123. b. Lastly master Brightman in his apocalypsis apocalipseos, printed 1609. in his synopsis placed before the beginning of the book in c. 11. and 14. saith. Ecclesia à temporibus Constantini per mille ducentes sexaginta annos abscondita fuit etc. per mille annos à Constantino, versante Ecclesia in abditissimis latebris fuit una cum Christo etc. and in Apocal. in c. 12. pag. 341. paulo ante med. he saith. Necessarijs argumentis evincimus, mulierem in solitudinem se recipisse etc. ad illud tempus quando regnum inibat Constantinus. And in c. 11. pag. 283. circa med. he saith. Accedente Constantino ad regnum, capit Ecclesia se abdere in occulto concedendo à mundi conspectu in quoddam interius penetrare; and pag. 577. circa med. he further saith. Respondeo etc. non expectandam esse ullam aliam cessationem publicae religionis quam quae extitit multis saeculis, à Constantino magno in hunc usque diem, quo omni tempore regnavit Antichristus, dum agebat quidem mulier in deserto. then universally professed catholic faith: for seeing it (b) Math. 7.13.14. is (not the broad but) the straight way that leadeth unto life, and that accordingly it is evident by all examples and observation of former times, that the lives of those were evermore not licentious or dissolute, but austere and sanctified, whom God chose to be the reformers of his church, or first publishers or restorers of religion, it cannot but afford matter of singular satisfaction to such as are but even of meanest understanding, if upon due examination taken in this course it do fall out, that those who are now pretended to have been for this last age the (c) extraordinary reformers whereof see cap. 7. sec. 5. fine. in the margin at S. extraordinary reformers of the Christian world, have in such their undertaken endeavour, behaved themselues as men of more than ordinary deformed & wicked condition of life: for our Saviour saith, (d) Math. 6.22.23. the light of the body is the eye, & if this light be dark, how great shall the darkness itself be? to which purpose he further forwarneth saying. (e) Mat. 7.15.16.17. Beware of false prophets who come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly are ravening wolves, by their fruits you shall know them: do men gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles? etc. a good tree yields good fruit etc. from which permisses it necessarily followeth (master Whites (f) whereas master White in his way to the true church, printed 1608. sec. 38. nu. 2. & 3. & pag. 211. & 212. allegeth sundry testimonies to prove that the argument is not good à moribus ad doctrinăm: I answer thereto, that though the argument thereof do not always hold, yet this letteth not, but that in the now special case of the first professors or reformers of religion it should be of force, according to the testimonies hear nexte before in that behalf alleged: at b.c. and next hereafter at allegation to the contrary notwithstanding) that if the now pretended reformers of religion, were in such their action not sanctified, but of flagitiouse and wicked life, then cannot they possible be the instruments chosen by God to that work, nor (consequently) their doctrine so by them revealed, be the eternal truth of the living God: An inference yet further made good from the words of (g) in so much as master Fox in apocalipsin printed 1597. in cap. 14. pag. 468. post med. intreating De Ecclesia qua vera fit qua falsa, qua vera eius notae & proprietates, saith. Ad fructus vitamque corum nos mittit Christus, ex fructibus inquit corum cogn●scetis eos, & rursus omnis arbor bona facit fructus bonos etc. and then concludeth, pag. 469. initio, saying. Ex morum igitur vera innocentia, vitaeque institutione certissimum sumitur indicium etc. Osiander in centur. 16. lib. 3. cap. 65. pag. 814. initio saith. Paulus Eberus Theologiae Doctor etc. in cathedram Lutheri collocatus, evangelium docuit vir quidem doctissimus & pius: doctor Paulus Eberus successor to Luther in his chair at Wittemberge, who forbore not to acknowledge, that (h) Paulus Eberus in prefat. commentar. Philippi in epist. ad Corinth. saith, universa nostra evangelica congregatio tot Schismatibus & offendiculis scatet, ut nihil minus sit quam quod se esse gloriatur etc. quae mala cum quisque proprijs oculis intuetur, merito dubitat an noster evangelicus caetus vera sit ecclesia etc. in qua tot & tam enormia vitia conspiciuntur: the confessed wickedness so apparently then abounding in their own evangelical congregation, ministered matter of just doubt, whether the same were the true church or not: which his assertion putteth the matter out of doubt, in case it fall out, that their very first and principal supposed reformers of religion, be no less, but rather more discovered and chargeable in that kind: for so much therefore as it is the constant assertion of our learned adversaries, that (as master jewel saith) (i) Master jewel in his defence of the apology, printed 1571. part. 4. cap. 4. diu. 2. pag. 426. prope finem. the truth was unknown at that time & unheard of when Martin Luther and Vlricke Suinglius, first came unto the knowledge and preaching of the gospel, that also (as master Parkins saith) we (k) master Parkins in his exposition of the Creed, printed 1596. pag. 400. and in the last edition of his works, volum. 1. printed. 1608. pag. 310. a circa med. say that before the days of Luther for the space of many hundreth years, an universal apostasy endeavoured the whole face of the earth, and that our church, was not then visible to the world, but lay hid under the chaff of popery: that likewise (as benedict Morgensten a learned protestant saith) (l) so saith benedict Morgenstern. in tract. de Ecclesia. printed Francofurti 1598. pag. 145. it is manifest to the whole christianes world, that before Luther's time, all churches were overwhelmed with more than cimmeriane darkness (and that) Luther was divinely raised up to discover the same & to restore the light of true doctrine: whereto Daniel Chamierus (a learned adversary) addeth, that as then, (m) Daniel Camierus in his epist. jesuitic. part. altera, printed Genevae 1601. pag. 49. saith. Arianorum renenum non portiunculam quandam, sed penè totum orbem contaminaverat etc. in ea nos tempora denenimus qua etiam excedant Ariani furoris confusionem: non portiunculam unam aut alteram error occupavit, sed totum corpus apostasia avertit à Christo. error had possessed, not some or other little portion (of the church) but had averted the whole body from Christ: with much (n) Caelius secundus curio in his book de amplitudine regni Dei, printed 1554. pag. 212. post med. say. Factum est ut per multos iam annos Ecclesia latuerit, civesque huius regni vix ab alijs, ac ne vix quidem agnosci potuerit: and calvin in his book of epistles, printed. 1597. ep. 141. pag. 273. paulo post med. saith hereof: discessionem à ●ote mundo facere coacti sumus: And master Brightman. in apocalypses. in cap. 11. pag. 283. prope finem, answering our common demand, where their church was before Luther, saith thereto, Ecclesia nostra ante Lutherum fuit in abdito Dei sacrario, other instance he giveth none: also joannes Regius in libro apologetico etc. printed in 4. Mulhusij 1603. pag. 176. circa & post med. answering the same demand, saith: The church was then invisible and could not be showed. And master Dent upon the Revelations, in cap. 14. pag. 199. ante med. answering to the same demand, saith. Christ (then) had his little flock in the wilderness etc. without further naming either place or person. In so much as Luther himself in respect of this known want of any other original protestant then before in being, to join with him at the time of his first begun pretended reformation, saith as appeareth next hereafter. cap. 1. sect. 1. in the margin at l. more no less fully affirmed by other learned adversaries to the same purpose: In so much as Bucer forbeareth not, hear upon to term Luther, (o) Bucer. in epistola ad Episcopum Hereford. extant in his scripta Anglicana printed. 1577. pag. 675. ante med. saith, Lutherum primum purioris Euangelij ad nos epistolam honoris causa nomino. the first Apostle to us of the reformed doctrine, as also master jewel calleth Luther, (p) Master jewel in his defence of the apology printed. 1571. part. 4. c. 4. diuis. 2. pag. 426. prope finem. a most excellent man even sent of God to lighten the whole world: in the midst of darkness. And master Fox likewise saith, (q) Master Foxact. mon. printed. 1563. pag. 400. à fine. it pleased the lord to reform and re-edify the desolate ruins of his religion, by the industry of Martin Luther, sent and set up by the mighty spirit of God: whereto is further added, that he was the (r) see in the foresaid acts and monuments. pag. 416. à initio. Helias conductor and chariot of Israel, to be reverenced (s) Christus habet primas, habeas tibi Paule secundas, at loca post illos, proxima Luther habet: these verses are commended for true and godly by Ciriacus Spangenbergius in his Duche book against certain catholics, in the part thereof against Stephanus Agricola: And see further hereafter. cap. 3. sect. 4. fine at. *. next after Christ and Paul, (t) so saith, Andrea's Musculus in presat. in libellum germ. de diaboli tirannide. And see also Amsdorphius conc. 8. de Luthero pag. 88 greater then whom lived not since the apostles times (u) so is Luther termed by Conradus Schlusselberge. cattle. haeret. lib. 13. & vlt. printed. 1596. pag. 314. 316. 489. And Michael Neander in his theologia christiana etc. è fontibus etc. theandri Lutheri dictis & testimonijs illustrata, printed Lipsiae. M. D. V C. pag. 333. saith. Lutherus vir Dei fuit, & vere ille Angelus cum aeterno evangelio volans per medium caeli. Apoc. 14. the Angel and last trumpet of God, whose calling was (x) Master Carthwright in Master Whitguiftes defence, printed. 1574. tract. 4. cap. 1. diu. 2. pag. 217. circa med. saith. When the churches have been by Antichrist even razed from the foundations, God hath stirred up euangelistes even immediately by his spirit without any calling of men, to restore his churches again, of which sort was etc. Luther & Swinglius immediate and (y) Master Parkins in his works printed. 1605. fol. 916. à post med. & b. affirmeth that the calling of Wyclife, Husse, Luther, etc. was extraordinary. And see this point further in Aretius in locis common. printed. 1589. loc. 63. de ministerio. pag. 198. circa med. and in Master Fulkes Retentive against bristol motives &c. printed, 1580. pag. 300. ante med. and in joannes Lascivius de Russorum Muscovitarum & Tartarorum religione, printed. 1582. pag. 39 ante med. and in Daneus in Isagoges Christiana. part. 4. printed. Genevae. 1586. lib. 2. pag. 36. initio. extraordinary, and his coming especially (z) Michael Neander nexte heretofore at. p. and see this point further affirmed in the protestant book entitled, Antichristus sive prognostica finis mundi, printed at Basile per Petrum Pernam. pag. 12. fine 13. fine 8. 86. fine. and in Mathias Ho, in his tract. duo etc. printed. 1603. part. 1. pag. 136. initio, and in Conradus Schlusselberge in his cattle. haeret. l. 13. & vlt. printed. 1596. pag. 314. & 316. post med. foreshowed in the scriptures. Master Whitaker withal in such like respect professing for himself and his brethren, to reverence Luther as their father. (a) Master Whitaker in his answer to the ten reasons of Edmond Campian, Englished and printed 1606. rat. 8. fine & pag. 259. prope initium, saith. We reverence Luther as a Father, and we embrace the Lutherans and Suinglians as very dear brethren in Christ. In regard of these so evident premises, I will first begin with Martin Luther, as being, the root of that reformed alteration in religion which is as before mentioned and pretended, in which respect I will also entreat of him more at large, with special reference in particular (as occasion is ministered) to the first edition of his works concerning those points wherein the later of Witemberge, or others, are now since his death confessedly (*) confessedly corrupted, for Theodosius Fabricius a learned Lutheran in his collection of Luther's sayings entitled, loci communes Doct. Martini Lutheri etc. printed. 1594. in his preface prefixed thereto circa med. professeth there to follow the first edition of jena, saying there further concerning the later edition of Witemberge, cur ab editione Witembergensi discesserim causas habeo non contemnendas. Hence it is that Westphalus (a learned Lutheran) in apol. contra Calum. cap. 46. pag. 458. chargeth calvin with most foul mutations & corrup●ions made in certain of Luther's works translated into French and printed at Geneva: and Luther himself in epist. ad joannem Heruagium typographum argentinensem, chargeth Bucer with the corruptinge of his works: and Conradus Schlusselburge (a Lutheran of great note) l. 2. Theolog. calvin. printed 1594. fol. 56. b. chargeth the Caluinists with alteration of Luther's works: and the zealous Lutherans in their Synod holden at Altemburge, do greatly complain of such confessed corruptinge of Luther's works, as appareth in colloquio Altembergensi, printed. Anno 1570. in respon ad excuss. cor fol. 127. b. circa med. & in 2. collat. de Hypothesibus. fol. 353. b. circa med. & in Hypothes. de libero arb. fol. 574. b. ant med. & 575. a. post med. in so much as great contentions arose in Germany between the rigid and soft Lutherans, concerning the corrupt edition of Luther's works, whereof see Walterus contra Aurifabrum, de corrupta editione operum Lutheri, anno 1566. corrupted by the Lutherans or Caluinistes, as thereby either to conceal his gross absurdities or otherwise, as in pretext of their own errors: after which I will (though but more briefly) touch those other branches, who yssuinge from Luther have next to him succeeded in the ministry of supposed reformation, as namely jacobus Andreas, Melancthon, Bucer, Bernardine, Ochine, Carolostadius, Suinglius, Caluine and Beza, of all whom (in regard most of them stand so privileged with the applause and liking of our present state) I will (as no less than careful to avoid offence) speak but sparingly and reservedly purposely, forbearing to affirm or report any thing of them as from myself, only I undertake for to deliver what is confessed & reported of them by our learned adversaries themselves. I do hereby once for all profess neither to extenuat nor make good, but wholly to refer the same unto the discretion and judgement of each indifferent reader: to whom this my ensuyinge discourse may perhaps afford grater satisfaction, in that the argument thereof being not concerning the truth or untruth of questions of faith, but of only matter of fact, and the same also confessed by protestants themselves, it cannot be either perverted into tropes, and so (as in other points usually) evaded by figurative expositions, neither yet avoided or excepted against, as delivered from the testimony of men to us affectionate, or but so much as suspected: for the more ready effecting and perfittinge of all which, it shall not seem grievous, but much ease and saveinge of further labour unto me, for to transcribe and digest into this one ensuing peculiar tract, what I find said pertinente to this purpose, else where more dispersedly, and as all obscured with confusion of other matter, the recollected and enlarged substance whereof is briefly in order as followeth. The end of the Preface. CHAPT. I. Martin Luther (a) Osiander. centur. 15. printed. 1604. l. 4. c. 1. pag. 490. initio, saith. Natus est hoc anno 1483. encomparabilis vir Dei sanctae memoriae D. D. Martinus Lutherus Islebiae in Saxonia, per quem Deus noster, Germaniae Euangelij lucem restauravit: borne at Islabium in Saxony in the year of our Lord God 1483. was (as appeareth by his own testimony) molested or haunted by the devil (b) Luther in his epistle to his father extant tom. 2. Witemberg. printed 1562. fol. 269. a. circa med. saith. Videtur mihi Sathanas à pueritia mea aliquid in me praevidisse eorum quae nunc patitur, ideo ad perdendum impediendumque me insanivit incredibilibus machinis. from his childhood, in so much as having among those many (c) Melancthon. in his preface to that 2. tom. of Luther. post initium. saith. Hos terrores seu acerrimos, sensit (Lutherus) eo animo cum sodalem nescio quo casu interfectum amisisset. terrors, his fellow companion suddenly slain (and as was thought by the devil) (d) Luther in his foresaid epistle to his father. extant tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 269. à initio, saith. Neque enim libens seu cupiens fiebam monachus etc. sed terrore & agone mortis subitae circumualatus (upon the example of his foresaid companion) vovi necessarium & coactum votum: in fear of such like sudden death he made himself a monk, about the year of our lord. (e) Luther's foresaid epistle to his father being dated in November. 1521. and himself as appeareth next hereafter at. h. having been moncke for almost sixteen years, than before, these. 16. years being deducted from anno 1521. his entry into monachisme appeareth to have been about anno 1524. and so accordingly the protestante divines, in colloquio Altemburgensi, printed. 1570. fol. 422. b. initio, say Lutherus anno aetatis vicesimo primo Erphordiae monasterium ingressus est, which compared to his birth anno 1483. jumpeth about the same time. 1505. (f) Luther. to. 2. fol. 268. b. fine, saith to his father: Memini enim nimis praesenti memoria, cum iam placatus mecum loquereris, & ego de caelo terroribus me vocatum assererem, etc. utinam aiebas non sit illusio & praestigium. called thereto as himself in such respect affirmeth, by terrors from heaven: which his careful old father thought to be no other but (g) ut supra at. f. Illusions ominouslie as it were (in his fatherly fear) fore showing, the (h) Luther. tom. 2. fol. 268. b. paulo post med. say he. Annus fermè agitur decimus sextus monachatus mei, quem te invito & ignorance subini, met●ebas tu paterno affectu imbecillitati meae etc. quod multis exemplis didiceras, hoc vitae genus infeliciter quibusdam cecidisse. unfortunate success of his son's monachisme: he was made doctor of divinity at Witemberge in the 29. year of his age in the year of our Lord God. 1512. (k) Timotheus Kerthmerus (Luther's Scholar) in his thesaurus &c. printed. 1566. in epist. nuncupat. versus finem, allegeth Luther's words, to be, casu non voluntate in istas turbas incid: Deum ipsum testor: and see these words in Luther in his preface. in tom. 1. Witemberge. printed. 1582. post initium. He protesteth of himself that he fell into the troubles or (as he termeth it) (*) Luther in loc. come. printed. 1594. cla●s. 4. cap. 30. page. 58. paulo ante medium. saith. Initio Euangelij cum Deus in hanc (ut sic vocem) factionem praeter meam voluntatem per mirabiles occasiones me involueret. factions of controversies concerning religion, but casually and against his will, not knowing of any other then (l) Luther in loc. commu. printed. 1594. class. 4. cap. 30. pag. 51. fine, saith. Tantam causam in me unum recipicham, ut mihi uni sustinendam auxilio divino iudicabam, nec putabam fiducia aliorum quippiam etc. and Luther. tom. 1. Witemberge printed. 1582. in prefat. paulo post initium. saith hereof, Solus primo eram, etc. and tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 63. a. circa med. he further saith. Solus tum voluebam hoc saxum. to join with him therein, and not so much as (m) act. mon. printed. 1563. pag. 404. a. initio, and Simon de Voyon in his discourse upon the catalogue etc. printed 1598. p. 182. dreaming or suspecting any change that might happen: for as Sleydan (Luther's own scholar) reporteth the story (n) Sleydan in Engl. printed. 1560. l. 13. fol. 177. a. prope finem. the cause and original of that business was by occasion of john Fecell a Dominicke friar, (i) Osiander in centur. 16. printed. 1602. l. 1. c. 17. pag. 35. ante med. who carried about pardons to sell, (o) Luther himself in his preface in to. 1. Witemb. printed 1582. fol. 1. b. ante med. saith hereof. Igitur cum anno Dom. 1517. indulgentiae in his regionibus venderentur etc. ego tum etc. and Sleydan in the places next hereafter cited placeth them, as under the year 1517. against which Luther began to preach. Anno Dom. 1517. (not of any devotion, zeal or judgement, but saith Sleydan) (p) so reporteth Sleydan in English, l. 16. fol. 232. b. fine. as Luther himself confesseth, when he known not what the matter meant, for (saith Luther thereof) (q) Luther's words in Sleydan. l. 13. fol. 177. b. paulo post med. I scarcely then understood what the name of Indulgences meant, and master Fox doth accordingly testify how that after this business so begun, (r) act. mon. printed. 1563. pag. 404. b. initio. Luther was determined not to stir up any new debates, but rather coveted a common quiet: whereunto he seemed then so enclininge, as he doubted not to insinuate with the pope, making even his (s) Sleydan. l. 1. fol. 10. a. prope initium, and Luther in appellatione prima ad Leonem decimum, extant. to. 1. Witemb. printed. 1582. fol. 219. a. initio, saith. Adhuc fateor solummodo me disputasse, & omnia sub pedibus sanctissimi Domini nostri Leonis decimi subiecisse, ut occidet, vivificet, reprobet, approbet, sicut placuerit, & vocem eius vocem Christi in ipso praesidentis agnoscam. appeal to him and (t) Sleydan. l. 1. fol. 10. a. fine. professing (saith Sleydan) his affection to the church of Rome, and that he will attempt nothing against it: acknowledging also (as confesseth Sleydan) (u) Luther in Sleydan. ubi supra. the power thereof to be so great, that Christ only excepted there is nothing in this world more excellent: in so much as Anno 1518. he repenteth himself of his (former) (*) Luther tom. 1. Witemb. printed. Anno 1582. fol. 215. b. post med. in his epistle Thomae Cardinali per Germaniam, dated Anno Dom. 1518. saith to him. Reverendissime in Christo pater, fateor me fuisse certe nimis (ut dicunt) indiscretum, acrem & irreverenrem in nomen summi Pontificis, etc. de quo sincerissime doleo & veniam peto etc. daboque deinceps operam, ut alius sim, & aliter loquar Deo miserante etc. and see Luther's yet further like submission to the pope, tom. 1. Witemb. fol. 235. a. propefinem b. in his epistle to Leo the tenth then pope, dated 3. Martij Anno Dom. 1519. Where he termeth the pope Christ's Vicar, and again there saith. Nunc beatissime pater, coram Deo testor, me neque voluisse, neque hodie velle, Ecclesia Romanae ac beatitudinis tua potestatem ullo modo tangere: &c. (whereof see Hospin. in histor. sacram. part. 2. fol. 4. a.) and tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 44. b. & 45. a. in his epistle to the Archbishop of Mentz. dated. 4. Febru. 1520. He obsequiouslie acknowledgeth the pope's power. indiscreet sharp and irreverend writing against the pope, ask pardon therefore: In which he persisted so forward that (saith master Fox) (x) act. mon. pag. 404. a. fine. and Osiander centur. 16. l. 1. c. 23. pag. 61. fine, saith. Quod (Lutherus) in pontificem quaedam durius scripserit, aut dixerit, id condonari sibi petit, promittens post hac maiorem modestiam, etc. modo adversarijs etiam suis silentium imponatur: and see further his like offer there. page. 66. paulo post initium and in Sleydan. l. 1. fol. 10. b. initio. it is apparent that Luther promised Cardinal Caietaine to keep silence (with this annexed condition of pride) provided also his adversaries would do the like. And master Cowper (late protestant Bish. of Winchester.) reporteth further that (y) Master Cowper in his chronicle, printed. 1565. fol. 278. à paulo post initium, and see also Luther. tom. 1. Witemb. fol. 215. b. post med. Luther Anno Dom. 1520. by his letter submitted himself to the pope (with this other like condition) so that he might not be compelled to recant: so plainly as some hereupon do conceive, even his confessed and intolerable (z) of Luther's pride see hereafter, c. 3. sec. 1. throughout. Sleydan. l. 1. fol. 10. à paulo post initium. pride to be the only true cause of his further revolt and apostasy: for if his so often proffered submissions would have been accepted without his recantation, his further proceed as against us, had been yet to begin. In which respect it is accordingly yet further testified by Sleydan, how that for so much as Luther offered (as before is mentioned) most reasonable conditions, he thought to have found some favour in the humanity of the Bushope of Rome, and (a) Sleydan. l. 13. fol. 177. b. fine. that the bushope would assoil him. (b) Sleydan. l. 13. fol. 177. b. fine. But lo (saith Luther) whilst I look for a joyful sentence from Rome, I am stricken with the thunderbolt of excommunication, and condemned for the most wicked man alive: (c) Sleydan. l. 13. fol. 178. a. initio. then (saith he) I began to defend my doings, setting forth many books etc. and seeing it is so, let them impute the fault to themselves that have so excessively handled the matter: in this sort (as Sleydan testifieth) (d) Sleydan. l. 1. fol. 10. a paulo post initium, and see the same no less plainly in Osiander. centur. 16. c. 25. initio. pag. 65. circa med. Martin Luther his (foresaid) appellation to the pope being condemned, his offers despised, looking for no more help nor health at the pope's hands, was through extreme necessity brought to appeal from the Bushope of Rome etc. and so upon occasion of these his confessed and enforced proceedings, he at laste fell into the open and overuiolent current of his further ensueinge apostasy, and the same (as himself confesseth) not without great trouble of remorse in his wounded and perplexed conscience therefore often accusing him, to which purpose himself complaineth saying, (e) Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. printed. 1562. fol. 244. b. ant med. saith. Quoties mihi palpitavit tremulum cor reprehendens obiecit eorum fortissimum & unicum argumentum; tu solus sapis? tot ne errant universi? tanta saecula ignoraverunt? quid si tu errs & tot tecum in errorem trahas damnandos aeternaliter? how often did my trembling heart beat within me, and reprehending me, object against me that their strong argument: Art thou only wise? do so many worlds err? were so many ages ignorant? what if thou errest and drawest so many into error to be damned with thee eternally? with much (f) see Luther's like further saying in tom. 5. Witemb. printed. 1554. in 1. Galat. fol. 290. a. versus finem, and in colloquijs mensal. fol. 273. more elsewhere to the same effect: In so much as remaining thereupon for (*) Master Parkins in his works volum. 1. printed. 1608. in his declaration of spiritual desertions pag. 417. b. ant med. saith. Luther confesseth of himself, that after his conversion, he lay three years in desperation: three years after his revolt from us, in (most fearful) desperation, (g) Luther in colloquijs mensal. fol. 158. b. he often wished and desired that he had never begun this business, and that (h) Luther in prefat. in tom. Germ. jen. And master Willet. in his antilogy printed. 1603. sect. 12. pag. 267. post med. saith. Luther showeth how he was troubled etc. and sometimes with grief as it were plunged in hell, that he wished in his heart that he had never begun that trouble in the church, and that his works were burned: and the divines of the count Palatine in their admonitio Christiana de libro concordiae printed. 1581. pag. 207. circa med. say, Constat Lutherum optasse ut omnes libri sui sunt aboliti, superstitibus vel solis locis communibus Philippi. his writings were burned and buried in eternal oblivion: Hitherto of Luther's Apostasy from our Catholic Church, and of the confessed motives that directed him therein, which whether they were proceeding from heaven, or from the spirit of pride and contradiction, I will not determine, but do without all further inference, wholly refer the same to the equal consideration of the indifferent and studious reader. II. LVther having thus begun his first (a) See this showed nexte heretofore at n. o. p. and see this at large in Luther's preface in tom. 1. Witemb. printed. 1582. paulo post initium. breach from us but with the matter of pardons, and some few such like which happened in the year (*) see nexte heretofore at. o. 1517. and kept him busied therein till (b) Luther making several discourse in his preface in 1. tom. Witemb. of his proceedings for every several year in particular from. Anno 1517. till. Anno 1521. maketh no mention of his impugninge the mass during that time, but in the end of that his prefat. saith (rather to the contrary) hactenus ad annum 1520. & 1521. processit res indulgentiaria, post sequentur res sacramentariae: and see further next hereafter in the margin at K. about Anno 1520. or 1521. had not for the time written any thing against the mass, but continuing (c) Osiander. centur. 16. l. 1. c. 36. pag. 97. fine, saith. Hoc anno (1524.) Lutherus monasticum habitum deposuit, and Hospinian. in histor. sacram. parte 2. fol. 4. b. ant med. reporteth. Lutherum etiam post impugnatum papatum, aliquot annos se macerasse recitandis horis canonicis etc. donec a Philippo admonitus, eam superstitionem abiecerit: And ibidem fol. 5. ante med. He further saith of Luther. Hinc factum est ut etiam post certamen contra indulgentias, arcem Pontificij regni non invaserit: yet in his monckishe habit, and retaining his former catholic opinion both of (d) the divines of count Palatine in their admonitio Christiana de libro concordiae, printed. 1581. cap. 6. pag. 211. paulo post med. say of Luther. Aliquot annis post caeptam oppugnationem papatus retinuit (Lutherus) purgatorium, missam, circumgestationem panis theatricam etc. and see Dresserus de di●bus festis pag. 192. and Sleydan. l. 5. fol. 65. a. fine, and Hospinian, in his concordia discor. printed. 1607. fol. 99 b. ant med. Also it appeareth next heretofore c. 1. sect. 1. next after. t. at. *. by his several submissions, so then made to the Roman church, how fare he yet then was from impugning the mass: which thing is yet more evident by Hospinian. in histor. sacram. part. 2. fol. 188. a. fine, at. anno 1544. Where he allegeth Luther in paruae confessionis appendice, as then saying, factum est ante annos viginti aut viginti duos, cum inciperem missam damnare etc. by all which appeareth that Luther's first impugninge of the mass, was certain years after his first apostasy, which happened Anno 1517. and so accordingly in tom. 1. Witemb. in his resolutiones de indulgentijs, written Anno Dom. 1518. (as appeareth there. fol. 141. a. fine,) he expressly saith of mass. Fateor id verum à me credi (ibidem conclu.) 26. fol. 122. b. ant med. mass, and sundry other matters (whereof he so much (e) Luther in his prefat. set before. tom. 1. Witemb. (printed. 1582.) paulo post initium, saith. Ante omnia oro pium lectorem ut ista legat cum iudicio, immo cum multa miseratione, & sciat me fuisse aliquando monachum etc. invenies in istis scriptis meis prioribus, quam multa & magna humillime concesserim papae, quae posterioribus & istis temporibus pro summa blasphemia & abominatione habeo & execror: dabis ergo hunc errorem piè lector, tempori & imperitiae meae, solus primo eram, & certe ad res tantas tractandas ineptissimus etc. this preface of Luther's was by him dated. 5. Martij 1545 complaineth in his later writings) he withal continued his accustomed saying of mass, till that he was persuaded to the contrary by the devil, in manner following. That foresaid wicked spirit which as before haunted and affrighted Luther from his youth, and slew his fellow companion, doth now also after his apostasy (so as before begun) much more pursue and keep him in chase, in so much as johannes Manlius Luther's own scholar in his loci communes printed at Basile, Anno 1562. doth ingenuously confess, that (f) Manlius in his loci communes, printed Basile 1562. in the alphabetical table under the letter. l. hath. Luthero saepius spectra apparuerunt. spirits often appeared to Luther, and withal reciteth how that (saith he) (g) Manlius in loc. common. pag. 42. fine. & 43. initio, saith. Cum Coburgi subsisteret doctor Martinus Lutherus etc. accidit ut semper post apparitiones nocturnarum facium, ipse gravi capitis morbo agitaretur: Accidit autem ut cum praecedente nocte tres eiusmodi volantes faces vidisset, ferè incidisset in syncopen, praesentiens autem morbum ministrum vocabat, is Amydalinum oleum instillabat in aurem: Thus fare Manlius who was a zealous Lutherane, and Luther's own physician, ut supra. at g. usually after his nightly apparitions in the (terrible) form of flying fire brands, Luther was evermore ill in his head, being at one time ready thereupon to fall into a sound: in prevention whereof say Manlius, oil of almonds was infused into his ear, & his feet rubbed with hot : As also Luther himself say to the Suenckfeldianes and Anabaptistes who bragged of revelations, that (h) Luther 1. Centen. ad Senator. ciu. Ger. saith Ego quoque fui in spiritu, atque etiam vidi spiritus, si omnino de proprijs gloriandum est, fortè plusquam ipsi intra annum videbunt. he himself had been in spirit (unworthily so imitating the Apostles phrase) and that if he might glory of his own, he had seen spirittes more perhaps, than they should see within a year: And that no man should so fare mistake it, as to think that by these spirits he meant Angels, himself affirmeth, saying most evidently to this purpose, (i) Luther in hoc loc. common. printed. 1594. class. 4. c. 20. pag. 39 prope finem, saith. Multas apparitiones angelorum habeo, and ibidem. pag. 40. ante med. he further saith. Pactum feci cum Domino Deo meo, ne vel visiones, vel somnia, vel etiam angelos mihi mittat: I have no apparitions of angels, I have made a covenant with the Lord, that he should not send to me visions (which are taken in good part) dreams, or angels: Luther being thus haunted and troubled with the devils fearful and affrightinge apparitions, and having as before said, begun his firste breach from us but touching the matter of pardons, continued yet still (*) nexte before in the margin. at. d. (as before said) his accustomed, saying of mass, till that (as himself (k) sundry years after, for whereas this book is thought to have been written. Anno 1533. Luther's so special mentiotioninge next hereafter at. b. his celebratinge mass for 15. years before this disputation, convinceth thereby the disputation to have been long before, Anno 1533. for if we take the beginning of these 15. years from his first saying of mass, the which (as witness Dresserus. l. de festis, and Balduinus de disput. Lutheri etc. printed. 1605. cap. 8. pag. 124. circa med.) was Anno 1507. than doth the laste of those said 15. years light in some part of. Anno 1521. or 1522. Or if (as Baldwinus urgeth in his hyperaspist. pag. 81. and apud serarium de Lutheri magistro l. 1. pag. 122. ante med.) we take the beginning of the said 15. years from the common assertion of his first entry into monachisme (as Baldwinus. l. de disput. Lutheri etc. c. 8. pag. 124. circamed. reporteth.) Anno 1524. whereby he bond himself to attend the daily celebration of mass than doth the laste of those said 15. years happen about, Anno 1519. or 1520. so either way, long before Luther's writing of his book thereof, Anno. 1533. see also further nexte heretofore in the margin. at. b. sundry years after reporteth the matter) (l) Luther tom. 7. Witemb. printed. Anno 1558. l. de missa privata etc. unct. sacerd. fol. 228. a. fine, saith, Contigit me sub mediam noctem subit● expergefieri, ibi satan mocum caepit eiusmodi disputationem; Audi, inquit Luther's doctor perdocte, nosti te quindecim annis celebrare missas privatas penè quotidie, quid si tales missae privata, horrenda essent idolatria? quid si tibi non adfuisset corpus & sanguis Christi, sed tantum panem & vinum adorasses? etc. cui ego respondi sum unctus sacerdos, accepi unctionem & consecrationem ab Episcopo & haec onnia feci, ex mandat● & obedientia maiorum quare non consecrassem? etc. it happened (saith he) upon a certain time, that I was suddenly awaked about midnight, than Satan began this disputation with me, saying, Hearken right learned doctor Luther. (Nosti te quindecim annis celebrasse missas privatas penè quotidie etc.) thou knowest that thou hast celebrated private mass by the space of fifteen years, almost every day, what if such mass were horrible idolatry? what if Christ's body and blood were not present there, but that thou only didst adore bread and wine? etc. Whereunto Luther being then as yet not persuaded against the mass maketh resistance, and justifieth his former celebration of mass in these words there next after following, (m) Luther ut supra at. l. Cui ego respondi etc. I answered Satan, that I was an anointed priest received unction and consecration from a Bushope, and did all these things as from the commandement and obedience of my elders, why then should I not consecrate? etc. whereto the devil replieth and frameth many arguments against the mass, by Luther there repeated and set down, such as namely among other, (n) in Luther ubi supra. fol. 228. b. circa med. the devil argueth saying to Luther. Missa abusus es contra mentem Christi instituentis: nam Christus voluit sacramentum inter pios communicantes distribui etc. Sacerdos enim verus est minister Ecclesiae, constitutus ad praedicandum verbum, & perrigenda sacramenta, etc. unde & à veteribus communio appellata est, quod non solus sacerdos debeat uti sacramento, sed reliqui una cum ipso: nunc annos quindecim totos semper solus privatim pro te in missa usus es sacramento, & non communicasti alijs, adeoque tibi interdictum erat ne porrigeres totum sacramentum alijs. etc. cuiusmodi es tu sacerdos qui non pro Ecclesia, sed pro te ipso ordinatus es? etc. tu vero missator privatus in omnibus missis tuis, ne semel quidem praedicasti etc. haeccine institutio Christi? institutio Christi est ut sacramento communicent & alij Christiani, verum tu unctus, non ad distribeundum sacramentum, sed ad sacrificandum, & contra institutionem Christi missa usus es pro sacrificio, etc. & quod Christus instituit ad edendum & bibendum pro tota Ecclesia, & porrigendum à sacerdote una communicantibus, etc. ex hoc tu facis sacrificium propitiatorium, o abominatio super omnem abominationem, etc. nemini tecum communicas, & ut in more vobis fuit, tanquam bonum opus propecunia vendis: and fol. 228. b. ant med. the devil further argueth saying to Luther. Confugiebatis ad Mariam & sanctos, illi erant mediatores inter vos & Christum, sic erepta est gloria Christo: Is not all this (with much more objected there by the devil) very protestant like? the priests not preacheinge (but) receiveinge alone, against the institution of Christ. His not communicating to the people in both kinds, that of a Sacrament he made it a sacrifice: and made gain thereof (*) Luther. ibidem. fol. 229. b. ant med. (sicut tu facis in missa) as thou (saith the devil to Luther) dost in the mass. Against which, Luther as yet perseverant in the mass, fleethe unto catholic answers, as himself there next after witnesseth saying: (o) Luther. ibidem. fol. 229. b. post med. saith. In his angustijs, in hoc agone contra diabolum, volebam retundere hostem armis quibus assuetus eram sub papatu, obijciebamque intentionem & fidem Ecclesiae celebrassem, &c in hoc recte credidit & sensit Ecclesia: verum satan è contra fortius & vehementius instans, age, inquit, pro nie ubi scriptum est etc. In respect of Luther's thus justifying to the devil his former saying of mass, the devil replieth upon him saying: Quare ergo in missa privata blaspheme contravenis claris verbis & ordinationi Christi, & postea tuo mendacio praeter is nomen & intentionem Ecclesiae, & misero hoc fuco tuum ornas commentum? (Luther ibidem. fol. 230. a. initio.) and again: En audaciam vestram, in tenebris geritis haec & abutimini nomine Ecclesiae, ac deinde omnes abominationes vultis defensas praetextu intentionis Ecclesiae: so plainly did Luther yet hitherto defend his former saying of mass: In his angustijs &c. in this agony I was wllinge to beat back the enemy with those weapons whereto I was accustomed in the papacy, obiecting the intention and faith of the church, and that I celebrated mass in the intention & faith of the church etc. and that the church did rightly believe and think: but (saith Luther) Satan replied more vehemently &c. whereupon Luther forbearing to continue or mention any further defence of the mass, in the end yields, and embraceinge the doctrine so delivered by satan, doth thereupon quite abandon the mass: In so much as his followers the divines of Witemberge did accordingly (p) see this in Hospinian. in his histor. sacram. part. 2. printed. Tiguri. 1602. fol. 20. b. post med. Also Sethus Caluisius in chronologia. printed. in 4. Lipsia. 1605. pag. 949. prope initium, saith. Anno 1525. missa primum celebrata lingua vernacula Viteberga, die Octobris, Dominica. 20. post Trinitat. Lutherus simul edidit librum de abhominatione canonis Missae. put down the mass at Witemberge, and (which is worthy the reader's observation) alleged and published to the world in behalf of their so doing, the very same (q) The divines of Witemberg, publishing their reasons of abrogatinge mass, deliver among other saying. Missa quales bodie fiunt, apertè pugnant cum institutione, etc. nunquam 〈◊〉 privatim seipsum communicas●e lègitur, etc. missa nequaquam est tale bonum opus, qu● De● reddamus aut offeramus aliquid placans Deum & satisfaciens pro nobis aut alijs: etc. Hinc impuros sacrificulos occasione corradendae pecuniae & faciendi quastus oblata, latari, & cupide talia missarum aucupia amplecti, etc. Christum ipsum in prima cana multis verbis ante & post distributionem Eucharistiae concionatum, etc. Vnde hanc postea fuisse Ecclesi● consuetudinem, ut quoties convenisset populus primum pradicatumfit verbum Dei: etc. neque enim videre se quo pacto illi excusari queant, qui alterutram tantum partem sumunt aut porrigunt, cum nominatim Christus de calice loquatur, bibite ex hoc omn es, etc. see this in Hospinian. ubi supra fol. 21. a. b. compare these with the devil's foresaid reasons made to Luther, and you shall discern the matter of them both to be all one. reasons and arguments which were by the devil (as heretofore) urged in his said disputation, had with Luther, as also Luther himself in this his now alleged very book, written so many (r) See next heretofore at. k. years after the said disputation, still urgeth and prosecuteth the very same (s) see in Luther's book his obiecting of saying mass for money. (tom. 2. fol. 236. a. circa med. & b. circamed. & 238. b. initio.) the priests not preaching but sacrificeinge. (tom. 2. fol. 236. b. ant med. & 238. b. prope initium.) the priests not communicateinge to the people in both kinds: (tom. 2. fol. 238. a. circa med.) the turning of communion into private mass: (ibidem. fol. 231. b. fine. & 238. a. fine.) and Luther's discourse against the intention and faith of the church. (ibidem. fol. 234. b. post med. & 235. a. & b. circa med.) all which (as appeareth next heretofore at. n. o.) are the very same points which the devil affirmed and urged against Luther, and are now in the places hear cited, urged by Luther against us, in almost the very same words that the devil used in his disputation with Luther, as may appear by conferinge of them both together. arguments against the Mass. III. THe matter falling out to be in all appearance thus odious, sundry excuses are pretended in answer thereto, which I will not conceal or dissemble, but briefly examine, according to the truth of the story. First master Charke and master Fulke do answer, that by Luther's foresaid discourse of his disputation had with the devil, is meant, (a) so saith master Charke in his reply to the censure. etc. printed. 1581. fol. D. 5. & D. 6. also master Fulke in his treatise against the the defence of the censure, printed. by Thomas Thomas. pag. 234. initio. answereth saying hereof. Luther's confession is only of a spiritual fight in mind, and no bodily conference, as master Charke answered at firste. only a spiritual fight in mind, and no bodily conference: What? no sensible or bodily conference? with what face can they affirm this? doth not Lavather himself confess it to have been an (*) see nexte hereafter in the margin. at. d. apparition he being awaked? do not the many other precedent and confessed like fearful apparitions, hapninge to Luther likewise in the night, argue this also to be of the like kind? doth not Luther himself in his foresaid treatise of this matter report, how the devil than (b) Luther describing there, the sound of satins voice speaking to him, saith. Haec illo dicente etc. the devil speaking thus to me, I burst forth all on sweat, and my hart began to tremble and leap (voce forti & gravi utitur.) The devil hath a base and strong voice etc. and then I learned how it came to pass, that sometimes early in the morning men were found dead in theyre beds: which words the rather to give colour, to master Charkes pretended only spiritual temptation, and no bodily conference, are shamefully falsified, as being quite omitted by the divines of Witemberge in their later edition of Luther's works, but never the less are yet still extant in the more ancient edition of Luther's works. tom. 6. jen. Germ. fol. 28. and (to the eternal discredit of the divines of Witemberge, who in many other things have likewise most shamefully falsified him) are yet also acknowledged, and verbatim recited by no meaner a protestant writer than Hospinian, in histor. sacram. part. 2. fol. 131. a. post med. and by him there alleged out of Luther. to. 6. jen. fol. 81. spoke to him in a base and great voice, (so fearful as) made Luther to sweat and his heart to tremble? doth he not also report (as before) that the devil spoke sensibly unto him, calling him (according to the humour of his pride) (c) see next here before at l. right learned doctor Luther? doth he not there also yet further affirm how that (d) Luther tom. 7. Witemb. printed. 1558. de missa private. & unct. sacerd. fol. 230. a. post med. saith. Ego planè persuasus sum Empserum & Oecolampadium & similes, his ictibus horribilibus & qua stationibus subit● extinct●s esse. See also these words confessed by master Fulke against the defence of the censure. pag. 237. circa med. and Lavather (a learned Suinglian) in his histor. sacramentaria. printed. Tiguri. 1563. fol. 24. a. prope finem, acknowledging the devil to have appeared to Luther, saith. Scribit Lutherus diabolum noctu aliquoties sibi apparuisse, secumque disputasse etc. postea infert se credere quod Empserus & Oecolampad. & alij illis similes, ignitis his sagittis & hastis diaboli tam subito expiraverunt. Oecolampadius Empser, and others were slain with such horrible encounters? This answer being therefore without all probability and though supposed for true yet wholly (*) Impertinent: for in either case the persuasion and arguments (whereto Luther here yields) came confessedly from the devil, and what difference then is there-whether the devil, made them to Luther by sensible conference, or inward suggestion? impertinent. A second answer of master Sutlyffe is, that Luther in his foresaid discourse of this matter, only (e) master Sutlife, de vera catholica Christi Ecclesia, printed. 1592. l. 2. c. 4. pag. 298. post med. saith. Quod cum Luthero diabolum collocutum narrant, primum est mendacium, nam per somnum tantum diabolum secum colloqui visum (ut est in libro) dicit: in what book of Luther, master Sutlife is this found? you can allege none, and master Sutlife, ibidem pag. 299. paulo ante med. further saith hereof. Lutherus autem nihil aliud peccavit, quam quod ut homo Germanus, & non ita pridem monachus, qui has de diabolorum apparitionibus monasticas fabulas è ment adhuc non eiecerat, somnium narrat crasso filo & monachis familiari: quare si nullum aliud habeant huius calumnia fundamentum prater somnium, quod etiam ipsi male detorquent, nihil est, etc. Did ever man use greater outfacinge boldness? declared his dream: What? but his dream master Sutlyffe? is there in Luther's whole discourse hereof, so much as but mention of any dream? doth not Luther as before most expressly (f) see nexte heretofore at. i. disclaim in dreams? Are not also Luther's own foresaid words most directly to the contrary, that he was first (g) see next heretofore at. l. suddenly awaked, and that then after satan began the disputation with him? Again doth not his foresaid affirming of (h) next heretofore at. d. Empser and Oecolampadius to have been slain by such horrible encounters argue more than a dream? are men I pray you slain by dreaming? or rather was not yourself deeply dreaming; when you thought to outface and delude us with an answer so grossly untrue? and though we should suppose it for true, yet no less plainly (i) Impertinent: for what difference is there (as in respect of the doctrine) whether the devil seduced Luther sleeping or waking? impertinent: these foresaid answers of master D. Fulke, master Charke, and master Sutliffe being so evidently untrue, Baldwinus betaketh himself to a thirde evasion. And what saith he? First directly against master Charke, master Fulke, and master Sutliffe, he acknowledgeth the conference between the devil and Luther, to have been not spiritual only, nor yet a dream, but that it was a real truth, (k) Baldwinus in his book de disputatione Lutheri cum diabolo, printed. Islebij. 1605. c. 4. fine. & pag. 83. fine, saith hereof. Quapropter non est cur monachus miretur me fateri, disputationem illam esse veram, & neque ioco, neque hyperbolica, sed serio & historicè scriptam: and again there, pag. 75. post med. he saith. Historiam illam tam prolixè, tam consideratè Lutherus conscripserit, quod enim eam scripserit, & quidem serio & historicè, etiamnum & constanter fateor: and see further there, pag. 76. fine. written (saith he) by Luther, not hyperbolically but seriously, and according to the truth of the history: How then would he evade? the contracted substance of his longer answer is, that Luther had before, and then, quite abandoned the mass: that therefore the devil, intended no disputation with Luther, but only as by way of strong temptation, (l) see this there, pag. 127. ante med. to put Luther in mind of his, (then acknowledged) old errors, and so thereto to drive him to despair, urging to such purpose, such only known truths and reasons against the mass, as Luther then and before known to be most true, and wherein Luther was already satisfied: In regard whereof (saith he) the devil speaketh always to Luther (m) Semper enim in praeterito loquitur Satan, etc. talis sacrificulus fuisti, etc. there. pag. 127. fine. (in praeterito) as in the time past, thou saydste mass, thou haste done this, and that, etc. But how extremlie false or impertinent is all this? first as concerning the matter of despair, it is merely supposed and without so much as the least mention of it, either by the devil or Luther, in any part of all that continued disputation from the first line thereof, (n) whereas some urge how that Luther doth here. tom. 7. fol. 230. b. post med. as in answer to catholics who he saw would object to him that the devil was a liar, labour to prevent the same by showing that the devil did sometimes speak truly to an evil purpose, alleging there to that end, the example of judas, whom the devil tempted with urging to him that he betrayed the innocent blood and so brought him to despair, with like alleging also the example of Cain: all this though true, is yet impertinent, for it is no part of the conference between the devil and Luther (in all which or any part● thereof, is not any one syllable but so much as pointing, to despair) as also the conference is fully ended before the coming in of these now objected words, which are the only words of Luther himself, by him used upon the occasion beforesaid, many years after the said conference, the which happened long before Luther's publishing the same in writing, whereof see heretofore in the beginning of this section, in the margin at. k. to the last. Also the very contrary thereof is signified, in that disputation as where satan (quite against all pretence of despair) setteth forth the great mercies of Christ, (o) Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 228. b. paulo ante med. allegeth the devil as saying to Luther. Nos spiritus reiecti non fidimus illius misericordia, neque habemus eum pro mediat●re aut saluatore, sed exhorrescimus ut saenum iudicem, eiusmodi fidem & non aliam & tu habebat etc. ideo à Christo tanquam crudeli iudice confugiobatis ad S. Mariam & sanctos, & illi erant mediatores inter ros & Christu● sic erepta est gloria Christo etc. urging there the same, as a special argument against prayer to saints: and no where in all that disputation extenuateth god's mercy: furthermore though we should admit this pretence of despair for true, it is yet impertinent, as making nothing to prove that the devil therefore did not instruct Luther against the mass, for both of them may well stand together. secondly as concerning the the devils speaking to Luther always in praeterito, as of the time paste, it is egregiously false, for as in regard of his then former saying of mass, the devil sometimes speaketh to him as in the time paste, so likewise in regard of Luther's present custom then continued in saying mass, he speaketh also very often as in the time present, whereof (p) In Luther tom. 7. Witemb. the devil saith to Luther. Sicut tu facis in missa etc. tua autem missa contra institutionem Christi. (fol. 229. b. ant med.) tu solus in angulo tacens & mutus, comedis solus, & bibis solus: etc. nemini tecum communicas. (fol. 229. a. paulo p●st med.) Forsitan dices etiamsi alijs in Ecclesia non portigam sacramentum, tamen ipse sumo, ipse mihi porrigo, etc. (fol. 229. b prope initium.) and see next hereafter. at. r. s. *. diverse examples are evident. thirdly as to the supposal of Luther's then having abandoned the mass. Whereof appeareth not so much as any one word or syllable in all that long disputation set down by Luther, and the contrary thereof is (q) see heretofore. cap. 1. sect. 2. in the margin at. d. (heretofore more specially signified) It is likewise but supposed and false, as appeareth further most evidently and unanswerable by the many examples heretofore alleged, not only of Luther's then foresaid justifying against the devil his then former saying of mass, as where he saith to satan, (1) see next heretofore in the margin at. o. and see also Luther's like defence next before in the margin at l. and in the text at m. I celebrated mass in the intention and faith of the church, and the church did rightly believe etc. but also of the devils then therefore (2) in Luther. tom. 7. the devil replieth reprehending Luther's foresaid answer, saying. Non est ut tu doceas me intentionem Ecclesiae etc. (fo. 229 b. prope finem) tuae impietati praetexis nomen & intentionem Ecclesiae, & misero hoc fuco tuum ornas commentum etc. fol. 230. a. prope initium. reprehending him, all which had been idle and improper if Luther himself had been then in deed already persuaded against the mass: which foresaid defence of the mass so then made as before by Luther, is in itself so evident, that Baldwinus (as enforced) (3) Balduinus de disput. Luther's cum diabolo cap. 4. §. 2. pag. 79. ante med. saith. Disputanti diabolo, non scripture argumentis, sed armis illis resistit Lutherus, quae tum maximè in Ecclesia Romana fidei papisticae fulcra erant, qualia sunt intentio & fides Ecclesiae, unctio sacerdotalis etc. confesseth the same, betakinge himself therein to a most miserable and desperate (4) His evasion is in these words there next after following, viz. Quibus experiri voluit Lutherus, num quid adversario praecipua Romanae fidei capita oppugnanti resistere valeat: as thereby pretending that Luther then made this defence of the mass, not seriously and as himself then in deed believed, but only experimentallie as but to see if the same would enable him to resist the devil: so he upon mere supposal, not having any one word in Luther to support the same. But how frivolouse is the evasion? for whereas it appeareth from Luther's own words, that he not only for very fear did sweat and his heart tremble, but also that he was by others example made afraid of being slain by the devil (nexte heretofore in the margin at. b. d.) whereto Luther further addeth saying. Nec enim humanum cor horrendum hunc & ineffabilem impetum nisi Deus illi adsit perferre potest etc. (Luther tom. 7. fol. 230. a. post med.) all which Baldwinus himself enlargeth. (l. de disput. etc. cap. 10. pag. 159. 160. etc.) Is it now probable that Luther being in this fear and agony, should dare so to trifle, as in trial of conclusions with the devil, to use no other defence against him (as in very deed throughout all that dispute he doth not) than the evasion, as also the devil in respect of Luther's then foresaid known doctrine of mass, beginneth his first dispute with Luther, as only at first but suggestinge, (5) authority of the churches? as proving mass for good and the same but dissemblingly and contrary to his own then opinion had of the mass, can any thing be supposed more enforced or improbable? what if mass were horrible idolatry? what if Christ's body were not present there? Furthermore this point appeareth yet further evident, by the devil's foresaid speaking to Luther as in (r) Luther. tom. 7. Witemb. de missa privata & unct. sacerd. fol. 229. a. circa med. allegeth the devil saying to him. stas ibi solus, & putas (lo hereby Luther's then present opinion) Christum propter te instituisse sacramentum, & protenus in tua privata missa te conficere corpus & sanguinem Domini? the present tense, and among other as where he say to Luther (in full discovery or proof of Luther's then judgement) thou dost stand at the altar alone and dost think (not hereby Luther's then present opinion) that Christ ordained the sacrament for thee, and that in thy private mass thou dost consecrate the body and blood of our Lord: and again, (s) Luther ubi supra. fol. 229. b. a man cannot baptise himself, not confirm himself, nor make himself priest &c. (*) Luther. ibidem saith. Haec enim sunt vestra septem sacramenta, si nunc nullum ex sacramentis vestris, aliquis ipse pro seipso facera potest, qui fit ut tibi soli hoc summum sacramentum facere velis? if now a man cannot execute any of your seven sacraments for himself, why then wilt thou celebrate this chief sacrament only for thyself? whereby it very clearly appeareth, that whensoever this his disputation with the devil happened, or how soever himself was then before (according to this confessed (t) See hereafter. cap. 3. sect. 3. inconstancy) altered or changed in opinion (which yet in this point appeareth not) that yet notwithstanding, at the time of this dispute, he did affirm and defend both the mass, & all the seven sacraments: fourthly as concerning the laste main point, which is, that the devil hereby intended no disputation with Luther, but only a temptation upon evident truths by Luther then before known and confessed: it is of all other most false, as appeareth by Luther himself, who both in the beginning and end thereof expressly termeth it, a (u) for the devils beginning thereof see heretofore. sect. 2. at. l and Luther. himself, tom. 7. Witemb. fol. 230. a. ante med. Having ended his own report of his said disputation with the devil, saith thereupon. Haec ferè erat disputationis summa: whereto do but add, th●t this conference between the devil and Luther being so confessedly a disputation, argueth the matter so then holden disputable, to have been at the beginning of that dispute not agreed upon between them, but in controversy, whereas withal it appeareth by the whole passage of their conference, that the same nothing concerneth despair or the just judgements of God (for thereof not any one word passeth between them in that whole discourse, but only the lawfulness or unlaufulnes of the mass; so evidently was it the point in controversy, and then disputed of: disputation. Also by the many long protestant-like (x) See heretofore. sect. 2. atn. arguments at large there by the deull begun and prosecuted (and by Luther himself so many years after (*) see heretofore. sect. 2. at r. s. urged) purposely to give colour against the mass: and most evidently by example of (y) As for example satan there endeauoreth to persuade Luther, that he being a wicked man could not consecrate the Sacrament, saying to that end unto Luther. Non consecrasse in Missa tua, sed obtulisse & adorasse tantum panem & vinum & alijs adorandum proposuisse: hic vides in tua missa primum deesse personam quae consecrare possit, nempe Christianum hominem, etc. cum igitur tu non sis persona quae consecrare possit, etc. sic ut tu nec sis verus sacerdos nec panis verum corpus Christi. (fol. 229. a. circa med.) and again. Age pro me ubi scriptum est quod homo impius incredulus, possit assistere altari Christi ac consecrare & conficere in fide Ecclesiae? (ibidem fol. 229. b. post med. other like points alleged in the margin, whereto the devil in like sort then endeavoured to persuade Luther, but could (*) could not prevail, for that all this was most clearly contrary to Luther's opinion, see hereafter, cap. 2. sect. 8. and in Balduinus de disput. Lutheri cum diabolo, printed ●slebij Anno 1603. cap. 18. pag. 280. initio, and in Hospin. in histor. sacram. part. 2. fol. 14. b. circa med. Who both allege to this end, Luther's sayings taken from this his very foresaid book, de missa privata & vnctione sacerdotum: and see also Hospinian most clearly in histor. sacram. part. 2. fol. 82. a. paulo ante med. and Luther in libro contra Anabaptistas', saith. Nos fatemur etc. We confess that there is in the papacy most of the christian good &c. true scripture, true baptism, the true sacrament of the altar, the true keys unto remission of sins: etc. see this saying of Luther's mentioned and acknowledged by master Whitaker de Ecclesia. printed. 1599 contrau. 2. quaest. 5. pag. 369. ante med. and Luther. in loc. commu. printed. 1594. class 5. cap. 55. pag. 109. fine, saith. Papistae qui per se blasphemi sunt, tamen quando baptizant, communicant, absoluant, etc. valet ministerium ipsorum; so far was Luther from acknowledging for errors, those points which were for such objected to him by satan. not prevail: so fare then was the devil from only temptinge Luther to despair upon evident truths then before by him known and confessed: an evasion so untrue, that master D. Sutlife (had but any show of truth been therein) would never have so as before, betaken himself to the other foresaid improbability of Luther's pretended (z) See next heretofore at. e. f. g. dream. The laste of whom I find any mention to offer help in relief of Luther from this so known scandal, is master D. Moreton, who as all dispayringe of the other former answers, betaketh himself to a new evasion, and what is that? He taketh no exceptions to satins sensible conference had with Luther, nor to his persuading him against the mass, but in steed of answer, objecteth (a) master Moreton in his apologia catholica. part. 1. printed. Londini. 1605. l. 2. cap. 21. pag. 351. ante med. saith. Apud Surium liquet diabolum in specie angelica apparuisse, & statim abbatem ut missam celebraret hortabatur, alleging there in his margin. Delrius Ies. l. 4. de magia. c. 1. qu. 3. §. 5. Delrius (a jesuite) affirming that the devil appeared to an Abbot in the form of an Angel, & persuaded him to say mass: supposing this for the truth, and the whole truth of Delrius his report, how unapt yet is the example thereof? for here is no long and laboured disputation to prove the mass good, nor did the party here assent to the devil, nor did the mass thereupon first begin to be public, as in the other example we charge the devil with long framed disputation, and many protestant like arguments against the mass, and Luther as overcome therewith, to have abandoned the mass, then and many ages before generally (b) Danaeus de Antichristo, printed. Genevae 1576. pag. 101. initio, saith. Anno à Christo passo 666 palam & publicè constitutum est in Dei Ecclesia blasphemum illud Antichristi regnum etc. certè hoc godem tempore & anno missa illa & execrabilis & papistica, verè mortis Christi abolitio passim latine celebrari caepit: and the century writers cent. 6. cap. 6. col. 336. lin. 34. reciting the doctrine of Gregorius Turonensis who flourished An. dom. 570. say. Meminit (Gregorius Turonensis) & Catonem presbiterum Auernorum lue grassante in eo loco mansisse & missas dixisse, ut intelligas missarum nunc solennia passim loca omnia complevisse: and Lutherus (Doctor and public professor in the university of Witemb.) de sacrificio missatico, printed. 1604. pag. 377. fine, saith. Libenter concedo Idolomaniam pontificiam cuius neruus est sacrificium missaticum, totum paene terrarum orbem invasisse praesertim superiore proximo millenario: thus much for the generality of mass during the laste thousand years: And for the generality thereof at Luther's firste impugning the same. Luther de captiu. Babil. cap. 1. extant. tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 68 a. circa med. saith of his own then writing against the mass. Rem arduam, & quam forte sit impossibile convelli, aggredior, ut quae tanto saeculorum usu firmata, omniumque consensu probata sic insederit, ut necesse sit etc. paenè universam Ecclesiarum faciem tolli & mutari &c. sed Christus meus vivit etc. received throughout the Christian world, and that in this manner now in this laste age began the new appearing doctrine of Luther, and so many of his followers in impugning of mass: neither is this all, for master Moreton hath in his report hereof (besides his (c) this making the party to be an Abbot, maketh it more probable that he was then a priest: misnameinge the abbot for the monk) committed as yet (to think the best) further negligence, in omitting both which is there next precedent and following in his author, as namely, that (d) the words of Delrius (in the place cited by master Moreton, uttered upon occasion to show how the devil often goeth about to deceive us by persuading us to do things of themselves good, but in an evil manner, whereof he there giveth many examples) are as followeth; Item si daemon suadeat contra canon's etc. hoc iudicio B. Simeon monachus Triueriensis eum deprehendit, narratur historia ab Eneruino Abbate (apud Sur. 1. junij) in verticem Sinai iussu superiorum cum missus fuisset ibi habitaturus, nocturnis horis, illi specie Angelica daemon apparuit, & ut missam celebrat hortatur: ipse nec planè dormiens nec perfectè vigilans, contradicit non debere sine praesbiterij ordine aliquem hoc ministerium implere: contra inimicus instat: etc. whereby it appeareth that the devil did not make this persuasion to the Abbot (for the Abbot whom Surius allegeth is but there porter thereof) but to Simeon a monk, who as there afterwards more fully yet appeareth, being not as yet priest but deacon, refused to say mass the devil useth to persuade against the canons etc. and that accordingly the party whom the devil here so persuaded to say mass, (e) ut supra at. b. was not yet priest, a persuasion I confess fitting for the devil, and but answerable to Luther's known (f) see hereafter, cap. 2. sec. 8. doctrine: as for master D. Moretons repairinge of this breach by his other alleged example of (g) master Moreton. in his apolog. cathol. part. 2. printed. 1606. in his animadversions in the end of that book in l. 2. c. 21. saith. Hanc rimulam novo exemplo resarciam, etc. and then allegeth as is here in the text. the devils commanding to buy a bell and to bestow it upon a poor church, whereby the faithful might be every sunday called to divine service, besides that it is (h) impertinent: for hereupon were not bells first brought in as upon the other (mass) then before general, became then first contradicted: neither was here any point of doctrine disputed or examined, only master Moretons alleged author there reporting how spirits will covennante to attend and become servants unto men for a certain term; after report made in this kind of the spirits that thus became servants to the earl of Foitz (mentioned by Froisard) and to Cornelius Agrippa, he than allegeth a reported example of a spirit, who upon like covenant demanded five shillings wages, which he gave to buy a Bell etc. as intending (saith the author) by such hypocritical deceit, the greater gain and assurance of the party's soul: Delrius disquis. magic. lib. 2. qu. 30. sect. 3. fine. What resemblance now or colour hath this, whereby to excuse Luther's foresaid instruction from the devil against the mass, and Luther's thereupon then putting down of mass? impertinent, it is also (no less than is master Moretons other foresaid answer) though admitted for true and not mistaken, most clearly avoided by master Moreton himself: for whereas these are alleged as in excuse of the devil's persuading and instructing Luther against the mass, and as supposing the same for true, master D. Moreton to the contrary professeth, that (these notwithstanding) he did. (i) so saith master Moreton in his direct answer unto etc. Theophilus higgon's etc. printed. in 4. London. by Edmond Weaver. 1609. pag. 5. post med. Seriously inquire into Luther's confession hereof, with a purpose that if any such thing should (saith he) sensibly appear to me, then utterly to abhor his name, and suspect all his doctrine: so little confidence, did master Moreton repose in this his laste devised answer. FOUR HItherto concerning our learned adversaries endeavour, in excuse of Luther from the now objected scandal, whose several answers thereunto, being more variable and among themselves, disagreeing, then were the dissenting (a) Daniel. 13.54.55.58. answers of those two elders, that were examined, concerning Susanna, and thereby, and otherwise sufficiently as before said discovered; I will now conclude this point with the answerable acknouledgment in so clear a case, of our learned adversaries themselves. Firste then, Hospinianus (a (b) See Gualters' testimony of Hospinian in his epistle to him, placed in Simlerus. orat. de vita & obitu Petri martyris, printed. 1563. fol. 48. prime man among the foreign Caluinistes) whoe acknowledgeth Luther for (c) Hospinian. in histor. sacram. part. 2. in his prolegem. prope finem, saith, of Luther, Suinglius, and calvin, hos tres viros nosco à Deo ornatos fuisse multis excellentibus donis & virtutibus, ingenio luce doctrinae caelestis etc. zelo gloriae Dei etc. divinitusque formatos & excitatos, ad Ecclesiam Christi his postremis temporibus, tyrannide ac tenebris Antichristi horribiliter oppressam, in libertatem & lucem evangelij vindicantem, etc. a man adorned with excellent gifts, with the light of heavenly knowledge, zeal of god's glory, and as divinely raised up to restore the ghospels' light etc. confesseth (as enforced) in the very same book, most plainly in the question saying. (d) Hospinian. in histor. sacram. part. 2. fol. 131. a. reciting out of Luther's works a part of the foresaid disputation between the devil and Luther, addeth his own conceit thereof saying. De hac disputatione narrat Lutherus plura, quorum summa est, se à diabolo edoctum esse, quod missa privata imprimis sit res mala, & rationibus diaboli convictum abolevisse eam: In so much as Hospinian yet further in his firste alphabetical table set before his book, under the letter. c. and at the word colloquium, among the many other colloquies had among Protestants by him there set down, doth place there among other this colloque between the devil and Luther, in these words. Colloquium Luthericum diabolo in quo instituitur de erroribus missae: and Hospinian. ibidem. fol. 26. a. versus finem, further saith. An nescit, quae Lutherus scribat. tom. 6. Ger. jenensi. fol. 83. non de Angelo, sed de ipsomet diabolo, qui noctu cum eo colloquium habuerit, cumque de multis abusibus missae pontificiae edocuerit? Luther reporteth many things of his disputation had with the devil, the substance whereof is, that himself was instructed by the devil, that the mass was wicked, and that being overcome with satins arguments, he did (thereupon) abandon the mass: In like manner David Parens (the great Caluiniste divine of Heydelberghe) acknowledge that (e) Paraeus in catechristicarum praelectionum libro 5. c. 17. pag. 257. saith. In isto papistico enthymemate, Lutherus seipso teste, ex atro spiritu diaboli didicit rationes cur damnanda sit missa privata & sacerdotum chrisma, ergo diaboli discipulus suit: In isto, inquam papistico enthymemate, antecedens negare non possunt Lutherani: Luther learned his reasons against private mass from the devil: and Erasmus (whom our adversaries esteem as indifferently (f) Hereof see master Fox act. mon. printed. 1563 pag. 404. a. fine. affected towards Luther) affirmeth that (g) Erasmus contra epistolam Lutheri non sabriam: Luther bringeth in, the disputation of the devil in his book de missa angulari, and ascribeth to the devil such strong arguments, as he say; He could not answer: affirming further from Luther's words, that (h) ibidem. the devil did impugn Luther's mind about mass with strong weapons: In which respect the Caluiniste divines of Zuriche do term Luther (i) In their confession. pag. 25. 26. 127. the minister of satan, affirming there further that, he wrote his books (impulsu spiritus satanae, cum quo disputationem instituit, quique ut videtur Lutherum disputando superavit) by the suggestion of satan with whom he disputed, & was therein by satan overcome; to forbear Luther's own further assertion, of one or two of his devils hauntinge him whom he termeth (k) Luther. in colloqu. mensal. Germ. edit. fol. 275. talking of the great familiarity he had with diverse devils in so much as he walked with them diverse times in his dormitory, addeth, that he had. Vnum atque alterum m●rabilem d●abolum à quibus diligenter atque admodum intenti obseruatur, affirming then further, that these were: Non vulgares sed magni daemons, imo doctores Theologiae inter diabolos: and see further there. fol. 281. great divines. johannes Regius a learned Lutherane, and of great esteem discerning no probable excuse left remaining for Luther, forbeareth not in these extremes to defend and justify Luther's foresaid confessed instruction from the devil, saying thus perplexedlie thereof. (l) johannes Regius in his book entitled liber Apologeticus etc. contra Bellarminum, printed M●lhusij Thuring. in quarto. under the title consideratio censurae, pag. 123. circa med. saith of Luther's instruction from the devil: Quid hoc ad ministerium seu doctrinam verbi divini per Lutherum restauratum evertendum, aut ad missae etiam veritatem stabiliendam? & unde constat tibi malum ipsum fuisse spiritum, qui (Luthero) hoc dixerit? & p●sito licet malus spiritus fuisset, non sequitur tamen mox eum mentitum fuisse, quia & vera interdum diaboli loquuntur, quando dicunt id cuius scriptura testis est: What is this either to overthrow the ministry and doctrine of Luther, or to establish the truth of the mass? How doth it appear that it was an evil spirit that thus informed Luther? and if it were an evil spirit, yet followeth it not that therefore he should lie, for the devils sometimes speak truly, as when they say that whereof the scripture is witness: Hitherto of Luther's reported instruction from the devil against the mass, which being then before, the general (m) See next heretofore. cap. 1. sect. 3. in the margin at z. fine. received doctrine of the Christian world, and for such confessed during (at the least) the laste (n) ibidem. in the margin at z. initio. nine hundreth years precedent to Luther's foresaid conference with the devil, was thereupon by Luther's persuasion & doctrine, abrogated and quite put down in diverse country's: of which foresaid conference between the devil and Luther, as our adversaries may not make so very strange, if they but rember the like revelations confessedly pretended by (o) see hereafter, cap. 4. sect. 4. at d. e. l. m. q. Carolostadius (p) master Fox. act. mon. printed. 1596. pag. 90. b. circa med. and also in apoclypsin, printed 1596. pag 364. & 365. initio. affirmeth that he was instructed to understand by the 42. months mentioned, apocal. 13.5. the 294. years of the primitive churches first persecution, reporting (in Apocal. pag. 365.) how that the exposition hereof, was delivered to him as it were by divine inspiration, namely (to use his own words) arcano quodam admonitionis sibilo, sine voce tamen, etc. Which his exposition is now sithence rejected, & instead thereof, is by the said. 42. months understood the laste 1260. years before Luther, by master Naper, master Brocard, master Gifforde, and master Brightman (with many others) in their several commentaries upon the apocalypses. 11.2.3. & 12.6. & 13.5. Suinglius, (q) master Fox, and the many other late (r) concerning the many like pretended revelations of other late novellistes, see the protestant treatise thereof specially made entitled, Apocalypsis insignium aliquot haeresiarcharum, qua visiones & insomnia ipsis per somnia patefactae, blasphemias puta mauditas, ac deliramenta enthesiastica revelantur etc. printed Lugouni Batavorum. M. D.C.VIII. novellistes sprung from Luther, so yet also is it (all pretended answers to the contrary notwithstanding) of such confessed importance, that our learned adversary master D. Moreton (as before said) professeth that (saith he) (s) See master D. Moretons words heretofore, cap. 1. sect. 3. fine at. g. if any such thing should sensibly appear to me, then utterly to abhor Luther's name, and suspect all his doctrine: to his answerable performance whereof even from my heart I say Amen: referring the final event unto the gracious providence of him, (t) Sapientia, 8.1. qui attingit à fine ad finem fortiter, & disponit omnia suaviter: And thus much briefly concerning satins arguments against Luther and the mass (which arguments of satan saith Balduinus were (u) Balduinus de disput. Lutheri etc. cap. 17. pag. 252. setteth down the title of that. 17. cap. in these words. Ea qua satan B. Luthero obiecerat cum SS. scriptura & communi praxi congruere. consonant with the scriptures) and concerning also Luther's confessed instruction had from the devil, against (which I will conclude in origen's words: (x) so saith. Origen. Homil. 3. in Exodum ante med. Orandum nobis est, ut dignetur Dominus aperire os nostrum, ut possimus & contradicentes revincere, & obturare os quod diabolus aperuit: referring withal to the judgement of our English Caluinistes themselves, whether now they may safely profess (as they do) to (y) so saith master Whitaker in his answer to the ten reasons of Campion Englished, and printed. 1606. reason 8. fine, & pag. 259. prope initium. reverence Luther for their father (z) so saith master Fox in his act. mon. printed. 1563. pag. 400. a. fine. by the industry of whom, it pleased the Lord to reform and re-edify the desolate ruin of (their) religion. CHAPT. II. LVther having thus abandoned the mass and entered into familiarity with the devil, what dare he not now adventure? he venteth forth and obtrudeth to the world sundry strange and novel opinions, all of them tending to liberty of life and doctrine, some of which we will recite in order as followeth: As first. 1. in behalf of the people he saith, (a) Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 375. a. initio, saith. Qui volunt perhiberi rectores Ecclesiarum & pastors ovium Christ, habent quidem potestatem docendi, sed oves debent ferre iudicium, utrum illi vocem Christi vel alienorum proponant, etc. quapropter decernant, constituant, ordinen● papa, ep●scopi concilia etc. quicquid velint, non impediemus, sed penes nos qui oves Christi sumus, & vocem eius audimus, erit iudicium, utrum vera & consentanea voci pastoris nostri, proponant vel non, ac ipsi nobis cedere, nostrae censurae ac sententiae subscribere & obtemperare debent: and nexte before there, in fol. 374. b. fine, he saith. Christus adimit episcopis, doctoribus & concilijs tum ius, tum potestatem iudicandi de doctrina, ac tradit illa omnibus Christianis in genere. The governors of churches and pastors of Christ's sheep, have power indeed to teach, but the sheep ought to give judgement etc. wherefore let the people, bushops, and counsels, decree what they please, we will not let it, but we who are Christ's sheep and hear his voice, are to judge whether those things be true which they propound or no, and they ought to give place and subscribe to our censure and judgement etc. is this the saying of a sheep or of a wolf? II. secondly he taught to the gteate danger of christendom, that (b) In Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. assert. damnat. per Leonem decimum. art. 34. fol. 10. b. the said. 34. article. so specially condemned, was, praeliari adversus Turcas est repugnare Deo visitanti iniquitates nostras per illos: and in his further explication there. fol. 111. a. of that article, he not retracteth or qualifieth it, but professing to defend it, saith (among his much other defence thereof) Sicut Michaeas qui & ipse odiosus erat, quia non prophetabat nisi malum, dicam & ipso meo Achab, ite praeliamini contra Turcas, & resistatis virgae Dei, & cadatis sicut & Achab cecidit: to war against the Turks, was to resist God visiting our sins by them, the which opinion he did afterwards more at large defend concludeinge and saying he (c) Luther. ibidem. fol. 111. a. paulo post med. that hath ears to hear, let him hear and abstain from the Turkish wars, whiles the pope's name remaineth under heaven: I have said: Insinuatinge his yet further dissuasion from (d) Luther. in loc. commu. printed 1594. class. 4. cap. 46. pag. 84. initio, saith. Impia & inanis fiducia est in munitionibus, vallis, bombardis: etsi quando Deo ita fuerit visum, ut Turca grassetur in Germaniam, non tuebuntur nos aggeres isti, etc. quando genua flectimus & clamamus ad creatorem nostrum, is poterit igneos muros nobis circumdare, ego odi molem istam vallorum & munitionum quia nihil aliud est quam perditio pecunia & ostentatio extremae stultitiae: id potius agendum est ut firmiter statuamus nos esse in manu creatorit, & non tantum nos, sedetiam hosts, & diabolos &c. thus adviseth he that neglecting ordinary means, we should depend upon miraculous help immediately from God: fortifications to be made against the Turk which his doctrine (master Fulkes vain (e) whereas master D. Fulke in his apology against Frarine, pag. 31. initio, excuseth Luther's sayings, as meant of those christianes which live under the turks dominions, besides that Luther himself after the condemnation of his foresaid. 34. article, allegeth no such qualified sense in excuse thereof, but professedly defendeth it, his also further mencioninge of the pope, and of God visiting, our sins by the Turk, and likewise the further whole scope and passage of his discourse, directly crosseth master Fulkes enforced excuse: in so much as Roffensis did purposely write against Luther's doctrine thereof, in confut. Assert. Luther. printed. 1523. art. 34. and Luther himself in his book de bello contra Turcas, affirmeth further, that the devil by god's permission did govern, and hinder the counsels and assemblies of the princes of Germany, for no other cause but that his article of not warringe against the Turk might remain in force and incondemned: also Luther in epistola contra duo mandata imperialia, purposely crosseth the emperor's aid against the Turk saying. Oro cunctos pios Christianos ne ullo modo sequantur vel in militiam ire vel dare aliquid contra Turcas: etc. and L●the●. in determine. doctorum paris. impres. Norimberg. 1525. saith. liberè animum meum aperiam, hoc apertè de me pradico, quod tam invitus Turcam gladio impeterem, quam Christianum fracrem. excuse thereof notwithstanding) was (f) See Belforest. in cosmogra. l. 2. c. 7. col. 579. so grateful to the Turk, that (as Luther's own scholar reporteth) the (g) see this thus plainly reported by Manlius in loc. commu. pag. 636. fine. turkish Emperor (to the great shame of Luther hearing thereof) demanded our Christian Ambassador, how old Luther was, and wished him younger, promising to be his good Lord: this point was so apparently reprovable, in Luther, that our learned adversary master Harvey saith, (*) so saith master Harvey in his theological discourse, printed at London. 159●. pag. 115. initio. the gospel is dispersed in most parts of the earth, as much and more than the (Turks) Alcoran, howsoever Luther in a furious imitation of Micheas rapt out &c. as if he desired rather the name of a prophet among infidels, than a friend to Christians. III. thirdly, as concerning the canonical scriptures, if it be true which master (h) Fulke in his confutation of purgatory, printed. 1577. pag. 214. circa med. Fulke saith, that whosoever denieth the authority of the holy scriptures, thereby bewrayeth himself to be an heretic, what is then to be thought of Luther, who denied sundry parts thereof, and in in such respect taxed by master (i) see master D. Filled of the church l. 4. c. 24. fine, & pag. 252. initio. a. in the text and margin at. *. D. Field? Concerning the apocalypse Bullinger giveth testimony saying: D. (k) Bullinger upon the apocalypse Englished. 1573. cap. 1. serm. 1. fol. 2. a. post med. Martin Luther hath as it were sticked this book, by a sharp preface set before his firste edition of the new testament in duchy, for which his judgement, good and learned men were offended with him: and concerning the epistle of S. james Luther say, (l) so saith Luther. in praefat. in epist. jacobi, in editione jenense, how Luther's works have been after his death corrupted and altered herein, is declared in the preface to the reader after. †. at *. the epistle of james is contentious, swelling, dry, strawye, and unworthy an apostolic spirit: which his judgement is confessed and defended by Luther's own scholar Flaccus, (m) Illiricus in his preface upon Saint james epistle, saith, Luther in his prefac. upon this epistle of james giveth great reasons why this epistle ought in no case to be accounted for a writing of apostolic authority, unto which reasons I think every godly man ought to yield: Illiricus, whom master Thomas Beltearmeth, (n) so saith: master Bel. in his regiment of the church, printed. 1606. pag. 28. fine. a very famous writer and most worthy defender of the christian truth. Also Luther say of the book of ecclesiastes, that it (o) so saith Luther. In sermonibus convivialibus titulo de libris veteris & novi test. Rabenstocke. l. 2. colloqu. latin. Lutheri cap. de vet. test. hath never a perfect sentence, and that the author of it had neither boots nor spurs, but road on a long stick, or in begging shoes, as himself did when he was a Friar: In like manner concerning S. Paul's epistle to the Hebreves, Luther's impugninge thereof was so evident, that (*) Oecolampadius. in epistolam ad Hebreos, printed. in 8. Argentorat. 1534. in praefat. fol. 4. a. initio. saith. Lutherus in praefatione sua inquit, mihi videtur epistolam hanc esse consutitiam ex multis, & non eandem rem ordinate tractare, addit etiam, quod non ponit fundamentum fidei: etc. To which opinion of Luther, Oecolampadius opposeth saying there next after. Verum vindicabimus (hanc) epistolam. ab utraque hac nota. Oecolampadius doth therefore reprehend him therein: whereto might be added (as in further explication of Luther's answerable opinion) the known judgement of the Lutherans yet to this day (1) see this in Chemnitius his Enchiridion, printed. 1590. pag. 63. and in Chemnitius his examen. Concil. Trid. printed. 1578. part. 1. pag. 55. & 56. b. initio, and in Adamus Francisci in his margarita Theolog. printed. Witemb. 1602. pag. 448. a. and see also in master Whitaker against master William raynold printed Anno 1590. in the book, cap. 2. pag. 35. post med. his acknowledgement hereof. reiecting the epistles to the Hebrues, and of james, and jude, the 2. epistle of Peter, the 2. and 3. of john, and the Apocalypses. As touching Luther's translating of the scriptures, (wherein not to insiste upon many particulars) how bold was he in quite omitting this excellent sentence, (2) of this see next hereafter sect. 10. at. m. n. there are three that bear record in heaven the father the word and the holy Ghost, and these three be one, as also in adding else where to the text the word, alone? so as where the Apostle say (3) Rom. 3.28. we account a man to be justified by faith without the works of the law, Luther to colour his doctrine of only faith, translateth in steed thereof, justified by faith alone: (4) so translateth Luther in his duchy bibles: and being admonished of his thus adding to the text the word, alone, he ragethe thereat, openly (5) Luther. tom. 5. Germ. fol. 141. & 144. answereth to the objection thereof saying: Sic volo sic iubeo, sit pro ratione voluntas, etc. Lutherus ita vult, & ait se esse doctorem super omnes doctores in toto papatu, and concludeth lastlie, propterea debet (vox sola) in meo novo testamento manner, etiam si omnes papasini ad insaniam redigantur, tamen non eam inde tollent, paenitet me quod non addiderim & illas duas voces omnibus & omnium, vid. sine omnibus operibus omnium legum: repenting himself, that he had not translated it worse: this boldness in Luther was so evident, that Suinglius therefore saith to him (6) Suinglius tom. 2. in respon ad Lutheri librum de sacramento, fol. 412. b. circa med. & 413. a. post med. saith. Verbum Dei corrump●s & adulteras Luthere etc. ut omnium oculis expositus manifestus & publicus scripturae sacrae corruptor & adulterator esse conspiciaris, quod coram nulla creatura unquam poteris negare: quo inquam pudore nos confundimur qui citra omnem modum magnificè de te sensimus, nunc vero te talem experimus? thou dost corrupt (Luther) the word of God etc. thou art seen to be a and common corrupter and perverter of the holy scriptures, how much are we ashamed of thee who have esteemed thee beyond all measure, and now find thee to be such a man? and Keckermannus (a learned Caluiniste) in like sort confesseth that, (7) Keckermannus in System. SS. Theolog. printed Anno 1602. l. 1. pag. 188. circa med. say. Lutheri versio germanica in vet. test. praesertius in job & prophetis, naevos suos habet non exiguos: Luther's duchy translation especially of job, and the prophets, hath no small errors: and the like is yet further confessed of Luther by (*) Bucer in dialog. contra Melancthonem, say. In vertendis certè & explanandis scripturis manifesti sunt, neque pauci Lutheri lapsus: Martin Bucer, besides this denial and mistranslatinge of the scriptures, Luther was not abashed to charge with errors such very (8) Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. printed. 1562. de captiu. Babylon. cap, de extreme. unct. fol. 86. b. ant med. answereth to Saint james his saying (jacob. 5.14.15.) Si uspiam deliratum est, hoc loco (jacobi) praecipuè deliratum est, etc. tamen si etiam esset (epistola) jacobi Apostoli, dicerem non licere Apostolum sua authoritate sacramentum instituere etc. Hoc enim ad solum Christum pertinet: so he before he had fully denied S. james epistle, and as yet admitting the same for his epistle. writings and (9) Luther. tom. 7. Witemb. fol. 231. b. circa med. saith. Non moramur si clamitent, ecclesia, ecclesia, patres, patres, etc. scimus enim ipsos prophetas ut Davidem & Nathan lapsos esse, adeoque ipsos etiam Apostolos, sicut Petrus Galat. 2. satis graviter lapsus est in re maxima pertinente ad ipsam doctrinam & libertatem evangelij etc. unum autem & solum Christum audimus etc. verbo Christi iudicamus apostolos, ecclesiam, adeoque ipsos angelos; audimus apostolos & ecclesiam quatenus afferunt verbum Christi etc. si verbum Christi & signum non adserunt, non audimus etc. and see further hereafter, cap. 3. sect. 4. at. z. doctrine as himself then acknowledged for apostolic, not forbearing under the pretext of god's word to (10) ut sup. at the figure. 9 make himself thereby judge of both: and yet further to say (which Suinglius disliketh) (11) Suinglius tom. 2. ad Lutheri confess. respon fol. 478 a. ante med. saith. Cum Lutherus in verborum sensu misere fallitur & errat, Dei est ut ipsum excuset, etc. si seductus & falsus sum (inquit) Deus me seduxit & fefellit, nam huius verbo me totum commiseram, interim vero non animaduertit quod & Romanus Pontifex, & omnis aliorum haereticorum turba, idem illud dicere possent etc. if I be deceived, God hath deceived me, etc. FOUR FOurthelie as concerning faith, Luther dependeth so much thereon, that he reproveth such protestants as hold that, (a) Luther upon the Galathians Englished; 1575. in c. 2. fol. 67. b. post med. neither can faith be true faith without charity, and those likewise who teach, (b) Luther. ibid. fol. 67. circamed. though my faith be never so perfect, yet if this faith be without charity, I am not justified, terming it (c) Luther ibidem. fol. 68 b. prope finem, & fol. 126. b. and see Luther in his sermons englished. 1578. pag. 204. circa med. impiety to affirm that faith except it be adorned with charity justifieth not: nay he proceeded so fare as he doubted not to say. (d) Luther tom. 1. prop. 3. Fides nisi sit sine etc. faith unless it be without, even the least good works, doth not justify, nay, it is no faith, which saying of his master, D. Covel specially acknowledgeth and reciteth, terming it (e) master Covel. in his defence of master Hoker, printed. 1603. pag. 42. ante med. harsh, and (f) master Covel. ibid. justly called in question by the church of Rome: he also further taught that a (g) Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. de captiu. Babil. fol. 74. a● post med. saith. Ita v●des quam diues sit homo Christianus sive baptisatus, qui etiam volens non potest perdere salutem suam quantiscunque peccatis, nisi nolit credere: nulla enim peccata possunt eumdamnare nisi sola incredulitas, and master Whitaker, de Ecclesia contra Bellarmin. printed. 1599 controu. 2. quaest. 5. pag. 301. circa med. saith. Nos dicimus si quis actum fidei habeat ei peccata non nocere, id quidem Lutherus affirmat, id nos omnes dicimus. christian or baptised persons is so rich, that all though he were willing thereto, yet he could not lose his salvation by any sin how great so ever, unless he would not believe: whereof he giveth his reason else where saying. (h) Luther. in loc. commu. class. 5. cap. 27. pag. 68 initio. ●aithe. Non personam sacit malam nisi incredulitas, ut nihil iustificat nisi fides, ita nihil peccat nisi incredulitas. As nothing justifieth but faith, so nothing sinneth but unbeleeffe. V FIuethlie as concerning good works, Luther taught that (i) Luther. in his sermons Englished 15●8. pag. 147. ante med. works take their goodness of the worker: and that (k) Luther. ibidem. pag. 276. ante med. no work is dissallowed of God, unless the author thereof be dissallowed before, saying thereof further, (l) Luther. ibidem. pag. 278. ante med. such a one worketh nothing but good works, neither can it be but good, which he being good before shall do: so as by his doctrine, good works make not a man good, nor evil works make not a man wicked, but all dependeth upon the haveinge or want of faith, the (m) Luther. to. 1. Witemb. fol. 67. a. circa med. saith. Hanc (fidem) qui habet etiam si peccet non damnatur. etc. Hic est enim filius delicatus qui non potest offendere quicquid fecerit. which (saith he) who so ever hath, is gods (delicate) or wannton son, who cannot offend whatsoever he do: He did proceed so fare against good works, that he and his dearest scholar (n) Dresserus in millenar. sext●, printed. 1598. pag. 187. post med. saith. Nicolaus Amsdorphius Witembergae primum, cum ●uthero & Philippo theologiae studia coluit, postea episcopatui Mumburgico à Frederico electore praefectus est, & à Luthero inauguratus, and see the same further affirmed by master Cowper in his chronicle, fol. 314. a. circa med. by Osiander. centur. 16. pag. 338. initio, and Luther tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 487. b. initio. writeth specially to Amsdorphius, terming him optime vir: and Osiander. iucentur. 15. l. 14. c. 1. pag. 490. initio, saith, Natus est hoc Anno Dom. Nicolaus Amsdorphius bonus & sincerus theologus. Amsdorphius (who ever (*) the divines of Wi●emb. in their preface set before the book entitled. Acta theologorum Witembergensium & Patriarchae Constantinop. printed. Anno 1584. fol. 7. a. initio, saith. Inter Lutherum Brentium Amsdorphium Sarcerium etc. summus semper fuit consensus, summa animorum coniunctio etc. agreed with Luther in doctrine and of whom Luther said, (o) in Hospinian. in concord. discord. printed. 1607. fol. 120. b. fine, it is said. Is fecit mentionem Amsdorphij de quo Lutherus dixisset, spiritus meus requiescit in Amsdorphio, & Wellerus, nemo tantum hausit de spiritu Lutheri ac Amsdorphius: see this also in Bale his examen recitationum Selnecer. pag. 92. post med. printed. 1582. my spirit shall rest upon Amsdorphius) affirmed that, (p) see Nicholaus Amsdorphius his book entitled. Quod bona opera sunt perniciosa ad salutem, see also Osiander. cent. 16. l. 3. cap. 31. pag. 669. circa med. reprehendinge Amsdorphius herein: and see further hereof, acta colloquij Aldeburgens. printed. 1570. pag. 120. sect. 11. initio, & pag. 443. paulo post initium, & pag. 29●. paulo ante med. Where it is said: Scripsit Amsdorphius & post eum, vel per eum Flaccius, non solum necessaria sed perniciosa, esse opera ad salutem: and see Luther alleged in proof of this opinion in act. 15. colloqu. Aldeburg. pag. 205 post med. & fine: and see Amsdorphius further reprehended herein by john Bale, in his examen recitationum Selneceri, printed. M. IC.XXCII. pag. 92. prope finem. the more bold therefore was master D. Willet, to term our report hereof an impudent Slander: in his Antilogiae, printed. 1603. pag. 19 post med. good works are not only not necessary to salvation, but also hurtful to it: and the same not in any qualified sense, (p) Amsdorphius piae memoriae, so called in act. colloqu. Aldeburge. pag. 206. circa med. but so grossly and intolerable, that sundry protestant writers, who acknowledge Amsdorphius for (q) ibidem. pag. 205. fine & 206. initio, it is said hereof. Nos quidem ipsos (Lutherum & Amsdorphium) inter se commitumus, hanc propositionem non usurpari: a man (otherwise) of godly memory, do yet in this profess to (r) Luther. in serm. de Moyse, and see Luther. tom. 3. Witemb. printed. 1583. fol. 6. b. initio. & prope finem, and fol. 7. a. initio. he saith: In promulgatione decalogi Exod. 20. Cum inquit ego sum Dominus Deus tuus qui eduxi te etc. ad nos & reliquas gentes non pertinent quae hic dicuntur etc. falso ergo phanatici lege Moysi nos onerant. etc. Luther was so reprovable herein, that the divines of the count Palatine in their, admonitio christiana de libro concordiae, printed. 1581. pag. 209. fine, say. Non difficile est ex libris Lutheri, proffer non pauca in quibus ballucinatio tam est manifesta etc. and then. pag. 211. initio. they allege among other this saying of Luther. Sicut non curat ius Saxonicum, sic nec ingeratur nobis Moses, nos in novo testamento Moses, nec videre, nec audire volumus: etc. at quomodo conveniunt haec cum toties repetius severissimis Dei praeceptis, Exod. 20. number. 33. etc. and Hospinian. in his concordia discor. printed. 1607. fol. 225. a. circa med. saith, of Luther's errors. Similia multa ex Lutheri scriptis adduci possunt, veluti quod scribit, nos in novo testamento Mosem, nec videre, nec audire volumus: and Luther himself, in colloqu. mensal. Germ. fol. 125. & 135. yet further say: Ad judaeos pertinet lex Moysis, neque nos ligat deinceps: cum quispiam Moysen tibi proponit cum suis praeceptis, teque cogere vult ut ea observes, tum dic, abi ad judaeos cum tuo Moyse, etc. Moysen cum sua lege non volo ego habere, est enim Christi Domini hostis. leave both him and Luther to themselves: Hereto might be further added Luther's known doctrine against the decalogue or ten commandments as (s) not apertaininge (in his opinion) to christianes, wherein he is censured as unworthy by protestants themselves. VI Sixthly concerning marriage and divorce, Luther teacheth saying, (a) Luther. serm. de matrimonio. si nolit uxor aut non possit, veniat ancilla: if the wife will not, or (by reason of infirmity) cannot come, let the maid come; a saying so absurd, that master Whitaker thus reciting the same and answering thereto, that Luther hereby meant firste, to divorce from the wife, and then after to marry the maìde, is yet enforced to (b) Whitaker. contr. Camp. printed. 1604. rat. 8. reciting these nexte foresaid objected words, pag. 112. fine, doth afterwards. pag. 150 circa med. not denying any part of the said words, say as in answer thereto, Lutheri autem istam de hoc divortij genere sententiam ego minime defendo. to disclaim in defendinge Luther therein: also Luther further adviseth the wife to say unto her infirm husband, (c) saith Luther in sermo de matrim. in tom. 5. Witemb. printed. 1554. fol. 120. a. initio, and ibidem. fol, 120. b. versus finem, he saith, Quod si frater absque harede ex hac vita migrarit, oportebat uxorem proximo mariti sui consanguineo nubere: etc. quod ut iam non est praeceptum, sic nec vetitum: and the like he saith of Polygamy next hereafter at. n. Ecce mi marite &c. Behold husband you cannot perform the friendship you own me, you have deceived my youthful body, be content I pray you that I bargain a secret marriage with your brother, or some next of your kenred, in such sort as you may still bear the name, and your goods may not pass to strangers etc. this council I gave when I was yet in fear of the pope, but now my mind should be to give other (worse) council, namely that laying my hands upon the locks of such a husband etc. I would shake him as the proverb is and that vehemently (till he assented:) a saying so absurd & without all defence, that the protestant author in his answer for the time, to the defence of the Censure printed. 1583. coming by course to make answer to this their objected saying; only saith. Why should Luther's opinion in some one point or other not (*) What no so great importance for the wife to make secret marriage with her husband's brother? of so great importance be laid to our charge? etc. men had their errors, (d) in the said English treatise, fol. 68 b. post med. etc. also Luyet further teacheth saying, (e) see these words of Luther in master Fulkes treatise against the defence of the Censure. pag. 213. prope finem, and in Luther. tom. 5. Witemb. in 1. Cor. 7. fol. 113. a. initio. and ibidem. fol. 111. b. ant med. He further say. Si alter cum altero in gratiam redire nolit, sed simpliciter seperatus esse velit, & alter continere non valens comparem habere coniugem cogatur, quid illi faciendum? poteritne cum alio contrahere? respondeo procul dubio poterit: we cannot stop Paul's mouth etc. His words are plain that a brother or sister are free from the law of wedlock, if the one depart or do not assent to dwell with the other, neither doth he say that this may be done once only, but leaveth it free so often as the cause shall require etc. In which case as he signifieth a (f) see this in master Fulkes foresaid treatise against the defence of the censure. pag. 213. paulo post med. and in Luther. tom. 5. Witemb. fol. 112. b. fine. Where it is said hereof. docem vel plures adhuc viventes transfugas haberet. man may have ten wives or more fled from him, and yet living: nay he doubteth not in case of adultery committed by a married man or woman, to give liberty even to the offending adulterer (g) in aliam profugere terram Maechus potest, ibique si continere nequeat, uxorem ducere rursum: (Luther. to. 5. Witemb. fol. 123 a. initio.) to fly into another country and marry again: so dangerously doth he incline to polygamy affirming thereof, that (h) Luther in propositionibus de Bigamia Episcoporun. edit. An. 1528. propositio. 62. 65. 66. and see further, Luther▪ in explicatione Geneseos, in comment, c, 16. edit. 1525. polygamy is no more abrogated than is the rest of Moses' law, and that it is free, as being neither commanded nor forbidden: In respect whereof he signifieth that (i) Luther ubi supr. in Gen. c. 16. he will neither bring in polygamy nor condemn it: which his opinion in behalf of Polygamy, is more fully and in plain terms defended by his dearest (k) concerning Melancthon see hereafter cap. 4. sect. 1. at. o. Melancthon, (l) Concerning Ochine see hereafter. cap. 4. sect. 3. in the margin. at. q. Bernardine Ochine, and others: In so much as (m) Wicelius in method. concord. Eccles. printed. in 8. 1537. initio, saith. Reducat ad calculum Lutheri factio & retractet quae portenta, & quam non pudicè admodum scripta ediderit, de coniugio de divortijs, de iterando post divortia, de gradibus, de Polyginecia populi etc. this man was so impartial, as that in the same treatise, c. 1. etc. 5. & 20. He writeth against our catholic doctrines of mass, prayer to sanctes, images, communion under one kind, etc. Wicelius a then living learned adversary, confesseth and rejecteth Luther's foresaid doctrines of divorce and polygamy, wherein Luther is yet also further reprehended by other (n) the protestant Landgrave in his published writing penned by his divines say. Lutherus de coniugio quaedam & alia, haud quaquam probanda scripsit (see this in Hospinians concordi. discor. printed. 1607. fol. 99 b. ant med. protestant writers. VII. SEuentethly as concerning magistracy; Luther teace saying (o) So saith Luther. Seculari potestate, tom. 6. Germ. see this in master jewels defence. of the apol. of 1571. pag. 429. and master jewels strange evasion, pag. 430. ante med. consisting upon comparing of unlike phrases, as where Saint Paul saith, there is neither, jew nor graecian, bound nor free in Christ, Galat. 3.28. & Colloss. 3.11. whereby is only meant that with Christ there is no respect of persons, Collos. 3.25. but what is this as in excuse of Luther's so unlike saying? among Christianes' no man can or ought to be magistrate, but each one is to other equally subject etc. Emonge Christian men, none is superior save one and only Christ: and again he saith (p) so saith Luther in his sermons Englished 1578. pag. 97. fine, and in tom. 7. Witemb. printed. 1558. serm. de oue perdita fol. 327. b. paulo post med. therefore is Christ our Lord, that he may make us such as himself is, and as he cannot suffer himself to be tied and bound by laws, etc. so also ought not the conscience of a christianes to suffer them: & as it were to explain his other sayings where he prescribeth obedience, that yet he doth the same as in regard of outward policy & not of conscience, he further say, (q) so saith Luther in his said sermons Englished, pag. 261. circa med. we admonish hence concerning the civil magistrate, when he comandeth or requireth any thing, yea if he compel thereto we must obey, for there cometh thereby no loss of faith or Christiane liberty, for so much as they do not contend that those things are necessary to salvation which they ordain or require, but only to maintain outward rule, public tranquillity and government, and so the conscience remaineth free, etc. Howbeit if any should contend that those commandments of the civil magistrate be necessary to salvation, (as doubtless all their lawful commandments be, in respect that they bind us even in conscience and to break them were sin) then as is said of the traditions of the papists, the contrary rather were to be done: hence it is that he professeth that in the course of his pretended reformation. (r) In Lutheri loc. commu. class. 4. c. 30. pag. 55. ante med. it is said. Vehemens epistola ad Spalatinum scripta, inter caetera sic: non feram quod ais, non passurum princepem scribi in Moguntinum, nec quod publicam pacem perturbare possit: potius te & principem ipsum perdam & omnem creaturam, si enim creatori eius Papae restiti, cur cadam eius creatura▪ (in so much as in the marginal note thereupon is set down, Lutherus etiam à principe suo non vult impediri) and immediately thereafter, Luther further say. Pulchrè vero non turbandam pacem publicam arbitraris, & turbandam pacem aternam Dei, etc. non sic Spalatine, non sic princeps etc. (and again a little hereafter) Videor mihi videre Germaniam in sanguine natare etc. He will not be stayed by his prince, with much more to the like purpose, whereupon followed the so many known open (s) See Luther's ominouse prediction of these rebellions, ut supra at. x. and see many examples thereof alleged in the protest. apol. in the preface. sect. 9 & 16. rebellions of the Lutherans in Germany against the Emperor to the much effusion of Christiane blood, whereat he insulteth saying, (t) Luther. tom. 4. jen. fol. 97. saith. Euangelium tumultuari debet, quod si non faciat, verum non est Euangelium: and Luther, in loc. commu. class. 5, c. 17. pag. 57 ante med, saith. Tu quareris quod per Euangelium nostrum mundus tumultuatur, respondetur Deo gratias, haec volui fieri, & o me miserum, si non fierent talia. thou complainest that by our gospel the world is become tumultuouse, I answer God be (therefore) thanked, these things I would have to be, and o me miserable if such things were not he proceeded so far in this course that in his book entitled: Aduersus falso nominatum ordinem episcoporum, (written (u) That this book was written towards the end of. 1522. see Sleydan, at that year. l. 3. fol. 36. b. prope finem, and Osiander. centur. 16. l. 1. cap. 33. initio. pag. 87. circa med. anno 1522.) he publisheth his bloody (x) Luther. to. jen. Germ. fol. 132. (in libro adversus falso nom. ord. episc.) saith. Nunc attendite vos episcopi, imo laruae diaboli, doctor Lutherus vult vobis bullam, & reformationem legere quae vobis non bene sonabit: doctoris Lutheri bulla & reformatio, quicumque opem ferunt, corpus bona & famam in hoc impendunt ut episcopatus devastentur, & episcoporum regimen extinguatur, high sunt dilecti filij Dei etc. contra vero quicumque manutenent episcoporum regimen, eisque obediunt voluntaria obedientia, high sunt diaboliministri etc. see also. tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 320. b. post med. bull of reformation whereby to stir up the people to the spoil of bushoprickes and putting down of catholic bishops, which took such effect, as the bores of Germany thereupon took (y) Sleydan Eglished. l. at. Anno 1525. fol. 53. post med. saith, in the beginning of the springe time began a new commotion etc. of the vulgar people, against the prelate's of the church, pretending cause as though they would defend the gospel: see this also in Osiander. centur. 16. l. 1. c. 37. initio. pag. 100 post med. arms to suppress the bishops and other clergy, according to the prescript of Luther's foresaid bull (z) ut supra at c. see this also further testified next hereafter at. h. and in Sleydan Englished. l. 5. fol. 59 b. fine etc. pretending their cause to be the defence of the gospel, in which respect they (a) in Osiander centur. 16. l. 1. c. 36. pag. 102. circa med. it is said. Ad Lutheri iudicium rustici provocaverunt, appealed to Luther's judgement: At what time Luther discerning them to be but naked men and unable to prevail, to avoid the scandal of their rebellion, contradicteth them (as in like sort he (b) see hereafter. cap. 4. sect. 1. in the margin at. s. did the Antinomis, whose error himself firste (c) see there in the margin at. s. set abroache) and preacheth to them obedience: And when as they being assembled in troops, and not apt to be pacified, made war not only against the clergy, but also (d) Osiander. cent. 16. lib. 1. cap. 38. initio. pag. 103. post med. saith. Rustici non pontificijs modo, sed nobilitati quoque bellum faciunt: tum Lutherus ali● euulgat● scripto hortatur & instigat omnes ut velut ad commune restinguendum iucendium accurrant etc. and pag. 104. initio. He further allegeth Luther as affirming, rustices professes initio, quasi disceptationem causae ferre possent, & admonitionem quoque si meliora quis adferret, itaque (observe this well) se non ansum fuisse tum illos condemnare, nunc autem etc. vertendum sibi fuisse orationis stilum etc. monet igitur ut in eos non secus ac in effrenatas belluas impetus promiscuè ab omnibus etc. rustici ad arma se venisse iactabant etc. ut Euangelij doctrina celebretur & augescat: see also this in Sleydan Englished. l. 5. fol. 64. b. fine, & 65. a. initio. against the nobility (who joined in aid of their clergy) Luther as foreseeing thereupon their ruin, turneth fully against them, & publishing an other bull appointeth (e) ut supr. at. h. and Luther in mensal. colloqu. pag. 150. saith. Ego Martinus Lutherus in seditione omnes trucidavi rusticos, meo enim iussu occisi sunt, ac proinde omnis ipsorum sanguis super ceruicem meam, etc. them to be all slain as wild beasts etc. which being accordingly performed (the miserable men then being as (f) Osiander. centur. 16. pag. 108. initio. saith. Ibi vero miseri homines velut attonitineque se defendebant, neque suga salutem petebant. all astonished and unable to defend or save themselves by flight) Luther as it were to celebrate their funeral, immediately thereupon (g) Osiander. centur. 16. l. 1. cap. 40 pag. 109. circa med. saith as next in order after the premises. Hoc Anno 1525. Lutherus uxorem duxit Catharinam à Bora quae antea monacha fuerat: and Sleydan Englished. l. 5 at Anno 1525. fol. 65. b. post med. saith accordingly (as next in order after the other) in those days Luther married a nun where he gave occasion to his adversaries to speak evil of him: marrieth Katherine Bore the nun, not (h) see hereafter, cap. 3. sect. 6. ante med. in the margin at. c. regarding (as confesseth and thereat complaineth Melancthon) the evils then present before his eyes. VIII. AS concerning the administration of the word and sacraments, Luther maketh the right and power thereof common to say men with the clergy, saying to this end, (a) directly so saith Luther tom. 2. Witemb. De ministris ecclesiae instituend. fol. 368. a. b. & 369. a. b. and see further. tom. 2. fol. 249. a. b. and see Hospinian. histor. sacram. part. 2. fol. 14. circa med. reporting Luther's confessed opinion hereof, the first office of a priest is to preach the word etc. but this is common to all: the nexte is to baptise, and this also may all do even women etc. the thirde is to consecrate bread and wine, but this is common to all no less than priests etc. if then that which is greater than all, be given indifferently to all men and women, I mean the word and baptism, then that which is less, I mean to consecrate the supper is also given to them: and the like doctrine doth he affirm in other (b) Luther. in assert. damnat. in tom. 2. Witemberge. fol. 103. b fine, saith. Quod absente sacerdote, etiam puer aut mulier & quilibet Christianus absoluere potest, Math. 18: clarè patet: also Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. de abroganda missa privata, fol. 249. b. ant med. say. Mulieres prohibet Paulus loqui, non simpliciter sed in ecclesia, nempe ubi sunt viri potentes loqui etc. ordo itaque & honestas est, ut viris loquentibus in ecclesia, tacent mulieres, nullis autem loquentibus viris, necesse est ut loquantur mulieres: his writings, being (as master D. Covel confesseth) (c) see this affirmed and confessed of Luther by D. Covel, in his defence of master Hooker▪ printed. 1603. art. 15. pag. 101. post med. and by Hospinian. in histor. sacram. part. 2. fol. 14. b. circa med. and see Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 243. b. circa med. not afraid to affirm, that sacraments are effectual, though administered by satan himself. IX. AS concerning the sufficiency of our redemption by our Saviors' passion in his humane nature upon the cross, Luther taught that (d) See this saying confessed and reprehended in Luther by Suinglius. tom▪ 2. printed. 1581. fol. 458. a. initio. where he inferreth thereupon, Lutherus Christum saluatorem abnegat. and by Hospinian. in histor. sacram. part. 2. fol. 57 b. post med. & 76. b. ant med. Luther's saying hereof, is in confession maiore de can. where he saith. Cum credo quod sola humana natura pro me passa est, Christus ille vilis nec magni praetij saluator est, immo ipse quoque saluatore opus habet: not only the humane nature of Christ suffered for us, for (say he) in affirming but so much, (e) Luther ut supra, Christ is a saviour of vile and small account and needeth himself also a saviour, but also that (f) Luther. de consilijs part. 2. saith of the Suinglianes. Pertinacissimè contra me pugnabant, quod divinitas Christi pati non posset: see also this opinion confessed and reprehended in Luther by Hospinian. in his concord. discord. in praefat. fol. 4. b. initio. and in the hook, fol. 186. b. initio. And yet against all this, master D. Abbot is not abashed to give D. bushope the lie for his saying that Luther affirmed the Godhead yt selfe to suffer: (D. Abbot. in his 3. part. of the defence, etc. pag. 240. paulo ante med. And see Luther's scholars further reprehended for this their opinion by Simlerus, de praesentia Christi in terris, printed. 1574. fol. 98. b. post med. And by Beza in respon ad aucta colloqui. Montpelga●. part. 1. pag. 82. & 92. versus finem. the divinity of Christ did suffer, which his (g) of this old condemned error in Apollinaris and Eutycles, see Barnes in Act. Roman. Pontific. (printed at Basile) pag. 46. fine, and Beza, in respon ad acta colloqu. Mont. Belg. printed. 1589. part. 1. pag. 82 prope finem. old condemned error of the God head suffering, is confessed and condemned in him and sundry his followers by (h) Suinglius ut supr. at. d. Suinglius, (i) See Beza. in his epist. theolog. printed. 1573. directly reprehending herein Andreas Musculus, and Islebius Luther's scholars, epist. 60. initio, pag. 285. Beza and others: hereto also is not improper Luther's confessed further doctrine of (*) Luther. tom. 3. Witemb. printed. 1583. in Psalm. 16. fol. 279. a post med. saith. Christus cum summo dolore mortuus est, ita videtur, & dolores post mortem in inferno sustinuisse ut omnia nobis superaret: In so much as master Parks against master Willet, pag. 114. in the text and margin at. b. (and in regard of the printers misfiguringe the, pag. fol. 11.1. prope finem) affirmeth that Luther, Illiricus, Lessius, Hemingius, Wellerus, and Latymer, held that Christ descended into hell both in body and soul, and there suffered torments after his death. Christ's discendinge into hell, there also to suffer torments in soul after his death. X. AS concerning the blessed and holy Trinity, Luther taught thus far to the contrary, as that (k) Suinglius tom. 2. in respon ad confess. Lutheri. fol. 474. b. fine, confesseth & reprehendeth this in Luther saying. Nec enim hunc Lutheri sermonem immodestius vel ferocius exagitabo, quo sic, inquit, hic de sola & unica divinitate dicitur, quod illa triplex vel trium sit generum, quemadmodum & tres personae etc. in quibus verbis gravissimi errores latitant etc. tam impurè etc. de Deo & sacris omnibus disputat Lutherus: the divinity is three fold even as the persons be, etc. and the same so grosle as he is therein specially accused and condemned by (l) Suinglius ut supra. Suinglius: and upon this ground perhaps it was, that where the scripture saith, (m) 1. john. 5.7. there be three which give witness in heaven, the father, the word, and the holy ghost, and these three be one: this being a most evident place in behalf of the Trinity, is nevertheless quite, (n) omitted in Luther's duchy Bibles: omitted by Luther in his translation of the new testament: As also Luther (whom calvin therein imitateth) did likewise put (o) Vide enchir. prec. Anni 1543. and calvin imitating Luther herein, saith. Pracatio vulgo trita est, sancta Trinitas unus Deus miserere nostri, mihi non placet, ac omnino barbariem sapit: (calvin in tract. theologic. printed. 1597. pag. 796. a. paulo ante med. forth of the lytanie this ensueinge verse, holy Trinity one very God have mercy upon us, affirming that (p) Luther. in postil. maiore (printed) Basileae apud Heruagium in enarrat. Dominic. Trinit. and see Luther's foresaid words alleged at large by Vlembergius in his graves & iustae causae etc. printed. 1589. pag. 534. out of the 2. part. of Luther's postil. printed. 1537. fol. 158. b. the word Trinity, is but an humane invention and soundeth couldlie: and concludeth that his (q) Luther. in libro contra jacobum Latomum. tom. 2. Witemb. latin edit. Anno. 1551. saith. Animae mea odit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & optime exegerunt Ariani, ne vocem illam prophanam & novam regulis fidei statui licere. I know Luther's later editions to be altered and corrupted herein (of which like corruption see more heretofore in the preface, to the reader in the margin after t. at. *.) for which cause I provoke to the first edition. soul hateth the word homoousion. XI. AS concerning God being the author of our sin. Luther teacheth thus dangerously saying, (r) Luther. in assertionibus damnatis per Leonem decimum art. 36. saith. Quomodo potest sese ad bonum praeparare, cum nec in potestate sit suas vias malas facere, nam & mala opera in impijs Deus operatur, ut Proverb. 18. dicitur, omnia propter seipsum operatus est Dominus, etiam impium ad diem malum: thus stand Luther's words to this day in the more ancient edition of his works at Witemb. and also at Basil. Anno 1521. and are so recited by Roffensis in his answer thereto entitled. Confutatio assertionis Lutheranae, printed. at Antwerp. 1523. art. 36. fol. 204. a. fine. whereas in the later edition of Witemb. tom. 2. Anno 1562. fol. 112. à fine, Luther's scholars (as ashamed of his doctrine) did after Luther's death, quite against the sense and coherence of Luther's own words, in stead of operatur foiste in regit. How can man prepare himself to good, seeing it is not (so much as) in his power to make his ways evil? for God worketh the wicked work in the wicked etc. And again, (s) Luther ubi sup. art. 36. say. Nulli est in manu quippiam cogitare mali aut boni, sed omnia (ut Wicleui articulus Constantiae damnatus rectè docet) de necessitate absoluta eveniunt, quod & poeta voluit quando dixit, certa stant omnia lege: this saying thus extant in Roffensis, and the other more ancient editions before mentioned, are likewise corrupted, and altered in the said laste edition of Witemberge. tom. 2. fol. 112. b. fine. it is not in man's power to think good or evil, but all things (as Wicliffes' Article condemned at Constance doth rightly teach) proceed from absolute necessity etc. yet more, (1) Luther. de seruo arbitrio, cap. 32. saith. Christiani non libero arbitrio, sed spiritu Dei aguntur, Rom. 8. agi verè non agere, sed rapi quemadmodum serra aut securis à Fabro agitur, & hic nequis dubitet Lutherum tam absurdè dicere verba eius recitat Diatribe quae sauè agnosco, fateor enim articulum illum Wiclevi (omnia necessitate fieri) esse false damnatum Constantiensi conciliabulo, etc. these words of Luther being extant in the editions of Luther's life time, and so apparently his known words that they are yet accordingly verbatim extant in this very treatise of Luther's de seruo arbitrio, set fourth by that prime Caluiniste jacobus Kimedontins, and printed but now lately, viz. Anno 1603. Neustadij in Palinata. fol. 195. circa med. are yet nevertheless most shamefully altered (since Luther's death) in tom. 2. Witemb. of Anno 1562. fol. 455. a. post med. and see Luther's like further doctrine in his foresaid book published by Kimedoncius, pag. 32. I do confess Wicliffes' opinion (of all things coming to pass by absolute necessity) to have been falsely condemned, in the conventicle at Constance: this doctrine taking place, all exhortations and laws are in vain, and so likewise threatening of punishment, and promise of reward, so often testified by the scriptures: Hereto is also apertayninge Luther's strange affirming, that (*) Luther in libro de seruo arbitrio, saith. Deus indignos coronat, immerites damnat, qu●modo hoc iustum sit, incomprehensibile est modo, videbimus antem cum illic venerimus: see also those words of Luther thus cited and alleged by the learned caluiniste Mathias Martinius in his doctrine Christianae summa capita etc. printed. 1603. pag. 288. post med. God crowneth the unworthy, and damneth those that have not deserved it: which foresaid opinion of Luther concerning Gods being the author of sin, is made as yet more evident, by the like answerable doctrine of johannes Brentius (Luther's great disciple) whom master jewel termeth (2) Master jewel in his defence etc. printed. 1567. pag. 473. a grave and learned father, and who (saith Osiander) was (3) Osiander. centur. 16. lib. 3. cap. 66. pag. 819. ante med. saith. joannes Brentius Theologus eximius etc. a. D. D. Luthero in magno honore habitus est, proximus certè à Luthero inter fides & praestantes Christi seruos numerandus: an excellent divine, had in great honour by Luther, and ranked nexte unto him, this man forbeared not to affirm, that, (4) Brentius upon Amos. printed in 8. Hagonae, 1530. in cap. 3. say. Omnia à Deo potenti manu & efficaci fiunt, sive mala culpae, sive mala poenae, etc. the evil, whither of fault or of punishment, is wrought by the mighty working hand of God. XII. AS concerning chastity and single life. Luther (against the whole current of (*) jovinian was by the ancient fathers condemned of error for his affirming that marriage and virginity were (eiusdem meriti) of equal merit, confessed by Pantaleon in chronographi printed. Anno 1568. pag. 32. col. 1. circa med. and by the century writers, cent. 5. cap. 4. col. 518. fine, and by master Wotton in his defence of master Parkins, printed. 1606. pag. 500 circa med. Antiquity) maketh it simply inferior unto marriage, saying; De (a) Luther. to. 5. Witemb. print. 1554. in 1. Cor. c. 7. fol. 107. b. post med. saith. de usu vel abusu statuum in praesenti nihil disserimus, caterum de conditione & natura statuum in sese, ac concludimus matrimonium esse velut aurum, spiritualem vero statum uti stercus: usu vel abusu etc. of the use or abuse of those states (of life) at this present we will say nothing but of their condition, and nature in themselves, and do conclude that matrimony is as gold, and the spiritual state (of single life) is as dung, (b) Luther. de votis: see this saying acknowledged and defended by master Whitaker. contra Camp. printed. 1604. rat. 8. pag. 151. ante med. Where he concludeth saying thereof. Haec certè Lutheri propria non sunt, ea enim omnes boni agnoscunt & defendunt. matrimony is much more excellent than virginity, Christ and his apostles did dissuade Christianes' from virginity: concluding further and saying. (c) Luther. tom. 5. Witemb. serm. de matrimonio. fol. 119. a versus finem, saith. non est in meis viribus ut vir non sim, tam non est mei iuris ut absque muliere sim: rursum ut in tua manu non est ut foemina non sis, sic nec in te est ut absque viro degas etc. non est nostrarum virium vel ut impediatur, vel omittatur, sed tam est necessarium quam ut masculus sim, magisque necessarium, quam edere, bibere, purgare, mucum emungere etc. As it is not in my power that I should be no man, so is it not in my power that I should be without a woman, it is not in our power that it should be either stayed or omitted, but is as necessary as that I should be a man, and more necessary, then to eat, drink, purge, make clean the nose, etc. from whence proceeded that scandalouse condition of life, confessedly frequent (d) Silvester Czecanorius de corruptis moribus etc. bewaileth the estate of Germany saying; never was lust so frequented in every sex or age as in these our times: for this doctrine of Luther is now every where holden for sacred, that no man can contain, no more than not to spit, and that a man can be no more without a woman, nor a woman, without a man then without meat and drink, etc. do we not daily see in these times young men to go openly a whoring & c? also young damsels when they become wanton and immodeste as well these as men stubbornly to pretend this doctrine of Luther, that none is able to live chaste, seeing that venery is as necessary as meat and drink? etc. among the Lutherane professors. XIII. AS concerning the soul's immortality, Luther was in the endé so obstinately bent against purgatory and prayer to saints, that to (a) Luther. tom. 4. Witemb. 1574. in ecclesiasten c. 9 saith. Solomon sentire vi●●●tur mortu●s sic dormire ut prorsus nihil sciant: & planè credo non esse in scriptura locum fortiorem pro mortuis dormientibus, etc. Contra sanctorum invocationem & purgatorij fictionem, fol. 36. b. circa med. And see Sleydans further report hereof concerning Luther. lib. 9 Anno 1534. fol. 116. a initio, after the English translation, but read the latin: prevent them, he affirmed the soul to sleep or die together with the body, to this end saying: (b) Luther. tom. 4. Witemb. fol. 37. b. ant med. saith. Sensit ergo Solomon, m●rtuos omnius dormire, & nihil prorsus sentire, iacent ibi mortui non numerantes dies vel annos etc. anima abit in locum suum, ut intelligas infernum dici ubi continentur animae, & quasi quoddam sepulchrum animae extra hunc corporalem mundum, sicut terra est sepulchrum corporis. The dead sleep etc. they altogether sleep, and feel nothing, they lie there dead neither numbringe days nor years, etc. with much more to the same purpose. Whereto a scholar of his addeth, that (c) The Anonymous author of the theses published. 1568. setteth down his tenth thesis thus. Negamus aliquam animam post mortem manner, sed illud dicimus excogitatum ab Antichristo ad statuendam suam culinam per fictum purgatorium & invocationem sanctorum. the soul's immortality was devised by Antichriste, to establish his feigned purgatory and prayer to saints: In which respect Luther forbeareth not to place and rank the doctrine of the soul's immortality, among those (d) See this hereafter. cap. 3. sect. 5, after h. in the margin at the figure. 2. infinite monsters which are (saith he) contained in the Roman dunghill of decrees: to which opinion his dearest Illiricus (whom master Bell termeth a (e) so saith master Bell in his regiment of the church etc. printed. 1606. pag. 28. fine. very famous writer, and most worthy defender of the Christiane truth) was so furthringe, that Beza saith of him (f) Beza in epistolis Theologic. printed. 1573. epist. 5. pag. 55. that Ishmael Illiricus etc. manifestly layeth the foundation of the doctrine of the soul's mortality: a doctrine (as calvin confesseth) not ingrateful for the time, to certain (g) calvin in prefac. in psychopamychiam. extant. in his tractat. theologic. printed. 1597. pag. 459. initio, saith hereof. Scio non nullos bonos viros quibus de hoc summo aliquid in animum ins●●●●atum fuerit, vel nimia credendi facilitate, vel ignorantia scripturae qua ad resistendum pro tempore non fuerint satis armati etc. good men (so he termeth them, of his own profession) and in the end taken up and defended (h) see in calvin treatise nexte above said throughout, and see in Caluins instructio adversus libertinos, cap. 11. & 22. by the libertines, who proceeded thereupon yet further to deny, (i) ubi supra at. h. the hope of our resurrection, and soul's immortality. XIV. AS concerning local hell. Luther at the laste proceeded for to deny that there is any such before the judgement day, saying, (k) Luther. tom. 4. Witemb. printed. 1574. in cap. 2. jonae. fol. 4. 18. b. ante 〈◊〉 saith. Quod cortus locus sit ubi damm●●orum anima inclusa torqu●antur quemadmodum pictores pi●gunt & frugunt, & concionatores quidam contendunt, non anfim affirmare: nunc diaboli 〈◊〉 sunt in inferne, etc. non autem regerent in munde impios, nec sic luderent & illuderent munde, nec tot damna darent, si certo loco incarcerati torquerentur, aeterni illi damnationis cruciatus non sinerent eos sic esse etiesos: I dare not affirm that there is a certain place (before the laste judgement day) in which the souls of the damned are now imprisoned, and punished as the painters fain, and preachers do affirm: (l) ut supra, at. k. the devils are not as yet in hell etc. for they could not so play and illude the world, if being imprisoned in a certain place they suffered punishment: those torments of eternal damnation would not suffer them to be so idle, etc. Whereto calvin inclineth teaching, that hell is not material, or a place of sensible punishment, but only of sting, and torment of conscience, to which purpose he affirmeth, that the scriptures mencioninge of fire in hell, is but a (m) calvin in his Harmomonia, printed. 1595. in Math. cap. 3. vers. 12. pag. 54. b. ant med. saith. De igne aterna etc. ex pluribus scripturae locit colligere lic●t, metaphoricam esse locutionem, nam si ign●m realem vel materialem ut vocant statuere libet, simul addendum etit sulphur & stabellum &c. nec certe alia est ignis quam vermis ratio, quod si in vermis nomine metaphora omnium consensu recipitur, idem & de igne senti●ndum: metaphorical location, (m) calvin. institut. lib. 3. cap. 25. §. 12. saith. 〈…〉 tormenta & exuciatus nobis figurantur, nempe per tenebras, fletum, ignom, vermem etc. and that there is (n) ut supra, at. in. no more material fire in hell, then there is a material worm etc. that therefore the scripture (o) figureth to us by things corporal, as namely by darkness, weeping, fire, etc. the other vexation and torment of conscience: which foresaid very doctrine of calvin, being defended by master (p) see master jacobs' words hereof recited by master Bilson in his survey of Christ's sufferings &c. printed. 1604. pag. 54 an●● m●● & 46. post med. jacob, and master Doctor (q) see master Doct. Raynoldes, in his censura libr●rum apocriph●rum, etc. in his table set before the beginning of his book at th●●enerall title● of his prelections, pralect. 51. & 54. & 56. etc. raynold, and condemned (r) Hierom ad Ani●●● seemeth do●●ne this for one of his origen's errors: Ig●es quoq●●ge 〈…〉 quo scriptura sancta peccatoribus comminatur, non ponit in supplicijs, sed●● conscientia peccatorum etc. and see Hierom thus and to this purpose, alleged by master Bilson in his foresaid Survey etc. pag. 51. paulo post med. of old in Origen, is specially (s) confuted by master Bilson in his foresaid survey etc. pag. 49. 50. 51. etc. and by Musculus and Zanchius alleged there. pag. 50. circa & post med. confuted for erroneous by the now protestant bushope master D. Bilson, and also by Musculus and Hierom Zanchius: Hitherto of Luther's doctrines, which whether they be more preparing, to the straight (t) Math. 7.13.14. way that leadeth unto life, or to the broad way which leadeth to perdition, let the indifferent reader in gods name judge. CHAPT. III. FRom Luther's doctrine, we will now make our nexte passage into the examination of his external behaviour and deportment. I. FIrste as concerning his pride, he was holden therein for so vainly conceited, that he (1) Suinglius. tom. 2. ad Lutheri confess. respon fol. 441. a. paulo post med. saith. Sunt profecto qui constanter asserant (quamuis ipse fidem illis habendam esse nunquam crediderim) Lutherum aliquando non sine iactabunda quadam ostentatione dixisse, si papatum totum facile instauraturam esse denuo, si ipsi libuerit: etc. thought it in his power to restore or put down popery at his pleasure, etc. and further imagined himself to be the (*) Luther. in tom. 2. Witemb. of 1562. fol. 269. a. post. med. saith. Videtur mihi satanas à paerit●● 〈◊〉 aliquid in me praendisse●●rum qua nunc patitur, ideo ad perdendum impe●●●damqui ne insanivit incredibilibus machine's, ut sapius fuerim admirat●r; agens solus esse● inter mortales quem poteres. only one of mortal men, whom satan foresaw to be hurtful to him: frameinge his words, as though in his opinion, religion had been in (a) Luther. in epist. ad argentinenses, Anno 1525. saith. Christum à nobis primo vulgatum andemus gloriari, a● huius negatione iam traducit nos Suinglius. begin and (b) Luther. in loc. common. class. 2. loc. 16. pag. 83. fine, saith. Nobis adhuc viventibus etc. perpauci sunt etiam inter illos qui pij videri volunt, & nobiscum profitentur evangelium, qui ista rectè teneant, quid futurum putatis nobis ablatis? ad class. 5. cap. 13. pag. 40. initio. He further saith. Time● quod ista doctrina nobis extinctionerum obscurabitur: and again there, post med. he saith. Si nostra ecclesia subverteretur ut me amplius doctorem suum agnoscere non vellet, id quod aliquando fiet, si non vinentibus nobis, tamen sublatis nobis: and ibidem. pag. 43. post med. he saith. Quantum sectarum excitavit satan nobis viventibus? etc. Quid futurum est nobis mortuis? dye with him: In which respect Conradus Regius (no vulgar adversary) say, (c) Conradus Regius in libro Germ. contr. joannem Hessum decan. Dom. saith. Deut propter peccatum superbiae qua seize Lutherus extulit (quemadmodum plo●●quo scripta testantur) verum illi spiritum abstulit: for the sin of pride, wherein Luther extolled himself, as many his writings show, God withdrew his true spirit from him: And Suinglius chargeth Luther, with (d) Suinglius tom. 2. in respon ad confess. Lutheri. fol. 478 a. ante med. chargeth Luther with arroganti verborum fastu, & minis plusquam turgidis: great arrogancy, and pride of words. Also the Tigurine divines say (e) the Tigurines in their answer to Luther's book against Suinglius say. Propheta & Apostoli Dei gloriae non priuate honori, non sua pertinaciae & superbiae studebunt, Lutherus autem sua quaerit, pertina● est, insolantia nimia effertur. the Apostles and Prophets studied gods glory, not their own private honour, pertinacy and pride, Luther seeketh his own things, he is obstinate, and elated with too much insolency: In like sort Oecolampadius saith, (f) Oecolampadius in respon ad confess. Lutheri apud Suinglius tom. 2. fol. 520. b. ant med. saith, that Luther was, arrogantiae & superbia affectu inflatus: Luther was puffed up with arrogancy and pride: and in like plain manner is his reported intolerable pride confessed and reprehended by diverse (g) see the like affirmed by Simon Lythus in respon altera ad alteram Gretzeri apolog. printed. M. D.CIII. pag. 333. paulo ante med. and in Schlusselberg. in Theolog. Caluinist. printed. 1●94. l. 2. fol. 131. a. post med. & 126. a. post med. And Hospi●an who re●●●●eth Luther appeareth heretofore, cap. 1. sect. 4. a●. c.) i● his hift▪ sacramen●●●. part. ●. fol. 〈…〉, saith Nec tamen his omnibus tembe●●●● etc. Lutherus; 〈◊〉 quae 〈…〉 in honesti, & iniustè nimis egit, quasi obsignavit, & omnem saum immodestiam qua etc. debachatus est saeoius etc. omnibus spectandum proposuit: and fol. 188. a. post med. He further saith of Luther. Ira, odio, & invidia tandem abreptus fuit Lutherus: such was Luther's confessed condition but some year, or there about before his death, for whereas Luther died. Anno 1546. (as witness Sleydan Englished. lib. 16. fol. 232. a. fine. And Hospinian. ubi supra. fol. 200. b. ant med.) Hospinian reporteth these laste premises, as apertayninge to Anno 1544. And see there further in Hospinian touching Luther's like intemperance, fol. 40. b. prope initium, & 88 b. circa med. other learned protestants. II. AS concerning his contentious spirit, and most intemperate and scurrillouse railing. As touching the firste, it was so abounding in him, that for fear of being idle, and to keep himself a-woorke in that kind, he contracted with Carolostadius, and giving him a (*) Hospinian. in his histor. sacrament. part. 2. at. Anno 1524. fol. 32. b. ant med. saith Lutherus Carolostadium ut contra se publicè scribat, aureum nummum extractum ex pera ipsi offered, inquiens: en accipe & quantum potes animosè contra me dimica etc. cumque aureum nummun marsupio suo recondisset Carolostadius, Luthero manum in sponsionem pactae & susceptae contentionis porrexit, pro cuius confirmatione Lutherus ipsi vicissim haustum vini propinavit, adhortans eum ne sibi parceret, sed quanto vehementius & animosius contra se ageret, tanto illum sibi chariorem futurum: see also Lavather hereof, in histor. sacram. fol. 2. a. post med. piece of gold to write against him, he upon Carolostadius his acceptance thereof, gave to Carolostadius his hand upon the bargain, and thereupon drunk to him in a cup of wine, exhorting Carolostadius not to spare him, but to deal roundly and vehemently with him, whereupon ensued their most contentious and invective wrytinges: this fact of Luther was so scandalouse that Hospinian though favoringe (a) of Hospinians reverence to Luther see heretofore, cap. 1. sect. 4. at. c. Luther, yet signifieth from (b) Hospinian. ubi supra. fol. 32. b. circa med. saith of Luther's foresaid bargain with Carolostadius: Haec Christiana lector fuerunt infelicissimi istius certaminis (quod ex pacto & sponsione susceptum totiam annis ecclesiam gravissimè exercuit) infausta auspicia, quae si quis diligenter apud se animo sepositis affectibus expendat, ex quo spiritu fuerint profecta tanto rectius etc. est iudicaturus etc. and Daniel Tossanus, in lib. consolatorio. cap. 127. saith, that Luther did proceed. contra Carolostadium instinctu maligni spiritus. what spirit the same proceeded. As touching the seconde and therein to begin with his own followers the Suinglianes, he saith as against them (c) Luther. tom. 7. Witemb. of. 1558. fol. 382. b. ant med. cursed be the charity and concord (of the Sacramentaries) forever and ever to all eternity: and the Tygurine divines signifieth their complaint hereat saying, (d) so say the Tygurine divines. tract. 3. contra supremam Lutheri confessionem, pag. 61. which words being acknowledged by master Fulke in his treatise against the defence of the Censure (printed by Thomas Thomas) he doth thereupon charge Luther with (to use his own words) Breach of all Christian modesty, (pag. 155. circa med.) Even far beyond the bounds of charity, pag. 101. ante med. And the Tygurine diviuines, in confession germanica (printed Tiguri. 1544. in 8. fol. 3. say. Superioribus diebus edidit Martinus Lutherus librum, quem inscripsit, Brevis confessio de sacramento etc.) liber plenus est demonis, plenus impudicis dicterijs scatet tracundia & furore &c. Luther calleth us a damnable and execrable sect etc. He saith that the devil dwelleth now, and ever in the Suinglianes, and that they have a blasphemous breast insathanished, supersathanished, and persathanished, and that they have beside a most vain mouth over which sathan beareth rule, being infused, perfused and transfused into the same: did ever man hear such speeches pass from the furious devil himself? thus fare the Tygurines: in respect hereof Conradus Gesnerus (a famous learned protestante) say (e) Gesnerus in universali bibliotheca, saith. Illud non est dissimulandum, Lutherum virum esse vehementis ingenij, impatientem, & qui nisi per omnia sibi consentientes ferre nesciat, etc. Dominus faxit, ne quid contentione & impudentia eris obsit ecclesia, cuius ●lim crepundia tam feliciter promovit. it may not be denied, but that Luther is a man of a vehement spirit and impatient etc. God grant, that by his contention, and (oris impudentia) impudency of mouth; he hurt not the church, whose swaddling bands in times paste he so fortunatly enlarged. And master D. Fulke chargeth Luther herein, With the (f) ut supra at. i. breach of all Christian modesty (even) fare beyond the bounds of charity: As concerning the pope, Luther's invective railing against him is infinite, and his unworthy (g) Sleydan Englished. lib. 16. at. Anno 1545. fol. 222. b. ante & circa med. picture of him so scurrilous, as I am ashamed in particular to rehearse it, but do refer the same to the reader's search and perusal in Sleydan the reporter thereof: As concerning great princes, let but the example of our late King Henry the eight suffice; against whom he ragethe, and acteth the part of Hercules Fureus, terming him (*) Luther. in l. contra Regem Angliae in praesat. & inde tom. 2. Witemb. printed. 1562. fol. 333. 334. 335. etc. an envious mad fool, bableinge with much spite in his mouth, a damnable rotten worm, a basilisk, and progeny of an adder, a lying scurrile covered with the title of a king, a clounishe wit, a doltish head, most wicked foolish and impudent Henry, and saying yet further, (h) Non modo mentitur sicut scurra levissimus, sed & ●. nequissimum nebulonem si non superat certè egregiè aequat. (Luther. ibidem. fol. 338. a. post med. he doth not only lie like a most vain scurre, but equaleth if not exceedeth, a most wicked gnaw, (i) Rectè in caput tuum mentiris rex stolide & sacrilege. (ibidem. fol. 340. b. prope finem.) foedissimum sanè sit quamuis sordidam meretricem tam impudenti fronte sic mentiri. (ibidem. sol. 333. b. paulo ante med.) apertè dico regem Angliae Henricum istum plane mentiri, & scurram levissimum mendacijs suis magis referre quam regem, etc. facessat mihi in hac re maiestas regia, eum mendace scurra loquor, etc. cur mihi non pulchrum sit, mendacia sua rursus in os eius regerere? (ibidem. fol. 335. a. ante med.) thou lieste in thy throat foolish and sacrilegiouse king: whereunto might be added his exceeding many other like despiteful speeches used against his majesty, some of them being so immodestlye base, (k) Ius mihi erit pro Rege meo, maiestatem Anglicam luto suo & stercore conspergere. (Luther. ibidem. fol. 333. a. circa med) Satis apparet Thomisticum regem scripsisse, etc. morbo virulentissimi animi sui, quo cum inferius non possit conceptum virus & pus invidiae egerere, nec digerere, superius per os puditum cuomendi occasionem inveniret. (fol. 333. b. ant med.) and see further there. fol. 337. a post med. as I am ashamed to English them. This intemperate carriage of Luther against many great states and princes was in him so evident, that he was therefore specially reprehended, not only by the protestant (l) The protestant Landgrave in his public writing penned by his divines say. Lutherus non tantum magnorum regum principum & dominorum utriusque nostrum cognatorum, quemadmodum etiam privatorum quorundam hominum honestam famam dicacitate quadam sua arrosit, & gravissimis quibusdam accusationibus indecenter traduxit, quo vel uno nomine adducti Lutheri scripta absque omni exceptione nullo planè modo probare volumus, etc. verum etiam etc. see this in Hospinians concord. discord. printed. 1607. fol. 99 b. antemed. Landgrave in his published writing thereof penned by his divines, but also by the protestant divines (m) the divines of the count Palatine in their admonitio Christiana de libro concord printed. 1581. pag. 233. fine, & 234. initio. do object against Luther. Conuitia hyperbolicè praeter pietatem & modestiam confidenter & arroganter dicta, scurriles in rebus serijs lusus, quam multa acerbè & iniuriosè scripta, non tantum in Christi insignes ecclesias etc. sed etiam in magnos principes. of the count Palatine: and by other (*) master Stafford, in his Niobe, printed. 1611. pag. 139. circa med. saith hit spirited Luther (though otherwise a stout soldier in Christ's church) is not to be excused for his unreverent speeches of Henry the eight of England, etc. unlimited Luther, thou verities chief Champion, I am altogether unable to Censure the etc. domestic testimony, in so much as Luther himself was enforced to acknowledge the world's opinion herein had of him, saying, (n) Luther. in loc. common. class. 4. fol. 35. b. ant med. saith. Video ab omnibus in me peri modestiam. and there. fine. He further saith. Omnes farm in me damnant mordacitatem. all men I perceive require modesty at my hands, almost all men condemn me of sharpness in words: And yet against all these so evident premises, some of our adversaries are not abashed to defend Luther's foresaid intemperate railing, as proceeding (o) In the protestant book entitled the profane schism of the Brounistes &c. printed. 1622. pag. 67. fine, & 68 initio. it is thus said of master Robinson, and master johnson excusing one of their brethren's there objected intemperate railing: Master Robinson saith, that he knew not by what particular motion of the spirit, he was guided to write in those phrases: but master johnson justifieth further &c. adding these words viz. especially considering with what fire and zeal the lord hath furnished such his servants at all times as as he had stirred up for special reformation: let the example of Luther alone suffice, whom into what terms his zeal carried him, his writings do testify. etc. from the motion of gods holy spirit. III. AS concerning Luther's great inconstancy in doctrine, Suinglius confesseth and reprehendeth the same saying, (a) Suinglius tom. 2. printed. 1581. in respon ad confess. Lutheri. fol. 458. a. circa med. saith. Lutherus nunc hoc nunc illud de eadem repronuncias, nec usquam sibi constat, haud dubiè ca inconstantia & levitate Dei verbo utendum esse existimat, quae effrictae frontis scurrae, inter aleam uti consueverunt: Luther pronounceth now this, now that, of one and the same thing, nor is he, at any time constant to himself, but questionelesse thinketh that he may use that inconstancy, and lightness in the word of God, which impudent scurrilouse fellows do use at their gaminge: And (to forbear the (*) the divines of the count Palatine in their admonitio christiana de libro concordiae. printed. 1581. pag. 225. paulo post med. say. In caena vero Domini tam est varius & sibi dissimilis Lutherus, ut in scriptis ipsius tres vel quatuor de illa sententias reperiamus: divines of the count Palatine) Hospinian a learned Caluiniste, (who as before greatly honoureth and commendeth Luther) in his alphabetical table, set before the beginning of his book, at the letter. l. under the word Lutheri, mentioneth (as himself confesseth even against his will, and as no less than (b) Hospinian in histor. sacram. part. 2. fol. 4. b. post med. saith. Mallemus equidem istam tanti viri inconstantiam gravemque lapsum perpetuo occulcare, nisi causae gravissimae nos haec adscribendum impellerent: enforced thereto for great causes) Luther's wonderful inconstancy in doctrine, with particular reference to his contrary doctrines, there by him in that book at large alleged, in which course is by him set down (c) see this in the alphabetical table set before Hospinians. histor. sacrament. part. 2. printed. 1602. Lutheri inconstancia etc. Luther's inconstancy in doctrine fol. 4. b. the causes of his inconstancy and errors: fol. 5. his first opinion of the lord's supper. fol. 5. b. his seconde opinion, fol. 7. b. his thirde opinion, fol. 8. his fourth opinion, fol. 12. his fifth opinion, ibidem. Sturmius his testimony of his inconstancy in the lord's supper. fol. 12. a. his inconstancy touching communion under one or both kinds, fol. 12. b. 13. his inconstancy touching the communion of the wicked. fol. 13. b his inconstancy touching concomitancy, fol. 13. b. his inconstancy touching the elevation of the sacrament. fol. 13. b. 14. his inconstancy touching, the adoration of the sacrament. fol. 14. with much more there set down in this kind, and in the book exemplified at large from Luther's owne alleged inconstant and contrary writings, according to the figures of direction here as before mentioned: Whereto might be added like further testimony, from (d) Suinglius tom. 2. in his Responsiones duae etc. fol. 417. a. paulo ante med. saith. Lutherus temere quiduis arripit, si forte aliquid se offerat quod ipsum iwet, & mox sui quodammodo oblitus, vel quomodo negavit affirmat, vel quomodo ab ipso affirmatum vel concessum est denuo pernegat, etc. pristinam doctrinam suam suspectam facit etc. cum etc. ad eos dumtaxat libros quae intra quatuor aut quinque ab hinc Annos conscripserit, lectorem relegat: quis enim his vel lectis, vel auditis, non dicturus est, si alios annos quinque expectaverimus, haud dubiae his elapsis, illos quoque libros quos intra annos hosce quinque modo elapsos conscripserit, in dubium vocabit. Atque hoc illud est quod plus nobis dolet: And see the very same repeated there again, fol. 449. b. fine. Also Erasmus. l. 3. de libero arbitrio, say. Luther himself hath changed his opinion so often, and yet new paradoxes are springing from him daily etc. Suinglius and Erasmus. iv Notwithstanding this his shameful inconstancy, he was not yet abashed to pretend himself most certain, of his doctrine, not forbearing also to prefer himself before all the modern and ancient writers: to this end he say, (e) See this heretofore. cap. 2. sect. 3. fine, in the margin at the figures 11. if I be deceived God hath deceyued me. etc. (f) Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 333. a. fine. saith. Certus enim sum mea dogmata habere me de caelo, etc. dogmata mea stabunt: I am certain that I have my opinions from heaven etc. they shall continue: yet more. (*) Luther. adversus falso nominatum ecclesiasticum statum, he saith. Scire vos volo quod in posterum non amplius vos hoc honore dignabor ut finam vel vos, vel ipsos angelos de caelo de mea doctrina iudicare, nec volo meam doctrinam à quoquam iudicari etc. cum enim certus de ea sim, per eam quoque & vester, & angelorum iudex esse volo: see also the words as ●hey yet stand. in Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 309. a fine, also Luther. tom 2. Witemb. de seruo arbitrio. fine, fol. 486. b. fine, say. Ego vero hoc libro, non contuli, sed asserui & assero, ac penes nullum volo esse iudicium, sed omnibus suadeo ut praestent obsequium. I would have you know, that I will not hereafter vouchsaufe you so much honour, as to suffer either you or the angels of heaven, to judge of my doctrine etc. for seeing I am certain of it, I will in respect of it, judge both of you and of Angels: and where he affirmeth (g) So saith Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. of Anno 1551. l de seruo arbitrio. pag. 4 4. and see further Luther's book de seruo arbitrio. printed in 8. Anno 1603. pag. 72. 73. 276. & 337. the fathers of so many ages to have been plainly blind, and most ignorant in the scriptures, to have erred all their life time, and that unless they were amended before their deaths, they were neither saints nor pertaining to the church: & concerning the fathers in particular he saith, (h) so saith Lu●her. in colloquijs mensalibus, cap. de patribus ecclesiae In the writings of Hierom, there is not a word of true faith in Christ and sound religion: Tertulian is very superstitious: I have holden Origen long since accursed: of Chrisostom I make no account: Basile is of no worth, he is wholly a monk, I way him not of a hair: Cyprian is a weak divine, etc. In so much as he forbeareth not to prefer his own collected sense of the scriptures, before all the father's expositions, saying, (i) Luther. tom. 2. witemb. l. contra Regem Angliae, fol. 344. b. ant med. saith. Divina maiestas mecum facit, ut nihil curem si mille Augustini, mille Cipriani, mille ecclesiae Henricianae contra me starent, etc. Augustinus & Ciprianus, sicut omnes electi errare potuerunt & erraverunt &c. The divine majesty maketh for me, so as I care not, if a thousand Austin's, a thousand Cyprian's, a thousand king Henry churches stood against me: and concludeth saying. (k) Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. printed. 1554. fol. 290. b. paulo post initium, saith. Esto sanè Ecclesia Augustinus & alij doctores. Item, Petrus, Apollo, imo etiam Angelus è caelo diversum doceat, tamen mea doctrina est eiusmodi quae solius Dei gratiam & gloriam illustrate etc. Petrus Apostolorum summus vivebat & docebat extra verbum Dei: so insulteth he under pretext of attributing his doctrines unto God who (saith he) cannot be deceived, which is the common brag of all novelistes no less than of Luther. Be it that the church, Austin, and other Doctors, also Peter, Apollo, yea an angel from heaven teach otherwise, yet is my doctrine such as setteth forth God's only glory etc. Peter the cheeffe of the apostles did live and teach (extra verbum Dei) besides the word of God: with many like further sayings, as yet more comparative and odious wherein his own scholars so smoothed his known humour, that (saith one of them) since (l) so saith, Andrea's Musculus in prafat. in libellum Germ. de diaboli tyrannide. the apostles times there lived not in the world a greater than Luther, etc. there is as great difference between the ancient doctors, and Luther, as between the sun and the moon, etc. Whereto (m) Alberus contra Carolostadianos, l. 7. say. I doubt not but if that Austin were now lyveinge, he would not be ashamed to profess himself Martin Luther's scholar, and Luther, tom. 7. Witemb. printed. 1558. fol. 271. a. circa med. saith, of his doctrine then preached, in Germany. Euangelium tam opulenter pradicatum est, ut apostolorum tempore ea claritate non fuit: What profane Arrogancy was this? others of his like flattering scholars do assent; the divines of Witemberge (*) the divines of Witemb. in the seventh leaf, a. circa med. of their prefat. set before the book entitled. Acta Theologorum Witembergensium & patriarchae Constantinop. printed. Witebergae. 1584. say. Non dubitamus Lutherum non solum huius saeculi doctoribus omnibus, sed omnium temporum post apostolos praferre: and see further heretofore in the preface to the reader, at. n. o. not doubting (in plain terms) to prefer Luther not only before all the doctors of this age, but also of all former ages since the apostles. V AS concerning Luther's reported obstinate forwardness often times against his own conscience (which is reputed for no less than sin against the holy ghost.) Suinglius saith, (a) Suinglius tom. 2. printed. 1581. in respon ad Lutheri. confess. say. Lutherus obstinato & devoto animo conceptam semel opinionem persequi & obtinere conatur, nec multum curare solet, quodcunque tandem de re quavis pronunciet, etiamsi vel sibi ipsi, vel divini verbi oraculis contradicere deprehendatur: see these words of Suinglius also in Schlusselburg. in Theolog. Caluinist. l. 2. fol. 122. a. fine. after the edition of 1594. And Suinglius ●om. 2. in resp. ad Luther. confess. fol. 519. b. ante & circa med. saith of Luther. Manifesta desperatione non carere certis ac solidis rationibus demonstrabimus: primo enim ipsi causae diffidens de illa desperate, etc. de scipso desperate Lutherus, praeter id enim quod ipsa verba timorem & formididinem ipsius arguunt, certis argumentis hanc desperabundam arrogantiam esse docebimus etc. Luther with an obstinate devoted mind, endeavoureth to prosecute and make good his once conceived opinion, neither doth he much care what he affirm of any matter, although it be contrary either to himself or to the scriptures: and Luther himself say accordingly of communion under boths kinds, (b) Luther. de formula m●ssae: and whereas master jewel in his reply etc. printed. 1566. act. 2. pag. 107. post med. acknowledgeth this for Luther's saying, only answering thereto, that Luther only meant that god's truth should not hang on the authority of man: to forbear that this is master Iuels device and no words in all that passage of Luther, to explain his meaning for only such, can yet this evasion though admitted enable Luther to teach, that in despite of the council we should use either but one kind or neither? which laste were directly against Christ's institution: In which respect this very saying of Luther is recited, and disliked by Hospinian. in histor. sacram. part. 2. fol 13. a paulo post med. if the council should in any case decree this, jest of all than would we use both kinds, yea rather in despite of the council and that decree, we would use either but one kind only, or neither, but in no case both. Of like nature is it where he teacheth, that if (c) so saith Luther. tom. 2. Germ. fol. 214 the council should grant church men liberty to marry, he would think that man more in god's grace, who during his life kept three whores then ● whoe married according to the counsel's decree, and that he would command under pain of damnation, that no man should marry by permission of such a council, but should either live chaste, or if that were impossible, than not despair though he kept a whore. Hereto also is not improper, Luther's firste revolt from our church, with such confessed (d) see this heretofore cap. 1. sec. 1. prope finem, at. e. see there after. f. at. *. trouble of conscience as increased even to most fearful desperation, for three years after his said revolt: Also his like confessed endeavour to (e) Luther. tom. 7. Witemb. printed. 1558. in his Farrago epistola. in epist. amicis & Christianis Argentinae, fol. 502. a. fine, saith. Hoc diffiteri nec possum, nec volo, quod si Carolostaedius aut alius quispiam ante quinquennium mihi perfuadere potuisset in sacramento praeter panem & vinum esse nihil, ille magno beneficio me sibi devinctum reddidisset, etc. omnibus neruis extensis me extricare & expedire conatus sum, cum probe perspiciebam hac repapatui cum primis me valde incommodare posse, etc. verum ego me captum video nulla elabendi via relicta: and he saith there nexte after of his willingness against the real presence. Sum enim proh dolour plus aequo in hanc partem propensus, see also this saying in master Fulkes treatise against the defence of the Censure, pag. 99 fine. persuade himself against the known truth of the real presence, only thereby the more to displeasure the pope: and his like impugninge even of (2) Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. in assert. etc. art. 27. fol. 107. b. post med. saith. Permitto tamen quod Papa condat articulos fidei & suis fidelibus, quales sunt, panem & vinum transubstantiari etc. se esse imperatorem mundi etc. Animam esse immortalem, & omnia illa infinita portenta in Romano sterquilinio etc. the soul's immortality as (f) To prevent. as appeareth heretofore, c. 2. sec. 13. at. a. c. to prevent purgatory and prayer to saints: And lastlie his often (*) see this heretofore. cap. 1. sec. 1. at. u x. offerr of submitting to the pope, and of suppressing of his new doctrine, so that he might not be compelled to recant, which argueth or rather convinceth his willing readiness of proceeding against his conscience, either in his then former preaching of his new doctrine knowing it to be false, or else in his now offer to suppress the same when he thought it to be true: Whereto likewise might be added some other like further matter of this kind reported by our (3) see in further example, epitome colloquij Mulbrwa instituti per Witembergensis, printed. in 4. Heidelbergae, Anno 1566. pag. 153. and see Hospinian. histor. sacram. part. 2. at. Anno 1544. fol. 195. a. ante med. where is recited how Luther answered, non sine rubore: and see further Hospiniane. in his concord. discord. fol. 104. a. ante med. and the divines of the count Palatine in their admonitio Christiana de libro concord. printed. 2581. pag. 217. post med. and Vrsinus in his commonefactio cuiusdam Theologi etc. printed. 1583. pag. 288. learned adversaries: only I will conclude with the elevation of the sacrament, whereof Luther saith, I did know the elevation of the sacrament to be Idolatricall (as making for sacrifice) yet never the less I did retain it in the church at Witemberge, to the end I might despite the devil Carolostadius: A saying & practise so confessedly gross that Amandus Polanus (the Caluiniste) professor (4) Luther. in paruà confession, saith, Elevationem sacramenti sci●bam esse idolatricam, sed tamen iam retinebam in templo Witembergensi, ut aegrè sacerem diabolo Carolostadio, and see Luther. to. 3. Germ. fol. 55. and colloqu. mensal. Germ. fol. 210. at Basile, specially reciteth, and (5) Polanus in syllogethesium theolo. printed. 1597. pag. 464. ante med. reproveth the same: saying yet further (6) Polanus ibidem, saith. Sed nolo plura absurdè dicta Lutheri recensere, quae multa sunt, quae tegenda potius quam exagitanda etc. And Hospinian. in hist. sacram. part. 2. fol. 14. a. initio. reciteth this foresaid saying of Luther, terming it. Minimè profecto conveniens oratio Christiano theologo, & magna infirmitas in Luthero, and see further there. fol. 188. b. ant med. I will not recite more of Luther's absurd sayings which are many, and are rather to be covered, then much spoken of: In respect of all which premises, how apthe now may we profess with Suinglius to (7) Suinglius tomo 2. printed. 1581. in respon ad Luther's confess. fol. 454. a. ante med. sai h. Non possum non mirari, num aliquid hominis aut rationis humanae habeant, qui isto Lutheri scripto sese duci & doceri patiuntur. marvel that any of sense or humane understanding should (ever) suffer themselves to be taught and carried away by Luther's writing. VI LAstlye as concerning Luther's other conversation of life and manners, it is confessed that before his revolt from our catholic church, he during that time was a young (*) Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 233. a. initio. saith of himself. Eram enim iunenis & monachus pietatis studiosus. man, a monk, and studying of godliness, and lived in (a) so saith Simon de Voyon upon the catalogue of the doctors printed. 1598. in Eglish, pag. 180. & Luther upon the Galathians Englished. in c. 1. vers. 14. fol. 35. a. his monastery, punishing his body with watching, fasting, and prayer, (b) see Luther's own words hereof, upon the Galathians Englished. in c. 1. fol. 35. a. honoured the pope of mere conscience, (c) Luther. ibidem. fol. 35. a. kept chastity, poverty, and obedience, and (d) Luther. ibidem fol. 35 a. whatsoever (say he) I did, I did it with a single heart, of good zeal, and for the glory of God, fearing grievously the laste day, and desirous to be saved from the bottom of my heart. In so much also as for some smalle time after his revolt, there remained yet in him some relics or steps of former sanctimony. Whereof (e) Erasmus in epist. ad Thomam Cardinalem Eboransen. Erasmus affordeth him not uncommendable testimony: whereas afterwards upon his further defection from our church, he at laste became much altered, and was so fare transported from his former course of observed chastity, that he now professeth and say to the contrarie, (f) Luther. in Proverb 31. vers. 1. addeth this amarouse rhyme for a marginal gloss: Nichtliebers' if'ft aufferden, Den frawn lieb. Wems Tanwerden; importing in English as is there alleged in the text; Nothing is more sweet or loving upon earth then is the love of a woman, if a man can obtain it: And again (g) Luther. tom. 7. Witemb. in epist. ad Wolfaugum fol. 505. a. circa med. saith. Qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manner statuit ille nomen hominis à se deponat, planum faciens se angelum esse aut spiritum, homini enim à Deo nullo modo conceditur. he that resolveth to be without a woman, let him say aside from him the name of a man, making himself a plain angel or spirit: yet more, (h) see this heretofore. cap. 2. sect. 12. fine, at. y. And Luther. in colloquijs Germ. cap. de matrimonio, further saith. nemo potest cibo vel potu career, sic fieri nequit, ut aliquis, à muliere abstineas, etc. causa haec est, quia in utero mulierum concepti, ea aliti, inde nati, lactati & educati sumus, & ut caro nostra maiore ex parte mulieris caro sit, & sic planèfieri nequit ut ab ijs separeremur: And tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 328. b. post med. he saith. Puella in qua non est sublime hoc donum continentia, nibilo facilius carere potest marito, quamcibo, aut potu, somno, etc. as it is not in my power that I should be no man, so is it not in my power that I should be without a woman etc. it is more necessary then to eat, drink, purge, make clean the nose, etc. in so much as he acknowledgeth himself to have been (i) Luther. in colloquijs mensal. fol. 526. a. & vide fol. 400. a. almost mad through the rage of lust, and desire of women: exclaiming out yet further and saying, (k) Luther. tom. 1. epistolarum latinarum. fol. 334. ad Philippum. I am burned with the great flame of my untamed flesh, etc. eight days are now passed, wherein I neither writ, pray, nor study, being vexed partly with temtations of the flesh, partly with other trouble; but say he, (l) Luther. ubi supra fol. 345. it sufficeth that we have known the riches of the glory of God, the lamb which taketh away the sins of the world, from him sin cannot draw us, although we should commit fornication, or kill a thousand times in one day: And being in this case, he laboureth not to preserve his former kept chastity by his foresaid punishing of his body, with watching fasting and prayer, before time continued by him in his monastery, when he was a catholic (which course of resistance by prayer, the blessed Apostle being so assaulted, instantly (m) 2. Cor. 12.7. used and thereby prevailed:) but confessing himself, as now made more delicate, and (n) Luther. tom. 6. Witemb. printed. 1580. in Gen. c. 49. fol. 665. a. ante med. saith. Ego non possum ferre labores, vigilias, & macerationes ilias quas olim monachus sustinui. unable to endure his former austerity of life, and as all unmindful of his former vow, and forbearing as before, prayer for (o) next before at. q. eight days together, at the laste (having cast (p) Osiander. centur. 16. c. 36. pag. 97. fine, saith. Hoc Anno 1524. Lutherus monasticum habitum deposuit. off his religious habit. Anno 1524.) he did in speedy accomplishment of his longing desire, (q) see this reported by Melancthon, in his epistola. ad joac. Camer. de D. Lutheri coniugio: it is extant, in Melancthons' consilia Theologica, printed. 1600 part. 1. pag. 37. marry even upon the sudden Katherine Bore the (runegate) nun, without any communication before had thereof with any of his friends, but having in the evening (so impatient was he of delay, as not to forbear but for that present night, till the usual time of marriage in the day time, next ensuing) invited to supper, Pomeran, Luke the painter, and Apelles the lawyer, he then so finished the espousals, for which by the most ancient and imperial laws, nexte after the time of Constantine the great, (r) Zozomen. histor. lib. 6. cap. 3. fine, affirmeth, how that the Christian Emperor jovinian, published an edict. qui sacrat●m virginem vel ad nuptias contrahendas pellicere conaeretur, etc. capitis supplicio mulctaretur: this jovinian was in course the thirde Emperor after Constantine the great: and the foresaid law is yet extant. cod. lib. de Episcopis & clericis. Where it is said. Si quis non dicam rapere, sed tentare tantum, iungendi causa matrimonij sacratissimas virgines ausus fuerit, capitali poena feriatur. he should have lost his head: A thing at that time holden so scandalouse, by report of his scholar (*) Sleydan Englished. l. 5. An. 25. fol. 65. b. paulo post med. saith. In those days Luther married a nun, whereby he gave occasion to his adversaries to speak evil of him: and Luther himself, in colloquijs latinis, tom. 2. de coniugio, saith thereof. Nisi ego clam celebrassem nuptias, omnes impedissent, quia omnes amicissimi clamabant, non illam sed aliam. Sleydan and others, that Luther himself (s) Melancthon in consil. Theolog. pag. 38. paulo ante med. saith. Quoniam Lutherum quodammodo tristiorem cerno & perturbatum ob vitae mutationem, omni studio ac benevolentia consolari eum conor. became grieved and ashamed thereat, and his deareste Melancthon did therefore (t) Specially, ut sup. at. x. specially and (u) Melancthon in consil. theolog. in the end of that foresaid epistle. pag. 39 ante med. saith. Ista ad te exposui verbosus ne eventus in●pinatus te perturbaret & tristitia aff●●●et, etc. speedily write to a friend of his in excuse thereof, wherein nevertheless himself cannot but hold it (x) Melancthon ubi supra, saith. Ac possit fortassis aliquis mirari illum hoc infeliei tempore, bonis & honestis viris ubique graviter laborantibus, non modo non affici simul dolore, sed videri prope modum nihil panitus curare ea mala quae ante oculos versantur, and see next heretofore, cap. 2. sect. 7. from. a. to. m. marvelous, that Luther should be so regardelesse, and little touched with grief at the calamity then present, as to undertake that marriage: only he excuseth it with Luther's (y) Melancthon ubi supra, saith. Atque ego rem hanc sic gestam esse arbitror: est vir iste nequaquam ex ijs qui homines oderunt & congressus fugiunt, quotidiana autem vitae illius usum non ignoras, unde cogitarete catera quam me scribere melius ut opinor fuit: sociable condition of life, and other (z) ut supra. at. d. what daily use of life, and professed concealment of other matters more convenient, to be imagined then written, can these be, but such as had then been opened, had touched Luther in his reputation: matters (thereupon depending, such as are not to be uttered) which (say Melancthon) are more convenient for you to imagine, then me to write: for (say he yet further) (a) Melancthon ibidem. pag. 38. initio. saith. Ego naturam Lutherum arbitrer coegisse ut fieret maritus: I am persuaded that Luther was a man enforced to marry by nature; Hereunto I add how that calvin himself was enforced to confess of Luther that (magnis vitijs laborat) he (b) see Caluines words alleged by Schlusselburg. in theol. Caluinae. l. 2. fol. 126. a. post med. was subject to great vices. In respect whereof he earnestly (c) utinam recognoscendis suis vitijs plus operae dedisset: (Caluine apud Schlusselburge. ubi supra.) wisheth that Luther had been more careful in reknowledginge his vices: whereto I do likewise further annexe, that Luther lying thus open, acknowledged his (d) see this in Sleydans, commentar. in English. l. 3. An. 21. fol. 29. b. initio. profession not to be of life or manners, but of doctrine (e) Sleydan. ●bidem. at. Anno 20. fo. 22. a. circa med. wishing that he were removed from the office of preaching, because his manners and life did not answer to his profession: wherein he was so censured even by protestants themselves, that as appeareth by their own report, (1) Benedict Morgenstern. in tract. de Ecclesia. printed. Francofurti 1598. pag. 221. circa med. saith of the Caluinistes. Si quando volunt iudulgere genio, non verentur inter se dicere, body Lutheranicè viue●uns. if at any time they would give assent to the provocation of nature, they blush not to say among themselves (hodie Lutheranicè vivemus) to day we will live Lutheran like; which corruption into worse of life and manners in Luther upon his foresaid defection from our church, was not peculiar to himself, but so propagated (as it were ex radice) from him to those his followers by him withdrawn from our church and religion, that himself (not as by way of amplification usual with preachers, when they make theyre complaint generally for the offences only of some few, but as speaking more respectivelie and directly to the point of comparison now touched) forbeareth not with great grief to exclaim and say, (2) Luther. in postilla super Euangel. Dominicae primae Aduentus. mundus etc. the world groweth daily worse, men are now more revengeful, covetous, licentious, than they were before in the papacy: And again saith (3) Luther. Dominica 26. post Trinitatem. he, before time when we were seduced by the pope, every man did willingly follow good works, and now every man neither saith nor knoweth any thing, but how to get all to himself, by exaction, pillage, theft, lying, usury etc. and yet more to the confessed obloquy of his own doctrine, he further say, (4) So saith Luther. in sermonibus convivialibus Germ. fol. 55. It is a wonderful thing and full of scandal, that from the time in which the pure doctrine of the gospel, was firste recalled to light, the world should daily grow worse, etc. Whereto assenteth Wolfangus Musculus saying etc. (5) Musculus in locis commu. printed. Basileae 1537. in cap. de decall. in explanat. 3. praecepti pag. 62. circa med saith. quod verum est fatear, timeo hic admodum illis qui nostro saeculo veritatem evangelij Christi & cognoscentes & confitentes, vilius & contemptius se erga virtutem illius gerunt, quam ij qui in erroribus papisticis versantur etc. imo sibi ipsis usque adeo facti sunt dissimiles, ut cum papatu fuerint in erroribus ac superstitione religiosi, in luce veritatis agnitae sint ipsis saeculi huius filijs profaniores, leviores, temerariores, ac vaniores. To confess the truth they are become so unlike themselves, that whereas in the papacy they were religious in their error and superstition, now in the light of the known truth, they are more profane etc. then the very sons of this world: to all which Erasmus (a man holden indifferently or rather well (6) see this in master Fox. Act. mon. printed. 1563. pag. 404. a. fine. affected towards Luther) addeth saying: (7) Erasmus in epistola ad Vulturium neocomum (written by him. Anno 1529.) saith. Circumspice populum istum evangelicum, etc. proffer mihi quem istud evangelium ex commessatora sobrium, etc. ex impudico reddiderit verecundum, ego tibi multos ostendam qui facti sunt sespsis deteriores: see this saying of Erasmus mentioned by Sleydan in English. at. Anno 1529. l. 6. fol. 83. b. fine, and see Erasmus in spongia adversus Huttenum. Facti sunt seipsis deteriores, they exceed even themselves in wickedness, whereof saith he (8) Erasmus in epist. ad fratres inferioris Germaniae, saith. Quos antea noveram puros, candidos, & fuci ignaros, eosdem vidi ubi se secta (evangelica) dedissent, loqui capisse de puellis, etc. abiecisse preces, impatientissimos, & ranos, viperinos in moribus, ac prorsus hominem exuisse, expertus loquor: and he saith yet further there. Novi monachum qui pro una duxerit tres etc. I known a monk who in steed of one wife married three, and I know a priest, that after he had married a wife, found out that she was married to another before. And many other like examples are here related of the marragies of monks and nuns, who do leave one another after marriage, by the same law or right whereby they married them. I will not name to you a certain priest whipped hear at Basile about the streets for his wickedness, being of the same profession with these ghospellers etc. He testified publicly that after he had once addicted himself to that sect, he ran into all kind of wickedness: I will not say what he told of the whole sect, etc. Hitherto Erasmus one of master Fox his Confessors in his acts and monuments: expertus loquor: I affirm this of experience, in so much as their great professor Paulus Eberus, successor to Luther in Witemberge, affirmed as in respect hereof, that (9) See this heretofore in the preface to the reader, nexte before d. at. †. men did justly doubt whether their evangelical congregation were the true church or no: Hitherto but of the primitive church of protestants, when as, primitiae spiritus, the firste fruits of their spirit not then yet degenerated, should (as usually ever more in the primitive times) have given testimony to the world of their more than ordinary zeal, virtue, and godliness: And here now I but offer to the indifferent consideration of all understanding readers, whether that this foremencioned licentiousenesse of life, fatally as it were foresignified unto the world to be then approachinge, especially in religious apostates, by ominouse and uncouth sight of (f) Osiander. in epitome. & centur. 16. pag. 90. ante med. reporteth, how that towards the latter end of Anno 1523. Triburgiae in Misnia natus est vitulus qui monachi curullati formam gerebat, & Hallae Saxoniae porcas è scropha prodijt, qui sacerdotis caput habebat. monstrous births, whereof one resembled a monk (and as Suinglius (*) Whereas some novellistes did missaply these monsters to the Roman clergy, Suinglius. tom. 2. ad Lutheri conses. respon. printed. 1581. fol. 44. 1. a. post med. immediately after a long invective against Luther saith as to Luther. Quantum ipse videre possum curullati illius vituli, qui non multis abhinc annis in Saxonia monstroso partu in lucem aeditus est, verum misterium & propria significatio, nondum plene excussa est ab ijs, qui illud interpretari conati fuerunt, etc. insinuateth) pointeth principally to Luther; And another resembled a priest, pointing likewise (as others conceived) principally to Suinglius, and the same hapninge in Germany even the very year, (g) See this of Suinglius hereafter, cap. 5. sect. 3. at d. e. g. as hapninge Anno 1522. nexte after that Suinglius with so many his fellow apostate priests exclaimed publicly for wives, and the year next before, that Luther cast (h) Osiander. ubi supra. lib. 1. cap. 36. pag. 97. fine, saith. Hoc Anno 1524. Lutherus monasticum habitum deposuit. off his religious habit, (i) Osiander. Centur. 16. lib. 1. cap. 40. pag. 109. circa med. saith. Hoc Anno. 1525. Lutherus uxorem duxit Catharinam à Bora quae monacha fuerat. marryinge himself (presently after) to a professed nun, and in the very same year that (k) Osiander. ubi supra l. 1. c. 3. c. 33. pag. 90. circa med. saith. Leonardus Koppen septimo Aprilis die 1523. noveni moniales genere nobiles ex monasterio Nixmisen extractas, Witebergum adduxit, inter quas fuit Catharina à Bora quae postea Luthero nupsit: Leonard Koppen (to begin the dance) withdrew at once Katerine Bore (who married Luther) and eight other renegade nuns from one monastery; was not in all probability, the true and principal motive of the apostasy and first revolt of so many others, as at the time of Luther's innovation, joined with him in revolting from our catholic church: for as Luther, though confessedly living (l) in the bebinninge of his section, at. i. chaste before his revolt, did presently afterwards affirm, that it (m) nexte heretofore, at. o. was not in his power to be without a woman, whereupon he accomplished his foresaid scandalouse marriage, so likewise john Bale, Bernardine Ochine, Conrade Pelicome, Melancthon, Peter Martyr, Bucer, Oecolampadius, Suinglius, and so many other of his colleagues, who as inflamed all with lust (n) see this hereafter, cap. 5. sect. 3. throughout. exclaimed out for wives, and all the rest, that so then revolted from our catholic church, began the same likewise with breach of their then undertaken vowed chastity, and with pretended marriage thereupon ensuyinge, the which many of them, as namely Peter Martyr, Ochine, and Bucer, did likewise most scandalously accomplish even with (o) Peter Martyr being a regular canon of the order of S. Austin, married at Stratsburge dame Catherine the lose nun that ran out of her cloister at Metz in Lorraine: Whereof see D. harding in his detection. printed. 1568. fol. 36. b. and of Bucers like marriage see Melancthon, in consil. Theolog. pag. 569. For Ochine, see in the three conversions etc. part. 3. c. 16. fol. 350. b. initio. vowed nuns: so in like manner the late (p) Osiander. centur. 16. l. 4. c. 18. pag. 948. paulo ante med. saith. Interea Archiepiscopus Coloniensis elector Gobardus Baro Truchesius, reformationem religionis meditabatur, & matrimonium Agneti quae monialis fuerat, promisit, camque tandem in uxorem duxit: and see further there, pag. 953. post med. Archbushop of Cullen, began likewise his pretended reformation of religion with marriage, and the same also to a professed nun. And such like Vowbreakers were the revolted (q) revolted votaries, as namely the protestant bushops ensuying, Hooper of Worcester: Barlowe of Chichester, Downham of Westchester: Scorie of Hereforde: Barkelye of and Wells: Coverdall of Exeter: and diverse others, who all of them were professed monks, to whom might be added Crammer of Canterbury, Sands of York, with diverse others all of them formerly catholic priests, votaries, who upon the like motive and occasion began the alteration of religion which happened in our own country of England: Hitherto of Luther's reported licentious life, as for his answerable sudden death, (whereof further strange circumstances are constantly delivered by our Catholic writers, whom I do purposely forbear) I refer that to the credible testimony of (*) Chitraeus in orat. funebri Christophori ducis Megapolitanis, reciting certain examples of improvided and sudden death saith, joannes Mathesius, etc. tribus post concionem horis, apoplexia subito extinctus expiravit: Lutherus ipse vesperi mensae assidens, paucis post mediam noctem horis decessit: Hieronymum Vellerun mane in lecto mortuum domestici invenerunt: David Chitraeus, a prime Lutherane: referring now lastlie to equal consideration, what small reason master White had, to say of Luther, (r) so saith master White in his way to the church, printed. 1608. pag. 428. this was the end of that good man, whose memory shallbe precious in the church for ever, and flourishing as the rod of Aaron, laid up in the tabernacle; And thus much breiflye concerning Luther Whereupon I do without all in infering or further urging upon my part, refer over to the readers own judgement, whether we are to join with our learned adversaries, in esteeming and terming him (s) master Gabriel powel in his consideration of the papists supplication, printed. 1604 pag. 70. prope initium, saith of him. Holy saint Luther saith etc. and see Luther for such Rubricated in master Foxe his calandar. Holy sainte Luther, a (t) see these other ensuyinge titles heretofore in the preface to the christian reader, at. n. o. p. q. r. s. man sent of God to lighten the world, the Helias, conductor and chariot of Israel, to be reverenced next after Christ and Paul; greater then whom lived not since the apostles times, with diverse other like hyperbolical titles: or rather, that (in regard of so many plain alleged premises, taken from the writings and evident confession of Luther and learned protestants themselves) we are to think, the so general opinion had of him, to be (as in part or type) that foretell (u) 2. Thess. 2.11. efficacy of error wherewith God (beholding in his just judgement that deluge of sin, which so overflowed in former catholic times) suffered the northern parts of the world, to have been at Luther's coming (as were the eastren parts thereof, of Mahomet's) over grossly deluded. VII. TO this discourse thus severally made of Luther, I will only annexe (as in attendance upon him) jacobus Andreas termed also Schmidlin, Luther's prime scholar, and the greatest enlarger of his doctrine, who being (a) Osiander. centur. 16. l. 1. cap. 7. pag. 13. ante med. saith. Felicem operam suam praestitit clarissimus vir D. D. jacobus andrea praepositus & cancellarius Academiae Tubigensis. chancellor in the university of Tubinge, was no less (b) Osiander. centur. 16. lib. 4. cap. 43. pag. 1084. post med. & 1085. saith. Anno 1590. ex hac mortali vita in patriam caelestem evocatus est vir clarissimus d●ctor jacobus Andreas, praepositus & cancellarius Academiae Tubigensis etc. fuit latinè, gracè, & hebraite, doctus in philosophia theologia, & in artibus dicendi ita exercitatus, ut disputando nulli cederet, etc. Illustrissimus Dux Witembergicus eum Ecclesiae Goppingensi praefecit, quo in loco etiam generalis superattendentis officium illi commissum est, etc. multas ecclesias pie reformavit, etc. multis colloquijs theologicis interfuit, & collocutorem magna dexteritate praestitit, lectiones etiam theologicas in universitate Tubingensi & Lipsensi, cum admiratione & profectu auditorum dedit, etc. multas & magnas profectiones etc. suscepit & quidem in longinquas regiones, nam & Daniam, Saxoniam, Misriam, Turingiam, Pranconiam, & Sueviam perlustravit, quinetiam in Galliam usque legatus eo missus penetravit, etc. sepultus est Tub●●●● honorificentissime multis cum piorum lachrimis. famous and honoured in Germany, then ever was calvin or Beza at Geneva; in so much at the special appointed colloquy, at Mompelgar, he publicly encountered and (c) Hereof see Osianders' report at large, in centur. 16. lib. 4. cap. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. and see there, pag. 1040. circa med. and Antony Faius, de vita & obitu Beza, printed Genevae, 1606. pag. 54. initio, confesseth of the protestant divines of Witemberg. saying. Cum Mompelgardo abirent Witembergici, eorumquae literae volitarent emissae per plaerasque longinquissimas Germania oras ad suos, qui deinde in Gynetaeis & aulis quorundam principum, jacobi Andrea de Beza triumphum ebuccinabant etc. overmatched Beza. To speak but briefly of this man, Hospinianus (a learned protestant writer) reporteth his great pride (*) Hospinian. in histor. sacram. printed. 1602. Anno 1509 fol. 389. a. post med. saith. jacobus Andreae in tota vita sua manifestissima fraude deprehensus nunquam tamen erubuit, doctrinam & sententiam suam de relig●onis capitibus mutavit saepius, unde Anhaldini etc. promittunt se ex eius autographis demonstrare posse ipsum octidui spacio ter suam de controversis capitibus fidem & confessionem mutasse: etc. cowitijs, calumnijs, mendacijs, sarcasmis impudentibus, etc. certavit, de se ipso magnificè sensit, reliquos omnes prae se contempsit, and inconstancy, and discoursing further of his life, from the testimony of the learned Lutherans themselves, allegeth them, chargeinge him, that he (d) Hospinian. ubi supra. fol. 389. b. initio, allegeth Selnecerus (the Lutheran) who was companion with Andreas in his (fore mentioned) travails in these words: Selnecerus peregrinationum (jacobae Andreae) indivisus comes & socius, de ipso saepe coram multis bonis fideque dignis viris dixisse fertur: quod nullum omnino habeat Deum, si Mammonem & Bachum excipias, nam se nunquam audivisse, vel coniectura aliqua saltem animaduertere potuisse, etc. quod vel cubitum iturus, vel de lecto surrecturus, aut orationem Dominicam recitaverit, aut ullam Dei mentionem fecerit; in reliqua vero vita, dictis, factis, consilijs, nullam pietatis scintillam, summam vero levitatem semper deprehendisse: eundem Selnecerus & Andreas Musculus nominarunt erronem, levissimum scurram, qui ut ex dictis & factis eius cognoscatur, neque religionem ullam habeat etc. had no God except Mammon and Bacchus, that he never prayed going to bed, nor rising from thence, that in the residue of his life, he shown no spark of godliness, but great lightness in his words, deeds and counsels: And he allegeth further Sturmius (a learned Caluiniste) charging him with (e) Hospinian. ibidem. fol. 389. b. versus finem, saith. Sturmius in sua apologetica contra Schmidelinum sic scribit, virgae furibus inventae sunt contra avaritiae crimen, & lapidationes adulteris, si ab his duobus criminibus jacobus Andreas solutus est, non est quod metuat, ego facile fero quod celatum est occultum esse, neque ipsum scruter etc. quid secum divitiarum è Saxonia & Misnia abstulit, scio id pauperum esse debere, & ad pauperem fiscum redigi etc. & tam magnum esse ipsius sacrilegium, quam magnae opes sunt quas secum deportasse dicitur. the crimes of covetousness, adultery, robbing of the poor, and sacrilege: Besides much (f) ibidem. fol. 389. b. & 390. a. more there further alleged: in so much as Lavather (a learned adversary) confesseth and writeth for news unto Zanchius how that this (g) In Zanchius in his epistles, printed. 1609. lib. 2. pag. 340. Lavather. writeth to Zanchius saying: Schmidelinum (alias jacobum Andream) fertur apud nos in adulterio cum ancilla deprehensum, magnum odium etc. incurrisse etc. Andreas was taken in public adultery, reciting with all certain (h) ibidem. paulo post. verses thereupon then made thereof, by the Caluinistes. MELANCTHON. CHAPT. iv AS concerning Philipp Melancthon, a man of such eminent (*) In Pezelius in his argument & objection mentioned, next hereafter at. h. part. 1. in epist. dedic. fol. B. ij. initio. it is said of Melancthon commendantur scripta Philippea hoc nomine, quia sunt ab huiusmodi doctore quem omnes pij facti sunt & adhuc fatentur singulare fuisse spiritus sancti organum, tot donis illustratum teste Luthero, quot Deus in nullum alium hominem in hoc terrarum orbe viventem illa aetate contulit. rank in the protestants church, as that he was reputed fellow (a) the Protestante divines in colloquio Altenburgensi, printed. 1570. in 3. respon electoral. ad obiectas hypothes. fol. 420. b. post med. say. Providentia (Dei) singulari factum est, ut huic delecto repurgatori & illustratori doctrinae caelestis Luthero, socius ac 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fidelis adiungeretur reverendus & memoria aeterna ipse quoque dignissimus D. Philippus Melancthon. labourer with Luther in the then pretended course of reformation, and accordingly thereupon termed. (b) Philippus Melancthon Lutheri fidus Achates fuit. Hospinian. in concord. discord. fol. 118. a fine, Lutheri fidus Achates, in regard of whose supposed worth (c) see heretofore, cap. 1. sect. 1. fine, in the margin at. h. Luther wished that all his own writings were burned, Melancthons' book of common places only safe, and preserved: affirming yet further (d) so saith Luther. in colloquijs mensalibus c. de patribus ecclesiae. that the apology of Philip Melancthon, doth far excel all the doctors of the church, and exceed even Austin himself: To allege somewhat briefly of this so great a man, it appeareth from his own writings that he begun his reformation with seditious doctrine against the state, to that end in plain words enhablinge (e) see this in Melancthons' consilia theol●gica. part. 1. pag. 314. circa & post med. the inferior magistrates to (reform or) altar religion, and to overthrow idolatry against the (contrary) edicts of the superior etc. Wherein as he joined with (f) of Luther see heretofore, cap. 2. sec. 7. throughout. Luther and (g) of Suinglius see hereafter, cap. 5. sect. 2. prope finem, at. r. s. sect. 4. throughout. Suinglius (men no less forward in this course then himself) so likewise did he no less than they, pretend (h) Lavather. de spectris printed Genevae. 1570. part. 1. cap. 15. pag. 85 circa med. saith. Melancthon scribit in libro suo de Anima, quod ipse quaedam spectra viderit, etc. apparitions: As concerning his doctrine of the Trinity, he writeth suspiciously, in affirming that (i) Melancthon in loc. common. of Anno 1545. in so much as he is for this doctrine reprehended by Stancarus, l. 4. de Trinitate. there are three divinities, as there are three persons, and in his further answerable teaching that the (k) Pezelius in libro Argumentorum & obiectionum de praecipuis articulis etc. quae passim extant in scriptis reverendi viri Melancthonis, printed Genevae. Anno. 588. part. prima. de tribus personis) pag. 74. post med. delivereth Melancthons' doctrine hereof to be that: Cum dicimus tres esse personas in divinitate, etc. nomen personae, hoc loco collocandum est in praedicamento substantiae. name of person, is to be placed (in praedicamento substantiae) in the predicament of substance, whereupon doth follow according to his fore said doctrine, that as there are three distinct persons, so likewise three distinct substances: he also further taught that (l) Melancthon in loc. common. Anno 1558. pag. 40. in epistola ad electorem. Torgae da●. 3. Octobris. Anno 1552. Melancthon in loc. common. of Anno 1561. pag. 41. initio, saith. Natura divina fuit obediens patri, quievit, cessit irae aeterni patris adversus peccatum. the son according to his divinity, resisted his father's wrath against our sins: that even the (m) Pelargus in his admonitio de Arianis, printed. 1605. pag. 43. confesseth that Melancthon wrote thus in epistola ad lectorem Brandeburge. Anno 53. & 12. jan. whereof he there in vain goethe about to excuse Melancthon: As also there pag. 45. he confesseth that Melancthon further say, the Son maketh intercession, is his father's minister, priest, and mediator, answering in excuse thereof, that he meant the same. Potissimum de humana natura, implyinge so thereby, that he meant it also (though not so principally) of his divine nature. divine nature of the son according to his divinity, requesteth glory to be given to him. In so much as Stancarus (though in most things else a Caluiniste) said to calvin (who erred herein with Melancthon) (n) so saith Stancarus contra Caluin. k. 4. and see him also, in libro de Trinitate. what devil o calvin hath seduced thee to speak with Arius against the son of God, that thou might'st show him to be deprived of his glory, and now to ask it given him, as though he had not always had it? that Antichriste of the north whom thou dost impudently adore, Melancthon the grammarian hath done this: Furthermore as concerning marriage, Melancthon was to licentious in his doctrine thereof, for he not only teacheth that in case of (o) so saith Melancthon, in consil. theologic. part. 1. pag. 648. affirming also there further, this to be the doctrine of Luther and Pomeran: & see also there further. pag. 650. divorce, and dismission upon adultery, the very offending party whether man or woman may marry again, but also did (no less than (p) of Luther see heretofore, cap. 2. sect. 6. at. m. n. Luther) openly affirm and defend (q) Melancthon. in his concilia theologica. printed. Anno 160. pag. 134. prop● initium. adviseth in behalf of king. H. 8. (whose divorce from his firste wife he thought unlawful) saying. Respondeo si vult rex successioni prospicere, quanto satius est id facere sine infamia prioris coniugij. Ac potest id fieri sine ullo periculo conscientiae cuiusquam aut famae, per polygamiam etc. quia polygamia non est res omnino inusitata, habuerunt multas coniuges, Abraham, David, & alij sancti viri, unde apparet polygamiam non esse contra ius divinum. polygamy or plurality of wives, not forbearing by his published writing, to propound the same to (r) ut supra. our late sovereign king H. 8. fitting and necessary to have been by him observed and put in practice: In respect of which his licentiousenes in doctrine, I cannot but commend to indifferent construction, as well the complaint of those his own protestant brethren that (s) in Hospinians Concordia. discor. fol. 86. b. circa med. it is said. Quod autem ad comparationem Philippi cum Salomone attinet, qui in gratiam concubinarum suarum idolatra factus sit ut nesciri possit saluus ne an non factus sit, qua comparatione nuper Lipsiae, Zuittaviae, & alibi locorum usi sunt etc. compared Melancthon unto Solomon, who in liking of his concubines became an idolater, as also the like further accusation of Andreas Osiander, who (though himself a learned Lutherane, and by master D. Field and other, defended for (t) see Andreas Osiander by master Field. of the church. printed. Anno 1606. lib. 3. c. 42. pag. 170. ante med. and by Luc. Osi●nders, centur. 16. l. 3. c. 1. pag. 554. & 555. & 556. orthodoxal) affirmed that (*) see this reported by Sleydan Englished. lib. 22. at. Anno 1550 fol. 3. 59 a. post med. Luther and Melancthon had compiled a divinity etc. which savoureth more of the flesh than of the spirit: hereto also is not improper that whereas from Luther's foresaid (u) see heretofore, cap. 2. sect. 5. at. d. reported doctrine concerning Moses, and the ten commandments, did arise the libertine sect of the Antinomis, (x) the protestant divines of Mansfield, in confession Mansfeldensium ministrorum, tit. de Antinomico, fol. 89. & 90. report the doctrine of the Antinomis to be: Si scortus es, si scortator, si adulter vel alioquin peccator, crede & in via salutis ambulas; cum in peccatis demersus es ad summum usque si credis in mea beatitudine versaris: omnes qui circa Moysen (hoc est decem praecepta) versantur, ad diabolum pertinent: ad patibulum cum Moyse, see heretofore, c. 2. sect. 5. at. d. Luther's confessed opinion, and compare it with this of the Antinomis, and then judge of their agreement: this springing of the Antinomis from Luther's was so certain, that Sleydan Luther's scholar say thereof. This year sprung up the sect of the Antinomis, etc. these do affirm that repentance is not to be taught by the ten commandments etc. and again (agreeable to Luther's doctrine mentioned heretofore, cap. 2. sect. 4. at. s.) they determine that whatsoever a man's life be, were it never so sinful, yet is he justified if he believe only the promises of the gospel; the chief of them was Islebius. Sleydan, l 12. at. Anno 1538. fol. 162. b. post med. and Osiander in centur. 16. l. 2. cap. 39 pag. 311. circa med. saith. Docuit Islebius decalogum non esse docendum in Ecclesia, sed petinere in curiam: and pag. 312. ante med. he saith of Islebius: errorem suum Antinomi cum publicis scriptis disseminavit, & in errorem suum viros aliquot doctos pertraxit, videtur erroris occasionem sumpsisse ex scriptis Lutheri non rectè intellectis: This their springing from Luther, was in regard of the fludgate of sin thereby opened, such a scandal to him, that to clear himself he was at laste though to late, enforced to repair his credit with reprehension of them. who accordingly rejected Moses, and the ten commandments, teaching with all further that, (y) ut supra. in the margin at. s. and see in Osiander. centur. 16. pag. 311. post med. if thou be an adulterer or other sinner, do but believe and thou art in way of salvation: whose monstrous error though openinge a fludgate to all sin and wickedness was never the less defended by the (z) Hutterus public professor at Witeberg. in his libri concordiae explicatio, printed. Anno 1608. art. 5. c. 1. pag. 478 post med. saith. Sed neque intra angustos terminos mansit iste error (Antinomicus) quin mox sumptis viribus latius serpsit, etc. ita quidem ut Melancthon in postrema editione locorum communium, errorem istum haud obscurè interpolaverit, etc. Quid? quod Anno 59 recentiores Antinomi, qui sese scholasticos Witsbergenses nominarunt, erroris istius defensionem publicè & in conspectu totius ecclesiae susceperunt, quinimo eousque furor iste Antinomicus crevit ut Anno etiam 70. in hac ipsa Witeberg nostra, nonnulli theologia candidati, pro consequendo gradu in theologia summo etc. istum errorem publicè proposuerint, ac defendere conati sint, quemadmodum patet ex dispurationibus illius thesi. 38. & 39 divines of Witemberge, by (a) In acts colloquij Aldeburgensis, printed Lipsiae 1570. pag. 94. circa med. the protestante divines do charge Islebius saying: Islebio cum in aula potens esset acerrimè de suggestu pro libertate Antinomica dimicante etc. Islebius (a learned Lutherane and of great esteem) also by (b) in Acts colloqu. Aldeberg. pag. 94. post med. it is said. Post mortem autem Lutheri cum Flaccius, Illiricus, & multi alij illius complices factiosi sordes illas Antinomicas etc. resumeret, & cum non paruo applausu multitudinis etc. latè spargeret etc. Illiricus chief of the century writers, (whom master Bell termeth a (c) so saith master Bell, in his regiment of the church, pag. 28. fine. very famous writer and most worthy defensor of the Christiane truth) Melancthon among the rest afforded also his like answerable help herein, not forbearing (as is confessed) even (d) see nexte heretofore, at. u in the last edition of his common places, not obscurely to renew this error: As concerning his much noted inconstancy in doctrine after his revolt from our church, the same is no less than evident (to omit other examples) in the only question of the real presence, in defence whereof he saith most confidently to Oecolampadius. I (e) in libro epistolarum Oecolampadij & Suinglij, printed. 1592. lib. 3. pag. 603. Melancthon in his epistle thereto Oecolampadius say hereof. Non modo cogitavi ipse quid in utramque partem dici possit, sed inquisivi etiam veterum ea de re sententias, etc. cum omnia quae in utraque parte firmissima videntur expendi, dicam pace tua non tamen eo in sententiam tuam, nullam enim firmam rationem invenio, quae conscientiae discedenti à proprietate verborum Christi satisfaciat, etc. have not only myself thought what may be said on either part, but have also searched out the judgements of the ancient fathers in this matter etc. and having considered of all things which seem most strong on either part, I must by your leave tell you, that yet I am not of your opinion, for I cannot find any firm reason, which may satisfy my conscience to depart from the propriety of Christ's words &c so he, with much (f) See there further, pag. 618. & 644. post med. and in Hospinians hist. sacram. part. 2. fol. 68 b. initio. more full and vehement discourse further had of this matter, and yet how Melancthon afterwards altered his opinion hereof, and embraced Caluinisme, (k) Osiander. centur. 16. pag. 615. initio, and Hospinian. in his histor. sacram. part. 2 fol. 115. a. circa med. say hereof. Philippus sequentibus Annis long aliter de hac ipsa causa & sensit, & scripsit. is sufficiently testified by (g) Osiander and (h) Hospinian. ut supra at. d. Hospinian: neither did his inconstancy appear in this only point, but so remarkable in many more, that he was therefore taxed by such as otherwise much honoured him, in so much as the protestante divines in the colloquy at Altemberge, though acknowledging Melancthon for (*) the protestants in colloquio Altemburgensi, printed. in 4. Anno 1570 fol. 510. b. paulo post med. do there term Melancthon. Optimum & sanctismum virum etc. and yet in regard of his known inconstancy it is there, fol. 377. b. circa med. said of Melancthon. Illud saltem de locis Philippi paucis & modestè addimus, primum constare Philippum toties eos mutasse, & rebus & verbis, ut quibus sit fides adhibenda in dubio est: Lutherum istam crebram mutationem improbasse ex fide dignis accepimus; and ibidem. in epilog. collat. Saxonic. theolog. fol. 404. a. prope finem, they further say. Quam saepe suos libros variarit & mutarit (Melancthon) nimis verè pontificij nobis obijciunt, etc. a most good and holy man, do yet further confess saying thus (i) see next heretofore at. *. And see further acta colloquij Alteburg. pag. 326. prope finem. Much we add breflie, and modestly, concerning (k) in Hospinians concordia discor. fol. 109. b. post med. saith. It is thus reported of Melancthon. Sic enim ille scribit tam de confessione quam apologia loquens: Vellem percurrisses articulos fidei, in quibus si nihil putaveris esse vitij reliqua utrumque tractabimus: subinde enim mutandi sunt, atque ad occasiones accommodandi, and see Melancthon. ep. 2. ad Lutherum, where he saith. In apologia quetidie multa mutamus, subinde enim mutanda sunt, & ad occasiones accommodanda. Philippe Melancthons' common places, how it is evident that he hath so often almost changed them, both in substance and words, that is now doubtful which of them a man should believe, and we are credibly informed, that Luther reproved in Melancthon, this often changing: the papists do over truly object to us his often altringe, & changing of his Books: Hitherto the divines in the colloquy of Altemberge, whereto is not wanting Melan●thons own testimony, wherein he affirmeth his change (and temporisinge) according to the occasion of the time. In so much as he would have assented to acknowledge the (l) in the book entitled. centuria epistolarum theologicarum etc. printed. 1597. epist. 74. quae est Melancthonis, pag 244. post med. Melancthon saith. Quemadmodum sunt aliqui Episcopi qui praesunt pluribus ecclesijs, itae Romanus pontifex praest omnibus episcopis, hanc canonicam politiam ut ego existimo nemo prudens improbat, neque improbare debet, etc. quare quod ad hunc articulum attinet de superioritate pontificia etc. non est dissensio etc. facile potest constitui concordia in hoc articulo, si de caeteris articulis convenire possent: pope's primacy, and to have holden both religions for indifferent, or such as might be compounded in all points (m) Melancthon. ibidem pag. 250. circa med. saith. In caeteris articulis omnibus iniri ratio concordiae sine magna difficultate potest, sed nodus de missa valde inexplicabilis est: and ibidem. pag 257. poss med. he further saith. Meo iudicio nullus est articulus difficilis praeter unam missa causam. saving the mass. Lastlye concerning such points of doctrine as Melancthon was resolved of, he would not yet deliver his opinion of them plainly and sincerely, but with doubtful (n) the protestant divines in colloquio Altemburgensi, printed. 1570. in epilog. collat. Saxonic. theolog. fol. 403. b. initio, say. Multa sunt in ijs libellis (Philippi Melancthonis) in corpus illud congestis etc. quae ita concinnata sunt arte mirabili, ut tum malè tum rectè sentientes, pro sese interpretari valeant: equivocation, and the same so scandalouse, that (o) Osiander. in centur. 16. l. 3. c. 17. pag. 614. circa med. say. Caluinus crebris ad Melancthonem literis datis, hortatus est cum ut apertè & perspicuè, sententiam suam de caena Domini profiteretur, etc. sed Philippus neque apertam & ab omnibus ambiguitatibus alienam confessionem sibi extorqueri passus est: and see further there. pag. 615. initio, and l. 3. c. 30. pag. 667. post med. where he exemplifieth Melancthons' equivocation. calvin therefore persuaded him by letters to profess his opinion plainly and perspicuouselie, but (as is confessed) could (p) ut supra at. k. not therein prevail: in respect of which premises doctor joachim. Morlinus (a learned Lutheran divine of the city of Brumswicke, and scholar to Philipp Melancthon) speaking at one time in his public lecture of Melancthons' well deserving of the church, yet withal said, as in regard of his other bad deserving, (q) Morlinus in public. lect. see this reeported by the protestant writer Schlusselburge. in his theolog. Caluinist. l. 2. art. 10. in his (Philippe) laudet te diabobolus & non ego: in these points let the devil praise thee Philippe, and not I: and as all doubtful or rather dispayringe of his salvation, further said unto his hearers. (1) see Schlusserburg. ibidem. Si possem ego redimere salutem Philippi nostri praeceptoris etc. if I could redeem the salvation of our master Philipp Melancthon with the peril of my life, I would do it, but he is taken out of this world, and carried to the judgement of the horrible tribunal of God to plead his cause there etc. and thus much briefly of Melancthon, who is pretended to have been the (*) see next heretofore, cap. 4. sect. 1. initio. in the margin. at. *. most singular instrument of the holy ghost that lived in this age: the (2) Beza in Iconibus, printed. 1580. fol. D. 11. saith. Quis te Melancthon Luthero divinitus succenturiatum pro dignitate celebraverit, singular nostri saeculi ornamentum etc. most singular ornament of our age: (3) Peter Martyr in his defensio &c. adversus Gardinerum etc. printed. 1581. in dialog. de praesentia corporis Christi, loc. 6. & pag. 109. prope finem, saith. Philippus Melancthon veteribus patribus aetate solum est inferior, erudition vero ac pietate non item▪ & cum doctore Martino Luthero conferri potest, nam illum sanitate, scriptis, ac doctrina & scholasticis laboribus adaequarit saltem si non vicit, etc. equal at the jest if not superior to Luther in goodliness learning & pains: (4) ut supra. at. 3. inferior to the ancient fathers only in time, but not in learning and piety etc. the (5) so say. Ministri Pinzoniensis, etc. apud Stancarum fol. m. 8. and see heretofore. cap. 4. sect. 1. initio. at. †. Luther preferinge Melancthon before S. Austin, and the other Fathers. doctor of doctors, the divine of divines, who being one, is better than a hundreth Austin's. BUCER. II. TO entreat now somewhat next after Melancthon, of Martin Bucer, a man of so great account with our adversaries, that Simon Grinaeus (a) See these words of Grinaeus in Bucers scripta Anglioma, printed. 1577. before the bebinninge of the book under the title thereof. judicia doctissimorum aliquot de Martino Bucero. granteth to him the palm of pre-eminence in holy written: that calvin likewise termeth him (b) See Caluines words alleged. ibidem. the most faithful doctor of Christ's church, above whom is almost none: that Sir john Cheek acknowledgeth him for their (c) Sr. john Cheek alleged ibidem, saith of Bucers' death, magistre orbati sumus, quo maiorem vix universus orbis caperet: master, greater then whom the universal world scarf had, and that (d) See this in the letter of the university, extant in Bucers scripta Anglicana, pag. 944. post med. where they term Bucer, sanctissimum hominem atque planè divinum. the whole university of Cambridge commended him for a man most holy and plainly divine: with much more like, from other (*) Peter Martyr in his epistles annexed to his common places in English. epist. 48. pag. 148. a. post med. saith. Bucer the most excellent divine of our age. And master Whitguifte in his defence etc. pag. 522. circa med. termeth Bucer, a reverend learned, painful and sound father. protestante writers; This man was before his revolt from our church a (e) Osiander. centur. 16. l. 1. cap. 33. pag. 88 initio, saith. Multi monachi & in his Bucerus lect● libello Lutheri de votis monasticis, monasterio deseruerunt, & doctrinam à Luther● repurgatam amplexi sunt. a professed monk, and upon his (f) ut supra at. q. reading of Luther's book of vows gave over his monastery, and took a (g) see this in Melancthons' confilia theolog. pag. 569. wife: and whereas the Archbushop of Cullen made as then pretence of reforming religion (whose successor under like pretext broke his vow and married (h) Osiander. centur. 16. l. 4. c. 18. pag. 988. paulo ante med. saith. Interea archiepiscopus Coloniensis reformationem religionis meditabatur, & matrimonium Agneti qua monialis fuerat promisit, eamque tandem apertè uxorem duxit. himself (as did Bucer) even to a professed nun) the said Archbushopp sent (i) see this in Osiander. centur. 16. l. 1. c. 48. pag. 344. circa med. for Bucer unto Bonna the place of the episcopal sea, and made choice of him, as of a fit instrument for the publishing of such his then intended reformation: As in like manner he was for the like purpose afterwards sent for into England, and placed divinity (k) see Bucers' scripta Anglicana, pag. 885. post med. reader at Cambridge, whereupon ensued the alteration of religion in our country: As concerning his novel and libertine doctrines by him published, he taught that when (l) Bucer. in enarrat in epist. ad Romanos, printed. 1536 in c. 9 pag. 396. paulo post med. saith. Testatus est Dominus, ego indurabo cor eius & non dimittet populum meum, Exod. 4. Atqui Dominus loquitur quam simplicissime, non agit cum suis qui vn●ïot (infants) sunt anigmatis, pater filios suos docet planè; ergo poscit ratio pietatis, ●t quae Dominus tam in hac historiae quam alibi in eandem sententiam de iudicijs suis disserit, intelligamus simpliciter: and pag. 397. a. circa med. he saith. Non disputant sancti cur iubeat vocare Deus, quos tamen non vult venire, imo quos indurat ne veniant: and ibidem. pag. 394. b. fine. He further saith. Voluit Deus Pharaonem iussui suo non obtemperare, imo ut ei repugnaret ipse in eo effecit: fecit itaque Pharo, quod Deus eum volebat facere, imo quod ipse Deus faciebat in eo, nec potuit aliquid: etc. God said of Pharo I will harden his heart, he spoke most simply, without figure. That accordingly (m) ut supra at. y. God willed that Pharo should not obey his commandment, yea he wrought in him that he should resist it: also that (n) ut supra at. y. God calleth some whom he would not have to come, but hardeneth them jest they should come: concluding and saying in plain terms. (o) Bucer. in epist. ad Romanos in c. 1. pag. 94. b. ant med. saith. Quomodo intelligam Deum non velle peccatum meum, esseque eius authorem? si quis videat cacum impingentem, nec posse non cadere si ei manum suam non porrigat, eumque regat, nolit autem ille manum suam caeco praebere & patiatur eum cadere, obsecro quis non dicat eum casum caci huius voluisse, eiusque fuisse causam? jam Deus hoc amplius mei peccati causa est etc. quia Deus in utero matris mea, me cum hac perversitate ingenij mei atque peccandi necessitate condidit atque formanuit: and see him further there, pag. 95. b. circa & post med. How should I think that God would not my sin, and is author thereof? if one see a blind man stumblinge whoe cannot but fall unless he hold the blind man by the hand, which he doth not but suffreth him to fall, who will not say, that he willed the blind man's fall, and was cause thereof? but God is much more the cause of my sins etc. because he created me in my mother's womb, with this perverseness of my disposition and necessity of sinning etc. A saying so direct and less destitute of all true excuse, that it is for such specially recited and rejected, by the protestant author Albertus (*) see this saying so recited by Grawerus, in his absurda absurdorum etc. cap. 5. the 〈◊〉 fol. 3. 4. Grawerus, rector of the university of Issebium: thus taught Bucer with much more to the same purpose, so plain and evident, that D. (p) 〈…〉 in Bucers' 〈◊〉 Anglicana, pag. 931. ante med. Pearne therefore charg●● Bucer with holding directly that God i● the author of sin: than which opinion was never heresy more execrable: As concerning his doctrine of marriage and divorce, the same was so licentious or rather dissolute, that he forbeared not to allow, and defend liberty of divorce, and marriage again in case of the (q) see Bucer in his scripta Anglicana, de regne Christi, lib. 2. cap. 26. pag. 114. etc. 4. 1. pag. 12● ant med. Where he admitteth marriage again in case of either parties voluntary absence for one year: vel unum annum vol●ns absit etc. ones departure from the other, in case also of (r) see this there. l. 2. c. 37. pag. 115. post med. & cap. 40. initio. Homicide or theft, or but (s) Bucer. ibidem. lib. 2. cap. 37. pag. 115. ante med. & cap. 40. pag. 120. post med. repairing to the company or banquets of immodest persons: likewise in case of (t) Bucer. ibid. c. 42. pag. 123. prope finem. & 124. circa med. incurable infirmity of the woman by child birth, or of the man by lunacy or otherwise, whereby either party is become unable to render marriage right, in these and many other such like cases he yet further generally (u) Bucer. ibidem. c. 42. pag. 124. prope finem. see also the marginal note there where is set down. Conclusio de eo quod & alijs quam fornicationis ac causis concedenda sine legitima divortia, nonaque mire connubia: And in the text there it is said: hac adferenda putavi ad eam explicandam quastionem, num concedi etc. possit divertium facere & adulteras transire nuptias, alijs quam fornicationis & stupri de causis: ex quibus omnibus si ritè & ex verbo Dei ponderentur, satis liquebit nominem nec virum, nec mulier●●, cui opus sit ad bene beateque vivendum coniuge, ac coninge cohabitante, aut coningij necessaria officia faciente, prohiberi debere, quin vir talem quarat uxorem & habeat, & mulier talem virum si deprehensum & evictum sit, vel virum cui pia mulier nupta fuit, vel mulierem quam vir pius uxorem duxit praestare necessaria coningij officia aut obstinate nolle, aut eiusmodi commisisse scelera ut propter turpitudinem suam non possit, aut denique incurabili impediri impotentia, quo minus per corporis viret illa valeat coningij offici● persolueri: concludeth, the lawfulness of divorce and marriage again; and that the same is (x) Bucer. ibidem. lib. 2. cap. 42. pag. 124. versus finem. verbo Dei consentiens, a agreeable to the word of God: and all this even in that very book of his de regno Christi, which was by him at his death commended (*) Humfredus, in vita juelli printed. 1573. pag. 261. circa med. saith of Bucer. Meriturus librum suum 〈◊〉 regno Christi, Eduardo Regi & regno Anglia commendat, ut hic apud nos locum aliquando habeat. to the church of England, and is now by our learned adversaries so highly (y) Nic●laus Car in epistola de obitu Buceri ad joannem Checum (extant in Bucers scripta Anglicana) pag. 873. fine, saith. Liber Buceri de regno Christi editus, continebat absolutissimam & perfectissimam totius christiana doctrina effigiem. magnified: in which book and else where, he proceeded yet further even to the renewing of the (z) Deuteron. 24.1. libel of divorce (a) Mat. 19.8 permitted by Moses for the hardness of the people's hearts, not forbearing to teach thereof, that (b) Bucer in sacra quatuor evangelia, printed. 1553. in Math. c. 19 fol. 147. post med. saith. aqua est hodie cordium duritia, ita non minus miseris uxoribus per magistratum eportebat consuli quam etim. etc. ut cumque propter duritiam cordium malorum lex repudijs data fuit judais, salutaris tamen hactenus fuit, etc. quare cum gratia Dei, ea & hodie magistratus & posset & deberet uti, etc. neque credendum quod quicquam Christus damnarit eorum qua pater praecepit, iam duris corde ille praecepit, si nollent maritali aquitate uxores tractare, ut libertatem illis facerent libello repudij nubendi alijs etc. And see in the other edition of Anno 1536. pag. 390. fine, & 391. prope initium. as there is at this day like hardness of hearts, so the distressed wives ought to be relieved no less now then in the time paste, for (say he) the magistrate now hath no less authority in this matter than Moses had, and at this day ought to use the same. saying yet further (as in proof of the continuance thereof) (c) ut supra. at. n. neither is it to be believed, that Christ would forbid any thing of that which his father commanded: but he commanded the hard of heart, that if they would not entreat their wives with nuptial equity, they should then procure them liberty by a libel of divorce to marry again etc. Hitherto breiflye of Bucers' doctrines, whereto might be added his confessed other (d) master Carthwrighte in master Whitguiftes defence etc. tract. 9 pag. 522. prope initium, chargeth Bucer with gross absurdities: gross absurdities: As it therefore appeared that Luther and Melancthon, were after their revolt from our church, wonderfully (e) of Luther see heretofore cap. 3. sect. 3. and of Melancthon see heretofore, cap. 4. sect. 1. versus finem. at. f. inconstant (as likewise was (f) 〈…〉 loc. 〈…〉 3. printed 〈…〉 ●pist. de ca●a Domini fine, & fol. 222. b. post med. saith. Pudenda s●●● est Beza inconstanti● etc. 〈…〉 ●nion now 〈…〉 the same without all stay or meas●●●, (a 〈◊〉 wherewith our other adversaries as want, are notably all certain grounds of faith (*) Branded: to this end master Parker in his book entitled against symbolizinge with Antichriste, printed. 1607. part. 2. cap. 6. sect. 3. pag. 46. prop● finem, saith, Certain weak men of our brothers are so offended with our inconstancy, yea ●●e weakened & cast down, that they are in a murmeringe whether the doctrine be true or no, which heretofore we have preached to them: Also it appeareth by Beza in his epistola theologica, printed. 1573. epist. 1. ad 〈…〉, that Beza having there acknowledged Duditius for a most 〈…〉, (pag. 1. initio, & 23. fine.) and obseruantlie beloved of Beza for his piety learning and elegante wit. pag. 23. circa med. and by Beza saluted with the title, of, mifrater. r●peateth Du●itius his words saying. Et si (inqu●●) multa eaque horrenda propugnantur in Romana Ecclesia qua infirm & putrid fundamento nituntur, tamen non ita multis dissentionibus sci●●●●● etc. h●c tu de 〈◊〉: ●t nostri quales tan●●● sunt? palantes (inquis) omni doctrina venet agitati & in altum sublati, mod● ad hanc, modo ad illam partem deferuntur. Hocum quasit hodie de religione sententia, scire fortasse possis, sed qua cras de eadem futura sit opinio, neque ille neque tu certo affimure queas etc. Hac tu in nos 〈◊〉 Du●●● tatid●m verbis: pag. 13. circa med. de Ariani● scripsit Hillarius, fidem eos 〈…〉, id de nostri● enangelitis etc. pag. 3. fine, see this Duditius yet further commended by Zanchius in libro epistolarum, printed. lib. 1. pag. 147. propped finem, & 14●. propped finem. & l. 2. pag. 327. fine, & 328. aunt med. branded to the confessed obloquy of their relig●●●) so is the same no less than 〈…〉 remarkable in Bucer, as appeareth by the only example of his often change in one and the same question of the real presence concerning which it is plain, that after his (g) see heretofore, cap. 4. sect. 2. paulo post initium. at. q. defection from our cathotholicke doctrine of transubstantiation and sacrifice, he made his firste change into (h) of Bucers' professing upon his firste revolt, Luther's doctrine. See heretofore, cap. 4. sect. 2. post in●●●●, at. q. and nexte hereafter at. u Luther's adverse doctrine of consubstantiation, from which he made a seconde change into (i) of Bucers' first change from Lutheranism into Suinglianisme himself giveth testimony in Epist. ad Noremb. & Esse●●ge●set; and it is further signified by Lavathers' testimony nexte hereafter at. z. Suinglianisme, whereof he affirmed, that (k) so saith Bucer, in epistola ad Norembergens. and in his other epistle to those of Eislinga he calleth the Lutherans, fanaticos, snyrmeros, furiosos, etc. the doctrine of Suinglius was sent from heaven; and that the doctrine of Luther was new, and quite opposite to the scriptures: in which respect Luther termed him (l) Fabricius in Lutheri locis common. printed Maldeburgi. 1594. class. 5. c. 15. pag. 50. ante med. saith. Quaeritur Lutherus de Buceri perfidia in epistola ad joannem Secerium typographum. Anno 27. fol. 348. b. and see also in Lavathers, historia sacramentaria, Pomeran. (a learned Lutheran.) accusans Bucerum perfidiae eo quod de Eucharistia quaedam adiecerat. at. Anno 1527. fol. 12. a. prope initium. perfidiouse: and from that also against the forewarninge in that behalf of the (*) Hospinian. in histor. sacram. at. Anno 1530. fol. 127. ante med. say. Rescribunt Tigurini Bucero, eumque hortantur, ne à manifesta veritate quam tot concionibus, praelectionibus, publicis disputationibus & scriptis propugnarit, iam demum ad Lutheri dogma de corporali praesentia Christi in caena deflectat. Tigurines, made a thirde change whereby professing (m) Of Bucers' return. Anno 1536. from Suinglianisme to Lutheranisme see Conradus Schlusselburg. in theologia Caluinist. lib. 2. fol. 17. b. ant med. & 129. a. post med. & b. circa med. Also Martinus Crusius (Bucers' scholar) p. 3. Annal. Sueu. lib. 11. cap. 25. saith. Defunctus est Bucerus etc. Bucer died at Cambridge in the year 1551. He having been of the opinion of Suinglius about the supper of Christ, did in the year 1536. yield to the sentence of Luther etc. & subscribed with his own hand, he was my master & singular benefactor etc. so he forbearing (for very shame) to mention his final change at Cambridge. again Luther's doctrine (n) see Bucers asking pardon in the firste edition of his commentaries in john. 6. & Math. 26. and see also Bucer. in sacra quatuor evang. printed. 1536. in john. cap. 6. pag. 686. circa med. he asked pardon of God and the church (quod multos Suinglij haeresi fascinaverat,) for his haveinge bewitched many with the heresy of Suinglius; thereupon (o) Lavather. in histor. sacramentar. printed. 1563. fol. 31. b. initio. at Anno. 1538. saith. Bucerus non parum abalienatus à Tigurinis esse visus est, quos ante & amarat plurimum, & singulari quadam pictate coluerat etc. Bucerus in Euangelium Mathai & joannis doctrinam de caena, ante defensam in gratiam Lutheri retractarat. estrangeinge himself from the Tigurine Suinglianes, whom he before so much honoured: after all which he lastlie made a fourth, change which was his return again to Suingliani●●●, the which he finally professed and defen●●● (p) 〈◊〉 concerning 〈◊〉 fourth 〈…〉 all this into Suinglianisme at Cambridge it is known to all, and testified by Lavather. in histor. sa●●● fol. 37. b. in so much as the learned Lutheran Schlusselburg. in theolog. Caluin. l. 2. fol. b. fine, say. Idem tamen 〈…〉 1551. C●●●beigia in Anglia iterum ad Suinglian●rum haresim defecit: so thereby signifying, that he changed twice into Suinglianisme: and for 〈◊〉 further there fol. 17. b. circa med. and see Peter Martyr in his 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 supper annexed to his common places in English. pag. 138. a. fine. at C●●bridge: hereto now I but add his known confesse● equivocatinge in matter of religion, and the same so gross and evident, as his own friends therefore (b) Symlerus (Bucers' dearest friend) in his oration of the life and death of Peter, annexed to the end of his common places in English fol. r. q. on the. a. fide paul● post initi●●, reporteth that many learned (Caluinistes) did in explication of the sacrament, use a certain affected obscurity: that accordingly Bucer oftentimes exhorted Peter Martyr, that in the question of the lord's supper, he would use some certain obscure and doubtful kind of speaking: that also thereupon Peter Martyr gave place to Bucer, and used the self same forms of doubtful speaking, that Bucer did: hereof see also further. Lavather. in histor. sacram. fol. 30. b. post med. & 31. b. ant med. and Hospinian. in histor. sacram. p●rt. 2. fol. 210. a. fine, & b. initio: in so much as Bucer is therein reprehended by Schlusselburg. in theolog. Caluinist. lib. 2. fol. 129. a. post med. and by Luther apud Osiandrum centur. 16. lib. 2. cap. 35. pag. 249. initio. reprehended him: And thus much briefly of Bucer. BERNARDINE OCHINE III. NExte unto Bucer I place in this rank Bernardine Ochine, who likewise came over (a) Symlerus. de vita & obitu Petri martyrit, printed. Tigur. 1563. fol. 13. a. post med. saith. Petrus Martyr ab Archiepiscop● Cantuariensi de v●l●●tate regis vocatus est, itaque 〈◊〉 in Angliam discossit comitante eum Bernardino Ochino, qui & ipse quoque ab 〈◊〉 ●●●●●piscope ●eatus fu●rat. sent for into our country as fellow (b) Osiander centur. 16. lib. 2. cap. 67. pag. 423. fine, saith. Hoc tempore Ecclesia in Anglia ad formam Caluinisticam opera Petri Martyris ●lor●●●●, & Bernardi Ochini S●●●sit reformatae sunt: and see the like in Symlerus de vita & obit● Martyris, printed Tiguri. Anno 1603. fol. 13. a. post med. labourer with Bucer and Peter Martyr, in that alteration of religion which was thereupon, here begun and effected; from whence he is said to have again (*) Bullinger in his preface to Symlerus book, De filio Dei, printed. Anno 1568. fol. 4. a. fine, saith. De Bernardino Ochino hoc dicimus, habicasse illum aliquot annis apud nos Tiguri, posteaquam redijsset ex Anglia Ecclesiarun, doctorumque praecellentium ornatus testimonij etc. returned, commended with the testimonies of very excellent men and churches etc. Sleydan saith of him, (c) so say Sleydan. lib. 9 at. Anno 1547. fol. 297. b. post med. Bernardine Ochine being had in great estimation among the italians for his eloquence and virtue, forsaking the monastical life, gave himself to the doctrine of the gospel, and coming to Geneva, and after to Auspurg, set fourthe certain sermons in print etc. (d) entitled fourteen sermons of Bernardine Ochine concerning the predestination and election of God: translated and Englished by A. C. and printed without year of print, fourteen of which his sermons, were for their supposed worth translated into English: this man (saith Hallerus to Zanchius) (e) in Zanchius his epistles, printed. 1609. pag. 44. prope finem. Hallerus in his epistle there to Zanchius say. D. Ocbinus Italicam quoque, ne doctrina verbi Dei careret docebat Ecclesiam, etc. non terrenas, sed caelestes opes quarere contentus: instructed the Italian church in the word of God, as seeking not earthly but heavenly riches: he also (as Lavather reporteth) (f) Lavather. in histor. sacram. fol. 41. a. circa med. saith. Bernardin●s Ochinus Locarnensium Ecclesia pastor Tiguri contra Westphali libellos, vera doctrinae de cana Domini defensionem conscripsit & edidit. defended Caluines' doctrine of the sacrament against the Lutherans, and (g) Lavather. ibidem. fol. 50. a. post med. saith. Basileae editus est Bernardini Ochini Senensis liber etc. in quo tractat de missa origine atque erroribus item de conciliatione controversia inter reformatas ecclesias, etc. wrote likewise against the Mass: in so much as Doctor raynold undertaketh at large (h) see this in D. Raynoldes, his censura librorum apocriphorum, tom, altar, in the table of contents set before there, at number. 161. & 575. & 176. to defend him against Bellarmine: josias Symlerus termeth him (i) Sim●●●●, i●●rat. de vita & obi●u Martyris (printed. 1563.) fol. 10. a. circa med. saith of Martyr. Reperit ibi virum optimum & doctissimum Bernardin●● Ochinum etc. that most good and learned man Bernardine Ochine etc. john ●ale likewise saith of him, (*) ●ale. in praefat. in Act. ●om. pontific. printed. 1558. folio. *. *. 4. initio. saith to the Tigurines: Deum immortalem? quales illi duo senes peregrini, quos in urbem vestram recepictis, D. Petrus Martyr & Bernardinus Ochinus? quae duo luminaria? quarum alterum si alia haberent ecclesia, magno thesauro & ornamento ditata & beatae vider●●tur: faelix Anglia dum hac paria habuit, misera quae amisit, etc. O you Tygurines, you have received into Tygure Peter Martyr, and Bernardine Ochine (quae duo luminaria?) What two lights? &c happy England whiles it had these, miserable what it lost them: As also calvin demandeth (k) calvin. de scandalis extant in his tract. theologic. etc. printed. 1597. pag. 111. b. fine, saith. Quos hac nostra aetate monaches habuit Germania qui vel doctrina vel sanctitate cum Luthero, Bucero, Oecolampadio & sim●libus conferre se nisi nimis impudenter audeant? quos Itali Bernardino Ochino & Petro Vermilio opponent? whom can Italy oppose against Peter Martyr, and Bernardine Ochine? To entreat now somewhat briefly of this so excellent learned & virtuouse Bernardine, whom all Italy could not match, of this so great light whose presence is said to have made England happy, and his absence to have made it miserable, it appeareth from his own writings, that he more than inclined to licentiousenes of doctrine, to this end doth he join with the barbarous (l) le heretofore. cap. 4. sect. 1. at. t. Antinomi, teaching (even in those his sermons, which were as before said translated into English) that, saith he, (m) so say Ochine, in his foresaid fourteen sermons Englished etc. sermon. 3. paulo post initium. they which in this life do believe lively in Christ, yea were it but for a moment of time, shallbe saved, they are elect, and may be sure of their salvation etc. although they (as much as in them lieth) were continually prompted to all evil, etc. Neither did the deceived man here make stay, but proceeding as yet to further liberty of doctrine, he forbore not to teach (as before did Luther, (n) see heretofore, cap. 2. sect. 6. at. m. n. and Melancthon) (o) see heretofore, cap. 4. sect. 1. at. o. in the margin. Polygamy or plurality of wives, in pretended proof whereof, he made a special book (p) Beza de Poligamia, printed. 1587. pag. 4. initio. saith. Poligamiam nemo unquam callidius vel impudentius defendit, quam impurus ille apostata Bernardinus Ochinus; quibusdam dialogis à bono illo viro Sebastiano Castalione latin conversis. of dialogues, which were say Beza (q) ut supra. at. q. translated into latin by that good man Sebastian Castalio, a (*) Osiander. in centur. 16. lib. 3. c. 53. fine, & pag. 753. initio, saith of him. Sebastianus Castalio vir appriuie doctus, Caluinista tamen linguarum peritissimus, etc. very learned Caluiniste, who is more than ordinarily commended or rather magnified by D. (r) see Castalio commended by D. Humphrey, the rat. interpret. lib. 1. pag. 62. 63. & 189. and by Gesnerus, in bibliotheca Castalionis, and by Fredericus Furius, alleged in Sebast. Castal. defence. suarum translat. printed. at Basil. pag. 236. And see also before the beginning of Castalioes' great bible, printed. at Basile. 1573. the further commendation given of him by Hiperius, Melancthon, and master Carlisle, who giveth testimony of like commendation given by Sr. john Cheek, and Bucer, Humphrey, Gesnerus, and Fredericus Furius, also by (s) ut supra, at. s. Andrea's Hiperius, Melancthon, master Carlisle, Sr. john Cheek, and Martin Bucer, master D. (t) Humfredus in vita juelli, printed. Londini. 1573. pag. 265. rankethe Castalio with Luther, Melancthon Suinglius, Oecolampadius, etc. Humphrey. And (u) Pantaleon in his chronographia, printed. 1568. pag. 125. placeth Castalio in his catalogue of the fathers, and lights of the church: saying further that for such, Guilielmus Farellus, Petrus Viretus, & Sebastianus Castalio agnoscuntur: ut supra, at. q. Pantaleon, not forbearing to place him in their catalogue of the fathers and lights of the church:) neither was this opinion of Polygamy (though to Christiane ears over absurd and gross) the greatest error which Ochine published, for he proceeded yet further to the abnegation of the blessed trinity, and finally became an impure apostata against the divinity of Christ: In which respect, he is specially written against by (x) Hierom Zanchius: And thus much briefly of Bernardine (q) see also further testimony of Ochines' abnegation of the Trinity in Zanchius his book, de tribus Elohim, printed. 1597. lib. 5. cap. 9 the title thereof being, (pag. 715. b.) Responsio ad Ochini blasphemiam: etc. and see him further in the Alphabetical table there under the letter, o. at the word Ochinus: and see also Conradus Schlusselburge, in theologia Caluin. lib. 1. fol. 9 b. ant med. Ochine, who as is 〈◊〉 (*) see nexte heretofore, cap. 4. sect. 3. 〈◊〉. at. r. said, was specially sent for, and employed in the alteration of religion England. To whom I could not unaptly here annex the further examples of those other, who were chief agents in the then intended reformation of scotlan, and also of England. As namely john 〈◊〉, who 〈…〉 in v with confessed (y) see this confessed and reported by master D. Bancrofte late archebushop, etc. in his book entitled dangerous positions, etc. printed. 1595. pag. 15. ante med. ●●●deringe of the Cardinal of S. Andrews in his ●ad chamber: also with his own actual (z) vide ibidem, pag. 12. and see Hollinheads story of Scotland, printed. 1587. pag. 366. b. ant med. rebellion in open field, and putting the Queen to flight, and further (a) so reporteth master Bancrofte from Knox his chronicle: in his dangerous positions, etc. pag. 13. initio, and see master D. Sutli●● in his answer to a libel supplicatory, printed. 1592. pag. 193. prope finem. depriveinge her from all regiment by for●●ll act penned by (him the said) Kno●e in defence whereof he published and taught (as reporteth (*) master Bancrofte in his dangerous positions etc. pag. 14. 15. master Bancrofte from Kno●e his alleged writings) that (b) Knox appell. fol. 25. noble 〈…〉 religion, if the king will not that (c) Knox to the commonalty, fol. 49. 50 reformation of religion belong●●● to the 〈◊〉: that (d) Knox hist. pag. 371. princes for in●●● causes may be deposed: and that if (e) Knox to England and Scotland, fol. 76. princes be tyrants against God and his truth, their 〈…〉 their Oath of obedience: In like manner Bucanan (an other of those reformers in scotlan, taught) as master Bancrofte likewise (f) master Bancrofte in his dangerous positions, pag. 15. allegeth from his writings, (g) Bucanan. de iure regni. pag. 13. that the people have right to bestow the crown at their pleasure: that (h) Bucanan. ibidem. pag. 40. and see master D. Dove in his defence of the church government, printed. 1606. pag. 5. fine. it were good that rewards were appointed by the people for such as kill tyrants, as commonly there is for those that kill wolves: (i) Bucanan. de iure regni, pag. 62. that the people may arrainge their prince: with much (k) see this much more concerning both Knox and Bucanan reported by master Bancrofte, ubi supr. pag. 15. 16. 17. and by master Dove, ubi supra. pag. 4. 5. 6. 7. and in master Sutlyves answer to a libel supplicatory. pag. 65. ante med. more of that kind, in so much as the protestant Bish. of Rochester therefore, termed Knox and Bucanan, (l) Rochester in his sermon at Paul's cross the 10. of November, printed 1606. the last pag. the two fiery spirits of that church and nation: And Adam Blackwood a catholic of that country, was provoked to write a special (m) See Adam Blackwood, his apologia pro regibus adversus Bucanani dialogum de iure regni etc. printed in 8. Parisijs, 1588. apology for kings, in confutation of Bucanans foresaid seditious writings: and yet are these two men Knox and Bucanan, commended for (n) so termed by calvin in epist. & respon. printed. 1567. epist. 305. fine, & pag. 565. fine. Where in the conclusion of that epistle being written to Knox, he saith. Vale eximie vir, & ex animo colende frater. And Beza in his epistle theolog. printed. 1573. epist. 74. pag. 333. writeth that epistle: joan. Knox Euangelij Dei apud Scotas instauratori fratri & symmista obseruando: and Beza. ibidem. ep. 78. pag. 343. writeth that epistle, Georgio Bucano viro praestantissimo etc. and Conr●dus Vorstius in his Antibellarminus, printed. 1610. pag. 179. initio, saith. De joan. Knoxo praecipuo Scotia reformatore etc. excellent and (o) see calvin and Beza, ubi supra. reverend men; (p) see Beza, ubi supra. valiant labourers in Christ's church, and (*) see Vortius next before at n. and Beza, ibidem. so saith Beza Iconibus. fol. v. e. iij. restorers of the gospel in scotlan. Knox being also yet further termed by Beza: Magnus ille Ioannes Knoxus Scotorum in vero Dei cultu instaurando velut Apostolus. In like manner concerning the like intended reformation of England, might be added the further known example of Crammer, whose (q) see this in master Fox. Act. Mon. printed 1596. pag. 1282. a. line. 32. spreading abroad of seditious libels, was openly discovered in the star chamber: where he was publicly heard, and thereupon (r) Act. mon. ibidem. committed to the tower, and afterwards (s) see this in Hollinsheads great chronicle the laste edition volume 3. pag. 1093. a. line. 18. And master Stowe in his Annals, printed. 1592. pag. 1045. circa med. arreyned, and attainted of high treason, for aiding the duke of Northumberlande with horse and men etc. and having (t) Hollinshead in his great chronicle the last edition, pag. 1131. b. line. 30. saith. In hope of life and pardon, Crammer subscribed to a recantation, wherein he submitted himself wholly to the church of Rome, and continued in the same mind to outward appearance, until he was brought out of prison to go to the fire etc. recanted his protestante religion, in safety (as he hoped) of his life, he would gladly have continued therein so he might have lived, and accordingly (u) ut sup. at. t. did continue therein even till, that (all contrary to his own expectation) he was going to the fire to be burned, at what time seeing himself deprived of all hope of life, and no means left to escape present death, he then discovered his former dissimulation, and so returned to his firste vomit. In like sort concerning Goodman, whom calvin acknowledgeth for an (x) so termed by calvin, in epist. & respon. printed. 1597. epist. 306. pag. 566. excellent man, and his reverend brother, and the (y) calvin. ibidem. saith to Goodman. Non vulgar solatium est quod te adiutorem fidelissimum & apprime idoneum nactus est frater noster Knoxus: most faithful assistante to john Knox, in what seditious sort he behaved himself in queen Mary's time, appeareth even from his own book entitled, (z) printed. at Geneva, by john Crispin. Anno. 1558. how to obey, wherein he saith, (a) Goodman. ibidem. pag. 96. initio. That wicked woman Marie whom you untruely make your queen, etc. (b) ibidem. pag. 96. ante med. God hath not given an hypocrite only to reign over you, but an idolatress also, not a man but a woman, which his law forbiddeth, and nature abhorreth, whose reign was never counted lawful by the law of God etc. (c) ibidem. pag. 98. ante med. this ungodly serpent Marie, (d) ibidem. pag. 100 initio. hath joined herself to adulterous Philippe etc. Again he further say, (e) ibidem. pag. 118. fine, & 119. initio, and ibidem. pag. 185. post med. he further say. When the magistrates and other officers cease to do their duty, the people are as it were without officers etc. then God giveth the sword into the people's hand, and he himself is become immediately their head: etc. And again pag. 139. post med. he saith. When kings become blasphemers, oppressors etc. then ought they to be accounted no more for kings, but as private men to be examined, accused, condemned etc. If princes and magistrates transgress God's law themselves, and command others to do the like, then have they lost that honour and obedience, which otherwise their subjects did owe to them, and ought no more to be taken for magistrates, but punished etc. And he yet further affirmeth that (f) ibidem. pag. 204. post med. Wyatt did but his duty, and that (g) ibidem. all such were traitors as deceyued him, and took not his part etc. (h) ibid. pag. 210. post med. O London London, remember how thou for sookest that godly captain etc. with much (i) much more for the title of his ix. chapter his answers to objections taken from the new testament (beginning at. pag. 106.) and the title of his x. chapter (beginning at. pag. 123.) his objections out of the old testament & answers to the same: throughout both which chapters, he pretendeth answer to the scriptures usually alleged in confutation of all violent resistance or rebellion against kings: in so much as this very book of his, is specially alleged and condemned for seditious by master Bancrofte in his dangerous positions, pag. 35. 36. 37. & 38. and by master Sutlyve in his answer to a certain libel supplicatory etc. pag. 70. & 71. & 193. more of like nature unworthy of recital: of all which forenamed persons and some (k) some others, for master Bancrofte in his dangerous positions etc. pag. 62. ante med. reporteth saying Goodman, Wittingham, Gilbie, the author of the book of obedience, with the rest of the Geneva complices in queen Mary's days, urged all states by degrees rather to take arms and to reform religion themselves, then to suffer such idolatry and superstition to remain in the land: And see further there, pag. 64. initio. Where it is said that, Goodman, Wittingham, Gilbie, and the rest, resolved against queen Marie concerning her deposing. etc. others who began their then intended reformation of these two nations, much other strange matter is reported, in the particular and more ample discourse whereof, I fear to have my words and meaning depraved or misconceyved, for which cause I do purposely pass the same over with respective silence. CAROLOSTADIUS. iv THe (a) Melancthon in epist. ad Frideric. Miconium Scotl. Carolostadius primus excitavit hunc tumultum, homo ferus sine ingenio, fine doctrina, sine sensu, communi, etc. tantum abest ut in eo significatio aliqua spiritus sancti animaduersa sit, imo extant manifesta signa impietatis etc. see this also in Hospinians, histor. sacram. part. 2. fol. 114. b. circa med. and in libro epistolag. Oecolampadij & Suinglij, printed at Basile. 1592. lib. 3. pag. 620. prope finem. firste that after Luther impugned the real presence of Christ's body in the sacrament, was Carolostadius. And whereas he utterly misliked (or rather not so much as once dreamt of) Suinglius his figurative exposition, as being no less than wholly improbable: he therefore as acknowledging that Christ's words ought to be taken literally, devised this conceited sense, namely that Christ at the pronouncing of his words, (b) Sleydan Englished. lib. 5. b. initio. and Suinglius say hereof. Carolostadius vult ut cum dixerit (Christus) Hoc est corpus meum: istud pronomen hoc, non in panem direxerit, sed in scipsum etc. ego ut ingenuè dicam hominis laudo industriam & de fide gratulor etc. sensit pius homo etc. hanc Carolostadij sententiam qui probaverit nos minimè offendet: see this in libro epistolarum Oecolampadij & Suinglij lib. 3. pag. 543. initio. & 544. initio, and in Suinglius Works tom. 2. printed. 1581. fol. 155. b. prope finem. pointed not to bread, but (as it were with his finger) to his own body there present, saying, this is my body which shall be given for you, for which Suinglius commendeth him, and (c) ut supra. at. b. rejoiceth at such his profession of faith, the which was so greedily then thirsted after by the revolted novellistes of those times, that (as reporteth Suinglius) (d) Suinglius, tom. 2. in subsid. de euchar. paulo post initium, & fol. 244. b. prope initium, saith. At ubi Carolostadij expositionem viderunt, iam Basiliam ipsi volabant, ac libros eius suis humeris asportantes, eye non modo urbes, opida, pagosqua verum etiam villas fermè omnes opplebant: they came postinge to Basile (where Carolostadius his books were printed) and carrying away his books on their shoulders, they replenished there with almost every city, town, village, and hamlet: in so much as Vrbanus Regius (Luther's fellow labourer) complaineth, saying, (e) Vrbanus Regius in 1. part oper. in epist. ad Billican fol. 5. say. A verbo per nos praedicato abhorrent, hoc uno nomine quod Carolostadianus non sum, quasi vero Carolostadiani soli mysticum Christi corpus absoluant, pro quo Christus sit mortuus. they will not be present at our preaching, in this only respect, that we are not Carolostadianes, as though the Carolastadianes only, were that mystical body of Christ, for which Christ died; this doctrine of Carolostadius was for the time so applauded, and himself therein so confident, that ●e (〈◊〉 witnesseth C●●●●nitius) was (f) so saith. Ch●nitius in libe●o de c●●● Dom. pag. 214. accustomed to ●●●ste, that the ●●position hereof came to him by revelation whereas to the contrary Luther saith (g) so saith. Luther tom. 3. jenensi, fol. 68 and Luther. in loc. commu. class. 5. cap. 15. pag. 47. paulo post med. saith. Carolostadius traditus est in sensum reprobum etc. puto non ruo diabolo obsessum fuisse miserabilem illum hominem, Deus misereatur eius peccati quo peccat ad mortem: and Luther tom. 3. jenens. fol. 61. b. further say. Quod diabolum 〈…〉 nem● miretur, nam de Carolosta●●o nihil ad m●●●●●et, ego ad ill●m non respicio, sed ad eum à quo 〈◊〉 est: and Alberus contra Carolostadianos, 2. 4. pag. 1. & y. 2. pag. 2. affirmeth that the devil possessed Carolostadius corporally. Carolostadius had his exposition from the devil: he was (h) Hospinian (a learned Caluiniste) in histor. sacrament. part. 2. Anno 1524. fol. 31. b. ant med. say. Andrea's Carolostadius archidiaconus cathedralis templi Witemberga, non solum purè docebat verbum Dei, sed etiam plures errores papisticas abrogabat. archdeacon of Whiteberge and of so great esteem ●●th protestants, that (besides the public place●●●● of his picture among the printed pictures of the other pretended reform, and the same so common as almost in every house) Hospinian say of him. (i) ut supra. at. f. Hospinian. in hist. sacram. at Anno 1530. fol. 119. b. circa med. saith. Hoc Anno Carolostadius etc. vitam finivit in vera innocatione filij Dei, Andrea's Carolostadius archedeacon of the cathedral church of Witemberge, taught purely the word of God: and died in the true invocation of the Son of God. Anno 1530. Concerning his condition of life, Osiander and Dresserus (both of them learned protestants) do witness, that (k) Osiander. centur. 16. l. 1. cap. 32. pag. 85. post med. saith. Carolostadius etc. turbas in Ecclesia movet, statuas sanctorum per concitatam plebem è templis ciecit, 〈◊〉 ci●ile Romanum è rebus publicis Christianis eliminandum, & secundum leges Mosayens in causis civibus pronunciandum esse contendit etc. and pag. ●6. post med. he saith. Istos fanaticos homines Carolostadium & Enthasiastas excitavit diabolus. and Dresserus in millinar. 6. printed. Anno 1598. pag. 60. post med. saith. Witemberge Carolostadius multa tumultuosè molitus est etc. non ex iure Romano, sed ex lege Moysi pronunciandum esse contendit, revelationes arcanas, & motus spiritus sancti adeo exp●ctari iussit, vastavit scholar, literarum cultum abiecit: and Melancthon in epist. ad F●●der. Micon. Corfant. in libro epist. Occolampad. & Suinglij, printed, 1592. pag. 620. fine. & 621. saith of Carolostadius: in tota doctrina solebat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 damnabat omnes leges ab ethnicis conditas, contendebat in fere ius ex Moyse dicendum esse etc. totam illam fanaticam anabaptistarum doctinam statim. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amplectebatur etc. Hac de Carolostadio scripsi propter vicinos nostros, ut si quid authoritatis est in nostro testimonio, admoniti caveant ab ipso portente. he tumultuouselie stirred up the people to cast images out of the church, and Melancthon and Brentius do report that (*) Hospinian. in his histor. sacram. part. 2. at Anno 1530. fol. 104. b. ant med. alle●geth the letters of Melancthon and Brentius in which they say of Carolostadius by name & others there also named: Quiescere non possunt, sed assiduis practicis in eo laborant, ut per factiones, & vim si aliter non possint, errores suos tueantur & propagent, unde non folum cruenta & horribilia bella: etc. he with others laboured by daily practices, to defend and propagate their errors by force & factions if otherwise they could not, from whence bloody horrible wars were like to ensue etc. He also taught that the (l) ut supra at. i. people ought to be governed by the law of Moses, and not by the civil, or imperial laws. (m) see Dresserus ut supra. at. i. He commanded the people to expect revelations from God, and (as saith Sleydan of him) kept (n) Sleydan Englished l. 5. Anno 1525. fol. 65. a. prope finem. familiarity with those secret teachers that feigned themselves to see visions, and to have talk with God, for which the dukes of saxony had banished him etc. he was so forward in his course of pretended reformation that (say Sleydan) (o) Sleydan. ibidem. he set for the books against Luther & his fellows, calling them new flatterers of the romish bishop. To forbear that Luther termeth (p) nexte before at. e. Carolostadius, a man given over into a reprobate sense, that also Melancthon termeth him that (q) see nexte before at. a. barbarous fellow Carolostadius etc. in whom is no sign of the holy ghost, but manifest tokens of impiety. Our English writers as enforced do confess and say of him (r) see this thus affirmed in the book entitled, Conspiracy for pretended reformation, printed 1592. pag. 83. initio. Carolostadius a preacher professing the gospel etc. attributed much to cabinet teachers in private conventicles, and unto visions, and pretended conference with God: and again, (s) so saith the author of an answer for the time unto the defence of the Censure. printed. 1583. fol. 106. a. initio. Carolostadius being indeed an heretic, was a man so corrupt and evil in religion, etc. Whereto but lastlie add as in full discovery of his carnality, master D. Fulke, who therefore termeth him (t) so saith master Fulke in his Rejoinder to bristol reply &c. printed. 1581. pag. 420. circa med. and in his treatise against the defence of the Censure, he further termeth him, a vain tumultuouse fellow, pag. 100 post med. that Epicurian ghospeller Carolostadius: And thus much briefly concerning Carolostadius. SVINGLIUS. CHAPT. V AS concerning Suinglius (whom Bullinger termeth (a) So saith Bul●inger in his sermons upon the Apocalypses in English, printed. 1573. serm. 1. fol. 2. b. ant med. Doctor Huldericke Suinglius my worshipful master) he was borne in (b) so reporteth Hospinian. in hist. sacram. fol. 22. a post med. Helvetia in the year 1487. within four (*) see before, cap. 1. initio. at. a. years of the same time with Luther, and having taken (c) Hospin. ubi supra. in histor. sacram. fol. 22. a fine. degree of schools in the university of Basile, he was made priest, and afterwards preached publicly at (d) Hospin. ibidem. fol. 22. b. ant med. Tygure in the year 1519. in which year he begun his revolt from the catholic church, taking occasion thereof (as did Luther against (e) see heretofore, cap. 1. sect. 1. at. n. o. Tecel the Dominikcan Anno 1517) upon (f) Hospinian in histor. sacram part. 2. fol. 22. b paulo ante med. and Osiander. centur. 16. pag. 68 fine. a Franciscans then coming into Helvetia, with public preacheinge in behalf of the pope's pardons, whom Suinglius therein contradicted: And as did Luther, afterwards begin his further revolt, with impugning of the mass, by confessed instruction (g) heretofore, cap. 1. sect. 2. at. l. had therein from the devil, as (likewise did (h) heretofore, cap. 4. sect. 4. at. d. e. Carolostadius) so in like manner was Suinglius thought to do: for it appeareth by Suinglius his own words, confessed by (i) see these words in master Fulkes treatise against the defence of the censure pag. 49. & 250. master Fulke, that Suinglius having begun about the year. 1523. (*) see Osiander, centur. 16. l. 1. c. 33. p. 89. post initium. and Hospinian in hist. sacram. part. 2. fol. 25. a prope initium. or 1524. to labour the abolishing of the mass at Zurich, against a certain scribe that had opposed himself (in argument) against (k) Suinglius. tom 2. in subsid. de Eucharistia, printed. 1581. reporteth saying: Cum ergo duodecimo die Aprilis die ad senatum rediremus, atque ut missa in universum aboleretur ageremus, prodijt denuo scriba etc. fol. 248. b. ant med. restabat adhuc minimus conatus quo scilicet exempla proderemus quae nulla cum parabola coniuncta forent: caepimus ergo cogitare omnia, omnia revoluere, attamen aliud nihil exemplorum occurrebat etc. cum vero tredecima dies adpeteret (vera narro, adeoque vera ut caelare volentem conscientia cogat effundere quod Dominus impertijt etc.) cum inquam tredecima Aprilis lux adpeteret, visus s●m mihi in somno, multo cum taedio denuo contendere cum adversario scriba, sicque obmutuisse ut quod verum scirem negante lingua beneficium suum proloqui non possem; (nihil enim altius quam somnium narramus quod adnos attinet, tametsi leue quod per somnium didicimus, gratia Deo in cuius solius gloriam ista prodimus etc.) ibi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 visus est monitor adesse, after fuerit an albus nihil memini etc. qui diceret, quin ignaue respondes e● quod Exod. 22. scribitur, est enim phase, hoc est transitus Domini: protinus ut hoc phasma visum est simul expergefio, & è lecto exilio locum apud septuaginta primum undique circumspicio, ac de eo coram tota concione pro virili dissero, qui sermo ubi acceptus est, etc. omnem nebulam discussit: fol. 249. a. circa med. Suinglius, in that disputation, Suinglius was provoked to (l) master Fulke, ubi supra. at. h. and Suinglius, ubi supra. at. i. bring fourth examples which were joined with no parable, (m) ubi supra. therefore we began (say the Suinglius) to think of all we could, but yet no example came to mind etc. but when the 13. day of April drew near (I tell truth, and my conscience compelleth me to utter what the Lord bestowed upon me) me thought (as I was a sleep) that I was again disputing with the scribe, and my mouth so stopped, that I was not able to speak etc. and suddenly there seemed an admonisher to be present with me, (after fuerit an albus nihil memini) whether he were black or white I remember not &c. which said to me, why dost thou not answer him that which is written Exodus 12. for it is the paschal which is the passover of the Lord etc. whereupon (say he) I considered of the place, and thereof before the whole congregation ●eached, which sermon when it was heard, drove away all mist: etc. In so much as Suinglius hereupon doubted not to alter the very words of Christ, translating in his printed bibles in steed of, this is my body, (*) see next hereafter. at. k. l. this signifieth my body. Thus were Suinglius his endeavours against the mass furthered by nightly instruction from an admonisher, whether black or white he remembreth not, whereof though he made great account, affirming it to be no (n) ubi supra. light matter, which, say he, I learned by this dream thanks be to God etc. (as also Hospinian thinketh it to be a (o) Hospinian. hist. sacram. part. 2. fol. 26 b. ant med. saith. Quod autem Suinglius somnium illud pro revelatione divina etc. habuit, iustissimis ex causis id fecit. divine revelation) yet is the same specially answered and confuted by (p) Luther. tom. 7. Witemb. in defence. verborum canae, pag 386. a. fine. & 387. b. initio. saith. Sic nec illud quod Moyses dicit, commedite festinanter passali enim Domini est, Suinglius evincere potest quod agnum paschalem significet, nam facile respondere potest hanc phrasim commedite festinanter, passali enim Domini est, similem esse nostrati cum dicimus, commede carnem dies enim Dominica est: bibe aquam dies veneris est, hinc nemo facile extorquebit, quod caro significet diem dominicum aut aqua diem veneris, ita hic dicitur commedite festinanter, est enim passali Domini, hoc est dies ille est quod Deus in Aegypto transibat etc. and but some little there before he saith as of Suinglius dream. Quomodo fieri possit nisi per operationem diaboli, ut tam eruditi viri adeo cacutiant, ut tam inepta consilia iactent, & mundo obtrudant pro firmissimis argumentis. ibidem. fol. 386. a. paulo post med. Luther, and the doctrine thereof disliked by calvin, (q) calvin reprehendeth by name this doctrine of Suinglius, in lib. de caena Domini edit. Anno 1540 gallice, & Anno 1545. latin, and Caluin. in tract. theologic. printed. 1597, pag. 12. a. circa med. say of Oecolampadius and Suinglius. Quam praesentiam Christi in caena credere debeanius etc. dicere omittebant: etc. habemus itaque qua in re impegerit Lutherus in qua etiam Oecolampadius & Suinglius &c. utrique profecto in culpa fuerunt, etc. and Caluin. in institut. l. 4. c. 17. §. 10. say. Nec est quod obijciat quispiam figuratam esse locutionem qua signata rei nomen signo deferatur etc. and see calvin. ibidem. l. 4. c. 15. sect. 1. though coventlie without naming of Suinglius reprehending his like doctrine of baptism, and the protestante divines in theine solida refutatio compilationis Anglicanae, printed Tubuigae. 1584. cap. 7. pag. 524. ante med. do accordingly testify saying: Interpretationem verborum coenae Domini à Zuinglio in Ecclesiam invectam: Hoc est corpus meum, hoc est, significat corpus meum, apertè reprehendit & damnavit Caluinus, etc. and see Suinglius his doctrine of the Euchariste further reprehended by master Hooker in his Eccles. policy, l 5. printed. 1597. sect. 67. pag. 174. ante med. Where he nameth Suinglius: and pag. 177. post med. saith. We are not so to interpret the words of Christ, as if the name of his body did but import the figure of his body, and to be, were only to signify: and master Hooker, and the thing itself derided for a mere illusion of Satan, by diverse of Suinglius his Brethren, as namely (r) Giesekenius de veritate corp. Christi in cana, printed Francofurti. 1598. pag. 64. Gerardus Giesekenius, (s) Morgenster. tract. de ecclesia. printed. 1598. pag. 68 Benedict-Morgenstern, (t) Heilbrunerus in Swenkfeldio Caluinismo, printed. 1597. in praefac. ant med. jacobus Heilbrunerus, and others, (*) jacobus Andreas in confut. disput. joan. jacobi Gr●●ai, pag. 120. circa med. & 254. post med. & 304. circa med. Conradus Schlusselburge (a protestante divine of (u) of great note, for it appeareth by the ti●le of this his book that he was, di●casees Raseburgensis superintendens, & coniunctarum Megapolensium ecclesiarum generalis inspector. great note) concludeinge and saying thereof (x) Conrade. Schiusselburg. in his theologia Caluinistap●. printed 1594. in pr●oem. versus finem, saith. Sole meridian's clarius est, non Deum verum, sed diabolum ipsissimum, Suinglio per somnium, suam haresim sacramentariam inspirasse. it is more clear than the sun, (non Deum verum, sed ipsissimum diabolum, etc.) that not God, but the very devil himself inspired the sacramentary heresy into Suinglius by a dream: And yet was this, that which in some country's prevailed to the present putting down of mass, and the thereupon then establishing of Suinglius his doctrine, as at Tigure (*) see this in Hospinian, in histor. sacram. part. 1. in epist. dedic. fol. 6. b. circa med. and in Osiander. centur. 16. l. 1. cap. vlt. fine, pag. 110. ante m●d. and (y) see this in Sleydan. Englished. l. 4. fine. fol. 54. b. fine. and Zuriche about Anno 1525. no less than prevailed Luther's like other foresaid apparition, to the putting down of mass, & the thereupon then establishment of his Lutherane communion in Witemberge, (z) see this in Osiander. centur. 16. l. 1. cap 31 pag. 83. ante med. and in Hospinians. hist. sacram. part. 2. fol. 20. b. post med. and saying, about. Anno 1522 to this pretended revelation so so much insisted upon by Suinglius; I will but now add, his like vain conceit whereby he would needs take upon him to prophety (but how falsely the event shown) that (*) Suinglius in his epistle ad Andream Osiandrum dated in May 1527. and extant in libro epistolarum Oecolampadij & Suinglij, printed. 1592. pag. 589. paulo ante med. saith. Non praeteribunt tres anni, quin Italia, Gallia, Hispania, Germania, pedibus in nostram ierint sententiam: quo se tunc vertent, qui etc. within three years, Italy, France, Spain, and germany, should become of his opinion: As in like manner did Luther vainly take upon him to (a) see this prophecy of Luther, recited and acknowledged by master D. Field of the church, lib. 3. cap. 49. pag. 186. prope finem. prophesy, that if he continued but two years in preaching, the kingdom of the pope should be overthrown: strongly were both these men herein deluded, with the spirit (not of divine revelation, but) of gross and palpable error. II. SVinglius having thus revolted from the catholic church, beginneth to deliver paradoxes strange, all of them tending to liberty of life or doctrine: As firste to our great discourragment in good works, he teacheth, that the promises of eternal life made to them in the scriptures, are but (b) Suinglius tonf. 1. printed. 1581. de providentia Dei, fol. 137. a. versus finem. saith. Sed contra, ista sunt hiper●chae atque hyperbolae, si vis ad vitam ingredi, serua mandata, etc. & quac●●que alia promissa nostris operibus facta sunt. hiperbolical: wherein he concurreth with the libertine (c) The Lutherans in colloquio Altemburgensi, printed. 1570. in respon ad excus. corrupt. de corrup. viii. fol. 190. a. circa & post med. say. Qicunque pro bonis operibus docet dari vitam aeternam, is a verbo Dei deviat, etc. Christus tisbuit fidei vitam aeternam, nusquam legis pro bonis operibus dari vitam aternam, quia hac doctrina Christi beneficium delet: Lutherans. secondly concerning the baptising of infants, he with Oecolampadius teacheth, that it is but a matter of indifferency, and such (d) Suinglius tom. 2. lib. de baptismo. fol. 96. a. circa med. saith. Nu● enim tanti moment● res haecest, ut tantas turbas & dissidia propter hanc excitare conveniat, etiamsi par●●lorum baptismus nullis omnino scripturarumtestimonijs inniteretur; externum quiddam est & ceremoniale, quo ut alijs rebus externis, Ecclesia digné & honestè uti potest, vel omittere; & ritè tollere, etc. And Oecolampadius in libro epistolar. Oecolamp. & Suinglij, lib. 2. pag. 363. post med. saith, of infant's baptism: Cogitare illos decebat rem externam esse, quae charitatis lege dispensabilis est ad aedificationem proximi, fatemur non esse legem baptisandi pueros, sed etiam non est lex quae arceat pueros: the church may worthily and honestelie use, or else omit, and rightly take away: thirdly concerning original sin, he taught that it is but a (e) Suinglius tom. 2. lib. de Baptismo, fol. 89. b. circa med. saith. Peccatum ergo originale damnationem non meretur, si modo quis parentes fideles nactus fuerit: and fol. 90. a post med. He saith of original sin. Qui enim fieri potest, ut quod morbus & contagio est peccati nomen mereatur, vel peccatum revera sit etc. Morbus enim hic damnationem nobis afferre nequit, And, pag. 90. b. ant med. he saith. Ea quoque Pauli verba considerabimus, quibus theologi nostri abusi, originalem illum morbum peccatum esse dixerunt, etc. sed toto cal● errant: and tom. 2. fol. 115. b. paulo post med. and in libro epist. Oecolamp. & Suinglij. l. 1. pag. 252. paulo ante med. he saith. Quid enim brevius dici potuit quam originale peccatum non esse peccatum sed morbum, & Christianorum liberos propter istum morbum non adici aterno supplicio: disease which of it self is not culpable, neither can bring the pain of damnation: that (f) Suinglius in tom. 2. de peccat. orig. declare. fol. 116. a. post med. saith. Hec ipsum v●lo, culpam originalem non verè, sed metronomicè à primo parentis admiss● culpam vocari. And in libro epistolarum Oecolampadij & Suinglij. l. 1. pag. 258. fine, he saith. Est ergo ista ad peccandum amore sui propensio, peccatum originale, qua quidem propensi● non est propriò peccatum, sed fons etc. and to. 2. ad Carol. imp. fid. rat. fol. 539. b. initio. he saith. Velimus igitur, nolimus admittere cogi●●ur, peccatum originale ut est in filijs Ada, non propriè peccatum esse, etc. non est facinus contra legem, morbus est propriè. it is not truly called sin, sed metonomiè, but figuratively, concluding that the (g) see next before. at. x. and see Suinglius his words hereof recited in Schlusselburg. in theolog. Calu. l. 1. fol. 65. a. fine. & b. initio. and see nexte hereafter. at. a. offence and fault of Adam, cannot condemn infants and young children: thinking (h) Suinglius, tom. 2. lib. de Baptismo, fol. 90. a. post med. say. Vbi l●gis cognitie nulla est, ibi nec peccati cognitio non est, ibi nec pranaticatio, adeoque nec damnatio etc. omnibus constat fidelium liberos propter originalem illum & haereditarium morbum damnationem subire nullam quoad legem & legis sententiam ignorant: de ijs autem loquor, qui per aetatem legis cognitionem habere non possunt, non de ijs qui vel scire nolunt, vel etiam nescientes nesciunt: And see the like tom. 2. fol. 118. a. paulo post med. & tom. 1. fol. 372. b. initio. original sin only damnable in those that be of years, and discretion when in them it bursteth fourthe into action: and all this so grossly, as his own brethren do therefore (*) so in Suinglius reprehended herein by Schlusselburg in theolog. Caluinist. lib. 1. fol. 65. a. fine. & b. initio. and by Huncius in papism. Caluin. papism. 21. sect. 132. 133. And Suinglius, tom. 2. de pecc. orig. declare. initio. & fol. 115. b. paulo post initium, saith hereof to Vrbanus Regius. Nec enim solus insolitè nos putas de humanae generationis contagione, tum sentire, tum scribere, sunt enim & alia magna nomina qui idem existimant, etc. reprehend him, (i) Amicis cavent ne in ruinam se à nobis trahi patiantur, ibidem. fol. 115. b. circa med. giving warning to their friends least, they suffer themselves to be drawn into ruin by his damnable opinion: fourthly concerning salvation and the way to heaven, he doth therein no less than gentilize, making it so easy and open, that he doubteth not to affirm the salvation even of the heathen (k) Suinglius. in libro epist. Oecol. & Suingl l. 1. pag. 39 a. circa med. saith. Aetnicus si piam mentem domi foverat, Christianus est etiamsi Christum ignoret: and see Suinglius. tom. 2. fol. 118. a. circa med. & 559. b. circa med. Where he affirmeth the now being in heaven of Adam, Abel, Enoch, etc. Hercules, Theseus, Socrates, etc. who never believed in Christ, as Hercules, Theseus, Socrates, etc. attributing also salvation to the young (l) Suinglius. in libro epist. Oecolamp. & Suinglij lib. 2. pag. 513. ante med. say. Gentilium liberos nulla lex damnat: and tom. 2. pag. 540. ante med. he saith. Hoc certe adseveramus etc. praeter rem pronunciare qui gentiliuminsantes aeternae maledictioni addicunt etc. dying children of the heathen, in which his opinion (*) Echarius (a learned protestant writer) in his sasciculus controversiarum, printed. Lipsiae. Anno 1609. cap. 19 pag. 427. circa med. saith. Quod Socrates, Aristides, Numa Camillus, Hercules, Scipiones, Catonis, & alij gentiles comparticipes sint vitae aeternae, scribit quidem Suinglius ad regem Galliae quem defendunt Tigurini, Bullingerus, Gualterus, Hardenburgius, etc. and see Osiander. centur. 16. l. 3. cap. 25. pag. 649. circa med. defended nevertheless by (m) see Gualther defending Suinglius his opinion in apologia pro Suinglio, & operibus eius praefix. 1. tom. operum Suinglij, fol. 27. a. b. 28. a. b. 29. a. b. Gualther Simlerus and (n) so Simlerus in vita Bullingeri, and Bullinger in Germani. confess. eccles. Tigue. and see further (in Suinglius his 2. tom. fol. 550. b. initio.) Bullingers' preface of allowance to Suinglius his exposition. fidei ad regem: in which at. fol. 559. b. Suinglius affirmeth as before, the salvation of Hercules, Theseus, etc. of which book of Suinglius, Bullinger in that preface say. Hoc vero libello sese veluti superant de vera fide nescio quid cygneum, vicina morte cantavit. Bullinger, he is so unworthy, that sundry other (o) reproved by Hunnius, in papismis Caluin. part. 1. papism. 18 §. 115. 117 by Benedict Margenstern. tract. de eccles. pag. 72. by Lobechius. in disp. theolog. printed. M. D. IC. pag. 163. initio. and by Luther. tom. Witemberg. printed. 1580. in Gen. c. 47. fol. 633. a. fine. and see next heretofore at. *. next before. b. protestant writers do therefore reprove him: fivethlie concerning the scriptures and the Apostles sacred assurance of their writings, let his judgement of them all, appear in the only example of S. Paul, of whom he affirmeth that though he for his part would not, but that S. Paul's writings, should be now holden for canonical, yet (saith he) We (p) Suingl. tom. 2. Struth. contr. catabapt. fol. 10. b. circa med. saith. Ignorantia vestra est quod putatis cum Paulus haec scriberet Euangelistarum commentarios & apostolae epistolas, iam in manibus apostolorum, atque authoritate fuisse, quasi vero Paulus epistolis suis tantum tribuerit, ut quicquid in eyes contineretur sacrosanctum esset, non quod ipse velim non esse sacrosancta quae illius sunt, sed quod nolim apostolis imputari immoderatum arrogantiam. ought not to think that Paul did then attribute so much to his epistles, that whatsoever was in them, was sacred, jest that in thinking so, we should (saith he) (q) ut supr. at. h. impute immoderate arrogancy to the Apostle: nay he proceeded so fare in contempt of the Evangelists and of S. Paul, that whereas they do uniformly recite the words of Christ to have been (r) Math. 26.26. Marc. 14.22. Luc. 22.19. & 1. Cor. 11.24. this is my body etc. Suinglius to supply their supposed defect herein, doth (as in maintenance of his own opinion) publish inprinte his new testament in latin, and the same doth dedicated to the than french king, it being printed at Tigure in March. Anno 1525. and doth also further publish his bible in duchy, in both which by his their wilful mistranslatinge of the said Evangelists and of S. Paul, he doth set down in the very text, in steed of their foresaid words, these other of his own devise, viz. (s) Conradus Schlusselburg, (of whose great esteem see next heretofore at. F.) in theolog. Caluin. l. 2. art. 6. fol. 43. b. fine. saith hereof. Nec potest hoc scelus Suinglij ullo colore excusarires est manifestissima, in graeco textu non habetur significat, sed est, etc. And. fol. 44. a. he speaketh to the Suinglianes saying. Nec potestis rem inficiari aut occultare, quia exemplaria Francisco Regi Galliae à Suinglio dedicatae, sunt in plurimorum hominum manibus, excusa Tiguri. Anno 1525. in mense Martij in octavo etc. and yet more of the duchy Bible of Suinglianes, he there saith. Ego in Saxonia opido Mundera. Anno 60. apud scholae, rectorem Humbertum, vidi exemplar Germanicorum bibliorum quae Tiguri erant impressa, ubi non sine insigni admiratione & animi perturbatione, verba filij Dei, ad imitationem Suinglij. somniatoris depravata esse deprehendi, nam in omnibus illis quatuor locis. Math. 26. Mar. 14. Luc. 22. & 1. Cor. 11. ubi verba institutionis testamenti filij Dei recensentur, hoc est corpus meum, hic est sanguis meus, in hunc modum textus erat falsatus, hoc significat corpus meum, hic significat sanguinem meum: Also Suinglius, tom. 2. lib. de vera & falsa relig. fol. 210. a. ante med. thus allegeth and citeth the text: Sic ergo habet Lucas: & accepta pane gratias egit, fregit, & dedit eis dicens: Hoc significat corpus meum. this signifieth my body: this signifieth my blood: which his almost incredible boldness in so perverting Christ's own words, whether it were wicked & sacrilegiouse or no, let the reader judge: Sixthly concerning our committing of sin, he layeth the same upon God as author thereof, affirming of God, that he (t) Suinglius. tom. 1. de providentia Dei. printed. Anno 1581. fol. 366. a. ante med. saith. Movet ergo latronem ad occidendum. moveth the thief to kill: that the thief killeth, God procuring him, that (u) Deo impulsore occidit. ibidem paulo post. and again, Movet & impellit Deus usque dum ille occisur est, ibidem. fol. 366. a. circa med. God, moveth and enforceth till the party be slain: that (*) At inquies, coactus est ad peccandum, permitto inquam coactum esse: ibidem. fol. 366. a. ante med. the thief is enforced to sin. In so much that in our sinning against the law, we are (x) in legem enim peccarunt, non quasi authores, sed quasi instrumenta quibus Deus liberius pro sua voluntate uti potest, quam pater familiae aut aquam bibere, aut humi effundere: ibidem. fol. 366. a. initio. not, saith he, authors (of the sin) but as, God's instruments: that even one and the same (y) Idem ergo factum quod Deo authore & impulsore sit, illi honorificum est, at homini crimen ac nefas, ibidem. fol. 366. a. initio. fact which hath God for the author and impulsor, is in God honourable & in man sin, that (z) Adulterium Da●●● quod ad Deum authorem pertinet non magis Deo fit peccatum, quam cum tanrus totum Armentum inscendit & implet, sua enim sunt universa, etc. unde sub lege non est: ibidem. fol. 365. b. fine. David's adultery pertained to God as author thereof, and concludeth, that though adultery, (a) Vnum igitur atque idem facinus puta adulterium aut homicidium, quantum Dei est authoris, motoris, ac impulsoris, opus est, crimen non est, quantum autem hominis est, crimen ac scelus est, ille enim lege non tenotur, hic autem lege damnatur: ibidem. fol. 365. b. post med. and murder be not sin in God because he is bound by no law, yet say he, they be the work of God, as the author, the mover, and enforcer: making so most evidently God to be the author, though not of sin in himself, because he is subject to no law, yet most clearly of sin in us, and the same so plainly and wickedly, as he is therein reproved by his other (b) Grawerus (Rector of the protestante university of Islebium) in his absurda absurdorum, etc. printed. Anno 1606. cap. 5. the pradestin. fol. 3. 4. condemneth and exemplifieth this point very specially and atlarge, from the there recited several sayings of Suinglius: protestante brethren: Seaventhlie as concerning the civil magistrate in case he impugned Suinglius his religion, his published doctrine was, that in such case even (c) Suinglius, tom. 1. in explan. Art. 42. fol. 84. a. teacheth, that. Quando perfide & extra regulam Christi egerint (Principes) possunt cum Deo deponi: and pag. 85. a. initio. he saith. Cum vero consensu & suffragijs totius aut certe potioris partis multitudinis tyrannus tollitur, Deo fit auspice: and in libro epist. Oecolamp. & Suingl. l. 4. pag 868. post med. & 869. Suinglius saith. Promittendum est Caesari officium debittum si modo sedem nobis permittat illibatam, etc. Romanum imperium, imo quodque imperium ubi religionem sinceram opprimere caeperit, & nos illud negligentes patimur, iam negatae aut contemptae religionis non minus rei erimus, quam illi ipsi oppressores, exemplum est apud Hierem. 15. ubi etc. kings are to be deposed: saying yet further, (d) ut supra. at. r. due loyalty is to be promised to Cesar, if so that he permit to us our religion inviolable, etc. (otherwise) if the Roman Empire or what other sovereign soever, should oppress the sincere religion, and we negligently suffer the same, we shallbe charged with contempt no less than the oppressors thereof themselves, whereof (say he, abusing the scripture most grossly) we have an example in the 15. of jeremy, where the destruction of the people is prophesied, for that they suffered their king Manasses, being ungodly to be unpunished: so he, with all adviseinge to have this doctrine privately, and with respect (e) Suinglius, ibidem. pag. 869. post med. saith. Prudenter igitur ac paulatim agenda sunt huiusmodi, atque cum paucis quibus credere poss●s quae ardua sunt. communicated unto certain choice persons of credit: Hitherto of Suinglius his doctrines tending to liberty, whereto I only add, that Suinglius upon his firste apostasy from our church, delivered his novel doctrine distrustfully, as not without (*) Lavather (o learned Suinglime) in his historia sacrament. printed. Tiguri, 156●. fol. 2. b. post med. s●ithe. Suinglius epistolam scripsit ad Matheum Alberum Rutlingensium ecclesiasten etc. in qua suam sententiam de Eucharist●a explicat, etc. in calce epistolae cum adiurat, ne cuiquam mortalium eam communicet, praeterquam ei quem constat in fide IESV sincerum esse, and see further the like, nexte heretofore at. t. and see further in Suinglius. tom. 2. in responsione ad libellum Struthionis, fol. 303. a. post med. adiuringe not to communicate it to any other of a contrary opinion: and did also afterwards further proceed therein, as likewise did Luther, (f) of Luther see heretofore, cap. 3. sect. 3. after an inconstant and straying kind of temporisinge liberty, professing to (g) Suinglius tom. 2. de vera & falsa relig. fol. 202. b. initio. say. Retractamus igitur hic quae illic diximus, tali lege, ut quae hic damus Anno ●tatis nostrae 42. propendeant eye quae quadragesimo dederamus, quando ut diximus tempori potius scripsimus quam rei, etc. ne inter initia canes & porci nos rumpant. retract here, what he said there, preferring his writings published in the 42. year of his age, before those other which he published in the 40. year, when (say he) tempori potius scripsimus, quam rei, we wrote so as fitted the time, rather than the cause: III. AS concerning Suinglius his other behaviour of life, I will make description thereof from his own writings, whereby it appeareth that (a) The direction or title of this writing, is; ●●etate & prudentia insigni Helnetiorum reipub. Huldericus Suinglius, alisque euang●li●ae doctrinae ministri gratiam & pacem à Deo, etc. tom. 1. fol. 110. a. initio. Suinglius and certain other ministers of the evangelical doctrine, who having been before votary (*) see there fol. 119. a. paulo ante med. priests, joined with him in admonition to the Helvetian common wealth, after some undertakinge (b) see Suinglius. ibidem. fol. 113 a. post med. to impart to it the evangelical doctrine, for which they take it grievously to be (c) cum odiosis & in visis penes omnes nominibus eos infames reddunt, qui evangelium veritatem bona fide praedicant, Lutheranos, Hussitas, & haereticos illos nominando. ibidem. fol. 113. b. initio. called Lutherans and heretics, do firste make petition for wives saying: We earnestly request, that the use of marriage be not denied to us, who feeling the infirmity of our flesh, perceive that the love of chastity is not given us by God: for if we consider the words of Paul, we shall find with him no other cause of marriage (a carnal saying) then for (to satisfy) the lustefull desires of the flesh, which to burn in us we may not deny, se●●nge that by means thereof we are made infamous before the congregation: And to set forth his carnality as yet more fully, by his own explayninge what he here meaneth by the foresaid burning desire of the flesh, (d) Hoc vero summis precibus contendimus, ne matrimonij usus nobis denegetur, qui carnis nostrae infirmitatem experti, castitatis studium nobis à Deo non concessum esse sentimus: si enim Pauli verba consideremus, non aliam apud hunc matrimoniorum causam quam carnis ad libidinem calentem astum reperire licet, quem in nobis feruere negare non possumus, cum huius ipsius opera, nos coram ecclesijs infames reddiderunt, aestum vero libidinis cas carnis cupiditates & affectus intelligimus, quibus homo tantum non accensus carnis libidinosae studia animo suo versat, ut carnis furori satisfaciat, in his solis omnes cogitationes suas insumit, haec meditatur, totusque in hoc est ut carnis furori satis faciat. ibid. fol. 115. a. ante med. wherewith he professeth himself, and his said brethren to be as before troubled, he expresseth the same in these plain words there nexte following, saying (e) Suinglius. ut supra. at. a. By the burning desires of the flesh, we understand those desires of the flesh, wherewith a man being almost inflamed, tosseth in his mind the studies of the lustefull flesh, in these only he spendeth all his thoughts, upon these he meditateth, and is wholly busied in this, that he may satisfy the fury of the flesh: This being the confessed then present carnal disposition, of Suinglius and his foresaid brethren, he signifieth yet further their answerable behaviour before time during their remaining so unmarried, saying, (f) Si carnis licentiam quaerere animus esset, quis non videt quam commodius feret si ut hactenus à matrimoniorum legibus abstineremus etc. novimus quam facilis in hoc statu nostro soluto & libero, mulierum quarum nos capit satietas, permutatio fieri solet, quare non carnis libidine, sed castitatis & animarum nobis commissarum amore permoti hoc petimus, ne hae exemplo nostrae libidinis diutius offendantur: ibidem. fol. 119. a. ante med. if we respected the liberty of the flesh, who seethe not how much more commodious it were for us, that we should forbear the laws of marriage as hitherto we have done etc. for we have known (for shame did you so?) how easily in this free and lose estate, being glutted with satiety (of one) we might change: wherefore for the love not of lust but of chastity & the souls to us committed, we desire marriage, least that the souls committed to our charge, by example of our sensuality (diutius offendantur) should be any longer offended etc. we have proved that the weakness of our flesh, hath been (o for grief) cause of our often falling &c. And in another epistle written to the bishop of Constance (g) This appeareth by the title thereof. ibidem fol. 120. a. initio. and by the date in the end thereof. fol. 123. initio. Anno 1522. and subscribed unto by (h) See their names subscribed. fol. 123. b. initio. Suinglius, Leo, jude, Erasmus, Fabricius, and eight other ministers there named, who all exclaim and cry out for wives, after some intimation made of (i) ibidem. fol. 120. circa med. the heavenly doctrine so long (before) hidden, and then lately restored, he further confesseth & saith. (k) Hactenus experti hoc donum nobis esse negatum. ibidem. fol. 121. a. fine. Hitherto we have tried, that this safety of chastity had been denied to us etc. (l) Arsimus proh pudor tantopere ut multa indecore gesserimus: ibidem. fol. 122. a. post med. We have burned, o for shame, so greatly, that we have committed many things unseeminglie: (m) ut citra iactantiam libere loquamur, usque adeo in civilibus moribus sumus, ut ullum ob flagitium male audiamus apud gregem nobis creditum, hoc uno excepto. ibidem. fol. 123. a. prope initium. To speak freely without boasting, we are not otherwise of such uncivil manners, that we should be evil spoken of among the people to us committed for any wickedness. Hoc uno excepto, this one point only excepted. Was this the spirit of the Apostles and ancient fathers, or was this doctrine fit, or safe, to be by him thus diuulged to the modest thoughts of innocent young men and damsels, who wanting means of marriage, were in danger hence to suck poison? FOUR LAstlie as concerning Suinglius his tumultuary and seditious courses, in excuse whereof it was usual with him to say (*) Bullinger. in his preface, in Simlerum de filio Dei, printed. 1568. fol. b. 7. paulo post initium, acknowledgeth the objection hereof saying. Addit his Suinglij bellatis hominis sententiam hanc, evangelium sitit sanguinem: and afterwards there. fol. y. on the. a. side fine. he confesseth saying. Dixit sateor, evangelium sitit sanguinem, and then excuseth it with our saviours saying: Non veni pacem mittere sed gladium: as though our saviour had used those words, not as of persecution to be patiently suffered, but as in excuse of any his own or his apostles then like intended tumultuary practices: the gospel did thirst after blood: they are reported for so gross and evident, that certain protestants whoe acknowledge of (a) Gualther. in apolog. pro Suinglio & operibus eius (before the 1. tom of Suinglius works) fol. 18. a. ante med. confesseth and allegeth them saying. Suinglium licet quaedam bene docuerit, in multis tamen alijs erravisse contendunt: and fol. 18. b. prope initium Christi inquiunt dilectam sponsam ecclesiam à pontificia superstitionis luxu & sordibus, non iusta & legitima verbi praedicatione. repurgavit, sed tumultuario & fanatico spiritu, per omnia temerè grassatus est, etc. violenter arma & à Christo prohibitum gladium corripuit, ut nimirum in suam sententiam sibi contradicentes compulsurus: thus confesseth Gualther, as enforced, the protestants opinion had of Suinglius his sedition, which Gualther there avoideth nor, otherwise then as thinking the same lawful in Suinglius. Suinglius that he taught some things well, and that he repurged the church of Christ, from the excess and filth of popish superstition, do yet withal say (as confesseth Gualther, who yet excuseth Suinglius all he can) that he performed the same (b) ut supra. at. k. not by just and lawful preaching of the word, but rashly, making havoc of all things by a tumultuary and fanatical spirit, etc. violently assuming arms, and the sword prohibited by Christ, that so he might by force compel his adversaries to his opinion: In so much as he is charged to have stirred up his country men the Zuitzers to civil wars, by reason whereof those of Tigure and Berne, who followed his doctrine, are reported to have made war upon their neighbours the other five towns, exacting of them upon proffered conditions of peace, that (c) Osiander. in centur. 16, l. 2. cap. 20. pag. 203. they should receive again those whom they had banished, for the (other) religion, and should not forbid the reading of the scriptures etc. to which, the said five towns disdaining to be so compelled, and being also thereupon brought to (d) Osiander. ibidem. and in Gualters' foresaid apology. fol. 30. a. circa med. it appeareth that they termed Suinglius Iniquissimum belli authorem etc. ut qui superbia & crudelitate impulsus, Tigurinis novi & exquisiti facinoris contra socios audendi author fuerit, victos inopia & famis necessitate eos in suas partes concedere cogeret: famine, as being forestald of victuals by those of Tigure and Berne, the war was renewed, and Suinglius himself was thereupon (e) Osiander. cent. 16. pag. 203. ante med. slain, not as a preacher, (f) Gualther. in apolog. fol. 31. b. fine, say. Obijt in bello Suinglius, & armatus obijt: and Oecolampadius. in libro epist. Oecolamp. & Suinglij, pag. 980. post med. say. Suinglius ut seculares alias arts, ita & militarem non mediocriter edoctus erat. O peaceable divine? but as a warrior armed in the field: whereupon his dearest Oecolampadius that died for (*) Hospinian. in histor sacram. part. 2. at Anno 1531. fol. 126. a. post. med. say. Oecolampadius in lethalem morbum incidit etc. morbum non parum auxisse & mortem promovisse creditur maeror quem accepit ex caede Suinglij, cum quo coniunctissime vixerat, and see the like in Lavathers' histor. sacram. fol. 21. a. post med. grief after his death, though all excusinge, yet withal (f) Oecolampadius in libro epistolarum Oecolampadij & Suinglij l. 4. pag. 789. post med. take the notice how that Suinglius his death happened, quanto cum tripudio mundi, quantoque cum offendiculo pusillorum: and, ibidem. pag. 981. prope initium, though excusinge Suinglius all he can, he languisheth therein saying. Fretus ego consuetudine nostra semel atque iterum dehortabar, ne se ingereret, negocijs parum evangelicis, etc. iam esto, zelus ille immoderatior fuerit, & parum decorous, cur non etc. reprehendeth him, as also those foresaid other (g) Gualther. ibidem. fol. 31. b. prope finem. termeth them saying. Nostri illi perquam egregiè censores, ipsum (Suinglium) 〈…〉 censures mentioned 〈…〉 thereof, 〈…〉 (h) ●●xte h●r●t●f●●●●t. k. (i) Gualther. in apolog. f●l. 30. a. prope 〈◊〉 saith hereof. 〈…〉 contra 〈…〉 ●ires 〈…〉, etc. sunt 〈…〉 pr●●●●●. 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 (k) 〈…〉. q. 〈…〉 (thought a 〈…〉 hereupon (〈…〉) to ch●r●e the (l) G●●lter. in 〈◊〉 fol. 30. a. 〈◊〉▪ reprehendeth C●●●●n for that 〈◊〉 a●cuse●, 〈…〉 sediti●n●● 〈◊〉 rudolphine 〈…〉 Tig●●●●●● 〈…〉 ●●●ulphe king of 〈…〉 V HI●●●●● of 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 condition, th●t 〈◊〉 S●●l●●●elburge 〈…〉 him (a) Schluffelburge. in theolog. Cal●●●. 〈…〉 ●ersu● f●●●m. 〈◊〉 Suinglian, 〈…〉 〈…〉 and Luther professed 〈◊〉 (b) Luther 〈…〉 etc. toto 〈…〉. see this in Hospinian● 〈…〉 part. 2 ●t Anno 1544. f●l. 1●7. a. 〈…〉. 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 him with all his 〈…〉 (c) Hospinian. vb● s●pr● say. Luth●●us dicit Suingli●●●●serr●●●t 〈…〉 à papistis i●terfectu● ide●q●● i● 〈◊〉 esse: and again some little thereafter. Lutherus se de animae Suinglij salute omnino desperare dicit: disp●●●●●g● of 〈◊〉 salvation: these tw● 〈…〉, were in God's permiss●●● r●●s●d vp● (by 〈…〉 I lean to ind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 induement) against our Roman catholic c●●●c●e, they ●●●●ne both ●●oute one time, they p●●c●●ded a like in one course, of breaking th●●●●●o●●●y marvellous marriage, of stirring● up 〈…〉 the st●●●, and of recey●ing● 〈◊〉 against the mass by nyghtlye app●●i●●●●, 〈◊〉 they condemned ●ch in other for the ill●●●●●● 〈…〉, they mo●●e bitterly maligned 〈◊〉 o●●●r, agreeing in nothing but against the pope: the 〈◊〉 catholic religion flourished and contineved universally professed, as is confessed, by protestants themselves, from the year of Christ as some grante. (d) see in the preface to the Christiane reader. initio. in the margin at. a. 605. as others grante. (e) see there also. 316. until somewhat after the beginning of the laste sixtenthe expired age; in or about the 17. year whereof these two men (whom as some conceive God designed as it were for fatale, by ominouse and fearful sight of monstrous births heretofore (*) see heretofore cap. 3. sect. 6. post med. at. k. *. †. l. mentioned) began both of them in Germany to oppose themselves against it: Wherein as they are by some affirmed to have by their life and doctrine (as the Apostle say of grievous sinners) (f) Haebr. 6.6. crucified again to themselves the Son of God, so God himself, to give (as some conceived) an answerable prognosticke or forewarninge of the great alteration both in life and doctrine thence presently to ensue, in this laste sextenthe century, to the thereby like crucifyinge agàine of Christ, did in the very firste year of that fatal century visit even Germany yt selfe, with most fearful shows and apparitions (g) In Osiander. centur. 16. l. 1. cap. 3. pag. 4. is thus reported. Anno. 1501. Miranda sanè, horrenda, & in audita ostendit Deus hominibus; à festis paschalibus singulis diebus in uno vel alio loco diocesis Leodiensis apparuit publicè, & inopinatè, aliquando in ecclesijs, aliquando in plateis, aliquando in domibus, & in ipsis etiam cubiculis, signum Dominica crucis perfectum etc. apparent autem ut plurimum super capitibus mulierum & maximè puellarum, in earum peplis supremo vertice, etc. and pag. 5. circa med. is further said. Post hac non solum signum crucis apparuit, quin ut velut hasta quaedam, ac desuper nonnulli characteres, cruenta quidem omnia, concludebantur in circulo viridi totum contingente caput, protulitque inde acumina ad modum spinarum, etc. mox erupit in ipsius pepliparte anteriori, sanguinis tanta copia ut confestim in extremam usque fimbriam, ad unius digiti longitudinem & prope duorum latitudinem deflueret; unde adeo conspicientes sunt atteniti, ut è canonicis protinus unus cad●ret, etc. With much more there very fearful and ominouse: of crosses, spear, and crown of thorns compassing the head, and all of them bloody, and imprinted upon the shirts and lynnins of the common people, with real moisture, and defluxion of blood; the known evident truth whereof, is confessed and at large reported by the protestante writer Osiander, to whom we refer she reader: only in regard of so many confessed praemisses concerning both Luther and Suinglius, we now lastly refer to the readers equal judgement, whether we may safely join with the apology of the church of England, in acknowledging, (h) so say the Apology of the church of England, in master jewels defence, printed. 1571 pag. 426. post med. Luther and Suinglius, for most excellent men, even sent of God to give light to the whole world, when in the mydste of the darkness of that age, the truth was unkowne and unheard of: or else with Zanchius in affirming them to be, (i) so affirmeth Zanchius, de redempt. in explicat. 4. praecepti quaest. de vocat. ad minister, etc. the two witnesses (of God) mentioned in the Apocalypses. CALVINE. CHAPT. VI AS concerning john calvin borne (*) In the answer for the time to the defence of the censure: printed. 1583. fol. 85. a. prope finem. at Noyon in Picardy. Anno. 1509. against whom is objected (how truly or untruely, I do now for some reasons purposely forbear hereby to affirm) that he forged letters under the names of Galasius and others as by them written in his praise, and his then sending them to Petrus Viretus minister of Lausanna to be dispersed: his reported further (a) see this in Bolseck. in vita Caluini, cap. 13. Where he reporteth that calvin attempted to restore to life this Brule (comitatus magna caterua amicorum) in the presence of a great number of his friends: see also, in dialog. Alani C●pi. l. 6. c. 29. Like report of a protestante preacher in Polande. Who Anno 1558. practised the like upon one Matthew publicly in the open church at Biethage a town near Cracovia, at what time the said Mathewe being found dead in deed, the confederacy was thereupon there openly discovered by his wife. In like manner doth Gregorius Turonensis in hist. lib. 2. c. 3. report how that Cirola an Arian heretic, practised in like sort with one to counterfeit blindness and to request miraculous help from this Cirola, which being accordingly so done, the party was in deed strocken blind, whereupon he exclaimed and revealed the practice: in which like respect Tertullian, in libro de prascript. not unaptly say of heretics. Agnosco maximam virtutem eorum, qua Apostolos in perversum aemulantur: illi enim de mortuis suscitabant, isti de vivis mortuos faciunt. practise with one called Brule and his wife, that he should feign himself dead, whereupon calvin should in confirmation of his doctrine, undertake in the presence of many to revive him, which when calvin did, Brule was in God's judgement found dead indeed, whereupon his wife exclaimed publicly against calvin, and discovered the practice: his like reported incontinency with the gentlewoman of Mongis, who steallinge from her husband at Lausanna, made abode at Geneva with calvin: his like reported adulterous attemptinge at Geneva of the lady jollande of Bredrode, wife to a sickly noble man called james Burgongue lord of Fallaise, in so much as she persuaded her husband to leave Geneva, and go to Lausanna where she revealed the whole matter: also his extraordinary curious and exquisite diet, such as the lords of Berne (though protestants) were thereat greatly offended. All which and many other no less heinous imputations set down in particular, though they were published by (b) Bol●ecks book of Caluines' life was by him dedicated to monsieur of Epinac Archb●shop & Earl of Lions. 1577. Hierom Bolseck doctor of physic (who lived with calvin at Geneva) in his special book written of the life and death of john calvin. Anno 1577. wherein Bolsecke protesteth saying (c) so protesteth he in the beginning of his laid book. I protest before God, and all the holy court of heaven, before all the world and the holy ghost itself, that neither anger nor envy, nor evil will, hath made me speak or write any one thing against the truth, and my conscience: for so much yet as Bolsecke being scandalised with Caluines' life, became catholic, and so (as I take it was) at his writing hereof, I will therefore (according to my other undertaken method) as all sparing to insiste upon the probability of so many alleged particulars which could not be then fa●ned without known discovery in the nonce of all ●●n, by wholly forbearing to affirm or urge the same: only I cannot but allege and urge the public testimony of that learned lutheran Conradus Schlusselburge (a man of principal (d) See heretofore. cap. 5. sect. 1. at. r. estimation in the protestants church, and no less l●●●n●d and enemy to the pope than was calvin himself) who reporteth of calvin saying, (f) Schlusselburg. in theolog. Caluin. printed. 1594. l. 2. fol. 72 a. circa & post med. saith. Deus manu sua potenti adeo hunc haereticum percussit, ut desperata salute. demonibus inn●tatis, iurans, execrans, & blasphemans miserrimè animam malignam exhalarit, obijt autem Caluinus morb● pediculari vermibus circa pudenda in apostomate seu ulcere fatentissimo crescentibus, ita ut nullus ass●stentium fatorem ●●●plius far posset: Hac publicis scriptis Caluino obijciuntur (in quibus etiam de ipsius aselgia, varijs stagitijs, & libidinibus, ob quas stigma far candenes dorso Caluini impressum fuerit à magistratis sub quorum vixit horrenda narrantur) ad qua non vide● solidam & inc●lentam aliquam refutationem, etc. scio & leg●●e●am aliter de una moribus & ob tu Caluin scribere, cum ver● Beza eadem hares●, & eodem formè peccate nobilitatus sit, ut historia de Candida eius ●●retricula testatur, nomo ipsi in hac parte fidem habere potest: (e) God in the rod of his fury visiting calvin, did horribly punish him before the fearful hour of his unhappy death, for so he stroke this heretic (so he termeth him in regard of his doctrine concerning the sacrament, and God being the author of sin) with his mighty hand, that being in despair, and calling upon the devil, he gave up his wicked soul, swearing, cursing and blaspheming: he died of the disease of lice and worms (a kind of death wherewith God (*) 2. Machab. 9.5.9.10. & A●t●●. 12.23. strykethe the wicked) increasing in a most loathsome ulcer about his privy parts, so as none present could endure the stench: these things are objected to calvin by public (f) so credible unto ●chlusselburge was B●lset●● foresaid book holden, wherein these things are written. writing, in which also horrible things are declared concerning his lasciviousness, his sundry abominable vices, and so domiticall lusts, for which (laste) he was by the magistrate (at Noyon) under whom he (then) lived, (g) Whereas Bolsecke in his foresaid book reporteth that the city of Noyon in Picardy (in which calvin was borne and lived, and from which say Bolsecke upon his foresaid punishment of Brandinge fled) did testify this foresaid offence and punishment of calvin unto monsieur Bertelier Secretaire of the council of Geneva, under the hand of a public and sworn notary, which testimony (say Bolsecke) ya yet extant, and hath been seen to himself and many others: now such seeming known circumstances wherein he was so notably discoverable, and to be thereupon discredited, even in the knowledge of the whole city of Noyon (a place not remote) but in the very same kingdom, and also in the like knowledge of diverse of Geneva, I will not determine, but refer to indifferent judgement: only I add beside the foresaid testimony of Schlusselburge, who (being as learned and no less enemy to the pope than Caluin) reporttethe the same for true, that whereas. F. Campion in rat. doth object this against Caluin, as a matter known and public, terming him therefore stigmaticus perfuga, a branded fugitive: master Whitaker in his answer thereto, printed. 1604. pag. 50. initio. not denyeth, but saith. Si stigmaticus fuit Caluinus, fuit etiam Paulus, fuerunt alij etc. And being told by Dureus contra Whitakerum, printed. 1582. fol. 37. b. that he was profane in so comparing Caluines brands for wickedness, with Paul's brands for Christ, master Whitaker (in respon contra Duraeum, printed. 1583. pag. 280. answering to that foresaid very. fol. 73. of Duraeus) doth quite pass over in silence, all that matter, so thereby forbearing all further mention or defence. Branded on the shoulder with a hot burning Iron, unto which yet I see not any sound and clear refutation: etc. thus far Schlusselburge of calvin: whereto also assenteth as yet further testifying Caluines filthy dispayringe death, (upon the disease of lice and worms increasing in an ulcer about his privy parts) the protestante writer johannes Harennius, who being himself an earnest Caluiniste, and then continuing student at Geneva, affirmeth (in his published (*) joannes Herennius (a Caluinist preacher) in libello de vita Caluini) saith. Caluinus in desperatione finiens vitam, obijt turpissimo & fatidissimo morbo, quem Deus rebellibus & maledictis comminatus est, prius excruciatus & consumptus, quod ego verissime attestari audeo, qui funestum & tragicum illius exitum, his meis oculis praesens aspexi. writing) himself to have been present and eye witness thereof. II. AS concerning Caluines doctrine tending to liberty of life, what more dangerous herein then where he teacheth, that (h) Caluin. instit. l. 3. c 23. §. 6. say. Consilio nutuque suo ita ordinat ut inter homines nascantur ab utero certa morti devoti, qui sua perditione ipsius nomen glorificent. God doth ordain by his counsel and decree, that among men some be borne destined to certain damnation from their mother's womb, who by their destruction may glorify God, and that the decree of God in this behalf is (i) master D. Willet upon the Romans. printed. 1611. in cap. 9 pag. 442. post med. saith. Bucer, Caluine, and Zanchius do affirm, that God by his absolute will, hath reprobated & rejected some without respect unto their sins: from which doctrine master Willet there, and pag. 443. circa med. professeth to descent: absolute, only because it so pleaseth him, (1) ut supra at. h. without any respect had to their works either good or evil. In so much as he affirmeth, that God did not only foresee, but also will, and (*) calvin. instit. lib. 3. cap. 23. §. 7. saith. Decretum quidem horribile fateor, inficiari tamen nemo poterit, quin praesciverit Deus quem exitum habiturus esset homo antequam ipsum conderet, & ideo praescivit quia decreto suo sic ordinarat, etc. nec enim absurdum videri debet quod dico, Deum non modo primi hominis casum, & in eo posterorum ruinam praevidisse, sed arbitrio quoque suo sic dispensasse. decree even the very sin and fall of Adam: that also God doth will and (2) Caluin. institut. l. 3. c. 23. sect. 6. fine. saith. Cum non alia ratione qua futura sunt pravideat Deus, nisi quia ut ita fierent decrevit, frustra de praescientia lis movetur, ubi constat ordinatione potius & nutu omnia evenire and l. 1. cap. 18. sect. 3. He further saith. Satis aperte ostendi Deum vocari eorum omnium authorem, qua isti censores volunt otiose tantum eius permissu contingere: this admitted, how is not God the author of sin: decree whatsoever he doth foresee, which (3) Schafmanus (a learned protestant writer) in libro de peccatorum causis, printed. Francofurti. 1597. pag. 27. paulo post med. saith of his brethren. Scribunt Deum nihil prascire, nisi quod ex decreto facturus sit, etc. whereto he saith. At ipsam actionum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu peccatum praevidet Deus, ergo sequitur Deus ipsius peccati authorem esse: And Hemingius (though a learned Caluiniste) say. (as making the same inference) hac sententia Deum authorem peccati statuit, lib. de universali gratia, printed. 1591. pag. 109. circa med. extendeth it self a like, to make God the decreer and author, not only of that which is material and positive in the sinful action, (which grant is proceeding from God (4) Act. 17.28. in whom we live and move, but also of the sin and deformity thereof, of which in particular calvin professedly (5) calvin. institut. l. 2. c. 4. sect. 2. saith. Omitto hic universalem Dei motionem unde creaturae omnes ut sustinentur, ita efficaciam quid vis agendi ducunt; de illa speciali act●one tantum liquour, quae in unoquoque facinore apparet, etc. signifieth his meaning to be, concluding that the (6) calvin. l. 1. instit. cap. 18. sect. 2 saith. Dicitur Satan excacare infidelium mentes, sed unde hoc nisi quod à Deo ipso manat efficacia erroris? very efficacy of error, proceedeth from God himself, who (say he) maketh (7) calvin. ibid. lib. 3. cap. 24. sect. 13. say. Vocem ad eos dirigit, sed ut magis obsurdescant; lumen accendit, sed ut redduntur caeciores; doctrinam profert, s●d qua magis obstupescant; remedium adhibet, sed ne sanentur. offer of salvation (to the reprobate) but with no intention of their haveinge it. A doctrine so directly crossing all admonition to good life, that the professors thereof, (k) so say master Willet, upon the Romans, in c. 9 pag. 442. post med. would not have it handled, either in schools or before the people, and sundry protestants do in respect thereof, reprehend and (l) so are the Caluinistes charged by Hemingius (him selfe otherwise a Caluiniste) in l●bro de vn●uersali gratia, printed 1591. pag. 109. and by Grawerus Rector of the university of Islebium, in his absurda absurdorum etc. under the frontispiece of the firste leaf and title of the book: and by Osiander in his Enchirid. controu. etc. pag. 104. charge calvin, as teaching that God is the author of our sin. In so much as the magistrates of Berne (m) Vide literas Senatus Bernensis, Anno 1555. (though otherwise Caluinistes) made it penal by their laws, for any of their territories, to preach Caluins' doctrine thereof, or for their people to read any of his books containing the same. III. AS concerning Caluines doctrine touching the divinity of Christ, and the blessed Trinity. Although he profess not directly to impugn the same, how covertly yet he may be thought to have prepared way unto the new Arianes, we refer unto indifferent judgement, upon consideration had of that which followeth. For whereas it is the received opinion of all orthodoxal divines (to which master Abbot, master Hooker etc. (2) Master Abbot. in his third part. of the defence of the reformed catholic, printed. 1609. pag. 38. ante med. say. We steadfastly believe & teach, that the second person of the Trinity receiveth his God head from the firste etc. and see there. pag. 36. ante med. and Zanchius de tribus Elohim. printed. 1597. part. 1. l. 5. c. 7. arg. 4. pa. 322. b. post med. saith. Quid est filius ex patre genitus, nisi Deus de Deo, ut patres in Niceno concilio ex verbo Dei definierunt? à patre igitur suam habet essentiam & quicquid est; and see the like in master Hooker, lib. 5. printed. 1597. sect. 54. pag. 113. initio. and in master Doct. Covel in his defence of master Hooker, printed. 1603. pag. 17. initio. & 121. do subscribe) that although the essence of the God head be of it self, yet the son hath it not of himself, but from the father, & is in that respect, (3) Zanchius. ut supra. at the figure. 2. and master D. Covel, in his defence etc. pag. 18. ante med. Deus de Deo, God of God; the contrary opinion whereof in affirming that the father is God of himself, and that the son also is God of himself, argueth them to be two several gods, and not one consubstantial: (4) Whitaker. in his responsio ad rationes Campiani, printed. 1604. rat. 8. pag. 121. circa med. saith. Vtcunque patres illi (Niceni) dixerint Christum esse Deum de Deo, tamen firmissime tenendum esse confirmat Caluinus, Christum ex sese habere ut Deus sit, nisi Christum volumus sua divinitate spoliare: Caluin nevertheless (as striking at the divinity of Christ) teacheth (against the doctrine herein of the Nicen council) that Christ is not, Deus de Deo, very God of very God, which he rejecteth for (5) Danaeus contra Bellarmin. part. 1. printed. 1596. add controu. 2. etc. 19 pag. 121. fine, saith. Hanc phrasim Deus de Deo, verè sensit & scripsit Caluinus, impropriam esse ac barbariem redolere: And where is master Moreton. in apol. cath. part. 1. printed. 1605. pag. 154. initio. allegeth Bellarmin. l. de Christo, c. 19 §. sed quanquam, as excuseinge Caluin herein, see this prevented in the protest. apolog. printed. 1608. pag. 419. at. §. and also by Keckermannus (a learned Caluinist.) Who in his System. theolog. printed. 1602. pag. 63. fine. reproveth Bellarmine for his reprehendinge Caluines doctrine hereof in the very same foresaid book & chapter cited by master Moreton. barbarous, he, and sundry his followers affirming also yet further, (6) Caluin. institut. l 1. c. 13. §. 23. say, of Christ: Quomodo creator qui omnibus esse dat, non erit ex se pso sed essentiam aliunde mutuabitur? And in his explicat. perfid. Valent. gentle. extant in his tract. theologic. printed. 15●7. pag. 774. a. circa med. he further saith. Hoc modo videmus precariam fieri eius divinitatem, cui datum est esse: and ib dem. pag. 774. a. ant med. He saith. jam tibi responsum fuit, non posse Deum esse filij sui patrem nisi personae respectu, quia alioqui vel partibilis esset Dei essentia, vel filius ipse Deus non esset. And master D. Willet in his Sinopsis, printed. 1592. controu. 19 pag. 610. prope finem, saith. As the Son is God, he is of himself, neither taketh he his essence, but person only of his father. that Christ hath not his essence from his father, but from himself; and (which is most fearful) that (7) calvin. in explicat. perfid. Valent. etc. ubi supra. pag. 771. b. ant med. saith. Si essentiam, communicavit pater cum filio, vel in solidum, vel ex parte communicavit si ex parte dimidium nobis Deum fabricas etc. add quod hoc modo nimis sceleste ac faede laceratur Dei essentia; and ibidem. pag. 772. a. ant med. He further addeth. Si ex parte pater suam divinitatem in filium transfudet, iam lacere erit divinitas: si in totum, ergo divinitas quae ante fuerat penes patrem in filium conversa, in ipso patre evanuit: the father can neither wholly, nor by part, communicate his essence to Christ, but must withal be deprived thereof himself, etc. which very assertion being the proper (8) Polanus in Syntagma theolog. printed. 1610. l. 3. c. 4 pag. 1807. ante med. reciteth the Antitrinitaries argument to be: Si Deus genuit filium ex sua essentia, aut totam essentiam, aut partem eius filio dedit, si totam ipse eam non retinuit, sin partem est compositus, ergo Deus non genuit filium ex sua essentia: and see their like argument recited by Symlerus de filio Dei, printed. 1568. l. 3. c. 2. object. 11. fol. 233. b. ant med. and by junius in his examen argumentationum, quas Gratianus Prosper etc. adduxit, etc. printed. Lugduni Batavorum. 1596. sect. 29. pag. 45. circa med. argument of the now Antitrinitaries, is for such specially recited and (9) see this recited and confuted by Polanus, Simlerus, and junius, in their places laste before cited. confuted by Symlerus, Polanus, and others, all of them learned Caluinistes: And yet all this notwithstanding, Caluin doubted not most unchristian to say, (10) Caluin. in admonit. ad Polonos, extant in tract. theol. printed. 1597. pag. 739. b. fine, saith. Apertius dicam, si pater suum esse habet à seipso, filius suum esse à patre, spiritus ab utroque, an non tres essentiae emergunt? If the father have his essence, of himself, the son his essence of the father, and the spirit from them both, do not then three essences hereupon arise? Also Caluin proceedeth yet further, teaching that (n) Caluin. in tract. theologic. printed. 1597. pag. 791. b. fine, saith. Absurdum nullum est etc. si secundum divinitatem apud patrem intercedat Christus: Christ according to his divinity maketh intercession to God the father, that the (o) Caluin. in tractat. theolog. pag. 784. a. saith. Ingenuè tradimus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dei nomen propriè patri ascribi: name of God is properly attributed to the father by way of excellency: insinuatinge so thereby, that the name of God is attributed to the son and the holy ghost, but improperly and as it were after a secondary respect: In so much as he forbeareth not to term Christ, (p) Caluin. in harmonia in Math. 26. vers. 64. fine, saith. Dicitur autem Christus sedere ad dextram patris quia summus rex constitutus quasi secundam ab eo honoris & imperij sedem obtinet: sedet ergo Christus ad patris dextram, quia eius est Vicarius, etc. the Vicar of God, occupying the second degree of honour: concluding that this saying of our saviour objected usually by the Arianes, the (q) Caluin. in tract. theolog. pag. 794. b initio. saith. Sententia Christi pater maior me est, restricta fuit ad humanam eius naturam, ego vero non dubito ad totum complexum extendere, and see also, pag. 792. a▪ initio. father is greater than I, is not to be restrained to the humane nature, but to Christ as God and man: In respect of which premises, Stancarus, though in most other things a Caluiniste, doubteth not yet to (r) Stancarus contra ministros Genevenses & Tigurinos', saith. Conclusum est, o calvin, doctrinam tuam de filio Dei esse planè Arianam, àqua resilias, quamprimum te or● atque obsecre: Vide ibidem. pag. 94. 95. ●18. 123. charge calvin with Arianisme: A thing as yet more suspicious, in that calvin (who right well known that words are but as the vessels of things) professeth to mislike (as (s) see heretofore. cap. 2. sect. 10. at. o. p. q. likewise did Luther) our usual praying to the trinity as (t) Caluin. in tract. theolog. pag. 796. a▪ paulo ante med. saith. Precatio vulgo trita est, sancta Trinitas unus Deus, miserere nostri, mihi non placet, ac omnino barbariem sapit. being displeasant to him and barbarous And as calvin thus maketh way in strengtheninge the Arianes pretended proofs against the divinity of Christ, so doth he also yet further seem to advance their cause in extenuatinge the force of such texts of scripture as are usually alleged against the Arianes in the behalf of Christ's divinity, as for example: fi●ste concerning this known text, I (u) john. 10 30. and the father are (unum) one (thing) which Zanchius de tribus Elohim. part. 2. l. 5. c. 3. termeth argumentum firmum. calvin avoideth it saying; The (x) Caluin. in john. 10.30. saith. Abusi sunt hoc loco veteres ut probarent Christum esse patri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neque enim Christus de unitate substantiae disputat, sed de consensu etc. fathers abused this place, to prove Christ to be of the same substance with his father, for Christ speaketh not of the unity of substance, but of consent: which being the very answer of the Arianes, is in them specially confuted by (*) See this in Zanchius de tribus Elohim, printed. 1597. l. 5 cap. 5. pag. 689. a. ant med. Zanchius. secondly concerning the word Eloim in Genesis, master D. Willet confesseth saying, (y) Wi●let upon Genesis. printed. 1605. in cap. 1. pag. 19 fine. & 20. initio. Against the jews that deny the Trinity we have evident proof in Genesis, cap. 1. vers. 1. where the word Elohim etc. and in like manner is this place understood and urged by (z) see Zanchius alleged in Hurnius Anparaeus etc. pag. 16. & 17. Zanchius, (a) Peter martyr alleged. ibidem. pag. 14. Peter martyr, and others, yet is Caluin so bold as to avoid the same, saying. They (b) Caluin. in Gen c. 1. saith. Ex verbo Elohim colligere solent hic notari in Deo tres personas, sed quia mihi parum solida videtur tantae rei probatio, ego in voce non insistam, qum potius movendi sunt lectores, ut sibi à violentis eiusmodi glossis caveant. are accustomed to collect from the word Elohim, that thereby are noted three persons in God, but because the proof of so great a matter seemeth to me unsound, I will not rest upon the word, but will rather admonish the readers to beware of such violent glosses: thirdly as concerning Genesis where it is said, (c) Gen. 19.24. the lord rained upon Sodom, fire from the lord etc. whereof master D. Willet saith, (d) master Willet in Genesis. c. 19 vers. 24. pag. 214. paulo ante med. this place is well urged by the fathers to prove the eternity of Christ, calvin to the contrary saith. (e) Caluin. in Gen. c. 19 saith. Quod veteres, Christi divinitatem hoc testimonio probare conati sunt, minime firmum est, etc. and see Caluin. in tract. theol. pag. 793. b. ant med. Whereas the fathers laboured to prove Christ's divinity by this testimony, it is nothing firm: etc. Fourthelie where it is said, (f) Psal. 2.7. thou art my son, this day have I begotten thee, which to omit the fathers, the (g) Haebr. 1.5. Apostle allegeth as in proof of Christ's divinity, as Symlerus (a learned Caluiniste) doth (*) See Simlerus de filio Dei, printed. 1568. l. 1. fol. 19 b. ant med. & fol. 21. a. initio. confess and urge, calvin say to the contrary thereof, (h) Caluin. in Psal. 2. saith. Scio hunc locum de aeterna Christi generatione à multis fuisse expositum, qui & in verbo (hodie) argutè philosophati sunt, sed etc. and again in Heb. c. 1. vers. 5. he further saith. Frivola Augustini argutia est qui hodie aeternum & continuum fingit Christus, certè aeternus est, etc. sed hoc nihil ad praesentem locum. I know this place to be expounded by many, of Christ's eternal generation, who have philosophically argued from the word, hodie, this day, but etc. and again, (i) ut supra, at. f. the reason of Austin is frivolous, who by the word (hodie) this day, feigneth eternity: surely Christ is eternal, but that is nothing to this present place: fifthly where it is said, (k) Psal. 33.6. by the word of the lord the heavens were made, and all the host of them by the spirit of his mouth, a text to this purpose specially alleged and urged by (l) urged by Zanchius. de tribus Elohim. part. 1. lib. 7. cap. 1. loc. 1. pag. 381. a. post med. Zanchius, calvin rejecteth the father's exposition hereof in behalf of the Trinity, saying, (m) Caluin. institut. l. 1. cap. 13. §. 15. saith. Sciens volensque supersedeo à multis testimonijs quibus usi sunt veteres, plausibile illis visum est citare ex Davide Psalm. 33. etc. ut probarent spiritus sancti divinitatem, sed illa ratio infirma fuit: I do knowinglie & willingly forbear diverse testimonies which the ancient fathers used: it seemed plausible unto them, to allege from David. Psalm. 33. etc. to prove the divinity of the holy ghost, but that reason (or proof) was infirm: Sixthlie, where it is said (n) 1. john. 5.7. there be three that give testimony in heaven, the father, the word, and the holy ghost, and these three be one, a text so convincinge that it is for such urged by (o) Zanchius de tribus Elohim. part. 2. lib. 5. cap. 3. pag. 668. a. post med. Zanchius; calvin upon this so known a place say, (p) Caluin. in 1. ep. john. cap. 5. vers. 7. saith. Quod dicit tres esse unum, ad essentiam non refertur, sed ad consensum potius. Where it say that they three are one, it is to be referred not to essence, but rather to consent: the further expositions of calvin in this kind are so exceeding many, as would grow to a great volume. And are for such accordingly collected and digested into (q) Three treatises one of them entitled Caluinus judaizans, hoc est Iudaicae glossae & corruptelae quibus Ioannes Caluinus Illustrissima scripturae sacrae loca & testimonia de gloriosa Trinitate etc. detestandum in modum corrumpere non exhorruit, etc. per Aegidium Hunn●um S. Theol. doctorem, & professorem in Academia Witembergensi. 1595. Another of them entitled. Antiparaeus etc. printed. Witembergae. 1603. and the third entitled. Antiparans altar, printed. ut supra. And see like collection and observation of sundry scriptures (depraved as before by calvin) made in Schlusselburge. in theolog Caluin. l. 2. fol. 38. 39 40. 41. 42. and in Pel●rgus his admonitio de Arianis pag. 50 51. etc. three several treatises or volumes, not by us, but by that famously learned protestant writer Aegidius Hunnius (r) ut supra at. m. doctor and public professor in the university of Witemberge, and chosen (s) see colloquium Ratisbonae habitum anno 1601. excusum ●auingae 1●02. throughout all which conference Hunnius beareth the chiefest part: chief disputante upon the protestante party, in the late public disputation had at Ratisbone between catholics and protestants: this point was so observable and evident calvin, that the new Arianes of Transiluania, do usually avoid with like or rather the very same evasion as doth calvin, the texts of scripture commonly objected against them in proof of Christ's divinity. Whereof Hunnius giving example say (*) Hunuius in his Caluinus judaizans. p●g. 44. saith hereof. Hanc glossam etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excipiunt, amplexantur & exosculantur Franciscus David, Blandrata, caeterique iuratissimi perfidissimique hostes adorandae Trinitatis. This gloss (or exposition) is willingly received and embraced by Franciscus David, Blandrata, and other the wicked enemies of the honoured Trinity: and Pelargus an other protestante writer of great note say likewise thereof, (t) ●elargus in his admonitio de Arianis etc. pag. 45. ante med. saith. Non hic Caluinum in plurimis scripturae expositionibus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non Caluinianos', in praecipus de divinitate Christi locis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 laboriose ostendam, etc. ex ipsis Arianorum libris ubi sua posuerunt latibula, ubi parata sibi cognoscant receptacula paucis refer●●. I will not hear labour to show that calvin doth judaize in his many expositions of scripture, nor that the Caluinistes do Arianize in the chief places (of scripture) which concern the divinity of Christ etc. I will (but) allege some few (examples) out of the very books of the Arianes themselves, where they have placed their holes and lurkinge places, whereupon he allegeth the many (u) see Pelargus. ibidem. pag. 51. & 52 answers of the Arianes, wherein they do imitate calvin in answering and avoiding as he doth, the many texts of scripture usually objected in proof of the Trinity. In so much as he also allegeth further the Arianes own (x) ibidem. pag. 50. words, wherein they do profess to answer and avoid under the express alleged name and authority of calvin, certain of the scriptures which are as before specially recited, and the like is done by Albertus (y) Albertus Grawerus in his absurda absurdorum, etc. printed. Anno 1606. fol. c. 3. on the firste side, ant med. saith. Apertè igitur Caluinus Arianizat, quare & Ariani ad cum provocant, in proof whereof he there next after citeth verbatim, the several sayings of Franciscus David, Georgius Blandrata, & Obsterrodus (all of them new Arianes) in which they allege the very words, name and authority of Caluines' exposition as in answer to many scriptures objected against them in proof of Christ's divinity: wherein to avoid all doubts, this author not only so allegeth their foresaid sayings, but also the titles of their books, and the very leaf wherein every such saying is to be found: Grawerus (z) this appeareth in the first pag. under title of the book. Rector of the protestante university of Islebium: that therefore calvin professed externally the doctrine of the Trinity seemeth unto some but suspected and verbal, seeing he really evadeth so very many of those chiefest texts of scripture, which be usually alleged in behalf of the Trinity, and by such his evasion, directeth the Arianes how to avoid the rest, in that the very same kind of evasion or answer, is no less strong against the other, then against these: which suspicion so had of Caluines' spirit, appeareth to many much more probable, in that the several troops of Arianes now raging in (a) Beza in epist. theolog. printed. 1573. epist. 81. pag. 363. paulo post med. say hereof. Hinc illud incendium, quod iam tota vastata Polonia, in Transiluaniam quoque pervasit, and ep. 16. pag. 122. post med. He say hereof. Poloniam totam & Transiluaniam in hunc miserrimum statum redactum vides: Transiluania, Poland and Hungary, are but as Colonies sent from Geneva, all the principal chieftains of these new Arianes, having been at first (b) see next hereafter at. b. and jacobus Andrea's (of whose great praises see heretofore, cap. 3. sect. 7. in the margin at. y. z.) in prafat. refut. apolog. Danai, saith. Minimè mirandum est, & ex Caluinianis in Polonia, Transiluania & Hungaria, alijsque in locis quam plurimos ad Arianismum, quosdam etiam ad Mahometismum accessisse, quorum impietati haec Caluiniana doctrina iter parat. and see further also Schlusselburge. in theolog. Caluin. lib. 2. act. 2. fol. 9 a. and Hunnius in his Antiparaeus pag. 97. initio, saith. Tot celebres Antitrinitarij ex Caluinianorum scholis & ecclesijs prodierunt: and Pelargus in his admonitio etc. pag. 45. saith. Non hic etc. Adami Neuseri, non Blandratae, non Pauli Alciati, Francisci Davidis, Gentilis, Gribaldi, Siluani & aliorum facilem è Caluini scholae ad Arianos lapsum & progressum commemorabo: and see like further acknowledgement of this point in master Hooker, of eccles. policy, printed. 1597. lib. 5. sect. 42. pag. 89. post med. Caluinistes, and so in most other (c) It appeareth by the book set forth by Gratianus Prosper a learned antitrinitarie entitled Instrumentum doctrinarum etc. printed. Loschi. Anno 1586. that the only points therein propounded wherein they descent from the purer Caluinistes, are their doctrines against the Trinity, and the baptism of infants, till they be of years of beleeffe: points do yet to this present continue, reputing themselves to be the most pure reformed Caluinistes in respect of their abnegation of the Trinity, which they reject as being the (d) Osiander, centur. 16. lib. 2. cap. 22. pag. 209. fine. say of them. Antitrinitarij asserunt Deum unum esse in essentia, trinum in personis esse commentum Antichristi, triplicem Cerberum etc. three headed Cerberus, the device of Antichriste, and the (e) master Hooker, in his eccles. policy. the firste edition. lib. 4. sect. 8. pag. 183. fine, saith. The Arianes in the reformed churches of Poland, think the very beleeffe of the Trinity, to be a part of Antichristiane corruption, etc. And that the pope should be famous for his triple crown, a sensible mark whereby the world might know him to be mystical beast spoken of in the revelation, the great Antichriste, in no one respect so much as in this, that he maintaineth the doctrine of the Trinity. cheeffe part of popish and Christiane corruption; from which known foundation of the Arianes doctrine it was that Adam Nauserus (a learned Caluiniste) and (f) see Osiander. centur. 16. lib. 3. cap. 66. pag. 818. fine, and Schlusselburge. in theolog. Caluin. lib. 1. art. 2. fol. 9 b. fine, saith. Adam Neuserus ●lim Heidelbergensis Ecclesiae primarius pastor. cheeffe pastor at Heydelberge, (who revolted into Arianisme and from thence to) the nexte thereto adjoining step of Mahometism) did (g) Osiander. centur. 16. lib. 2. cap. 22. pag. 208. fine, saith. Adam Neuserus hac sequentia verba Constantinop. sua manu ad D. D. Stephanum Gerlachium. Anno. 1574. die 2. julij scripsit, nullus nostro tempore mihi notus, factus est Arianus qui non ante fuerit Caluinista, Seruetus, Blandrata, Paulus Alciatus, Franciscus Davidis, Gentilis, Gribaldus, Silvanus, & alij. Igitur qui sibi timet, ne incidet in Arianismum, caveat Caluinismum: & hoc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Adam Neuseri socum Tubinga habet doctor Gerlachius. write to D. Gerlachius (a protestante preacher) from Constantinople the 2. of julie. 1574. saying, none is known to me in our time made an Ariane, who was not firste a Caluiniste, (as) Seruetus, Blandrata, Paulus Alciatus, Franciscus David, Gentilis, Gribaldus, Silvanus, and others, (all of them Caluinistes revolted into Arianisme) therefore whoe so feareth to fall in Arianism, let him take heed of Caluinisme: thus fare Neuserus. iv AS concerning Caluins translating of the scriptures, observe (but once for all) his licentious bouldenesse in behalf of his doctrine: for whereas S. Matthew mentioneth the (h) Math. 27.55. many (devout) women which had followed jesus from Galelie ministering to him, of which sort diverse afterwards attended in ministering in like manner to the Apostles, S Luke reporting with the same (i) the same greek word which is Mat. 27.55. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is in Act. 1.14. (the case but altered) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: greek word, how the apostles continued in prayer with these women, calvin (whom Beza followeth) doth without all forehead translate, that they (k) Caluin. in Act. 1.14. print. 1573. translateth. Hi omnes perseverabant unanimiter in oratione & precatione cum uxoribus: and Beza in his new testament of ●587. and in ●he other of 1588. translated likewise cum uxoribus. were persevering with one mind in prayer with their wives: as though the apostles had then kept wives: wherein he and Beza are refuted by our English (l) see the english bibles. of 1576. and 1580. and the laste. of 1611. in all which (as not adventuring with calvin and Beza to alter the text) is translated (as we do) they continued with one accord in prayer and supplication with the women. translators: the further examples that might be alleged in this kind are over many, and not fitting, for this short intended discourse, only therefore I will but put the reader in remembrance, how that Molineus (a learned protestante writer) saith, (m) Carolus Molineus in sua translat. testam. novi. part. 12. f. 110. saith. Caluinus in sua harmonia, textum evangelicum desultare facit sursum versum, ut res ipsa indicat, vim infert literae evangelica, & illam multis in locis transponit, & insuperaddit litera: calvin in his Harmony, maketh the text of the gospel to leap up and down, he useth violence to the letter of the gospel, and besides this, addeth to the text: furthermore whereas the scriptures do frequently refer the sufficient price of our redemtion unto (2) Rom. 5.9. & Ephes. 1.7. & Colos. 1.20.22 & Haebr. 9.14. & 1. Petr. 1.19. & 2.24. & 4.1. & Actor. 20.28. & 1. john. 1.7. & revel 5.9. the blood of Christ: (whereof saith master Greneham (3) so say master Greneham in his works, printed. Anno 1601. pag. 319. paulo post med. two only drops had been sufficient etc.) calvin affirmeth to the contrary, that (4) Caluin. institut. l. 2. c. 16. § 10. saith. Nihil actum erat si corporea tantum morte defunctus fuisset Christus etc. unde etiam eum oportuit cum inferorum copijs, aeternaque mortis horrore, quasi consertis manibus luctari, etc. quibus significat in locum sceleratorum sponsorem, vadem atque instar rei submissum, qui dependeret ac persolueret omnes quae ab illis expetenda erant poenas, uno hoc duntaxat excepto, quod doloribus mortis non poterat detineri: ergo si ad inferos descendisse dicitur, nihil mirum est, quum eam mortem pertulerit quae sceleratis ab irato Deo infligitur, etc. diros in anima cruciatus damnati ac perditi hominis pertulit: nothing had been done, if Christ had only died a corporal death. Whereto his disciple master D. Willet addeth, that (5) master Willet in his Synopsis, printed. 1600. pag. 985. ante med. & vide. pag. 897. initio. Where he further say, Christ's sufferings in his flesh only, wrought not our redemption, the bodily suffering of Christ, was not, in respect of God's justice the full price of our redemption: that also in (6) master Willet in his antilogy, printed. 1603. pag. 5. initio. regard of God's justice, God could not otherwise have been satisfied, if Christ had not both in his body, and soul sustained the whole punishment due to us: therefore say calvin (7) Caluin. ut supra. at. 4. Christ suffered (also) in soul, the horrible torments of a damned and wicked man, (8) see calvin. ut supra. at 4. and in Harmonia. in Matth. 27. vers. 46. he not only offered his body in price, but also suffered in soul the pains due to us even (9) Caluin. ut supr. at. 4. that death which ye inflicted upon the wicked by God in his ●●ger: and (10) ut supra. at. 4. all the pains for which the damned stands answerable, only excepted that he could not be detained therein: from whence also ensueth according to calvin that (11) Caluin. in Math. 26. vers. 39 and see Whitaker contra Duraun. printed. 1583. l. 8. pag. 566 circa med. and Marloret. in Math. 26. he was in great horror with the feeling of eternal damnation, (12) Caluin. ut sup. at the figure. 4. and did strive with the horror of eternal damnation: (13) Calui. in Harmon. in Math. 26. vers. 37. & 39 and see in master Bilsons survey etc. printed. 1604. pag. 387. ante med. feared more than his bodily death, and was for the time in (14) Caluin. in Math. 27. vers. 46. saith. Sed absurdum videtur Christo elapsam esse desperationis vocem: solutio facilis est etc. ad ibidem. in vers. 47. he saith. Sic videmus omni ex parte vexatum, ut desperatione obrutus ab invocando Deo absisteret, quod erat saluti renunciare: and see further Marloret. in Mat. 26. despair, and as being (15) Caluin. ut supra. at. 14. overhelmed with desperation, gave over prayer: wherein he formerly behaved himself as (16) Caluin. in harm. in Math. 26. ver. 38.39. say. Hac ratio est cur mortem deprecatus mox sibi franum inijciat patrisque imperio se subijciens, votum illud subit● elapsum castiget ac revocet, etc. non fuit igitur haec meditata Christi oratio, sed vis & impetus doloris subitam ei vocem extorsit, cui statim addita fuit correctio: eadem vehementia prasentem calestis docreti memoriam illi abstulit, etc. certè in primo voto non apparet placida illa moderatio quam dixi, quia mediatoris officio quantum in se est renuit ac detractat, and see this doctrine more fully in Marloret. in Math. cap. 26. unadvised or distempered. Whereto (forbearing Hemingius a learned Caluiniste and others) Latimer (the English Caluiniste martyr) addeth, that (17) so saith Latimer in his sermons, printed. 1548. serm●. 7. post med. fol. D. d.viij. being the leaf laste but six. and see this confessed of Latimer by master Fulke in his defence of the English translations, etc. printed. 1583. cap. 7. pag. 204. and concerning Hemingius and others, see further confessed heretofore, cap. 2. sect. 9 nexte after 1. in the margin. at. *. our saviour (after his death) did not only descend into hell, but also suffered in hell such pains as the damned spirits did suffer for ever, etc. He would not (say Latimer) suffer only bodily in the garden, and upon the cross, but also in his soul when it was from the body, etc. which foresaid doctrine, whether of calvin or Latimer, is so unworthy and injurious to our full redemption wrought by Christ's corporal death, that it is for such specially and largely confuted by master D. Bilson (18) confuted by master Bilson in his book of the full redemption of mankind by the death and blood of Christ, printed. 1599 and in his Survey of Christ's sufferings, etc. printed. 1604. the now protestante Bishop of Winchester. V AS concerning Caluines peremptory reiecting of the ancient fathers in the several points of our catholic faith, which sufficeth at once to justify us, and to convince him of nowellisme: firste concerning the blessed Trinity, not one but many examples are (a) heretofore, cap. 6. sect. 3. throughout. heretofore alleged of his so reiecting the consenting expositions of the ancient fathers. secondly concerning freewill he affirmeth of the ancient fathers, that even (b) Caluin. institut. l. 2. c. 2. §. 4. saith. Nimis ergo philosophicè de hac re locuti sunt qui se Christi iactabant esse discipulos, etc. semper apud latinos liberi arbitrij nomen extitit, graecos vero non puduit multo arrogantius, usurpare vocabulum, siquidem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dixerunt, ac si potestas sui ipsius penes hominem fuisset, and see further reprehending herein, Chrisostome, Hierom, &c lib. 2. cap. 5. §. 2. those who gloriously affirmed themselves to be the disciples of Christ, spoke thereof over philosophicallye etc. that the latin fathers ever used the name of freewill, and that the greek fathers were not ashamed much more arrogantly to usurp the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as though unto man were left remaining a liberty of himself: thirdly concerning the merit of works, calvin say, to (c) Caluin. institut. lib. 3. cap. 15. §. 2. saith. Quorsum enim obsecro opus fuit invebi nomen meriti & c? certè ut est fastuosissimum, nihil quam obscurare Dei gratiam potest, uti sunt fateor passim vetustae Ecclesiae scriptores, atque utinam voculae unius abusu, erroris materiam posteris non praebuissent. what end I pray you was the name of merit brought in, certainly it is a proud word obscuringe the grace of Christ: the ancient writers of the Curche did I confess commonly use it, and would to God that with the abuse of the word, they had not left to posterity matter of error: so he of freewill and merit of works, whom his follower. D. Humphrey therein defendeth saying (d) Humfredus in jesuitismi. part. 2. printed. 1584. rat. 5. pag. 530. ante med. saith. Liberum arbitrium & bonorum operum merita percenset Duraeus, & sanè eas opiniones, Ireneum, Clementem, & alios quos vocant Apostolicos alicubi parum apostolicè suis libris immiscuisse non est negandum etc. it may not be denied but that Ireneus, Clement, & others called apostolical (in respect of the time wherein they lived) have nothing apostolicallie in their writings in the opinions of freewill and merit of works: and the like is affirmed by master Whitguifte of (e) master Whytguifte in his defence, etc. printed. 1574. tract. 8. pag. 472. fine, & 473. prope initium, saith, the doctrine taught and professed by our Bishops at this day is much more perfect and sounder, than it commonly was in any age after the apostles times, for etc. how greatly were almost all the bishops and learned writers of the greek church and latyns also for the most part, spotted with doctrines of free Will, merits, invocation of saints, and such like (other points of popery) etc. all the doctors of the greek church, and latins also for the most part that lived in any age after the apostles times: also as concerning grace and justification calvin say, (f) Caluin. institut. l. 3. c. 11. §. 15. fine, & 16. saith. Ac ne quidem Augustini sententia vel saltem loquendi ratio per omnia recipienda est: tametsi enim egregiè hominem omni iustitiae laude spoliat, ac totam Dei gratia transcribit, gratiam tamen ad sanctificationem refert; qua in vita novitatem per spiritum regeneramur, scriptura autem cum de fidei iustitia loquitur longè alio nos ducit, etc. Not the opinion even of Austin, or at jest not the manner of his speaking is to be wholly allowed, for although he do commendably bereave man of all praise of justice, and ascribeth all to the grace of God, yet doth he refer grace to sanctification whereby we are renewed by the spirit into newness of life, whereas the scripture leadeth us a fare other course etc. wherein calvin (*) see calvin defended herein against S. Austin by D. Field of the church. lib. 3. cap. 15. pag. 92. fine, & 93. initio, printed. Anno 1606. is defended as opposite to S. Austin by master D. Field. Fourthelie concerning Limbus patrum, calvin say thereof (g) Caluin. institut. l. 2. c. 16. §. 9 say hereof. Nescio qui factum sit, ut posteritas putaret locum esse subterraneum cui affinxi● nomen lymbi, sed h●c fabula tametsi magnos authores habet etc. nihil tamen quam fabula est: although it have many great authors, yet it is nothing else but a fable: and our English writers acknowledge the like doctrine of the fathers, master D. Barlowe for the Bishops saith. (h) so saith master D. Barlowe (now Bishop of Lincoln) in his defence of the articles of the protestants religion. printed. 1601. pag. 173. post med. This passeth most rife among the fathers, who takeinge inferi for Abrhames bosom, expound it that Christ went thither to convey the father's deceased before his resurrection, into the place where now they are: and master jacob (a prime man among the puritanes) say, (i) so saith master jacob, see his words cited in master bilson's book of the full redemption of mankind, printed. 1599 pag. 188. fine. And see master jacob further in his defence of the treatise of Christ's sufferings, pag. 199. paulo post med. & 200 aunt med. All the fathers with one consent affirm, that Christ delivered the souls of the patriarchs out of hell at his coming thither, etc. Fivethlie, as concerning prayer for the dead, calvin affirmeth that (k) Caluin. institut. l. 3. c. 5. §. 10. saith. Quum ergo mihi obijciunt adversarij ante mille & trescentoes annos usu receptum fuisse, ut precationes fierent pro defunctis, eos vicissim interrogo quo de verbo, qua revelatione, quo exemplo factum? etc. ipsi veteres qui praeces fundebant pro mortuis, & mandato Dei, & legitimo exemplo hic se destitui videbant: ergo audeo dicere in eo aliquid humani passos etc. abrepti fateor in errorem fuerunt, etc. above a thousand and three hundreth years (before the than writing of his book, (*) published. 1536. as appeareth by the same date of the preface unto Francis the French king: set before his book of Institutions, published 1536.) it was usual to pray for the dead, and that the ancient fathers were destitute of God's commandment and all lawful example, and erred therein: which assertion of calvin is made good by master Gifforde (no vulgarre adversary) who say, The (l) so saith master Gifforde, in his demonstration that Brownists be full Donatists, printed. 1590. pag. 38. corruption of praying for the dead, was general in in the church long before the days of Austin: etc. it was the practice of the church in general, and the corruption so ancient, that Tertulian saith yt was observed by tradition from the Apostles: Sixthly as concerning the fast of lente Caluine saith, (m) Caluin. institut. l. 4. c. 12. §. 19 & 20. saith. Non in totum excusare audeo ve●●●, qui● & 〈◊〉 quadam 〈…〉, & occasionem pr●bu●rint tyrannidi qua postea exorta est: & tunc passim inual●●rat superstitiosa quadragosima obseruatio: I dare not excuse the ancient fathers, but that they laid certain seeds of superstition and gave occasion to the tyranny that ensued etc. than the superstitious observation of lent prevailed every where etc. and Chemnitius confesseth likewise that (n) Chemnitius in his examen Conc. Trid. printed. 1578. part. 1. pag. 89. b. ant med. saith. Quadragesiman enim Ambrose Maximus, Taurinensis, Theophilus, Hieronimus, & alij affirmant esse traditionem apostolicam. Ambrose, Maximus, Taurinensis, Theophilus, Hierom, and others do affirm the fast of lente to be an apostolical tradition, which point is yet further confessed by (*) Shroderus. in his opusculum theologicum, printed. Anno 1605. cap. 1. sect. 3. pag. 71. circa med. saith. Ambrose, Theophilus, Hieronimus, & alij ex apostolica traditione quadragesimam descendisse statuunt, Shroderus: In so much as Abraham Scultetus (Caluines' disciple) affirmeth that the (o) so saith Abraham Scultetus in his medulla theologiae patrum, printed. 1598. pag. 440. prope initium. To which purpose he there also allegeth, & for such acknowledgeth the undoubted epistle of Ignatius, the which (being ad Philippenses) is likewise for such cited and acknowledged by master Whitguifte in his defence etc. tract. 2. pag. 102. ante med. and by master Cartwrighte cited there. pag. 99 fine, and by master Hooker in his ecclesiastical policy. lib. 5. printed 1597. sect. 72. pag. 209. circa med. Who there preventeth an usual objection against it: and so likewise doth master Whitguifte in his defence etc. pag. 102. superstition of lente and fasting was allowed and commanded by Ignatius, (p) master Whitguifte, ubi sup. tract. 8. pag. 408. ante med. saith. Ignatius who was S. john's scholar and lived in Christ's time, in his epistle ad Trallianos speaketh thus etc. who was scholar to S. john: Seaventlie as concerning the grace conferred by our sacraments, and the difference in this kind between the several baptisms of Christ, and john, calvin saith, (q) Caluin. instit. lib. 4. cap. 15 §. 7. saith. Neminem perturbet quod alterum ab altero discernere veteres contendunt, quorum non tanti nobis debet esse calculus ut scriptura certitudienm quatefaciat etc. nec recipienda est illa Augustini argutia, in spe dimissa fuisse peccata baptism joannis, Christi baptism de re ipsa dimitti. Let it trouble no man, that the ancient father's endeavour to distinguish the one from the other etc. neither is this subtility of Austin to be received, that in john's baptism, sins were forgiven in hope, but in Christ's baptism in very deed etc. whereof also Musculus say, (r) Musculus, in loc. common. printed. 1573. pag. 299. post med. Inconsideratè dictum est ad Augustino, which Suinglius maketh good, affirming that (s) Suinglius. tom. 2. printed. 1581. de baptismo. fol. 70. b. ant med. saith. Hic enim plerique doctorum illi ipsi materiali & externae baptismi aquae plus quam par erat tribuerunt. most of the doctors attributed to much unto the external water of baptism etc. Caluin himself not forbearing their yet further (t) Caluin. institut. l. 4. c. 14. §. 14. initio. say, of sacraments confering grace. Quae sententia dici non potest quam exitialis & pestilens, eoque magis quod multis ante seculis magna ecclesiae iactura in bona orbis parte obtinuit: and §. 17. he further say. Cavendum etc. ne in errorem nos abducant quae ad amplificandam sacramentorum dignitatem paulo magnificentius à veteribus scripta sunt, ut scilicet arbitremur latentem aliquam virtutem sacramentis annexam affixamque esse: etc. and see further, §. 26. initio. Also calvin in Harmonia in john. Euang. c. 3. vers. 5. saith. Chrisostomus cui maior pars subscribit, aqua nomen ad baptismum refert, ita sensus esset nos per baptismum ingredi in regnum Dei, etc. Hinc factum est ut praecisa baptismi necessitas statueretur: etc. in prevention whereof say he yet further. Quantum vero ad hunc locum attinet, nullo modo adducor, ut Christum de baptismo verbo facere credam. Hoc enim fuisset intempestiwm. reprehension in this behalf: eightly as as concerning the necessity of baptism, calvin confesseth that in respect thereof the fathers doubted not (u) Caluin. lib. 4. c. 15. §. 20. say. Quod multis ab hinc saeculis adeoque ab ipso ferè ecclesiae exordio usu receptum fuit, ut in periculo mortis laici baptizarent si minister in tempore non adesset, non video quam firma ratione defendi queat. many ages since, almost from the very beginning of the church, to use the baptism of lay persons in danger of death, which (say he) I see not how it can be defended &c Whereto diverse (*) D. Bilson Bishop of Winchester, in the conference at Hampton court, printed. 1604. pag. 18. intio. say. The denying of private persons to baptise in case of necessity, were to cross all antiquity etc. other protestante writers do assent: Nynethlye as concerning the ceremonies of baptism and other sacraments, calvin say. (x) Caluin. institut. l. 4. cap. 15. §. 19 saith. Inuenta est benedictio vel potius incantatio aquae, etc. additus postea cereus cum chrismate, exsufflatio etc. Etsi autem me non latet quam vetusta sit adventitiae huius farraginis origo, respuere tamen mihi & pijs omnibus fas est etc. insinuatinge there nexte afterwards, Satan to have brought in these, ferè inter ipsa evangelij exordia. It is not unknown to me, how ancient are the consecration of the water of baptism, the waxed candle, chrism, and exufflation: and again he further saith (if any man would defend such inventions by antiquity I am not ignorant, how ancient was the use of chrism and exufflation in baptism, how not long after the apostles age, the supper of our Lord was defiled with rust: (y) Caluin. instit. l. 4. c. 17. §. 33. saith. Si quis vetustate tueri huiusmodi inuentiones velit, nec ipse ignoro quam vetustus sit chrismatis & exufflationis in baptismo usus, quam non longè ab aetate apostolorum, caena Domini tacta rubigine fuerit. whereto assenteth (*) Zepperus in politia ecclesiastica, printed. M. D.CVII l. 1. c. 12. having mentioned holy water, salt, oil, exorcism, spittle, etc. used in baptism, say thereof. Antiquiores sunt fateor in ecclesia hae superstitiosa ceremoniae, nec multis post apostolorum tempora seculis, etc. pag. 123. circa med. Zepperus a learned Caluiniste, and also Beza, saying, I (z) Beza in epist. theolog. printed. 1573. epist. 8. pag. 79. initio. saith. Totum illum apparatum quo vetustissimi illi, baptismum & caenam Domini se exornare posse putarunt, non satis mirari possum etc. cannot sufficiently wonder at all that decking furniture, wherewith the most ancient fathers adorned baptism and the lord's supper etc. and having recited sundry of those ceremonies he termeth them. (a) ibidem. pag. 80. prope initium, saying there further. Plerique ex vetustissinus illis Christianorum sacra non aliter quam cereris misteria quaedam occultanda censuerunt, etc. & totam illam actionem in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quaedam & ne ipsis quidem mistis plerisque intellecta, sacra transformarunt: Histrionicas ineptias, stagelyke fooleries. Tenthlie as concerning concupiscence remaining after baptism not to be sin: calvin saith thereof, (b) Caluin. instit. l. 3. c. 3. §. 10. say. Neque opus est multum investigando laborare quid hic veteres senserint, quando unus Augustinus ad id sufficere potest, qui fideliter magnaque diligentia omnium sententias collegit: ex illo igitur sumant lectores si quid de antiquitatis sensu habere certi volent: porro inter illum & nos hoc discriminis videri potest interest, quod ipse quidem etc. eum morbum, peccatum vocare non audet; sed ad illum designandum infirmitatis nomine contentus, tunc demum fieri peccatum docet, ubi vel opus vel consensus, ad conceptionem vel apprehensionem accedit, etc. nos autem illud ipsum pro peccato habemus etc. and Luther. tom. 2. Witemb. fol. 229. b. circa med. saith. Patres excusatos habeo, qui vel tentatione vel necessitate adacti, fortiter negaverunt peccatum post baptismum remanere. We shall not here need much to inquire what the ancient father's thought hereof, seeing only Austin, who very diligently collected the sayings of all (the ancient fathers) may suffice thereto, of him therefore let the readers receive the certain sense of antiquity, yet between him and us is this difference, that etc. he dareth not to call that disease sin, but contented to use the name of infirmity, he teacheth it to become at last sin, when our will assenteth thereto, whereas we hold concupiscence yt selfe to be sin: etc. Eleventhlie as concerning the mediatorshipe of Christ, whereas calvin teacheth that Christ was mediator according both to his divine and humane nature, to the contrary whereof, we (c) See Bellarmin. tom. 1. l●b. 5. de Christo mediatore, c. 1. etc. 3. & so teacheth S. Austin l. 10. confess. c. 43. saying. In quantum homo in tantum mediator, in quantum autem verbum, non medius, quia aequalis Deo. teach that Christ though God and man, was yet but inferior and therefore but mediator, only according to his humane nature, calvin reprehendeth the fathers as herein dissagreeinge from him and consenting with us, saying, (d) Caluin. institut. lib. 2. c. 14. §. 3 say hereof. Hic excusari non potest veterum error, qui dum ad mediatoris personam non attendunt, totius ferè doctrinae quae in evangelio Ioannis legitur genuinum obscurant sensum, etc. and see also Beza in his epistol. theologic. printed. 1573. ep. 28. pag. 174. ante med. Caluin. l. 4. c. 12. §. 23. say. Certè quod sacerdotibus indictum fuit coniugium, id factum est impia tyrannide etc. and l. 1. 4. c. 12. §. 28. he reprehendeth herein S. Hierom. And hear the error of the ancient fathers cannot be excused, who not being attentive to the person of the mediator, do obscure the true sense of almost the whole doctrine contained in john's gospel, etc. Tweluethlie concerning the marriage of priests, calvin as reproving the fathers herein say, (e) marriage was by (their) wicked tyranny forbidden unto priests; for which he allegeth in his margin Siricius, who lived 1200. years since, and he further saith. (f) C●luin. l. 4. c. 12. §. 27. saith. Hinc illi canones quibus primo vetitum est ne matrimonium contraherent qui peruen●sent ad sacerdotij gradum etc. hac quia v●debantur reverentiam sacerdotio conciliare, magno plausis etiam antiquitus recepta esse fateor: and see further hereof Caluin. l. 4. c. 4. §. 10. ante med. From hence proceeded those canons, which forbid marriage to priests etc. which thing, for so much as it seemed to bring priesthood in reverence, was with great liking by antiquity received: Which his assertion in so reproving herein the ancient fathers is further affirmed by diverse (g) master jewel. in his defence of the apology, printed. 1571. part. 2. pag. 195 fine, say hereof, here master Harding is like to find some good advantage as having undoubtedly, a great number of the holy fathers on his side: and see also the father's doctrine against priests marriage confessed in Origen. Hierom. Ambrose, Innocentius, Syricius, and Epiphanius, by Chemnitius in his examen. Concil. Trid. part. 3. pag. 50. a. b. & 52. a. & 62. a. after the edition of 1578. confessed likewise, in Syricius, Innocentius, Calixtus, the second council of Arles, the council of Neocesarea etc. by Hospinian. in his histor. sacramentar. part. 1. printed. 1598. lib. 2. pag. 132. and see also the like in the century writers. cent. 3 cap. 6. col. 148. line. 48. & centur. 4. cap. 4. col. 303. throughout, & col. 486. line. 58. & col. 704. line. 21. & col. 1293. line. 5. & 17. And Bucer in his gratulatio ad Ecclesiam Anglicanam, printed. in 4. Anno 1548. pag. 35. prope finem, acknowledgeth Ecclesiam Aegypti, Orientis, & sedis apostolicae diui Hieronymi tempore non recipere solitas in sacerdotibus, nisi qui mariti aut non fuissent, aut esse desijssent: Whereto he there opposeth saying: Nos contra obijcimus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Spiritus sancti: of his followers: Thirtenthlie as concerning satisfaction calvin say. I (h) Caluin. l. 3. c. 4. §. 38. say. Parum me movent quae in veterum scriptis de satisfactione passim occurrunt, video quidem eorum nonnullos (dicam simpliciter omnes ferè quorum libri extant) aut hac in parte lapsos esse, aut nimis asperè ac durè locutos. am little moved with that which the ancient fathers do ordinarily write of satisfaction, diverse, or rather all of them whose books are extant, either erred herein, or spoke over harshly. Whereto master Whitaker addeth saying, (i) see this in master Whitaker. contra Camp. printed. 1604. rat. 5. pag. 78. and see him also alleged in master Fulkes defence of the English translations, printed. 1583. pag. 368. ante med. not Cyprian only, but almost all the most holy fathers of that time were in that error, as thinking so to pay the pains due for sin to satisfy gods justice: etc. Fourtenthlie as concerning solemn enjoined penance calvin say, the (k) Caluin. instit. l. 4. c. 12. §. 8. say. Qua in parte excusari nullo modo potest immodica veterum austeritas, quae & prorsus à Domini praescripto dissidebat, & erat mirum in modum periculosa, nam cum peccatori poenitentiam solennem & privationem à sacra communione nunc in septem, nunc in quatuor, nunc in tres annos, nunc intotam vitam indicerent, quid inde? etc. immoderate austerity of the ancient fathers was inexcusable, and varied wholly from the lords commandment in their enjoininge solemn penance to sinners for. 7 or. 4 or. 3. years, etc. in so much as yet he further specially reproveth S. Hierom for terming penance the second table after shipwreck, and in like plain manner are the fathers herein confessed and (*) Chemnitius in his examen. printed. 1578. part. 4. pag. 68 a. fine, saith. Nec vero nescius sum, veteres aliquando nimis largiter & verbis nimium magnificis disciplinam illam canonicam commendare etc. and Melancthon. in epist. aa Romanos, printed. 1540 in cap. 14. pag. 350. prope initium. and also in the book entitled. Libelli aliquot Melancthonis etc. printed in 8. Witembergae. 1561. fol. 11. a. initio. saith. Tota Synodus Nicaena, consensu multitudinis aut temporis victa, approbavit canones paenitentiae, etc. reproved by Chemnitius, and Melancthon; Fiventhlie as concerning Monachisme, calvin saith of the ancient monks. (l) Caluin. instit. l. 4. c. 19 §. 17. saith of penance. Ementitum sacramemtum ornarunt, etc. secundum esse tabulam post naufragium, quia si quis vestem innocentiae in baptismo perceptam peccando corruperit, per paenitentiam reparare potest, sed dictum est Hieronymi, cuiuscunque sit, quin planè impium sit excusari nequit: etc. and see also the Centuristes. cent. 4. c. 10. col. 1243. line 33. They lay upon the ground, their drink was water, their meat bread, herbs and roots, etc. (m) Caluin. institut. lib. 4. cap. 13. §. 8. saith of the ancient monks. Humi dormiebant, potus erat aqua, cibus, panis, herbae ac radiculae praecipuae lautitiae in oleo & ciceribus: ab omni delicatiore victu & corporis cultu abstinebant: Haec hiperbolica videri possent nisi ab oculatis & expertis testibus traderentur, Nazianzeno, Basilio, & Chrisostomo. Eye-witnesses were the reporters hereof, Nazianzen, Basile, and Chrisostom: (whom our adversaries do (*) master D. Willet in his Synopsis, printed. 1592. pag. 258. chargeth the fathers with rigorous and unnatural chastising of their bodies contrary to the rule of the gospel: reproveinge there also Saint Basile, and Gregory Nazianzen, for plucking down themselves by immoderate fasting, and concludeth there saying. Where in all the scriptures learned these men thus to punish their bodies? therefore reprehend) they (n) Caluin. institut. lib. 4. cap. 13. §. 9 it is further said of them. Non solum à vino & carnibus abstinent, etc. abstained from wine and flesh, (o) certain of the fathers did evilly understand, (p) ibidem. lib. 4. cap. 13. §. 13. fine. Caluin. saith. Fateor hunc locum à quibusdam ex patribus male intellectum, atque hinc natam esse voluntariae paupertatis affectationem. Math. 19.21. from whence did springe the affectation of voluntary poverty and again he say further (p) Caluin. institut. l. 4. ●. 13. §. 17. saith. Hoc inquinut ab ultima memoria fuit obseruatum, ut se alligarent continentia vot● qui totos se Demin● dicare vellent, fateor quoque antiquitus receptum fuisse hunc morem, sed eam atatem sic ab omni vitio liberam fuisse non concedo. This say (the papists) was observed from the furthest age, that they who would wholly consecrate them selves to the lord, should bind themselves with the vow of continency: I confess this custom was anciently received, but that age not to be so free from blame etc. in so much as he forbeareth not to reprehend S. Austin, saying, (q) Caluin. lib. 4. c. 13. §. 16. saith. Interim non dissimulo vel in illa quam Augustinus commendat prisca forma (monachismi) esse non nihil quod mihi parum placeat: I do not dissemble, but that even in that ancient form of monachisme which Austin commendeth, is somewhat which I dislike: & in like plain sort are the fathers charged with error in monachisme by diverse (r) master Carthwrighte in his 2. reply. part. 1. printed. 1575. saith, that monks are antichristian notwithstanding their ancienty. pag. 502. circa med. and that Hieroms Monks, Hermit's, and Anchorites, were at that time very gross. pag. 510. ante med. other protestant writers. Sixtenthlie as concerning Saint Peter, Caluine say (s) Caluin. institut. l. 4. c. 6. §. 6. say. Nam illae veteres ineptiae etc. relatu quoque indignae sunt, in Petro fundatam esse ecclesiam, quia dictum sit, super hanc Petram etc. At nonnulli ex patribus sic exposuerunt, sed quum reclamet tota scriptura, quid eum authoritas adversus Deum pratenditur? Those ancient fooleries are unworthy of rehearsal &c. (as) that the church was founded upon Peter, because it was said to Peter, upon this rock etc. but certain of the fathers have so expounded it, but the whole scripture is against them etc. and the very like is affirmed by Danaeus (t) Danaeus in respon ad Bellarmin. disput part. 1. printed. 1596. ad. 3. controu. cap. 25. pag. 277. post med. saith. Dictum enim Christi. Math. 16. Tu es Petrus & super hanc petram etc. pessimè de persona Petri sunt interpretati patres. Caluines great disciple: Seavententhlie as concerning Antichrists coming not to be till the Roman Empire (yet in being) be firste overthrown, calvin say therein of the fathers, I (u) Caluin. in omnes Pauli epistolas, printed. 1565. in 2. Thessal. 2. vers. 3. pag. 752. b. post med. saith. Ac miror tam multos scriptores, doctos alioqui & acutos, in re tam facili hallucinatos esse, nisi quod quum errasset unus, turmatim alij fine iudicio secuti sunt, etc. wonder that so many learned writers could be deceyued in so easy a matter etc. and the like acknowledgement is made by (x) See justus Molitor de Ecclesia militante, printed. 1605 pag. 110. justus Molitor, and others: Eightenthlie, as concerning the ancient primacy of the Roman church, calvin affirmeth (y) Caluin. institut. lib. 4. cap. 7. §. 12. saith. Nulla est vox in eius scriptis qua superbius iactet primatus sui amplitudinem quam ista, nescio quis episcopus non subiectus sit sedi apostolicae, ubi in culpa invenitur: etc. tribuit sibi ius corrigendi etc. how that S. Gregory doth in no place more proudly, boast of the amplitude of his sea, then where he say, I know not what Bishop is not subject to the Apostolic sea, if he be found in fault etc. that also (z) Caluin. ibidem. lib. 4. cap. 7. §. 4. saith. Quod autem scribit (Gregorius) oblatum fuisse Leoni hunc honorem in synodo Chalcedonensi, nullam habet veri speciem. Gregory did without any colour of truth write, that the honour (of being called universal Bishop) was offered to Pope Leo in the council of Chalcedon: that likewise (a) Caluin. ibidem. §. 11. saith of Pope Leo, fuit enim vir ille ut eruditus ac fecundus, ita gloriae & dominationis supra modum cupidus: Caluin. institut. lib. 4. cap. 7. §. 9 confesseth this, affirming that the Roman Bishops did then allege this council as being the council of Nice, which he reproveth, whereas it was in very deed celebrated not long after the Nycen council, and many of the fathers of the Nycen council present thereat: And see the protestante writer Osiander in centur. 4. lib. 3. cap. 2. pag. 295. confessing and reciting the 7. Canon of this Sardicum council, which prescribeth appeals to Rome: Pope Leo was above measure desirous of glory and rule: and that the (o ancient) council of Sardis, was alleged in S. Austin's time as in proof of appeals to Rome. Nintenthlie as concerning reprobation and induration, calvin say, The (b) Caluin. institut. lib. 2. cap. 4. §. 3. saith. Veteres religiosi interdum simplicem quoque veritatis confessionem in hac parte reformidunt etc. ne Augustinus illa quidem superstitione interdum solutus est, quemadmodum ubi dicit indurationem & excacationem non ad operationem Dei, sed ad praescientiam spectare, at istas argutias non recipiunt tot scripturae locutiones, etc. ancient fathers were afraid to confess the simple truth in this behalf, etc. and not Austin himself was sometimes free from that superstition, as where he affirmeth that induration & excecation pertain not to the working of God, but to his foreknowledge: Twentithlie as concerning the eucharist, calvin saith of the real presence. That (c) Whereas Hilary. l. 8. de Trinitate post initium, affirmeth: manentem in nobis carnaliter filium, to wit, our natural and corporal union with Christ, because that, nos verè sub misterio carnem corporis sui sumim●s etc. and that we are, in Christ● per corporalem eius nativitatem, & ille rursum in nobis per sacramentorum misterium etc. Whereto assenteth Cirill. in john. l. 10. cap. 13. acknowledgeinge, misticae benedictionis virtutem, quae cum in nobis fiat, corporaliter quoque facit communicationem corporis Christi, Christum in nobis habitare etc. neque habitudine solum quae fit per charitatem, sed etiam participatione naturali, of which like judgement are diverse other fathers. Caluin. in libro epistolarum & respon printed. 1597. epist 208. pag. 392. initio, hereupon saith. Veteres ac Hillarium praesertim & Cirillum longius quam par sit provectos fuisse video, etc. illi inscitia sua deprehensi, & miseram latebram suffugiunt, etc. sed modo ne authoritatem eorum nobis obtrudant novi isti fusores, mihi satis erit non subscribere, etc. Hilary and Ciril went further therein then was convenient, and therefore, that he will not subscribe to them: so he, of those two ancient fathers, the firste of the latin church, the other of the greek, whereto assenteth his colleague Peter martyr, saying: I (d) so saith Peter Matyr in his epistles Annexed to his common places in English in his epistle there to Beza pag. 106. b. ant med. will not so easily subscribe to Cirill, who affirmed such a communion, as thereby even the substance of Christ's flesh and blood, firste is joined to the blessing, for so he calleth the holy bread etc. affirming yet further in this respect (e) see this there in the second alphabetical table of the additions, under the letter. H. at the the word heresy: the heresy of Cirill touching the communion of Christ: whereto might be added sundry like testimonies of other (f) Bucer. in his confessio de Eucharistia in Anglia ab eo scripta. Anno 1550. extante in the treatise entitled, Scripta eruditorum aliquot virorum de caena Domini, printed. in 8. 1561. pag. 37. fine saith. In tantis misterijs religio mihi est, vel sanctorum patrum authoritate locutiones usurpare quae in scriptures traditae non sunt: quo enim illis nos traduxerit satan, & Antichristus deploramus omnes etc. qua sane de causa, illa sanctorum patrum dicta de mutatione symbolorum, etc. usurpanda nunquam concesser●, nimis enim aliena sunt à verbis Dei, & merent hodie Antony's christis ad horribilem illam supra omnes artolatriam, also Adamus Francisci in his margarita theolog. printed Witembergae 1602. pag. 256. post med. sai●he. Commentum papistarum de transubstantiatione mature in Ecclesiam irrepsit: and the protestant writer Anthoni d'Adamo in his Anatomy of the mass, printed. 1556. pag. 236. a. ant med. say. I have not yet hitherto been able to know, when this opinion of the real and bodily being of Christ in the sacrament, did begin. protestante writers: In like manner. Whereas we in regard of this real presence do affirm that the sacrament may be (g) See our opinion hereof reported by master D. Willet in his Synopsis, printed. 1592. pag. 460. reserved, which our adversaries deny, affirming upon their contrary ground of but (h) hereof see Peter Martyr, in his epistles Annexed to his common places in English. pag. 207. b. post med. and Szegedin. in loc. common. printed. M.D.XIII. pag. 182. §. 12. 15. sacramental presence, that (i) so saith. D. Willet in his said Synopsis. pag. 460. ante med. it is no sacrament unless it be received, calvin confesseth for us and against himself of reserving the sacrament saying. (k) Caluin. institut. lib. 4. cap. 17. §. 39 say. Clare patet repositionem sacramenti quam nonnulli vrgent ut aegrotis extra ordinem distribuatur, inutilem esse etc. sed quisic faciunt habent veteris ecclesiae exemplum: fateor, verum in tanta & in qua non sine magno periculo erratur, nihil tutius est quam ipsam veritatem sequi: I confess that those who so do, have the example of the ancient church, but in so great a cause wherein to err is greatly perilous, nothing is more safe then to follow the truth etc. and in like manner (to omit the like full testimony of (l) see Chemnitius in his examen, printed. 1578. part 2. pag. 102. a. post med. Chemnitius) doth Peter Martyr charge S. Ciril and others, (m) Peter Martyr. adversus Gardneri librum de Eucharistia, printed. 1581. ad. object. 213. col. 838. post med. having recited S. Cirils plain saying, for reservation, say thereof. Quod autem subijcitur, Eucharistiae reliquias assernatas in crastinum diem, à sanctificatione non cessare, spectat ut opinor ad receptam quandam consuetudinem apud veteres, etc. ea consuetudo etsi saperet non nihil superstitionis, tamen illi Cirillus alijque subscribebant, statim enim à temporibus apostolorum, paulatim caeptum est degenerari ab illi veteri simplicitate divini cultus. with subscribing to the superstitious custom of reservation. One and twentethlie as concerning the further question of sacrifice (which is reputed for the (*) see heretofore cap. 4. sect. 1. fine, at. i. greatest now depending controversy) calvin reprehendeth the fathers for their affirming the eucharist to be (directly (n) master Fulke against the Rhem. test. printed. 1589. in Haebr. 7. sect. 3. fol. 406. a. initio. saith. Melchisedeches bread and wine pertained not to his pristelie office, neither did he offer it to God: And master Whitaker in his answer to master William Raynolds, printed. 1590. etc. pag. 67. saith, Melchisedeth did not by any thing wherein he so sacrificed, prefigure the priesthood and sacrifice of Christ. against the opinion of protestants) a sacrifice according to the order of Melchisedech: Whereof say he, (o) Caluin. in omnes Pauls epistolas, printed. 1505. in Haebr. c. 7. vers. 9 pag. 924. b. ant med. say. Quo magis tot veteres Ecclesiae doctores hac opinione occupatos fuisse miror, ut in oblationem panis & vini insisterent, etc. certè ut error errorem trahere solet, quum ipsi sacrificium in Christi caena nullo eius mandat● finx●ssent, adeoque canam adulterassent addite sacrificio, colores postea hinc inde accersere cenati sunt, quibus errorem suum fucerent: Arrisit hac panis & vini oblatio, & nullo iudicio protinus arrepta est: etc. so bold is calvin with the fathers: I marvel that so many ancient doctors of the church, were possessed with this opinion: the like whereof is affirmed by (p) master Fulke against Heskins, Saunders etc. printed. 1579. pag. 99 post med say. I confess that diverse of the old fathers were of opinion, that the bread and wine which Melchisedech brought forth, was sacrificed by him, and that it was a figure of the sacrament which they improperly call a sacrifice: and see the father's further reproved herein by master Fulke against the Remishe testament in Haebr. cap. 7. sect. 8. fol 405. b. fine, and by master Whitaker contra Duraeum, printed. 1583. pag. 818. & 819. and master Fulke against Heskins etc. pag 5. circa med. confesseth, how the father's thought that Melchisedech therein resembled the pristehoode of Christ: master Fulke and others: In like manner doth he reprove (q) Caluin. in tract. theolog. printed. 1597. de vera ecclesiae reformat. pag. 389. a. fine, & b. initio. saith. Solenne est nebulonibus istis (meaning us catholics) quicquid vitiosum in patribus legitur corradere etc. cum ergo obijctunt locum Malachiae, sic (demissae sacrificio) ab Ireneo exponi, oblationem Melchisedech sic tractari ab Athanasio, Ambrosio, Augustino, Arnobio, breviter responsum sit, eosdem illos scriptores alibi quoque panem interpretari corpus Christi, sed ita ridicule ut dissentire nos cogat & ratio & veritas. S. Ireneus, Athanasius, Ambrose, Austin, and Arnobius, for their confessed doctrine of sacrifice, wherein he holdeth them (r) ut supra. at. t. ridiculous, and he yet further saith. (s) see this nexte heretofore in the margin at. r. I wonder that so many ancient doctors of the church, erred and forged a sacrifice in Christ's supper without his commandment, and so adulterated the supper with adding of sacrifice: and again (t) Caluin. in his tract. theologic. etc. de vera Eccl●sia reform pag. 389. b. fine, saith. Veteres excusandi non sunt, quatenus scilicet ipsos apparet à puro & genuino Christi instituto deflexisse, nam cum in hunc finem celebranda sit caena, ut sacrificio Christi communicemus, eo non contenti oblationem quoque addiderunt: Hoc auctarium vitiosum suisse dico, partim quia beneficium, Christi morte nobis prestitum, obscurat, partim quia etc. the ancient fathers are not to be excused, who varied from the pure institution of Christ, for whereas the supper is to be celebrated, to the end that we may communicate with Christ's sacrifice (upon the cross) the fathers therewith not contented, have added a (further) sacrifice (in the eucharist.) This their addition I affirm to be faulty, as obscuringe to us the benefit of Christ's death etc. Whereto he yet further addeth, that the (u) Caluin. in libello de caena Dom. post med. extant in his tract. theologic. printed. 1597. pag. 7. b. fine. & 8. a. initio. say. Neque tamen possum veteris Ecclesiae consuetudinem excusare, quod gestu ac ritu suo speciem quandam sacrificij figuraret, ijsdem fere ceremonijs quae sub veteri testamento in usu erant, eo excepto quod panis hostia loco animalis utebantur, quod cum nimis ad judassmum accedat, nec Domini institutioni consentaneum sit, minime probo: custom of the ancient church is not to be excused, in that it set forth a kind of sacriffce, in gesture, rite, and almost the same ceremonies, that were usual in the old testament, only excepted, that in steed of a beast, they used bread, etc. In so much that whereas we do against our adversaries distinguish (as in respect of the diverse manner of oblation) the sacrifice of the eucharist from Christ's other bloody oblation upon the cross, in respect of which diversity, we term the eucharist the unbloody sacrifice, the fathers are so clearly consenting with us herein, that calvin saith, (x) Caluin. in tractat. theologic. de vera eccles. reformat. pag. 390. a. ant med. saith. Respondi quod videbatur de patrum authoritate, itaque cum concludunt Ecclesiam secundum scripturae sanctorumque patrum testimonia duo sacrificia agnoscere, in altero mentiuntur, in altero errant, plus hominum placitis aut opinion: quam debeatur tribuendo: scriptura enim ubique illis reclamat, etc. quod ad veteres spectat, non est quod in eorum gratiam ab aeterna & inflexibili Dei veritate recedamus; proinde incruentum illud sacrificium quod commenti sunt homines sibi habeant, etc. As concerning the ancient fathers, we are not in favour of them, to depart from the truth, therefore that unbloody sacrifice which men have feigned, let them keep to themselves: etc. and again (y) Caluin. in omnes Pauli epist. in Habr. c. 9 vers. 26. p. 94. 6. b. fine, saith. Hinc patet quam frivola sit distinctio illa etc. quum dicunt papista immolationem Christi in cruse fuisse sanguineam, missa vero sacrificium etc. nihil moror quod sic loquantur vetusti scriptores, neque enim est in hominum arbitrio, cuiusmodi ipsis libuerit sacrificia fingere: this distinction of the papists of Christ's bloody oblation upon the cross, and the unbloody sacrifice in the mass, is frivolous etc. I am nothing moved that the ancient writers speak so, for it is not in men's power to forge sacrifices at their pleasure. Furthermore whereas we (in respect we hold this sacrifice for propitiatory) do in our celebration thereof, make mention therein of the dead, calvin rejecteth the fathers herein, saying: (z) Caluin. in tract. theolog. de ver. eccles. reform. pag. 394. b. ant med. saith. Superest alter ordo mortuorum qu●rum mentionem in caena fieri volunt, ut detur illis locus refrigerij, lucis & pacis: non nego hanc fuisse vetustissimam consuetudinem, & quoniam magna est vis consuetudinis, aut potius regnum, ideo eiusmodi preces fateor Chrisostomo, Epiphanio, Augustino, & similibus probatas fuisse, quod à maioribus quasi per manus traditae essent, etc. quod brevi tempore invaluerat, nimia facilitate fine ratione aut iudicio secuti sunt: As concerning the other sort of the dead, of whom they would have mention to be made in celebration of the supper, that a place of ease, light and peace, might be given to them; I confess that the custom hereof was most ancient, and that such prayers were allowed of by Chrisostom, Austin, and Epiphanius, as received by succession from their ancestors, the usage whereof the afore named fathers followed, without reason or judgement: etc. And in like plain sort are the fathers directly charged, with offering sacrifice for the dead by (a) master Fulke in his confutation of purgatory, acknowledgeth that Tertulian, Cyprian, Austin, Hierom, and a great many more, do witness that sacrifice for the dead is the tradition of the Apostles: pag. 362. ante med. & pag. 303. circa med. & 393. paulo ante med. after the edition of 1577. also whereas in S. Cirill. (who lived about Anno Dom. 320.) in catech. mystag. 5. ante med the sacrament is by him termed, hostia propitiationis: and maximum animarum (defunctarum) iwamen pro quibus offertur. Hospinian (a learned Caluiniste) in histor. sacram. acknowledgeth the received custom of that ancient age saying. dicit Cirillus (Hierosolimitanus) pro sui iam temporis recepta consuetudine, sacrificium altaris maximum iwamen esse animarum, (part. 1. lib. 2. cap. 7. pag. 167. initio. In like manner Bullinger de Origine erroris, printed. 1539. fol. 223. a. initio. saith. Augustinus meminit oblationis pro defunctis, etc. in Enchir. 109. neque negandum est defunctorum animas pietate suorum viventium relevari, cum pro illis sacrificium mediatoris offertur. etc. id quod ideo copiosius expono, ut intelligas ritum illum offerendi pro defunctis, non institutum esse ab Apostolis, sed à sanctis patribus, quibus hic quidem error pius etc. condonari potest: and see bullinger's deceades in English. decad. 5. serm. 9 pag. 1082. a. post med. and see Lavather de spectris, printed. 1570. part. 3. c. 10. pag. 254. circa med. master Fulke, and other of Caluines followers: Two and twentithlie: As concerning Angels their invocation and honour, calvin say, That no doctrine by him impugnedies, (2) Caluin. institut. l. c. 24 §. 10. saith. Ita videmus Christi gloriam superioribus aliquot seculis fuisse multis modis obscuratam, cum immodicis elogijs Angeli praeter verbum Dei cumularentur; neque ullum ferè antiquius est vitium ex ijs quae hodie impugnamus: more ancient than it: And as concerning prayer to other sanctes, calvin (3) Caluin. instit. l. 3. c. 20. §. 21. say of prayer to saints. Id aliquot seculis factitatum quis neget, etc. reprehendeth the usage thereof for former ages: as also master Whitguifte late Archbish. discoursing (4) master Whitguifte in his defence etc. printed 1574. tract. 8. pag. 472. fine, & 473. initio. of doctrine taught in any age since the apostles, affirmeth without any other exception of age or father, that (to use his own words) All the (5) master. Whitguifte. ibidem. pag. 473. paulo post initium. Bishops and learned writers of the greek church and latynes also for the most part, were spotted with doctrines of freewill, merits, invocation of saints and such like, etc. Lastlye, as concerning Images, calvin reprehendeth S. Gregory, affirming, (6) Caluin. institut. lib. 1. c. 11. §. 5. saith. Scio illud, vulgo plus quam tritum libros idiotarum esse imagines: dixit hoc Gregorius, at longè aliter pronunciat spiritus Dei, in cuius schola si edoctus fuisset (Gregorius) hac in parte nunquam ita locutus foret. that he speaketh otherwise of them then doth the holy ghost: Hitherto of Caluines bold reiecting of the fathers, even in the points now controverted between us and his followers, in all which he confesseth the fathers to speak for us and against him, having no other evasion but in some places to pretend, either that the fathers meant not as they spoke, or else (which master Carthwrighte (*) master Carthwright in his 2. reply. part. 1. pag. 627. fine, saith. If it be a simple answer to set one author against an other, it is much more simple to set one authority at variance with itself, without showing any way of reconciliation: termeth a simple (kind of answer) that they were herein contrary to themselves. affirming further to such purpose in general, and saying of the fathers. (7) calvin. in his preface, ad Franciscum Regem Galliae paulo ante med. (set before his institutions having mentioned, patres antiquos & melioris adhuc saeculi scriptores, saith of them. Multa ignorarunt sancti illi viri, saepè inter se conflictantur, interdum etiam secum ipsi pugnant. They good men, were ignorant of many things, oftentimes they contend among themselves, and do sometimes differre even from themselves: to which like unworthy answer Peter Martyr, Melancthon and Beza do likewise in these extremes finally betake (b) see Beza hereafter c. 7. sect. 4. prope finem, at. n. and see Melancthon in epistolam Pauli ad Romanos, printed. in 8. 1540 in cap. 14. pag. 419. ante med. and Peter Martyr de votis, printed. 1559. pag. 463. paulo ante med. themselves. To conclude this point, against all slippery evasion undulie pretended by master D. Field: (*) Whereas master D. Field in his books of the church, printed. 1606. lib. 3. cap. 15. & 16. & 17. pag. 91. 92. 93. etc. pretendeth that calvin intended not to charge the ancient fathers as erring with the papists in the foresaid articles, to that end framing a several conceited evasion upon each several particular example, master Whitaker directly to the contrary confesseth, as next hereafter in the margin at the figure. 4. Erratum esse à veteri Ecclesia etc. that the ancient church erred in them, and that these foresaid examples, were veterum errores quos cum papistis communes habuerunt, etc. errors of the ancient fathers, which were common with them to the papists: a thing in it self as yet more evident by the like answerable acknowledgement of the century writers, confessed as here nexte hereafter by master Whitaker, and also of other protestante writers added to Caluines' confession upon each particular alleged example for the most part. our alleging of calvin concerning the premises is so undoubted and true, that whereas Bellarmine alleged calvin, and the century writers as chargeinge the ancient fathers with error (8) see this in Bellarmin. tom. 1. de Notis Ecclesia. l. 4. c. 9 nota. 6. in freewill, lymbus patrum, denial of concupiscence after baptism to be sin, satisfaction, prayer for the dead, merit, penance, the superstitious fast of lente, the unmarried life of priests, baptism of lay persons in case of necessity, sacrifice, etc. in proof whereof for so much as concerneth calvin, he also alleged most of the sayings recited as heretofore out of calvin; master Whitaker (no less learned than master D. Field) answering thereto, confesseth both of calvin and the Centuristes, saying (9) Whitaker de Ecclesia contra Bellarminum. controu. 2. quaest. 5. pag. 299. ante med. answering thereto saith. Profert Bellarminus quaedam testimonia ex Caluino & centuriarum scriptoribus, isti quasdam veterum errores annotarunt, quos cum papistis communes habuerunt nempe de libero arbitrio, de meritis, de limbo, de invocatione sanctorum, de calibatu episcoporum, de satisfactione, & de quibusdam eiusmodi, etc. Whereto he there answereth, saying. Respondeo verum esse quod Caluinus ait, & qui centurias scripserunt, in multis erratum esse à veteri Ecclesia, ut de limbo, de libero arbitrio, de operum meritis, & reliquis illis quae supra commemorantur, etc. (after the edition of 1599) Bellarmine allegeth certain testimonies from calvin and the Centurie writers, these noted certain errors of the ancient fathers which were common with them to the papists, as namely concerning freewill, merits, lymbus, invocation of saints, the unmarried life of priests, satisfaction, and some more such l●ke, etc. before recited, whereto he there further answereth not evadinge as doth master Field, but confessing and saying. (10) ut supra at the figure. 9 Respondeo verum esse etc. I confess it is true which calvin, and the Centurie writers do affirm of the ancient churches erring in lymbus, freewill, merit of works, and in all those other points before mentioned: so confessedly true is that which is as heretofore set down concerning Caluines bold reiecting of the ancient fathers: Wherein how he together with master Whitaker, D. Humphrey, Peter Martyr, and Beza who join with him (11) Whitaker contra Duraeum. printed. 1583. l. 6. pag. 423. fine, say. Ex patrum erroribus, vester ille pontificiae religionis cento consultus est: and observe further master Whitaker next before at the figures 4. 5. also D. Humphrey, in libello de vita juelli, printed. 1573. pag. 212. circa med. say to us as in reprehension of master juells so bold offer, to be tried by the fathers: Nimium largitus est, & vobis plus aquo concessit, & sibi nimium fuit iniurius, etc. & seipsum & Ecclesiam quodammodo spolianit, etc. quid nobis rei cum patribus, cum carne & sanguine? and Peter Martyr de votis, printed. 1559. pag. 476. paulo post med. say. Quamdiu consistimus in concilijs & patribus, versabimur semper in ijsdem erroribus. And see Beza hereafter, cap. 7. sect. 4. at. i k. in so reiecting the fathers, have at once discovered their own novellisme, and withal set forth the confessed antiquity of our catholic religion, let the indifferent reader (to whose censure we submit whatsoever hath been said) in god's name judge. VI Now lastely, how seditious calvin was reputed both in doctrine and practice, appeareth by his confessed seditious opinion (c) Master Bridges, Bish. of Oxford, wrote a special book entitled a defence etc. answering also to the Arguments of calvin Beza, and Danaeus with other our reverend learned brethren both, for the regiment of women etc. printed. 1587. against the regiment of women in civil causes, as thereby to (d) ibidem lib. 9 pag. 711. prope initium, he say. Danaeus and Caluine were carried away in this matter to defeat the natural right and title of the sovereign (women) princes of England, etc. defeat the then two catholic queens of England and scotlan: Also he is not abashed to write, that (e) Caluin. in Daniel. cap. 6. vers. 22.25. say. Abdicant se potestate terreni principes dum insurgunt contra Deum imo indigni sunt qui censeantur in numero hominum: potius ergo conspuere oportet in illorum capita, quam illis parere: princes do bereave themselves of authority when they erect themselves against God, yea that they are unworthy to be accounted in the number of men, and therefore we must rather spit upon their faces then obey them: a saying so reprovable, notwithstanding all excuse thereof by master D. (f) hereof see protest. apol. prefat. sect. 11. pag. 18. at. a. b. Moreton, that master D. Wilkes, though for Caluines' credit supressinge his name, objecteth yet to the puritanes these very words of calvin as being seditious, saying. (g) master D. Wilkes of obedience, printed. 1605. pag. 60. They were your teachers who account those princes that are not refined by their spirit, unworthy to be accounted amongst the number of men, and therefore rather to be spitted upon then obeyed, they were your teachers who defend rebellion against princes of a different religion etc. Whereto might be added further testimony (*) see Caluin. institut. l. 4. c. 20 § 31. of Caluines other like seditious doctrine: In so much as the late Archbishop of Canterbury, and master D. Sutlife do both of them confess, how that john Knox, (h) so saith master Bancrofte the late Archbishop in his dangerous positions etc. pag. 10. initio. a man trained up at Geneva, (and whom calvin termeth (i) Caluin. in epist. & respon epist. 305. fine. & pag. 565. fine, the epistle being written to Knox, saith to him. Vale eximiè vir, & ex animo colende frater. an excellent man, and his (k) ut supra. at. i. most reverend brother) (l) see this in the history of the church of scotlan, printed by Vantrovillier. pag. 213. and alleged by master Sutlife in his answer to a libel supplicatory, printed 1592. pag. 192. ante med. & 71. circa med. and see this also reported by master Bancrofte in his dangerous positions, printed. 1595. pag. 10. ante med. reporteth the doctrine of calvin and certain other ministers then residinge at Geneva, teaching that it is lawful for subjects to reform religion when princes will not, yea rather than fail, even by force of arms. Whereto might be added (as the beast interpreter of Caluines' doctrine) the known confessed example of Geneva itself, the very seat of calvin, in which saith master Sutlife, they (m) master Sutlife in his answer to a libel supplicatory. pag. 194. initio. of Geneva did depose their (catholic) liege lord and prince from his temporal right, albeit he was by right of succession the temporal lord and owner of that city and territory: (n) master Bancrofte in his dangerous positions etc. pag. 9 post med. since which time (say the late Archbishop) it hath been a principle with some of the chief ministers of Geneva etc. that if kings and princes refused to reform religion, the inferior magistrates or people by direction of the ministry might lawfully, and aught if need required, even by force and arms to reform it themselves, etc. And thus much brifly concerning Caluines life and doctrine, referring the manner of his tragic death, to that which hath been heretofore said thereof, not only by (o) heretofore. cap. 6. sect. 1. at. d. Conradus Schlusselburge a protestante writer of great (p) heretofore, cap. 5. sect. 1. at. 1. esteem: but also by (q) heretofore. cap. 6. §. 1. after. f. at. *. johannes Herennius, though himself otherwise an earnest Caluiniste. BEZA. CHAPT. VII. Now lastlly as concerning Theodore Beza, whose life was in like manner written by Hierom Bolsecke, and by him published. Anno 1582. wherein he objecteth against Beza many great and heinous imputations set down in particular, with special naming of times, places, and persons, as for example (among other) the selling of his priory for ready money in hand, and further letting it to others in farm for five years upon money before hand received, whereupon the abused parties (upon his secret steallinge away) fell at public suit which depended of record in the court at Paris; Also his then steallinge away (at the time of his said flight) the tailor's wife dwelling in Calendar street at Paris: furthermore the getting of his maid with child at Geneva, and his then feigning both himself and the maid to be sick of the plague, whereby none should dare to come to them, whereupon he requested that they might be lodged in two chambers of Petrus Viretus in an outer garden, which obtained he caused a barber surgeon to let the woman blood, and to give a strong purgation, after which she was delivered of a dead child, which they buried in that garden, as the said barber after confessed to Bolsecke himself: during which mean time Beza (to cover the matter) composed certain spiritual songs of the great pains he suffered by vehemency of the plague, and printed them at Geneva: whereto are further added, his printed seditious books for stirring up of civil wars in France, whereof one was entitled, the French furies, an other Truth, an other the Watch, an other the waking Bell, with others. Besides many other like grievous imputations; and the same delivered as being so particular and public, that the untruth of them, if any were, could not but become discoverable to all men's knowledge: Although that all these were even in Bezas' life time published by Hierom Bolsecke, and (a) With great show of confidence for it is by him dedicated even to the honourable, magistrates, councillors, and other governors of Geneva, for that (say he) they could best tell whether most of those reports were true or not, and of such as they knew not, could beast learn and inquire: And he professeth to have written Bezas' life purposely in Bezas' life time, to th'end that Beza then living might answer for himself: with great show of confidence, by him dedicated to the governors of Geneva, and not without earnest protestation of his truth and fidelity therein, yet in regard of my (b) see heretofore, cap. 6. sect. 1. prope initium. former alleged reason concerning Bolsecke, and the other method whereto I have restrained myself, I will purposely forbear, either to affirm & make good or otherwise to disable Bolsecks foresaid report of them, as contenting myself with such only other testimony, as is delivered by learned protestants themselves: In which course is not unworthy of observation, who much Beza differed from the apostolic zeal and spirit, in his uncharitable and profane disclaim in all care of (c) Beza in his words extant. in Saraviae defensio tract. de diversis ministrorum gradibus, printed Londini M.D.XCIIII. cap. 19 pag. 309. circa med. say. Neque vero nobis hic curiosè inquirendum puto num ad omnes gentes pervenerint Apostoli, nec etiam magnopere nobis de legatione ad remotissimas aliquas gentes laborandum, quum nobis domi & in propinquo sit satis superque, quod nos & posteros exercent, has igitur potius tam longinquas peregrinationet locustis illis, etc. jesunomen ementientibus relinquamus, etc. converting heathen nations to the faith of Christ, leaveinge that (professedly) to the jesuites: a resolution in him so unchristianes, that D. Saravia (a learned Caluiniste) for such (d) Saravia. ibidem. pag. 309. post med. saith thereof. Responsionem huiusmodi à Domino Beza non expectabam, nec à quoquam theologo, cui evangelij praedicatio cordi sit, ut esse debet, etc. adserere iudico impium & ab omni christiana charitate alienum. condemneth it. In like manner concerning Bezas' licentious doctrine, what more dissolute in this kind than his assertion that (e) Beza de aeterna Dei praedestin. extant in his tract. theologic. printed. 372. §. 7. saith. Stat ergo conclusio, Deum ipsum prout ei libuit, omnia futura ab aterno decernere, ita quoque illa suo tempore sua ipsius efficacitate peragere sicut vult. God decreeth all things to come, and by his own efficacy worketh them: And as Suinglius teacheth, that in respect hereof one (*) hereof see Suinglius heretofore. cap. 5. sect. 2. in the margin. at. o. p. q. and the very same wicked action which is evil in us, is yet good in God: so likewise saith Beza, (f) Beza. de aeterna Dei praedest. vb● supr. pag. 73. § 19 saith. Quicquid agit Deus bonum est etc. omnia autem ●fficit, omnia igitur bona sunt quatenus à Deo efficiuntur, & discrimen illud boni & mal●m instrutis duntaxat locum habet, &c and see the same also in Bez●s display of popish practi●es in English, printed. 1578. pag. 112. post med. whatsoever God doth is good he doth all things, therefore all things are good as they be done of him, and the difference of good and evil hath place only in the instruments: Also he further teacheth, that God (g) so saith Beza in his Display, etc. pag. 202. paulo ante med. exciteth the wicked will of one thief to kill an other, guideth his hand and weapon, justly enforcing the will of the thief, (h) so say Beza ibidem. pag. 116. fine. That God stirred up the mind of David to number the people: that likewise God (i) so say Beza ibidem. pag. 17. paulo post med. doth decree some to destruction: (k) Beza ibidem. pag. 31. fine. createth to perdition: and (l) Beza ibidem. pag. 31. initio. predestinateth to his hatred and destruction, (m) see this confessed and disliked in Beza and others by master D. Willet heretofore. cap. 6. sect. 2. at. h. k. see this also in master Bezas' respon ad acta colloquij Montisbelgar. etc. printed. 1589. part. 2. pag. 233. initio. & circa med. without any respect had to their works, either good or evil: in so much that (saith he) God (n) so saith Beza, in respon ad act. coll. etc. pag. 233. fine, & 234. & 235. and see Andreas his report hereof in his epitome. colloq. Montisbelgat. pag. 47. decreed even the (very) fall of Adam, and (*) see this recited and rejected out of Bezas' writings by Grauwerus in his absurda absurd. 22. etc. cap. 5. fol. A. a. 2. and see in opusc. printed. 1570 pa. 4 7. initio. predestinateth (the reprobate) not only unto damnation, but also unto (sin) the cause thereof, hitherto concerning the reprobate: Now as touching his faithful professors, Beza teacheth, that he (o) see this in jacobus Andreas his epitome. colloquij Montisbelgar. printed. 1583. pag. 44. & 48. in●tio. who doth once truly believe, cannot afterwards fall from the grace of God, or lose his faith by his adultery, or any other like sins: As for example that (p) Beza. in respon ad acta colloq. &c part. 2 pag. 73 fine, & 74. David by his adultery and murder, did not (so much as for that time) lose the holy ghost and fall from his faith (in which respect perhaps it was, that Beza as is (*) see hereafter. c. 7. sect. 1. fine, in the margin. at. y. hereafter alleged, did foe lasciviouslie paraphrase David's Penitential Psalm) whereto Bezas' favourers do subscribe, affirming as in sequel upon Bezas' foresaid doctrine, that (q) so saith. D. Fulke in the tower disput. with. F. Campion. printed. 1583. the seconde day's conference. fol. l. 1. b. prope initium. David (even) when he committed adultery was, and remained the child of God: That also (r) see this in master Fox Acts and monuments, printed. 1563 pag. 1338. b. post med. when we sin, we diminish not the glory of God, all the danger in our sin being the evil example to our neighbour: by cause that according to this doctrine, sin (s) so teacheth master Wotton in his answer to the late popish articles, printed. 1605. pag. 92. circa med. is pardoned as soon as committed, (t) so teacheth master Wotton. ibidem. pag. 41. circa med. and see Caluin. institut. l. 4. c. 15. §. 3. the faithful person having (at once) forgiveness of all his sins passed and to come: Hence followeth their received doctrine, that the difference of mortal and venial sin ariseth, (u) Musculus. in loc. commu. printed. Basileae. 1573. in loc. de peccato, de discrimine peccati venialis ac mortalis, pag. 28. circa med. say. Sciendum est magis esse in hac causa personas peccantium, quam ipsa peccata confiderandas: and see Beza nexte heretofore at. f. not from the different natures of the sins in themselves, but of the party's committing them: so as to their faithful professors (x) so teach Beza. in respon ad acta colloquij, etc. part. 1. pag. 24. circa med. and Musculus in loc. commu. ubi sup. pag. 28. paulo post med. saying. Si personae peccantes in Christo sunt electa, consequitur & illorum peccata mortalia non esse sed venialia: etc. Si vero qui peccant sunt reprobi, omnia illorum peccata quamuis levia videantur, mortalia existunt: see also Caluin. l. 3. c. 4. §. 28. and master Fulke against the Rhem. test. printed. 1598. in 1. epist. joan. c. 1. sect. 5. initio. & fine, fol. 447. b. all sins are venial, and to others, (y) So saith master Willet, in his synopsis, etc. printed. 1592. pag. 560. ante med. and Musculus. in loc. commu. as nexte before at. x. and Beza. in his novi testam. printed. 1588. pag. 467. b. line. 23. saith. Ex hoc consequitur nulla electis mortalia, nulla reprobis venialia esse peccata. all sins are mortal: that therefore sin (z) Whitaker de Ecclesia contra Bellarminum, printed. 1599 controu. 2. quaest. 5. pag. 301. circa med. saith. Nos dicimus, si quis actum fidei habeat, ei peccata non nocere, id quidem Lutherus affirmat id nos omnes dicimus. is not hurtful to him that actually believeth: In so much as master Parkins concludeth saying, (a) so saith master Parkins in his works, printed. 1603. pag. 465. b. paulo post med. and in the laste edition of his works, volum. 1. printed. 1608. pag. 390. a prope initium. God will not condemn the elect if they sinne, for the ground work of (their) salvation is laid in gods eternal election, and a thousand sins in the world, nay all the sins in the world etc. cannot overthrow gods election &c God condemneth no man for sin, if he be adopted in Christ: of which adoption each faithful professor may also not coniecturally persuade, but most certainly & infallibly (b) this is so common in Beza, and his followers, as needeth no proof. assure himself: All which premises are so gross in Beza, that Castalio (a learned Caluiniste, and of great (*) see heretofore. cap. 4. sect. 3. at. *. s. t. u. x. esteem) with others do not forbear to (c) see Castalios words of reprehension. in Beza de aeterna Dei pradest. extant. in Bezas. tract. theol. printed. 1570. pag. 423. initio. Where he saith. Tua doctrina aiunt homines manifestè fieri deteriores. & see pag. 409. ante med. and jacobus Andreas in epitome. colloquij Montisbelgar. pag. 47. circa med. where he saith. Deus est author peccati secundum Bezam, and pag. 54. circa med. he saith. Bezae opinio de praedestinatione impia est & blasphema: and pag. 48. initio. he saith of Bezas' doctrine, that it is, horrendum auditu. reprehend, & charge Beza for his foresaid licentious doctrine. As also Bezas own puritan brethren of Delphe published to the world (d) in the book entitled jacobi Arminij S. Theologiae Doctoris eximij disputationes etc. cui praemittitur oratio de vita & obitu Arminij recitata à Petro Bertio. coll. illustr. D. D. ordinum regente dignissimo, printed. M. D.CX. in the said, oration post med. is thus reported. Circumferebatur fortè quorundam piorum man●bus, libellus à quibusdam fratribus in Ecclesia Delfensi scriptus adversus D. Bezam hoc titulo. Responsio ad argumenta quaedam Beza & Caluini ex tractatu de praedestinatione in caput 9 ad Romanos: eum libellum beatae memoriae D. Martinus Lydius, qui antea pastorem egerat in Ecclesiae Amsterdamensi tunc vero professorem agebat in nova Frisiorum accademia transmiserat ad D. Arminium, rogaveratque ut adversus fratres Delfenses patrocinium susciperet D. Bezae credebatur à D. Lydio per quam ●doneus huic rei Arminius etc. neque erat omnino ab hoc instituto Arminius alienus, recens enim ex schola Genevensi auribus circumferebat sonum lectionum & argumentorum D. Bezae: accingit ergo sese operi, sed dum molitur refutationem, dum argumenta utrimque expendit, dum confert scripturas, dum se torquet ac fatigat, vero victus, primum sequntus est sententiam illam ipsam quam oppugnabat, postea in eam divina virgula & Spiritus Sancti ductum delatus est, quam ad finem usque vitae constanter ad seruit, etc. jacobus Arminius in Fr. junij locum iubentibus ita curatoribus surrogatus est. their special book thereof by them written against Beza in so much that whereas D. (*) As next before in the margin. at. †. Martinus Lydius (public professor in the new university of Frisia) entreated D. Arminius (who succeeded junius in being public professor at the university of Leyden) that he would undertake the patronag of Beza against the brethren of Delphe, as having been resident before at Geneva, and but lately heard Bezas' lectures, and arguments touching this matter, Arminius accordingly undertaketh the same, and endeavoureth the said brethren's refutation: but whilst he expendeth the arguments on both parts, and conferreth the scriptures, himself is overcome, and imbracinge thereupon the very same opinion which he began to impugn, he persevered therein to the end of his life: so grossly erroneous was Bezas' doctrine hereof holden, and for such specially rejected, even by the learned puritan divines of his own society. But leaving as now Bezas like further licentious doctrine over tedious to recite, and to proceed in the other course and order of his life: first than among those (confessed many) licentious (e) Anthoni Faius. l. de vitae & obitu clarissimi viri D. Theodori Bezae, printed. Genevae. 1606. pag. 9 paulo post med. confesseth and mentioneth, poemata illa quae (Wolmario) praeceptori illi suo inscripsit, in quibus non mores, sed stylum Catulli & Nazonis ad imitandum sibi proponens epigrammata quaedam licentiosius, quam voluisset scripta effudit. poems of his wherein he imitated the style of the most wanton, Catullus and Nazo, occurreth that known scandalouse epigram here recited in the (f) In Bezas' epigrams is extant (among other) his epigram of Andebertus and Candida, the which having this title. Theodorus Beza de sua in Candidam & Andebertum benevolentia: beginneth thus. Abest Candida Beza quid moraris? Andebertus abest quid hic moraris? Tenent Parisij tuos amores, habent Aurelij tuos lepores, & tu vezelijs manner pergis, procul Candidula amoribusque. Immo Vezelij procul valete, & vale pater, & valete fratres, nam Vezelijs carere possum, & career parent & his & illis. At non candidula Andebertoque: margin, by him made of his inordinate liking to his ganymede termed Andebertus, and to his woman called Candida, in which (as thereby appeareth) he much (g) sed utrum ergo praferam duorum? utrum invisere me decet priorem? An quenquam tibi Candida anteponam? an quenquam anteferam tibi Andeberte? quid si me in geminas secem ipse parts? harum ut altera Candidam revisat, currat altera versus Andebertum? at est Candida sic avara novi, ut totum cupiat tenere Bezam, sic Bezae est cupidus sui Andebertus, Beza ut gestiat integro potiri. Amplector quoque sic hunc & illam, ut totus cupiam videre triumque, integris frui integer duobus. debateth whether sin he may prefer, and in the end concludeth with (h) praeferre attamen alterum necesse est, o duram nimium necessitatem! sed post quam tamen alterum necesse est, priores tibi defero Andeberte, quod si Candida forte conqueratur, quid tum? Basiolo tacebit uno: preferring the boy before his Candida: I do before hand acknowledge that master D. Fulke in his treatise against the defence of the Censure, doth in his their answer hereto, wholly rest as in denial (i) Master Fulke in his treatise against the defence of the censure, pag. 24. 6. coming to answer the objection of these particulars, taketh notice of them in particular, but only answereth with denial in general of all imputations objected against Beza. thereof. As also Geneva itself hath in like shameful denial thereof, lately committed a very notable & remarkable discovered (k) whereas master D. Morton confesseth hereof as nexte hereafter at. k. in his apologia catholica, printed at London by john Norton. Anno 1605. They of Geneva set forth an other edition thereof in 8. printed indeed at Geneva, but in show and title thereof at London and as by (the very same) john Norton, Anno 1606. in which pag. 448. they do quite put forth master D. Moretons here nexte ensuing words of acknowledgement at. k. and in steed thereof do insert words of their own, importing a full and absolute denial, whereby they pretend. D. Moreton to say that these reports thus given of Beza, were untruths à maledicentissimis & mendacissimis hominibus impudentissime conficta etc. An impudency in them so egregiouse that master D. Moreton in the second part of his apologia catholica, printed Londini Anno 1606. in his animaduersiones etc. in the end of that book in lib. 2. cap. 21. exclaimeth thereat saying thereof: Nova impressio Londini dicta, verè Genevae facta, totum responsum meum pro Beza penitus expunxit, & responsum suum affuit: proh! hominum fidem, doleo quidem tantam cum scriptis meis iniuriam factam esse, tum etiam praelo Genevensi tantam corruptelae labem contractam. forgery, mentioned in the margin hereof, but all in vain, for the matter as being so evident, is not only affirmed by the foresaid protestante writer (*) See Schlusselburge. heretofore, cap. 6. sect. 1. in the margin. at. d. and Schlusselburg. in theolog. Caluin. lib. 1. fol. 93. a. initio. saith. Constat & hoc Bezam obscaenissimos versus scripsisse ad germanum Andebertum Aureliae electum, & eundem tanquam adonidem à Beza factum esse. Conradus Schlusselburge, who publisheth a constat thereof. And by (l) Tilmamnus Heshutius in his book entitled. Verae & sanae confessionis etc. say of Beza. Spurcissimis suis moribus dedecori fuit ipsis disciplinis honestis, quique nefandos amor illicitos concubitus, scortationes faeda adulteria sacrilego carmine decantavit orbi, non contentus eo quod ipse more porci in caeno flagitiosarum libidinum sese volutaret, nisi etiam aures study sae iwentutis suae illwiae contaminaret: Tilmannus Heshutius an other protestante writer of great reputation, but is also yet further confessed by our English protestant writers, master D. (m) D. Sparks in his answer to master john. D. Albines, printed. 1591. (this foresaid matter being objected there. pag. 397. He in his answer thereto, pag. 400.) say thereof; all this was before he was of our religion, even whiles he was one of yours when he made them: Spark, master D. (n) master Moreton in his apol. cath. part. 1 l. 2. c. 21. pag. 355. circa med. reciteth our objection saying: Orbi notum est quam salax fuit Beza, qui publicatis poematibus paudastris suas celebrare non crubuit, galliae probrum simoniacus, sodomita, omnibus vitijs coopertus: whereto he next after answereth (as confessing the matter of fact and) saying: Erat, erat, sed dum in volutabro vestro miser haeserat, etc. ille Beza igitur dum papista, hircus fuit. Moreton, and master D. (*) Sutlive de Turcapapismo, printed. 1599 l. 3. c. 10. pag. 204. circa med. answereth saying. In memoriam revocat quae Beza adolescens & papista in quandam Candidam cecinerat etc. Sutlive, who all for their beast answer thereto do affirm, that indeed Beza did this, but (say they) before his calling to the gospel, when he was yet popish: which their answer (to forbear the (o) impertinent. for though we deny not, but that many grievous sinners have repent and become afterwards very holy men, yet that any ever since Christ's time, offending so inhumanely and against nature (as is here confessed of Beza) should be called extaordinarily by God, to restore and publish to the world true religion then formerly decayed (as Beza in the conference at Ratisbone affirmed his calling to be extraordinerie: whereof see that learned Caluiniste D. Saravia, in defence. tract. contra respon Bezae. printed. 1594. pag. 56. fine, post med. & 74. fine.) is the point now only urged, and whereof we affirm all example to be wanting: for as to that which master Morton. (in apol. cath. pag. 355.) allegeth of Saul made Paul, is unapt (if not injurious to the Apostle) seeing his error was only his persecuting the church, grounded upon preposterous zeal towards God, (Act. 22.3.4.) and not in other wickedness of life, to the contrary whereof himself saith. As touching my life from my childhood, and what it was, all the jews know, that after the most straight sect of our religion I lived a Pharisee. Act. 26.5. impertinency thereof) is most evidently untrue, as appeareth even by testimony of Anthony Faius (Bezas' dearest colleague, (p) Anthoni Faius. l. de vita & obitu Bezae pag. 4●. fine. and successor at Geneva) who (in his over partial treatise of the life and death of Beza) affirmeth that (q) Faius. ibidem pag. 8. fine, & 9 aunt med. and see pag 11. ante med. Beza being but twelve years old, was brought up in learning under Wolmarius, and by him then instructed out of the pure fountain of God's word, (o) Witness hereof Faius, ubi supra, where he maketh recital of Bezas' will or testament pag. 73. initio. in which saith. Faius, gratias agit Deo immortali, quod anno atatis suae 16. verae Christianae religionis cognitione ac luce donatus sit: in the ready knowledge of true Christiane piety. A thing more evident, in that Beza himself in his laste will, and testament (alleged by Faius) doth (r) give (special) thankes to the Immortal God, for that at the 16. year of his age, he was enlightened with the knowledge of true Christiane religion: which time of his supposed enlightninge (amputation being had of his birth, (s) Faius ubi supra. pag. 8. post med. 24. julij 1519. and of his foresaid epigrams, printed at Paris under Bezas' name by Robertus Stephanus, Ann. 1548.) appeareth evidently to have been many years before his foresaid publishing of the said epigrams, the which also as may seem by Anthony Faius, (t) see this next heretofore in he margin. at b. he dedicated even to his foresaid master Wolmarius, by whom (u) next heretofore at. n. as before he was firste instructed in religion. In further proof whereof much more is affirmed by (x) See Schlusselburg. in theol. Caluin. lib. 1. fol. 92. a. post med. & b. Schlusselburge from recital out of Bezas' other writings, in so much as Beza in excuse thereof denyeth not the same epigrams, but only say. (y) see this confessed and reported in these words by the author of the answer for the time to the defence of the censure, printed. 1583. fol. 99 a. circa med. Indeed Andeberte was a young man than most dear to me, etc. to whom being at Vezel I wrote trifelingelie certain verses, wherein I did declare my singular desire of seeing him &c. But whither the foresaid verses import no more but so, let the reader judge: As also I refer to like judgement upon what ground work it was, that (z) so reporteth the said author in his said answer, fol. 98. b. ant med .. being called to Lausanna, (a protestante town) to profess the greek tongue, enquiry was made into his life &c. (whereupon) Beza maketh mention of his epigrams, etc. and testifieth to them (of Lausanna) that there were many things in them, which did utterly dislike him, for which he was heartily sorry. Hereto I will now but add remembrance of that poetical vain, which Beza afterwards waxinge old, continued and used, when turning the Psalms of David, into latin verse, (a work greatly commended (a) Faius de vita & obitu Bezae pag. 80. affirmeth that, Psalmos vario latinorum carminum genere elegantissime & suaevissime expressos, orbi Christiano edidit, & see this treatise of Bezas, further there mentioned pag. 78. fine. by Anthony Faius) he did among other (b) in Bezas' tract. theologic printed Genevae. 1570. pag. 661. He paraphraseth the 50. Psalm as thus describing Bersabe. paraphrase the 50. Psalm, which being wholly penitential, and comprehending in it nothing but matter of greeffe and tears, let it be indifferently weighed, upon perusal but of part thereof alleged in the margin, (we will not say how lasciviousely, but) how unanswerable to David's contrition the same is by Beza penned. Tandem ad Bersabes convertit lumina vultus, Bersabes qua non formosior altera, cunctas Isacidum populos inter numerata puellas, Sed coniuncta viro & matter iam digna videri, Et mox tam raras mortali in corpore dotes Miratus, patulae radiantem frontis honorem Purpureasque genas, pulchri & discrimina nazi, Os roseum & flavos per eburnea colla capillos Marmorcumque sinum, porrectaque brachia longè, Et terretes digitos, me vero ludere in istis Fas oculus inquit: And a little after he further describeth her being in the fountain, in these lascivious verses: Omnibus arridet pulchrae sibi conscia formae, Nunc sinit extrema crispantes fronte capillos Ludere, nunc varia discriminat arte vagantes, I am celare sinum simulat, mammasque coercet, Et superobiectat tennis velamina telae: I am cunctas ostentat opes, colloque superba Nudato, pulchra mentitur imagine divam, Interdum excultis illi qui stabat in hortis Marmoreo insignis labro atque perennibus undit Foute lavat, cereresque iaculatur amores. Was this the spirit of Davides repentance, or rather of Bezas yet hitherto continued vein of Nazo and Catullus, whom he is mentioned to have imitated n●●● heretofore at. b. These wanton verses were such an open scandal, that now in the other late editions (as namely in Bezas' Psalms of David turned into latin verse, printed at Antuerp. 1580. they are for very shame quite omitted and left fourthe, but yet still extant and to be seen in the other former edition before mentioned, and in Bezas' Psalms of David in latin verse, printed at London. 1580. II. But to proceed in the further discourse of Bezas' life, that learned Lutherane Conradus Schlusselburge, reporteth further saying, (c) Schlusselburge. in theolog. Caluin. l. 1. fol. 92. b. fine, saith. Constat & hoc Bezam sibi despondisse suam Candidam inscijs parentibus, & cum ea quatuor Annos consuevisso concubina utendo, autequam Candidam uxorem duxerit. this also is manifest, that Beza espoused his Candida without her parent's assent, & for four years space before he married her, kept her as his concubine: And whereas it is also reported, that his secret flight in company of the said woman for preventing of troubles hereupon to him intended, was the firste occasion which brought him with her to Geneva, where (say the reporter) he (*) hereof see nexte hereafter in the margin at. b. *. was forced to marry her in prevention of open scandal at their then conceived incontinency, (which also is made more odious and remarkable by Bezas own unchaste profane (d) Hutterus public professor in the university of Witemberge, in his libri concordiae explicatio. printed. 1608. Art. 7. fine, & pag. 703. circa med. reporteth saying. Beza in fine libri de absentia corporis Christi in caena scribit, Candidae sive Amasiae suae culum (parce tu Christe blasphemias istas mihi referenti) imo partem diversam magis adhuc pudendam, mundiorem esse quam illorum ora, qui simpliciter verbis Christi inherentes, credunt se praesens Christi corpus in caena sacra, ore suo accipere. words, so immodeste as I blush even in my very forbearance to English them) it is not altogether without scruple, that Anthoni Faius' not ignorant of this so common report, and undertakinge (in his said discourse of Bezas' life) to make mention of Bezas' marriage, doth no better prevent or clear it, but rather (as some conceive) doth give colour thereto, telling how that Beza (e) Faius de vita & obitu Beza. pag. 11. initio, saith. Name & voluptatem illecebris, & ambitiosulae gloriae quam ex epigrammatorum editione erat adeptus, honorumque amplissimorum spe irretitus aliquandiu detinebatur, etc. ac primum ne à iwenilibus illis desiderijs superaretur, uxorem sibi despondit, sed clam conscio uno & altero ex pijs amicis. being entangled with the enticement of voluptuousness, ambitious sweetness of glory gotten upon the edi ion of his epigrams, and with hope of preferment, did (jest he should be overcome by those youthful desires) promise himself in marriage, but yet secretly, one or two of his godly frend● made privy thereto: And that continuing with the party in this estate long time together, at last (say Faius) betakinge (f) ibidem pag. 12. fine, it is said: Seque in voluntariam exilium cum sua coniuge recipit Genevam, Anno 1548. ibi primum palam in Ecclesia solenni inter Christianos ritu matrimonium celebravit. himself into voluntary exile, he with his (foresaid) spouse came to Geneva, and there firste openly in the church, celebrated the marriage according to the solemn rite of Christianes': then which discourse of Faius what more (*) More inferringe for Faius his pretence of Bezas' former supposed marriage, being as of his marriage not known and open but in secret, and in presence of some one or other of his godly friends not to be named, together with further mention of his open marriage after all this in the open church at Geneva, upon his first coming thither with he her, what other thing argueth all this, but that Beza was enforced to marry her upon the then conceived suspicion of his incontinency with her: inferringe to prove that Beza was as then suspected to live with her incontinenthe, and that to avoid the danger thereof, therefore married her openly in the church at Geneva, which was no less them sacrilege, had he been then before already married to her: this point seemeth furthermore so evident, that our English protestant poet master Owen, taketh notice thereof in his epigrams, where writing of Bezas' two wives, he say. The (g) master Owen in his so much esteemed epigrams, printed Londini. ex officina Humfredi. Lownes, Anno 1607. editione tertia (wherein he so commendeth his English protestant Bishops l. 2. epigram. 23. 24. & 25) doth there. l. 1. epigram. 141. in Theodorum, thus writ of Bezas' two marraiges. Vxorem tibi more novo fas ducere non est, quid refert? veterinam tibi lege licet: At tu Mosaicam violasti bis quoque legem, nupta prior meretrix nam fuit, haec vidua est. Levit. c. 21. vers. 7.13. & 14. thus fare master Owen: firste was a whore, and the seconde a widow, concerning which his seconde wife, I cannot but commend to all indifferent judgements, what sign of mortification beseeming Bezas' pretended (h) hereof see Beza in epist. theolog. printed. 1573. ex Alemanno, pag. 49. and see hereafter c. 7. §. 5. fine, in the margin at. s. extraordinary vocation was by him showed, when after the (i) Faius de vita & obitu Beza. pag. 54. ante med. say, Anno 1588. mense April. è vivis excessit, Claudia de Nossa Beza coniux, cum qua coniunctissime & honestissime vixerat annos quadraginta. death of his said firste wife, himself being then sole (k) Fayus. ibidem. pag. 74. ante med. saith. Liberos nullos unquam habuit. without children, and at the time of her said death, aged (l) Fayus. ibidem. pag 8. fine, affirming Beza to be borne. 24. junij Anno 1519. and the same compared to her foresaid death in April. 1588. it followeth by computation, that he was then aged 69. years wanting but one month. threescore & nine years, he yet afterwards (being then entered upon the 70. year of his age) in more than ordinary haste, even within the compass but of some few (m) It appeareth by Fayus ubi supra. pag. 66. fine, & 67. initio. that Beza died. 13. Octobris 1605. aged. 86. years. 3. months and 19 days: and it appeareth further. pag. 74. ante med. that his seconde wife had been then married to him during the space of 17. years, which 17. years being deducted from the foresaid, 86. years of his age, showeth her marriage unto Beza to have been within the mean time, which was between April. 1588. in which his firste wife died (as next heretofore. at. e.) and the 13. of October than next following, which begun the first seavententh year of the second wifes continuance with Beza: and this perhaps was the cause why Anthony Fayus being curious in setting down the very year, and certain time of Bezas other proceedings, as namely of his birth (pag. 8.) his death. (pag. 66.) his first marriage at Geneva (pag. 12.) the death of his first wife. (pag. 54.) and diverse other like, forbeareth yet to observe this course in like setting down the certain time of his seconde marriage, though yet nevertheless the observant reader may otherwise collect the same from him, in that upon his foresaid mention of Bezas' first wife's death, Anno 1588. set down, pag. 54. he doth say, pag. 55. that Beza made his second marriage (aliquanto post tempore) a small time after, and the same there set down as in order precedent to Bezas' actions of Anno 1589. which year of Anno 1589. beginneth not before, pag. 56. initio. months (n) Fayus ubi supra. pag. 55. paulo post med. married (not without great note thereof both at home and a broad) Katherine thee (young) widow of Franciscus Taraffus, whereof master Owen in his foresaid epigrams (amongst his high, praises there seriously given of diverse his protestant Bishops) affordeth not his unwitty nor unpleasant (o) master Owen in his epigrams (mentioned nexte heretofore. at. c.) lib. 2. epigram. 14. in Theodorum, say. jam septem denos ageret cum Rex Dauid Annos fovit ei gelidum pulchra puella latus, cui ne dissimilis tanto videare propheta, duxisti iwenem tam Theodore senex. remembrance. III. AS concerning Bezas' notable dissembling and temporisinge in matter of religion, I will (forbearing master (a) See nexte hereafter, sect. 4. after z. in the margin at. *. Bancroftes further charging him in this kind) only allege one example thereof mentioned by the protestante writer Osiander, who reporteth (b) see this in Osiander. centur. 16. lib. 3. cap. 28. pag. 657. post med. that certain (protestants) being cast into prison at Paris, the French Caluinistes sent, as Legates into Germany Beza and Farellus, that they might obtain from the protestant Princes, their intercession to the French king for the (foresaid) captives, these legates Beza and Farellus going first to Worms unto the Lutherane divines, Melancthon, Brentius, Marpachius, and jacobus Andreas, offered unto them a confession of their faith, in which they did profess (among other things) the very substance of Christ's flesh to be exhibited in the sacred supper, & that the difference among the (protestant) divines, was not of the thing yt selfe, but only of the manner of the presence, which was known only to God: (*) Pl●raque in illa confessione sit posita erant, ut videretur non Caluinistica sed Lutheranae: huius confessionis antographon ego vidi & legi manu Theodori Beza & Farelli subsignatum etc. Tigurini Theologi hanc Beza & Farelli confessionem ut nimis Lutheranam reprehenderunt, quibus responderunt Beza & Farellus; opus sibi fuisse bono dolo ad liberandos fratres: item see in illa confessione clam apud se in scrinio pectoris sui, duas voces per fidem & spiritualiter retinuisse: (Osiander. ibidem. pag. 65. ante med.) also the Lutheran writer Holderus in his book entitled. Afinus, printed. Tubingae. 1587. cap. 29. pag. 49. circa med. saith hereof. Tigurini ubi de re tota certiores fiunt, tanta hominis impostura acriter dolent, & eam confessionem magna contentione impugnant, Bezamque falsi reum peragunt: quid vero interim Beza, num se deserit? minime: Audi artem tali artifice dignam: vult persuadere Tigurinis, dolum aliquando bonum esse, & aliud agere, aliudque simulare, etc. and many things were so put in that confession, as they seemed not Caluinisticall, but Lutherane: the original copy of this confession I myself (say Osiander) both saw and read, it being subscribed with the hand writing of Beza, and Farellus: hereupon they had recourse unto the Duke of Witemberge, by whom they also obtained from other prince's intercession to the French king: (at their return) the Tigurine divines reprehended this confession of Beza and Farellus as over Lutherane, to whom Beza and Farellus answered, that they stood in need of (some) good deceit whereby to deliver their brethren. Also that in the foresaid confession, they privately retained with themselves in the secret of their breast, these two words, viz. by faith, and spiritually: thus fare the protestant writer Osiander concerning the said confession, which (as himself say) he both saw and read over, with his own eyes: And is it now so hateful and reprovable in some catholics to equivocate though verbally and in case of safety of their own or their brethren's lives, and yet lawful for Beza to equivocate, not verbally, but by subscribed writing, neither as in case of safety of life, but of profession of faith? A course so peculiar in Osianders' opinion to the Caluinistes, that he doubteth not to say of them, (c) Osiander. centur. 16. lib. 3. c. 61. pag 796 paulo post med. saith. Hanc enim maximain seu regulam habent Caluinistae, licere pro gloria Christi mentiri. They hold this for a ground or principle, that it is lawful to lie, for the glory of Christ. iv AS concerning Bezas' reported seditious doctrine and practices, doth he not allow and highly commend the wars in France for religion against the laws and king of that country, saying (d) So saith Beza in his epistle dedicatory of his new testament, to the Queen of England Anno 1564. that the nobility of France (under the noble prince of Condie) laid the foundation of restoring true Christian religion in France, by consecrating most happily their blood to God in the battle at Breuxe, whereat Beza was (e) see this in Anthoni Fayus de vita & obitu Beza, pag. 45. prope finem. present and persuadeinge? Did he not write a seditious book of this argument, entitled De ture magistratuum in subditos, so known and evident, that master Sutlife confesseth thereof, saying, (f) master Sutlive in his answer to a libel supplicatory, pag. 75. paulo post med. and see pag. 71 paulo post med. Their doctrine doth wholly tend unto trouble and rebellion, Beza in his book of the power of magistrates, doth arm the subjects against the prince in these cases A book (g) ibidem. pag. 92. post med. (say he yet further) which overthroweth in effect all the authority of Christian kings and magistrates: And again he allegeth Bezas' judgement of excommunicate princes saying: Beza (h) master Sutline, ibidem. pag. 98. initio. roundly teacheth, what reason have Christianes' to obey him, that is satins slave? And the like is yet further confessed in this kind against Beza by master (i) See master Bancrofte in his survey of the holy pretended discipline, printed. 1593. c. 3. pag. 48. prope initium. Where he chargeth Beza and the Geneva discipline expressly with desperate points of deposing princes and putting them to death in diverse cases of resistance against reformation: & see in his book entitled Dangerous positions, pag. 21. & 18. Also master Bancrofte in his foresaid survey etc. cap. 3. pag. 42. circa med. say. He that shall read master Caluines, and master Bezas' two books of epistles, and likewise the commentaries of France, with diverse other discources about those affairs, and should withal give any credit, either to Hesbutius, Balduinus, Carpentarius, or others (men learned all of them, and some of them protestants) would certainly marvel to understand into what actions and deallinges they thrust themselves, of war, of peace, of subjection how fare it extended, of reformation without staying for the magistrates etc. Bancrofte the late Arch. As also that temperate protestante writer D. Saravia, argueth sufficiently Bezas seditious doctrine, in his over modest or rather excusing reprehension & answer thereto, saying, Quid his (k) Saravia in defence. tract. de diversis gradibus ministrorum contra responsionem clarissimi viri D. Theodori Beza. printed. 1594. cap. 2. pag. 74. paulo ante med. verbis etc. some restedoubtful what master Beza intendeth by these words, where he thinketh it not right, that the godly should stay till the Wolves be expelled by public authority, & that he may seem, secretly to insinuate, that those Wolves may be expelled by private authority, as was done in the low country's & other places etc. against the minds of the chief magistrates: thus fare D. Saravia, which course of pretended reformation without staying for the magistrates, was so common to (l) see Bezas own words recited in Saravia ubi supra, also our learned adversary master David Owen in his Herod and Pilate, etc. printed by Cantrell Leg, printer to the university of Cambridge 1610. in the epistle dedicat. confesseth saying. Master Beza (in thes. Geneu. p. 249.) did determine that the officers of state, such as are the 7. Electors in the Roman Empire, and the three estates in every monarchy, have authority to repress tyrannous princes, which if they do not, they shall answer before God for their treachery against the people: Also. pag. 48. ante med. master Owen further say. Anno 1560. Beza printed his confessions, wherein he avoucheth that there are vices in princes though lawfully established by succession or election etc. what shallbe done in this case to these princes? I answer (say he) that it belongeth to the superior powers such as are the 7. Electors in the Empire, and the statesmen of the kingdom almost in every monarchy to restrain the fury of tyrants, which if they do not, they are traitors to their country's, &c. thus fare Beza, hitherto the words of master Owen. Furthermore. Beza in epist. theolog. printed 1573. epist. 68 pag. 318. ante med. faith. Habeo alia nonnulla maioris momenti quae tamen per literas commode significare non pussum: perplacet autem mihi quod de conventu absque ulla principium aut civitatum authoritate privatim instituendo scribis: and then thrusteth in this bodge. Quamuis nullis prorsus conscijs principibus id fieri minime velim: and so likewise in his other words reprehended by Savaria (as nexte heretofore at. t.) Beza expressly say: Si pijs semper expectandum putas, dum lupi ultro cedant, vel publica authoritate expulsi, tibi minime assertior, but yet say he with a like bodge: Nihil seditiose movendum extra controversiam est, sed pie & constanter amplectandas affirmo omnes divinitus oblatas veri cultus divini restituendi occasiones etc. & nisi ita factum esset, quas tandem ecclesias hodie haberemus? what seeming hypocrisy is this? to teach reformation against the magistrates mind, and yet for sooth not seditiously, as though it could be so performed without sedition: Beza is so plainly reprovable herein, that he is in such respect specially as before, discovered and reprehended by master Owen a learned Caluiniste. Bezas' confessed doctrine & practice, that himself in such respect concludeth, as upon confessed experience in that kind, that (saith he) (m) ut supra at. u. fine. except we had so done, what churches at this day should we have had? whereto might be added sundry of Bezas' seditious (*) see nexte heretofore in the margin at. s. u. concerning Pultrots sleeinge endway (as himself conceived) on Horseback all night after he had discharged his pistol upon the murdered duke, and of his unexpected being found and taken in the morning next after, at the place where he did the deed: the protestant author of secundae partis commentariorum etc. mentioned next hereafter at. z. say. Equo variè evagatus intempesta nocte in eum prope locum unde discesserat etc. redit, inque custodiam Heluetiorum incautius incurrit. pag. 345. ante med. sayings, for such confessed and rejected by our learned adversaries, as also Pultrots known murder of the old duke of Guyse, who being thereupon very strangely (if not miraculously) apprehended, did at the time of his execution, publicly (n) the protestante author of the treatise entitled. Secundae partis commentariorum de statu religionis & reipub. in regno Gallia libri tres. Carelo none rege, printed. 1571. pag. 357. post med. say of Poltrots' execution. Illud interfects Guisij supplicium dedit, quaestionis haebita edito quodam scripto, Poltrotius Amiralium facinoris illius authorem & hortatorem appellabat, & Theodorum Bezam cum alio minime nominato ministro illi accusationi involuebat ut ad eam rem impulsorem etc. Also Pultrots confession at his death yet extant in print, chargeth Beza as persuader and procurer thereof, in answer whereto master Whitaker in his answer to father Campion. (rat. 8. and after the English edition pag. 223.) doth surmise that Pultrot was induced to accuse noble and innocent men, through hope of impuretie, or fear of punishment: By which pretext all accusations, made by the confessions of offenders at their deaths, are most improbablye taken away. charge Beza, as being the first author, and persuader thereof. Hereto also might be further added, Bezas like making war against the confessed (*) master Bancrofte in his said survey, c. 8. pag. 127. circa med. saith. Beza suceeeded master Caluin in place but neither in learning nor all his virtues, and I do attribute it to his want of judgement that he hath showed himself such a busy body (against the lawfulness of Bishop's calling) where he had nothing to do etc. by his secret letters & other disordered writings &c. and yet forsooth he can write to other men and pretend quite the contrary: want of judgement, & ancient fathers in defence of his novellisme, & therein also his disorderly writings, his like confessed (o) see Bezas' insolency noted by master Bancrofte (late Archbishop) in his foresaid survey, cap. 3. pag. 54. initio. insolency, (p) see his pride noted ibid. pride, lewd (q) see him charged with lewd saying. ibidem. pag. 59 post med. saying, and discreditinge (r) see this noted in Beza ibid. c. 19 pag. 219. fine, & 220. initio. himself in being crank with the ancient fathers: which laste point is in him so evident, that he forbeareth not to compare (s) Beza in epist. theol. printed. Genevae 1572. epist. 1. pag. 5. initio. saith. Itaque dicere nec immerito quidem ut opinor consuevi, dum illa tempora apostolicis etiam proxima cum nostris comparo, plus illos conscientiae, scientiae minus habuisse; non contra scientia plus, conscientiae minus habere, haec mea sententia est: etc. the protestante writers of his time, with the most ancient fathers of the apostolic times, affirming of them that they had then (t) ut supra at. e. scientiae minus, less knowledge in matters of religion: and of his own protestante writers, that they have now (u) ut supra at. e. scientiae plus, more knowledge: and speaking else where of the ancient fathers even (x) Beza in his epistle dedicatory to the princes of Condie paulo post initium, set before his n●we testament saith. Ipsa temporum historia manifestè probat, optimis etiam illis temporibus (si cum posterioribus conferantur) eam fuisse episcoporum partim ambitionem, part●m facilitatem & ignorantiam, ac multorum etiam apertissimam ac desperatissimam improbitatem, ut satanam planè catibus eorum prafuisse, vel ipsi caeci facill●mè perspiciant, etc. in the beast times (compared now to these) of his time, he affirmeth that satan (y) supra. at. h. was plainly precedent in their assemblies and counsels: in so much as reprehending the ancient fathers for their (popish) opinions, in particular of (z) Beza. ibidem. in epist. dedic. paulo post. havings distributed the fathers into two ranks, the one being before Constantine the great, the other, from thence to the declininge of the Roman Empire about the time of Theodosius, say. Dicam aliquid amplius: Bona (ut spero) cum corum venta, qui in illorum scriptis sunt versati; iam tunc iaccbat in Gracia satan, prima mortuorum invocationis fundamenta, quibus tantum aberat ut sese opponerent nonnulli prima notae Episcopi, ut alij etc. extruendis honorificis templis honoranda martirum memoriae & accumulandis ritibus incumberent: etc. apertas superstitiones nascentes non modo non reprimerent, sed etiam foverent, etc. hinc illae liberi arbitrij opiniones etc. And some little nexte after he further affirmeth that. Providentiae, liberi arbitrij, fidei, & gratuitae iustificationis noticia, was philosophicis gracorum episcoporum commentis pene oppressa, etc. and then again nexte after. Innalescebat eodem tempore mortuorum invocatio, & stulta opinio calibatus, quos pudendos errores apertè defendit Hieronymus etc. & monachos in Aegipto & Syria etc. non aliter quam Angelos plerique admirabantur: preces quoque pro mortuis tum liberius adhiberi capta, & orta de purgatorio igne, platonica quaestio, etc. deligemus eos qui circa Theodosij magni saculum vixerunt, certe fateor eo tempore doctissimos episcopos extitisse, at hoc ego tamen affirmo, vix posse quenquam illorum dari, qui non & secum ipse, & ab alijs, multis in rebus & ijs quidem maximi dissentiat: invocation of saints, honouring the memories of martyrs, increasing of rites, freewill, justification, monachisme, prayer for the dead, purgatory &c he yet further concludeth against the fathers that lived in the time of Theodosius the great (who begun his regine within (a) the protestant writer Michael Beuther, in his ephemeris historica, printed at Basile. 1556. pag. 166. initio. saith. Anno Christi 336. Constantinus magnus obijt: and ibidem. pag. 34. initio. He saith. Anno Christi 379. Theodosius Censors imperij factus est: Which firste number being taken out of the latter, the remain willbe. 43. years forty three years next after the death of Constantine (b) hereof see master Fulke in his Retentive against bristol Motives &c. printed. 1580. pag. 279. post med. our first Christiane Emperor) that scarce any (c) see next heretofore at. k. of them can be named, who dissented not both from others, and also from himself in many things, and those truly of greatest moment etc. affirming lastlye, that his colleague john (d) Beza in his foresaid epistle dedic. to the prince of Condie post med. saith concerning the interpretation of scripture: Magnus ille Ioannes Caluinus beatae memoriae etc. veteres & recentiores omnes longè superavit: calvin (in his exposition of the text) did fare excel all the ancient fathers: In respect of which premises, let now the studious reader but indifferently judge, how fare Bezas' novel doctrine was dissenting from the ancient fathers, and if the protestante Archbishmaister Bancrofte had not good cause to tax Beza (e) see next heretofore at. d. and see also the protestante writer Holderus in his Asinus Auis etc. printed. Tubingae, 1587. cap. 43. pag. 43. pag. 60. post med. specially charging and reprehending Beza, for his so reiecting (as nexte heretofore at. h. in his foresaid, epist. dedic. to the prince of Condie) the ancient fathers. (as before said) with discreditinge himself in being so crank with the ancient fathers. V LAstlie as concerning Bezas' boldness in mistranslateinge and perverting of the sacred scriptures: to give but some brief touch thereof: firste in defence of priests pretended marriage, where the text speaketh of the apostles praying, with the devote (f) See heretofore cap. 6. sect. 4. initio. at. c.d. women etc. Beza translatethe, with (g) see there at. e. in the margin. their wives, and the same so untruly as heys therein forsaken by our English (h) see there at. f. translators: In like manner where the apostle doth prescribe to those that be married in the imperative mood (most evidently in sense to be (i) to be supplied: for the text being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Honorab●le connubium in omnibus: marriage honourable in all. Hebr. 13.4. nexte before these words are. Let brotherly love continue: vers. 1. be not forgetful etc. vers. 2. remember etc. vers. 3 & then next after these words are. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mores alieni ab avaritia: for which our English translations, and likewise (Beza) do translate, expressing the imperative, though in the original wanting, let your conversation be without covetousness: vers. 5. so as both next before, and nexte after the foresaid, 4. now questionable vers. the imperative mood being so often used, and by our adversaries and Beza himself supplied in the foresaid. 5. vers. in the original whereof it is no more expressed, then in the now other. 4. vers. most evidently convinceth, that the vet be substantive being wanting in the 4. and 5. verses a like, the said. 4. interueniente vers. is to be supplied in sense, not with the indicative but imperative mood. supplied) saying. (k) Hebr. 13.4. Honorabile connubium in omnibus: let marriage be honourable in all, as much to say, as let marriage be honourable and inviolably preserved in all points: Beza in pretence of Christ's marriage translateth in the affirmative (l) Beza in his new testament. of Anno 1587. translateth honorabile est inter quosuis coniugium. Hebr. 13.4 marriage is honourable, and not as the Apostle say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in omnibus, but as turning the neuter gender into the masculine, inter quosuis in all men (m) ut supra at. x. adding so to the original text, these two words, is, and, men: so directly against the same apostles confessed doctrine of (n) that the same Apostle. 1. Tim. 5.9.11.12. forbiddeth those widows to marry: is confessed plainly by Marlorat. in his novi testamenti catholica expositio, printed. 1593. in 1. Tim. c. 5. vers. 11. pag. 375. a. fine, by master Alison in his confutation of Brounisme, printed. 1590. pag. 71. (who there also allegeth Bullinger and others so likewise expounding the words of S. Paul) and by the protestante author of the book entitled, Antichristus sive prognostic. finis mundi, printed. at Basil. per Petrum Peruam. pag. 148. fine, & 149. all which do hold the marriage of these widow's unlawful in regard of their vowed chasterie: and see further the like enclininge opinions of master D. Abbot in his seconde part of the defence of the reformed catholic, traditions, quast. 1607. of Vows, pag. 1024. post med. and of the author of catholic traditions, quaest. 43. pag. 224. post med. And of master Budle in his book of evangelical fasts, pag. 19 circa med. & 20. aunt & post med. prohibitinge certain vowed widows to marry, that calvin himself (though of Bezas' judgement) durst not translate otherwise then, (o) Caluin. in omnes Pauli epist. Haebr. 13.4. honorabile in omnibus coniugium, and (p) see heretofore c. 4. sect. 3. in the margin. after. r. at. *. ●. Castalio as learned an adversary as Beza, doth in his so much commended (q) See there at. s. translation, translate (directly against Beza and with us) (r) see this in Castalio● great bible dedicated to K. Ed. 6. printed. at. Basil. 1573. honestum esto matrimonium in omnibus: secondly concerning real presence and sacrifice, whereas the text (confessedly according to the letter of (s) Beza. in his nowm testamentum, printed. 1588. in Luc 22. pag. 317. b. fine. 9 saith. Haec verba si constructionem spectemus, necessario non ad sanguinem, sed ad poculum pertinent: grammatical construction, and of all ancient copies) is that the cup was shed for us, which arguing Christ's blood to have been contained in the cup, most directly proveth sacrifice and real presence. Beza (t) Beza in the first edition of his new testament of Anno 1556. saith hereof. Omnes tamen vetusti nostri codices ita scriptum habent: and see this point confessed by Hospinian in his histor. sacramentaria. part. 1. printed. Anno 1598. l. 5. cap. 1. pag. 443. post med. to avoid the argument thereof, and to leave this sheedinge as indifferent to be referred to the cross, say of S. Luke (u) the greek is in construction and reading verbatim according to this ensuing in latin. Hic calix nowm testamentum in sanguine meo pro vobis effusus: wherein the word (effusus) varyinge in case from (sanguine) and in gender from (testamentum) relateth most evidently to (calix) wherewith in construction it only agreeth. that he committed herein (x) Beza in nou. test. pag. 317. b. line 12. saith. Aut manifestum est Solaecophanes etc. aut potius cum haec essent ad marginem Annotata ex Matheo & Marco, postea in contextum irrepserunt: a Solecophanes or incongruity in greek (for so our adversaries (y) Beza. ibidem line. 24. say. Et potest excusari Solacismus etc. and Hospinian. in histor. sacram. part. 1. l. 5. cap. 1. pag. 443. saith hereof. Ad hoc responsum estiam antea à nostris aut Solaecismum esse commissum à Luca etc. and Andreas Crastorius, de opificio missae, printed. Basileae 1594. l. 2. pag. 237. post med. say. Beza etc. Propter poculi effusionem Solaecismum inesse divinat: the more bold therefore was master D. Fulke. whoe against the Rhemishe testam. printed. 1601. in Luc. 22. vers. 10. sect. 9 pag. 241. paulo ante med. say to us. Where you say that Beza, chargethe Luke with Solecism or false greek, without all conscience you slander him most impudently etc. understand him, notwithstanding master D. (*) concerning master D. Fulke see next before in the margin at. i. Fulkes bold denial thereof,) or else (z) ut supra at. h. and Hospinian. in hist. sacram. pag. 443. post med. rather, that it is a corruption crept into the margin, and from thence into the text, whereupon he doubteth not (purposely as thereby to divert this sheedinge from the cup) for to translate (in steed of the cup was shed) that the (a) Beza in Luke. ●2. 20. translatethe. Hoc poculum est nowm illud foedus per sanguinem meum qui pro vobis effunditur: blood was shed, directly against the words of the text, and the judgement of his own brethren the (b) Chitraeus lib. de Baptismo & Eucharistia, printed. Witebergae 1584. pag. 299. saith. Planè hoc peculiare habet, quod calicem pro vobis effundi scribit Lucas etc. and see further in Vrsinus his commonefacio cuiusdam Theologi de S. cana etc. printed. 1583. pag. 183. initio. learned Lutherans: Thirdhe as concerning Christ's discendinge into hell. Whereas S. Luke (as determining all (*) S. Luke writing in greek and using those words that are proper for soul and hell, determineth (if any were) the ambiguity of the Hebrew in psal. 16. so as they cannot be understood of carcase and grave. pretended ambiguity of the Hebrew) allegeth the prophet saying; Thou (c) Act. 2.27. wilt not leave my soul in hell: Beza to prevent the argument thereof translateth, (d) so translateth Beza in his nowm testamentum, of. 1556. of set purpose (as himself in his annotations thereupon confesseth) against purgatory and lymbus patrum thou wilt not leave my carcase in the grave: Wherein though (as (e) see the laste English bible, of Anno 1612. Act. 2.27. and see Castalios bible mentioned nexte, before at. d. at. Act. 2.27. being refused by our English and almost all translations, he afterwards in his latter (f) Beza in his nowm testamentum, of. 1588. in Act. 2.27. translateth. Quoniam non derelinques animam meam apud inferes: edition doth correct himself, yet here also doth he defend (g) Beza ibidem. pag. 438. line. 16. saith. In priore nostra editione rectè interpretatus eram, non derelinques cadaver meum in sepulchro: and justify this his former translation: Fourthly as concerning the story of the adulterous woman recorded by S. (h) john. 8.4.5. etc. john: Beza delivereth his profane suspicion saying. (i) Beza ubi supra, in john. 7.35. pag. 373. a. line. 23. saith. Quod narrat jesum solum fuisse relictum cum muliere i● temple, nescio quam sit probabile; nec satis coheret cum eo quod mox id est vers. 12. dicitur etc. & quod scribit jesum digito scripsisse in terra, nowm mihi & insolens videtur, nec possum conijcere quomodo possit satis commode explicari. Where the story reporteth that jesus was left alone in the temple with the woman, I know not how it is probable: and again (as against all ceremonies whose explication is not vulgar) where (k) ut supra at. z. it saith that jesus wrote with his finger on the ground, seemeth to me (nowm & insolens) strange and insolent; neither can I conjecture howeyt can be fitly explicated: thus fare Beza. Fivethlie where S. Matthew reckoning up the Apostles names saith. (l) Ferre duodicius Apostolerum nomina sunt hoc, primus Simon qui dicitur Petrus etc. Math. 10.2. Primus Simon qui dicitur Petrus etc. Which cannot be taken as by way of numbringe, for than would have followed, secundus Andreas, which doth not: neither as in respect of their calling to follow Christ, for Andrew (m) john. 1.42. and Ambros. in 2. Cor. c. 12. say hereof: Andrew firste followed our saviour before Peter, and yet the primacy Andrew received not but Peter: first findethe Simon and bringeth him to jesus: not yet as in regard of any set order of their placeinge, which in all but Peter and judas it but (n) in Math. 10. 2.3. etc. and Marc. 3.16.17. etc. and Luc. 6.14.15. & Act. 1.13. He that is named seconde or thirde or fourth in one of these, is otherwise placed in other of them: promiscuouse, and as it were casual, Peter being usually (o) Peter is first named. in Math. 10.22. Marc. 3.16. Luc. 6.14. and Act. 1.13. and fee further. Mat. 17.1. & Marc. 5.37. & 13.3. & Luc. 22.8. & john. 21.2. named firste and sometimes (p) tell the disciples 45. & 9.32. Peter and they that were with him. Marc. 1.36. & Luc. 8.45. & 9.32. Peter and the Apostles. Act. 5.29. & 2.14. & 1. Cor. 9.5.1. Cor. 9.5. only against all the other, and judas for his unworthiness (q) Math. 10.4. Marc. 3.19. Luc. 6.16. named laste. From all, which is inferred that the word primus, in Mathewe, signifieth not number, but primacy. Beza as fore seeing this raiseth up a scruple against the concordance of all copies, saying (r) Beza in non. test. of 1556. and in his later edition of 1588. in Math. 2. vers. 2. pag. 45. b. line. 21. saith. Quid si hoc vocabulum (primus) ab aliquo additum est, qui Petri primatum vellet stabilire? What if this word (primus) be added (into the text) by some favoret of Peter's primacy? for it is not coherent with that which ensueth etc. The further examples that might be given in this kind are many, and over tedious here to recite in respect of which like, his most excellent majesty (s) in the sum of the conference before his majesty, printed, 1604. pag. 46. circa med. it is said. The worst of all his majesty thought the Geneva translation to be pronounced the Geneva translation to be worst of all: and (t) see this there. pag. 47. initio. that in the marginal notes annexed to the Geneva translation, some are very partial, untrue, seditious; etc. and our learned adversary master Parkes, further say to master D. Willet. (*) so saith master Parkes in his apology of the three testimonies of scripture concerning Christ's discendinge into hell: in his defence of the first testimony of scripture fine at fol. Ddd. As for the Geneva bybles, it is to be wished, that either they may be purged from those many fold errors, which are both in the text and margin, or else utterly probibited: As also Molineus a learned adversary, say of (u) Molinaeus saith. Theodorus Beza, Math. 10. vers. 10. & Luc. 9.3. De facto mutat textum ut hos ita conciliet: see Molinaeus in testam. part. 20.30.40.64.65.66.74.99. & 8.13.14.21.23. Beza, that he actually changeth the text: and Sebastian Castalio a (x) heretofore cap. 4. sect. 3. in the margin. at. *. after r. very learned Caluiniste, and most skilful in the tongues, (whose translation of the scriptures, is commended and preferred before all others, by master (y) see there at. s. D. Humphrey. (z) see there in the margin at. s. Hipperius, Melancthon, Sr. john Cheek, Martin Bucer, and others) having noted certain errors of Beza, in his translation of the only firste ten chapters of S. (a) ibidem. Mathewe, concludeth saying. (b) so saith Castalio in his defensio suarum translationum, printed. at Basil. per joannem Oporinum, pag. 182. 183. I trust I have showed sufficiently by these ten chapters of S. Mathewe (in which I have omitted many things worthy of reprehension) what a long register of errors I might gather out of his whole work, for he oftentimes erreth, not only in words etc. but also in things, and the same most weighty etc. and say yet further, (c) Castalio. ibidem. pag. 170. prope finem, say. Annotabo autem non omnes eius errores, nam opu● esset nimis mague libro etc. I will not set down all his errors (of translation) for that would require too great a volume: Hitherto concerning Beza, the doctrine of whom, and of all the other persons before entreated of, was at their firste profession thereof, so novel and strange to Christiane ears, that Beza in the conference at Poysie being demanded of the calling of himself and other his then associates, affirmed the same to be (d) see this affirmed of Beza by D. Saravia. (a prime Caluiniste divine in our nation) in defensie. tract. contra respon Beza, de diversis ministrorum gra●ibus, printed. 1594. pag. 56. fine, & 60. post med. & 74. fine. And Beza, in his epist. theologica, printed. 1573. epist. 5. Alemanno paulo post initium, & pag. 49. say to Alemannus: Ordinariam certe vocationem pratexere non potes, quis enim te elegit? Ergo de extraordinaria videamus: huic vero tum demum locum esse dicimus, cum vel nulla, vel pene nulla est ordinaria vocatio, sicut nostra temporibus accidit in papatu, cum expectari ordinaria vocatio quae nusquam erat, nec debuit, nec potuit: Also master D. Fulke against Stapleton & Marshal. printed. 1580. pag. 7. post med. saith. The protestants that first preached in these days, had likewise extraordinary calling: And Lascicius (a learned Caluiniste) in the book de Russorum, Muscovitarum & Tartarorum religione, printed. 1582. pag. 23. allegeth Caluines words to be; Quia Papae tyrannido abrupta fuit vera or●inationis series, 〈◊〉 subsidio nunc opus est, etc. etquc 〈◊〉 extra●●● suit hoc munus quod Dominus nobis iniunxit: see also calvin. institut. l. 4. 〈◊〉 4. In like manner master Carthwrighte in master Whitguistes defence etc. tract. 4. cap. 1. diuis. 2. pag. 217. circa med. say: When the churches have been by Antichriste razed from the foundation, God hath stirred up euangelistes even immediately by his spirit without calling of men to restore his churches again, as Wicliff, Huss, Luther, Suinglius, etc. And master Fulke in his Retentive against bristol Motives, printed. 1580. pag. 300. 〈◊〉 saith, that in Luther's time God sent extraordinarelie, immediately from himself, as Helias, Helizeus and the prophets were sent, etc. so Christ sent his apostles and euangelistes, and so was Luther and such as he, sent to repair the ruins of the church: And master Parkins in his works, printed. 1605. fol. 916. a. post med. & b. affirmeth that the calling of Luther, Oecolampadius, Peter martyr etc. was extraordinary, extraordinary: And thus much finally concerning the foresaid pretended extraordinary reformers of our age, referring to the impartial judgement of the indifferent, and learned reader himself, upon his due consideration had of the premises, whether we are to repute them seriously for such, or rather for those other against whom the holy ghost foreworneth: saying. (e) Ezechiel. 3.3.6.7. We Prophetis insipientibus qui sequuntur spiritum suum, & nihil vident: dicentes ait Dominus, cum Dominus non miserit eos: &, dicunt ait Dominus, cum ego non sin● locutus. THE CONCLUSION TO THE MODERATE AND DISCREET PROTESTANTE READER. HAueinge hitherto discourced of Luther, the firste father of pretended reformation, and of those his followers who laboured the alteration of religion in diverse countries, as Suinglius for Suytzerlande, Melancthon, Andreas, and others for Germany, calvin and Beza, for France, Bucer, and Ochine for England, Knox and Bucanan for scotlan etc. The conclusion now to be inferred (gentle Reader) upon these premises, will perhaps in thy judgement appear to be, either that thou hast been hitherto missenformed and greatly deceyued in thy conceived opinion had of those men, or else that in my narration made of them, I have laboured to wrong and abuse thy simple and well meaning credulity: for me to be peremptory in affirming of the firste, (it being so directly against the information to thee delivered by so many of thy own grave and learned protestante divines) might perhaps lie open to be perverted into a more offensive (if not penal) sense of misconstruction, than I (out of my due respect) am willing, that either myself or the reader hereof should incur, in which regard I do professedly forbear yt: And to acknowledge the later, were to make me further chargeable, than self accusing conscience doth give witness unto: That now than which I conceive to be left remaining for me in these extremes, whereby to avoid all occasion, either of injustice, displeasure from others, or of unworthy imputation to myself, is no other than by submission of this my labour (which in all humble manner I do accordingly hereby exhibit) unto the careful examination, and thereupon ensuyinge judgement of thyself in particular: wherein if it fall out that I have not mistaken, but (whereof I am very hopeful or rather confidente) truly, and sincerely alleged the proofs and testimonies by me cited, the matter then hereby discovered, is not to be either dissembled or contemned, but undoubtedly such and of so great importance, as I may well forbear to express thereof by words, what the largeness of thy conceyvinge is unable duly to comprehend. Only for thy better incorragement and more ready direction, to examine the truth of what hath been formerly said, I am hereby to advertise thee, that in my discourse had of these matters, I have purposely forborn the many abounding testimonies of such our catholic writers, as severally lived and conversed with Luther, and those others formerly entreated of; of whom they constantly deliver strange things, and such as whereof these hereby now reported, are but (as it were) the appearing slender outside: In steed of them I have (as all zealous of thy satisfaction, and no less than careful to avoid offence) contented myself with thy own protestante authors, men all of them learned and of public note. I have also for the most part (in regard of the sometimes variable editions of certain of their works, alleged where occasion and need requireth) the particular year of such their books impression, together with further direction to the leaf and very part of the leaf, in which the alleged testimony is extant to be found: if either the printer or myself have by escape or negligence mistaken pag. 91. for 19 or committed any other such like usual error, thy indifferency and pains, will I hope suffice to discern, and correct so small a fault: The matter now examinable is not toucheinge any difficulty of doctrine left subject to variety of exposition, but only concerning matter of fact, whereto is needful no judge, but eyes: which but afford, and that done, spare not to become severe in thy equal judgement. If thou remain (as I think thou dost) preoccupated and all perplexed, as holding it for incredible rather than improbable, that so wise and learned men, as Luther and those others formerly entreated of, should be of such unworthy condition, as hath been hereby described: or if they were, that then they should be so applauded and magnified with the favour, and currente of their times, may it please thee, to retain an impartial consideration thereof from the known examples of former ages, which may suffice to instruct thee, that the greater gravity learning and wisdom, of Arius, Donatus, and other ancient condemned novellistes, did not then prevail to excuse them in the eyes of true judgement, from any their known personal vices, as neither did the kings and emperors of those times, in respect of such their vices, forbear to embrace and defend their errors: Novellisme howsoever in y●● own firste nakedness deformed, having yet once gotten but some little advantage of borrowed beauty, from the predominancy and sway of times, never wanteth means either of boldness, learning, or probability of discourse, whereby to support and enlarge her firste beginnings: the very absurd doctrine of Mahomet, as also the plurality of Gods maintained by the heathen philosophers, have not wanted opportunity of help in this kind, and the same sometimes so prevaillinge, as hath often prevented and cut off all means, of bringeinge the same into consultation of but doubt or question, and yet (I am persuaded) it was not so much any seeming show of extraordinary learning, or other probability of opinion (as also neither of virtuouse and godly life) that made Luther so applauded and repaired unto by the broken branches of our Catholic church, as it was his selecte and choice preparing of his doctrine, to entertain and fit the then several affected humour of each peculiar declininge estate and degree, as namely his alluring of the dissolute clergy with Hereof see herefore cap. 2. sect. 12. at. x.y. and see Luther's book de votis extant. tom. 2. Witemberg. printed. 1562. fol. 277. a. prope finem, and fol. 327. a. liberty of pretended marriage, his see heretofore. cap. 2. sect. 7. in the margin at. b. And observe the answerable experience of so many monasteries, abbeys, and other church livings, now seized upon under pretext of reformation by the temporal magistrate; and impropriated to profane secular uses, in so many several foreign nations upon their receiving of Luther's pretended reformation: And see further Luther. tom. 7. de Missa privata & unct. sacerd. printed Witemberg. 1558. fol. 231. a. fine. & b. initio. and see Bucers words nexte hereafter in the margin. at. *. And see further. D. Saravia in his book of the diverse degrees of ministers, printed. 1592. pag. 218. fine, & 219. fine, & 221. fine, & in his epistle there to the ministers etc. fol. 6. 2. And Simon Pauli super quartum Euangelium in quadrages. say. Ex principibus & nobilibus viris, multi evangelium susceperunt hoc titulo, ut ecclesiae bona ad se rapiant. etc. Also master Bancrofte late Archbish. in his Survey &c. printed. 1593. cap. 21. pag. 237. ante med. saith. When reformation of religion was first urged, it was thought such an effectual motive as would procure attention, viz. to entitle princes after a sort to the church goods, etc. and ibidem. cap. 8. pag. 111. post med. he saith. Many do love Luther for no other cause, but for that they think they have cast off their Bish. by means of him, and have obtained liberty, etc. exposing of monasteries and other rich spoils of the church, to the greedy appetite of the temporal magistrate, who (not unlike to those the psalmist speaketh of) said, Psal. 83. vers. 12. after the English translat. of An. 1612 come and let us take to ourselves the houses of God in possession; and finally, his further deludeinge of the simple and sinful laiety, with his other foresaid licentious doctrines of see heretofore, c. 2. sect. 4. throughout. only faith, and disclaim see heretofore, cap. 2. sect. 4. & 5. throughout. in works, etc. over jacobus Andrea's concione 4. in cap. 21. Lucae, confesseth and saith of Luther's followers, in these words. They say we have now learned to be saved by only faith in Christ etc. we cannot satisfy by our fasting, prayer, etc. therefore permit that we may give over these, seeing that we may be saved otherwise by the only grace of good; and to the end the world may know them to be no papists, nor to trust in good works, they take, course to put none in practice etc. Also Bucer in his scripta Anglicana, printed. 1577. libro 1. de Regno Christi, cap. 4. ante med. & pag. 24. circa med. saith hereof. Maxima horum pars visa est, ea ex Euangelio Christi petijsse, primum etc. ut iugum qualiscunque disciplinae poenitentiae & religionis universa quae in papatu reliqua fuit abijcerent, proque carnis suae arbitrio ac libidine instituerent agerentque omnia: tum non ingratum eis fuit audire, iustificari nos fide in Christum non bonis operibus, quorum nullo tenebantur study: etc. nec pauci eorum, qualemcumque Euangelij praedicationem eo tantum receperunt, ut inopes invaderent ecclesiasticas, etc. greedily then accepted of: In the several embracing of all which (as S. Hierom said in like manner of Vigilantius his followers) they Hierom. contra Vigilant. favoured not so much him, as their own vices: these, o these. (I fear me) were those fatal steps whereby Luther aspired to his so sudden uprisinge greatness, the which being accompanied with the visitation of God's heavy judgements, hangeinge over the prevaillinge sins of those degenerate times, which were increased to their full height of measure, brought forth to the world, that ensuing calamity of the church's vastetie and desolation, which posterity now discerneth and so much wondereth at: whereas had the catholic people of those times in these our Northern parts of Europe, and those other likewise of former times in the Eastern church, but preserved inviolable their accustomed integrity of life and manners, not then Luther in those, nor Mahomet in these, could ever have so infatuated the world with an efficacy of deludinge error, more feeling and gross to faith, than ever was to sense the Egyptian darkness. If now lastly (friendly reader) any of thy learned professors, who not daring to deny the premises of this precedente discourse for true, shall in these extremes (which is the laste point I can imagine worthy of prevention) labour to distract, or rather to Befool thee, with inequal obiecting Inequal obiecting for our catholic church, having confessedly continued during all the last thousand years, and theirs but since Luther's time, their liberty of excepting against so many pope's, is thereby inequal as in respect of the other fewer number of theirs to be by us excepted against: (in steed of answer) what intemperate malice haith either feigned, or truly sometimes delivered, concerning the supposed wicked lyues of certain pope's, who not being the first restorers to light of our religion, lived so whereas it appeareth by direction signified next hereafter at. k. l. that our catholic religion, hath been generally professed for above a thousand years (at the least) laste paste, it is evident that all those pope's, to whose lives our adversaries make usual exception, lived many ages after this confessed begun continuance of our religion many ages after the same was universally professed, let my fore warning hereby once for all, suffice to inform thee directly as to the point, that the question now is not whether the high priests of the old law or the high priests now, have after the establishment of religion been sometimes wicked men or not, (for admitting they were, yet are we taught not to Act. 23.5. speak evil of the people, but in obedience to Math. 23.3. observe what they teach, not what they do.) The very touch of that now properly yssuable, is whether that the truth of religion having been (as is supposed against us) extinct, or to the world latente and invisible for so many hundreth years passed, may be thought to be now revealed to the world by men of fastigiouse and wicked life; That our catholic faith (the many professors and diwlgers whereof are confessed for Saints: as for example firste concerning S. Gregory and S. Austin who above a thousand years since converted us English men to the faith of Christ, master Ascham in apolog. procaen. Dom. printed. Londini. 1578. pag. 33. circa med. saith. Augustinus Anglorum Apostolus qui nominatur etc. fundator omnis papisticae doctrinae etc. and john. Bale in cate-log. scriptor. illustr. Britan. printed. at. Basil. cent. 14. pag. 117. saith of Austin. Plebem per interpretes fidem papisticam docuit. And master William Harison in his description of Britanye, set before Hollinsheads great Chronicle after the laste edition, volum. 1. pag. 29. b. line. 11. say. Austin came and brought in popery: with more full words, ibidem. pag. 27. a. line 27. & 30. and yet master Godwine in his catalogue of Bishops, printed. 1601. pag. 3. ante med. saith. That blessed and holy father S. Gregory, etc. and master Thomas Bell in his survey of popery, printed. 1596. part. 3. cap. 2. pag. 187. circa med. termeth him Saint Gregory surnamed the great, that holy and learned Bishope of Rome, etc. Also master Godwine in his catalogue, termeth Austin, Saint Austin, (pag. 7. ante med.) our Apostle. (pag. 7. initio.) And master Fox act. mon. printed. 1576. pag. 117. a prope finem, and master Godwin in his catalogue, pag. 4. fine, do affirm and mention the miracles wrought (at our conversion) by Austin through God's hand: And see the like affirmed by Hollinsheade in his foresaid Chronicle. pag. 100 b. line. 60. secondly concerning S. Bede, who living about a hundreth years after our said conversion, and diuulged the history thereof: Luc. Osiander in his epitome. etc. centur. 8. lib. 2. cap. 3. pag. 58. initio, saith. Beda omnibus pontificijs erroribus, in quibus nos hodie à Papa dissentimus involutus est etc. and yet saith further there of him. Bonus fuit vir: as also he is termed Reverend Bede by master Fox act. mon. printed. 1576. pag. 128. b. initio. and by master Bell, in his regiment etc. printed. 1606. pag. 175. initio. and by master Bucer. Who (in his gratulatis ad Ecclesiam Anglican●m, printed. Anno 1548. pag. 82. post med.) termeth him, verè venerabilem Bedam, and master Cowper in his chronicle, printed. 1565. at the year, 734. fol. 171. b. saith. The holy man Beda for his learning, and godly life, was renowned in all the world etc. In like manner concerning S. Boniface who above 800. years since converted Germany to the faith of Christ, that he was a known catholic, see plainly confessed by the century writers, centur. 8. col. 794. line 51. and col. 796. line. 43. 44. etc. in which respect they do there term him, the slave of Antichriste etc. and yet concerning his like confessed sanctimony of life see also there, col. 794. line. 49. under the title. Opera eius in ministerio bona, and col. 795. line. 23. and likewise col. 801. line. 41. under the title. De donis & virtutibus eius: thirdly concerning saint Bernard Abbot of Clairevaux who lived Anno Domini 1120. & was author of the Bernardine Monckes (whereof see Hospinian. de origine monachatus. printed. 1588. fol. 179. b. initio.) the century writers in their 12. century, do say of him. Acerrimus propugnator sedis Antichristi fuit etc. (col. 1638. line. 16.) and again, Bernardus coluit Deum Maozim ad novissimum vitae suae articulum. (col. 1637. line. 45.) yet more. Ad comitem aquitanniae Bernardus dixit, quicquid extra Ecclesiam Romanam est, illud necessario iudicio Dei interire, sicut ea quae extra arcam fuerant in dilwio absorpta sunt etc. item qui Papam Romanum (Antichristum) persequitur, hunc ipsum filium Dei persequi. (col. 1639. line. 44.) and yet master Whitaker de Ecclesia, printed. 1599 pag. 369. post med. saith. Ego quidem Bernardum verè fuisse sanctum existimo: and Hieronymus Marius, in his Eusebius captiws, printed Tiguri. 1597. fol. 36. a. circa med. saith. Quis quaeso Basilium, Bernardum, Dominicum etc. tanquam à Deo reprobatos haberet? Thus much of S. Bernarde. Fourthly as concerning S. Francis and S. Dominicke who living Anno Dom. 1204. instituted the several orders of Franciscanes and Dominicanes: their religion was so evidently catholic, that master Whitaker de Ecclesia, printed. 1599 pag. 369. post med. saith. Franciscus vero & Dominicus homines superstitiosi fuerunt etc. de religione vero quod sciam, idem illi senserunt quod nunc vulgus papistarum sentit: and yet Pantaleon in his chronic. printed. 1568. pag. 100 initio, saith. Dominicus vir doctus & bonus praedicatorum ordinem instituit Anno 1225. and concerning S. Dominicke, see Dominicus Marius as nexte before: and Luther in his loci communes printed. 1594. class. 5. pag. 117. circa med. saith. Fateor sanè non defuisse suadona, Francisco, Dominico, Bernardo, etc. and Pantaleon: in chronic. pag. 95. fine. saith. Sanctus Franciscus sanctitate & erudition illustris, in Italia claret: and Melancthon, in his apologia confession. Augustanae, printed at Witemberg. 1573. fol. 221. b. ant med. saith seriously. Bernardus Franciscus & alij sancti viri etc. and in his corpus doctrinae, printed Lipsiae. 1561. pag. 95. fine, it is said. Antonius, Bernardus, Dominicus, Franciscus, & alij sancti patres, elegeruut certum vitae genus etc. And Tindal in his revelation of Antichrist extant in master Foxe his act. mon. printed 1563. pag. 1338. a. prope initium, saith. I doubt not but saint Bernarde, Francis, Dominicke, and many other holy men erred as concerning mass: Hitherto of of them. Lastlie as concerning Franciscus Xaverius, who being by profession a jesuite, did in this our age viz. Anno 1541. begin his successful conversion of the east India to the Christiane faith, confirming the same to them of that nation with great holiness of life and stupendiouse miracles, the same is so evident and confessed, that master Richard Hackluite preacher, in his book of principal navigations &c. printed. 1599 in 2. part. of the 2. volume. pag. 88 initio. doth in such respect mention (to use his own words) that holy man (Xaverius) his particular virtues, and wonderful works in that region. Saints) having been universally professed (as is confessed) for above a thousand See heretofore in the preface to the reader. initio. in the margin at. a. the testimonies of Simon de Voyon, master Powel, master Parkins, and master, Naper, years at the jest before Luther, and (as confesseth master Naper) during all that time without master Naper upon the revelations proposition. 36. fine, (and after the edition of 1594. pag. 68 fine, and after the other edition, of. 1611. pag. 90. fine,) saith. We conclude that between the year of Christ 300. and 316. the Antichristian papistical reign began reigning universally, and without any debateable contradiction. 1260. years. any debatable contradiction, should now in this laste age begin to be impugned, and thereupon abandoned: That likewise the religion and church of protestants at this present, pretended for only true, should continue unknown, latente Hereof see heretofore in the preface to the reader, at. a. fine, the several testimonies of master Brightman, and master Naper. and invisible for above a thousand years paste, and but now see next hereafter at. p. brought to light and revealled, and now also but revealled by men of such unworthy condition, as hath been formerly hereby described, and who then known of Luther's not knowing of any to join with him at the time of his firste begun innovation, see heretofore, cap. 1. sect. 1. in the margin at. l. and see also further heretofore in the preface to the reader at. d. e. g. h. this point is also more evident in that the proof of the affirmative lying on our adversary's part, they are not able to name any one congregation, nor so much as any one man, who at Luther's firste breach from our church, anno 1517. was then originally not catholic but protestante. not of any other church, or so much as of any one other person in the world, at that time formerly in being and of their religion, is the scruple which ministereth the now present occasion of so great doubt; For that our foresaid holy professors should damnably err, and that the devil and Luther, the devil and Suinglius, the devil and Carolostadius, and men so further branded as Andreas, Caluin, Beza, and the rest (pardon courtesou reader the zeal of my so earnest speaking, by me now or else where throughout this treatise used, as but upon supposal till they be answered or avoided of the premises for true) that these I say should be used by God (as the apology of the church of England say of Luther and Suinglius) for see this in master jewels defence of the apology of the church of Engla●d, printed. 1571. part. 4. cap. 4. diu. 2. pag. 426 prope finem: and see heretofore in the preface to the reader, at. e. f. i. and also in the margin there at. h. most excellent men, even sent of God to give light to the whole world in the midst of darkness, when the truth was unknown and unheard of, is the point now insisted upon, and specially referred to thy consideration: for if these men have the truth with them, & that the true church as they hold, either erred or became invisible (to speak the jest) for the thousand years laste paste before Luther, then as in case of like supposal said Tertulian, we may likewise say Tertul. de prascript. saith. Age nunc omnes (Ecclesia) erraverint etc. nullam respexit spiritus sanctus ut eam in veritatem deduceret, ad hoc missus à Christo, ad hoc postulatus de patre etc. neglexerit officium Dei villicus Christi Vicarius, finens Ecclesias aliter interim intelligere, aliter credere quam ipse per Apostolos praedicabat, etc. ecquid verisimile est, ut tot ac tanta (Ecclesia) in unam fidem erraverint? etc. aliquos Marcionitas & Valentinianos' (for which we may no less Ironically say aliquaem Lutherun & Suinglium) liberanda veritas expectabat: interius perperam evangelizabatur perperam credebatur tot millia millium, perperam operata, ut tincta, tot opera fidei perperam administrata, tot virtutes, tot charismata perperam operata, tot sacerdotia, tot ministeria perperam functa tot denique martyria perperam coronata. Is it like that so many, and so great churches erred? Or (to forbear the like complaint of Nazianzen. ep. 2. ad Chelid. saith. Absconditam post Christum sapientiam nobis annunciant, rem Lachrimis dignam, si enim triginta his annis f●des originem habuit, cum quadringenti (for which we may now say mille quingenti) ferè anni ab eo tempore fluxerint, quo Christus palam conspectus est, inane tanto tempore fuit Euangegelium, inanis etiam fides nostra, & martyrs quidem frustra martyrium subierunt, frustra etiantales tantique antistites populo praefuerunt. Nazianzen) as said that worthy ancient father Vincentius Lyrinensis (in his golden book translated by our adversaries) in these words: Vincentius Lyrinensis. l. adu. haeret. cap. 33. and after the English ● translation, printed. at London by Thomas Fulke. Anno 1611. fol. 59 a. which novelties if they should be received, it cannot be, but that the faith of the blessed fathers should be violated, either all or for a great part thereof at the jest: that all the faithful of all ages, all the saints, all the chaste or continente virgins, all the clergy, Levites and priests, so many thousand of confessors, so great armies of martyrs, so great an assembly, and multitude of cities and people, so many islands, provinces, kings, nations, kingdoms, country's, and finally that now almost all the world etc. should be said to have been ignorant for so long continuance of time, to have erred, to have blasphemed, and not to have known what they should believe etc. And if the ancient father's might thus set forth & amplify against all than pretence of appearing novellisme, the absurd supposal of the church's erring, but for so small a season (in comparison) before their times, how much more than is the same now prevaillinge against the indignity of our adversary's assertion, in chargeinge the confessed true church with latency and error for so many more hundreth years as are by them as before pretended, till now at laste that Martin Luther and others, Nexte heretofore at. p. gave light to the whole world in the midst of darkness: In which respect I will (and as I take not unaptelie) conclude, with signifying my complaint hereat in these words (almost the very same with those of our learned adversary master D. Bilson in the like case.) master Bilson in his survey of Christ's sufferings, printed. 1604. pag. 421. ante med. If Christian religion were not (professed so many confessed ages) since Christ's time before our age (wherein Luther and Suinglius men so qualified as before said, took upon them to restore the same) this (then) is a greater forsakeinge of Christ, than any was on the cross, for than hath God forgotten all his promises so often mentioned in the prophets, and confirmed to Christ etc. The due consideration to be had of all which premises (beloved Reader) I do without all further inferringe or urgeinge, finally refer to the religious care of thy own more leasurable reserved observation and judgement. THE CONTENTS OF THE BOOK. CHAPT. I. SEct. 1. mencioninge the motives of Luther's revolt. Sect. 2. his objected disputation with the devil. Sect. 3. an examination of that which is pretended in answer thereto. Sect. 4. the acknowledgement thereof from learned protestants themselves. Chapt. 2. Luther's licentious doctrines. Sect. 1. concerning pastors being subject to the people's judgement: Sect. 2. of not warringe against the turk. Sect. 3. touching the canonical scriptures and their translation. Sect. 4. concerning faith. Sect. 5. concerning works. Sect. 6. concerning marriage, divorce etc. Sect. 7. concerning magistracy. Sect. 8. concerning sacraments and their administration. Sect. 9 of Christ's passion in his humane nature upon the cross. Sect. 10. concerning the B. Trinity. Sect. 11. of God and the author of sin. Sect. 12. concerning marriage and single life. Sect. 13. concerning the immortality of the soul. Sect. 14. concerning local hell. Chapt. 3. Of Luther's external behaviour: and Sect. 1. of his pride: Sect. 2. of his contention, and railing: Sect. 3. of his inconstancy in doctrine. Sect. 4. of his pretended certainty in doctrine. Sect. 5. of his maintaining his doctrine against his own conscience. Sect. 6. his marriage and other condition of life. Sect. 7. of jacobus Andreas. Chapt. 4. Sect. 1. of Melancthon. Sect. 2. of Bucer. Sect. 3. of Bernardine Ochine: and some little touch of Knox, Bucanan, Crammer, Goodman, etc. Sect. 4. of Carolostadius. Chapt. 5. Of Suinglius: and Sect. 1. the manner of his revolt and pretended revelation. Sect. 2. his doctrines. Sect. 3. of his unchaste conversation: Sect. 4. his sedition and death. Sect. 5. of Luther, and his arising at one time, and the ominouse apparitions then before shown etc. Chapt. 6. Sect. 1. Of Caluins' external behaviour and death. Sect. 2. of his doctrine concerning God and the author of sin: Sect. 3. his doctrine touching the Trinity: Sect. 4. of his translating the scriptures, and his doctrine of Christ's sufferings: Sect. 5. his proud reiecting of the fathers in their affirming of our catholic doctrines, concerning, 1. the Trinity, 2. freewill, 3. merit of works, grace and justification, 4. lymbus patrum, 5. prayer for the dead, 6. lente fast, 7. grace conferred by sacraments, 8. the necessity of baptism, 9 ceremonies usual in sacraments, 10. concupiscence not to be sin in the baptised, 11. Christ mediator according to his humane nature, 12. the unmarried life of priests, 13. satisfaction, 14. solemn enjoined penance, 15. monachisme, 16. Peter's primacy, 17. Antichriste, 18. the Roman churches primacy, 19 induration, 20. real presence, and reservation, 21. sacrifice etc. 22. Angels and Saints, 23. Images. Sect. 6. his sedition Chapt. 7. Sect. 1. Of Beza his licentious doctrine, and also of his Andebert and Candida etc. Sect. 2. his marriages. Sect. 3. his equivocatinge i● doctrine. Sect. 4. his sedition, and contempt of the ancient fathers. Sect. 5. his boldness with the scriptures. FINIS.