THE Copies of certain discourses, which were extorted from divers, as their friends desired them, or their adversaries drive them to purge themselves of the most grievous crimes of schism, sedition, rebellion, faction, and such like, most unjustly laid against them for not subscribing to the late authority at the first sending thereof into England: In which discourses are also many things discovered concerning the proceed in this matter abroad.  
Dicit piger Leo est in via.  Proverb. 26. 
The slothful excuse themselves, saying. There is a Lion in the way.  
Imprinted at Roan, by the heirs of ja. Walker. 1601.   

The Preface to the Reader.  
THe differences and disagreements are such, which in these few years last passed have bred, and daily grow to more and more perfection in that kind, to so great a disgust of all sincere Catholics, not only here in England but also in the principal, if not in all the parts of Christendom, whither the worthy fame of their memorable acts for the restoring of their native Country unto the Catholic faith hath come, that it is high time to give them some taste of these matters, who are so disgusted, by laying before them the true cause, and grounds of this lamentable dissension, and to discover how colourably the common enemy of God, and his Church, hath proceeded to the disturbance first of God's Priests, then to the mutual dislike of Catholics among themselves, and of such Priests as against whom by wrong informations they are violently led, and let not to use both tongue and pen in most ungrateful manner.  
Some, being asked by others what might be the cause of so great a strife among the Priests, have simply answered that the cause is, for that the Priests being but secular men will not humble themselves, or be directed or governed by the jesuits, who are religious; but what truth soever is in this cause, of all other it must not be given, for such a subjection, even in the ears of those who desire it, soundeth so absurdly, that they endeavour rather to have it, then to hear of it, and both M. Blackwell in his Letters to the Cardi. Caietan dated the 10. of january 1596. and F. Parsons in his Letters against M. Doctor Bish: and M. Ch: dated the 9 of October 1599 labour to put this conceit out of men's minds, how evidently soever the practice in Wisbitch to make Fa. Weston the jesuite superior over the secular Priests (who then were in durance for the Catholic faith: pursued both by the known, and covert jesuits, and all other their favourites doth prove it, as also a Libel given abroad by the Author thereof himself, to admonish others to beware of such Priests (and by no means to have any dealing with them in spiritual matters, even to the disturbing of them out of their places of residence) as unfit guides for souls, who had not a dependence of the jesuits. And not long since another of their favourites letted not to say, that those Priests who are not under the jesuits government are no better than the Ministers; Many more proofs may be made hereof out of the speeches of many other their favourites, who give counsel to all that are afflicted in these turmoils to submit themselves to the jesuits.  
Other some, (who perceive well, that, if this should be maintained to be the true cause of so scandalous a schism in God's church, it would redound to the eternal disgrace, & infamy of such, as, by whom they having conceived some foolish hope of preferment, they had rather that they should indeed bear the sway, & have the government of the Clergy (although it were underhand) then be said either to seek it, or to have it) give out that the cause of this division among the Priests is, for that some Priests moved either with ambition, or desire of contradiction, will not subject themselves unto their lawful superior appointed by his holiness, and confirmed in authority over them by his Breve sent into England for that purpose: and these have from time to time both written, and maintained in most injurious manner (to possess the more perfectly such as are too ready to think no calumniation too grievous even against those who have best deserved of them) that these Priests are schismatics, seditious, rebellious, etc. even to the dividing for this cause of parents and their children, men and their wives, brothers and sisters, and whole households, while the one retaining that reverend respect of their long known, and tried ghostly fathers, for learning, wisdom, and virtue, is assailed by the other with these most wicked suggestions, and false calumniations, and forced either to live a discontented life, or to break friendship; and (against their own consciences) make semblance at the least that they conceive hardly of such as they very well persuade themselves will not commit so great offence against God, and his Church, in whose defence they have spent many years, and remain still resolute to shed their dearest blood.  
That therefore no error be hereafter in any man, who will not too much affect ignorance in such things as concern not only his particular good but the Common cause of God, & his Church (which whiles the Clergy liveth at some variance in an evil affected Country, cannot doubtless but be very greatly prejudiced thereby) it is thought expedient, yea necessary, that the cause of this dissension be with truth, and sincerity declared, & made known to the world, that our actions and the reasons thereof being weighed with equal balances, truth may take place, the offerers of the wrong may be discovered, the unjustly afflicted may be relieved, and that ease (at the least by these means) may be procured, which would not come of so long sufferance.  
The strife, and dissension at this day too great, and scandalous in England, is maintained by the Archpriest, the jesuits, & their adherents, against those Priests who did forbear to subject themselves unto the Archpriest constituted in authority over all the Seminary Priests in England and Scotland by a Cardinal, who was Protector of the English College at Rome, and afterwards honoured with the title of Protector of England, for the which forbearing to subject themselves at the first making known of this authority, the Priests were accused of schism, sedition, faction, rebellion, etc. All which calumniations were forgiven by the Priests so grievously injuried, and a peace made to the great comfort of all Catholics, when his holiness Breve was presented unto them, but this peace was soon after broken by the means of the jesuits, who revived the same calumniations against the Priests, and by the Archpriest, who did not only aver the assertions of the jesuits, but published also that he had received a resolution from the mother City (to use his terms) which avowed that the refusers of the authority (noting by this phrase the Priests who did forbear for a time upon causes seeming just to them to accept thereof) were schismatics. So that the cause of this division now in England, is not for any resistance in the Priests against the superiority, as many forward and evil taught people persuade themselves, & cry out against the priests, that they are disobedient. But the cause of this division is, for that the Priests will not acknowledge that in the time of their forbearance to subscribe to the authority (which was no longer then until they saw the Breve) they were factious, seditious, rebellious, schismatics, enormiously disobedient, in continual mortal sin, practising their function in irregularity, and pretending to absolve from sin without faculties, or jurisdiction meet thereunto, worse than Soothsayers and Idolaters, etc. If therefore sufficient reasons may be given why the Priests did forbear to subject themselves before they saw any Letters from his holiness concerning this authority, it will both appear how greatly they have been injuried both by the Archpriest, jesuits, and their evil nurtured children, and how necessary this course of publishing in this sort, is for the purging of the other Priests from those slanderous speeches; and here by the way do we ask of those pious Catholics, (for so they must be termed howsoever they deserve it,) when they charge, and persuade themselves that they choke the Priests with disobedience, what it is, that they mean by this disobedience, if they mean thereby that the Priests do not acknowledge M. Black. for their Archpriest and superior, they may if it so please them correct this their understanding, and from henceforth either believe that every man doth acknowledge him, or else name who doth not, and let him in particular be called in question for it: for this general prattle that they are disobedient is so unsavoury a shift, unless they could descend to particulars, that a man with little honesty would quickly perceive how it doth taint his breath:  
If by disobedience in the Priests they do mean the not yielding or conforming their understanding to the Archpriest his understanding, they exact this obedience to the Archpriest either because that he is learned, or because that he is a superior, but neither of these respects convince any such matter, as that the refusing to be so conformable should bring with it schism, sedition, faction, rebellion, etc. Not the first, which is in regard of his learning. For although that many in England for modesty sake only make no comparisons with him for his learning, yet without offence we may say that there are many beyond the seas far his betters, and much more learned, who have decided this question for us against him, so that the conceit only of being an Archpriest, or in authority, is left for them to justify these most iniurions calumniations against us. If then they exact this obedience in Priests to the Archpriest, in respect that he is a superior, and because that he is a superior they imagine that every man who will not think as he thinketh, and do what he commandeth is a Schismatic, a rebel, factious, seditious, etc. These who are so ignorant must be taught, and such as are contented at this time to make show of so gross ignorance, must be put in mind that authority is not an infallible rule of truth in all who have authority, and consequently that no man is bound in all things to believe or execute what every man in authority over him shall put upon him. In how many things not only Arch priests but their superiors also the Archdeacon's, and other of higher degree have done amiss, and swerved from the truth? and who upon earth is warranted from erring but one, and not he in all things? how absurdly then should this point be urged that the Priests are schismatics, rebellious, etc. for not conforming themselves in their understanding to an Archpriest? And if the simpler sort of Catholics cannot understand this reason sufficiently grounded upon too many examples recorded in all Ecclesiastical Histories, we would demand of them, when they are commanded to do that by such as are in authority upon their allegiance, which in conscience they cannot do, whether they be rebellious, factious, seditious, etc. in not obeying this commandment? or by what reason they may in not obeying resolve their consciences, that they are not rebellious, & c?  
Doubtless either they must confess that they are rebellious, etc. in not obeying the commandment of those who are in authority, or else that it is not a sufficient proof of rebellion that men do not in all things as others in authority command them, and to run for refuge to cases, and particulars, is to fly touch for (having before spoken of this particular case which is in question among us) we press now only this point, that authority is not so infallible a rule of truth in all to whom it is most it stly derived, as those must be condemned as factious, rebellious, sediticus, schismatics, etc. who will not confirm their understandings to their conceits, who are in authority because they are in authority.  
These points, and those which hereafter will be touched, we do not set down as men that would make sheep judges of their pastors, but as men desirous that their brethren, and children, would not be so violently carried as they are, both against duty, and charity, but suspend their judgements in these matters, and so bear themselves towards all, as they may hereafter make a good answer for their behaviour towards them, who have after so dear a rate sought to save their souls, and now request that their long sufferance be no prejudice unto them, nor warrant to lose tongues to enlarge themselves with contumelious speeches against them whose cause the discourses following will both convince all, who are desirous not to be misled in a matter of so great consequence, that it is just, and that they have also just cause to publish the same for the better instruction of such as with whom they may not be suffered or admitted to confer about it, yet without touch of any more than the matter itself, and occasions ministered do most necessarily require.  
Yours in all true hearty affection.   

Certain Considerations, to satisfy such as either are, or may be, by any sinister informations or ill conceits incensed against us, or alienated from us, because we have not yielded ourselves to the designments & wills of others, in subscribing to this late authority.  
FIrst we desire all good Catholics to consider indifferently, what we be, that defer our subscription to this authority; that we be Priests, & therefore in reason should know, to what we were bound in this case. Again, that our present vocation, which is to labour even unto death in saving of souls, and therefore not like to be altogether careless in matter of so great weight as this authority is pretended: of our own good, being so careful of the good of others.  
Further, that for many years we have bestowed ourselves in this harvest, and therefore in all likelihood, should somewhat know what things were most convenient for ourselves and Country. Then that many of us being in durance, have for many years endured, and as we hope without reprehension, the bitter storms of restraint and persecution, and therefore in justice should deserve at the least, an easy & indifferent censure, of such as either cannot, or do not, hear us answer for ourselves. And that also some of our brethren as forward in dislike and disclaiming from such proceed as we be (if not more forward) have ended their peregrination and troubles, with most glorious martyrdom, giving a great testimony thereby of their sincere intentions in such matters they took in hand, and leaving behind them also, a good motive unto you, to censure and judge no less of the intentions of others, whose cases are the same with theirs, that they deal sincerely and according to conscience. And because you cannot perhaps enter into a just judgement of these matters, not seeing into the depth, drift, and circumstances thereof, we desire no more at your hands, but that you will as yet suspend your judgements of us, and not uncharitably condemn us, until you see the conclusion and period of this business, which will manifest the truth of all our actions.  
Secondly, we desire you to consider our present estate in this business how we stand, that we have and do vow all obedience unto God's Church, and do acknowledge & embrace all authority lawfully proceeding from the See Apostolic, and are most ready to show all obedience thereunto, when we shall see and know by just and ordinary Canonical notice, what it is that the authority of that See exacteth at our hands, which no Christian Catholic can deny to be sufficient, and as much as can in right and reason be desired at our hands. And if we believe not every Letter, Messenger, or report, only delivered us by such who are parties in this cause, and master actors in erecting of this unpleasing and obtruded authority, do not blame us; for we have reason not to believe them in all things, much less in matters of such weight and so dangerous, whom by experience we have found difficient in many things, and whom we know to intend further matters hereby, then are seen or imagined of many. And yet in this, stand we but upon our own right, in not yielding: because we expect but ordinary authentical proof of so extraordinary jurisdiction, never denied in matters of far less moment and weight than this.  
Thirdly, consider what reason we have to yield unto this authority, not only gotten by wrong and false information and instance of the adverse part only against our wills, without our knowledge; contrary to all equity and justice; but also established in such sort by them, that the superior must needs remain a puny, and inferior to them, and by that mean be an instrument to execute what they shall think good or fit to be done; so that our superior being subject unto them, consequently all we must be their apprentizies, and stand at their command, which is to pervert all true order in God's Church. For oftentimes, and by the late general Council of Trident, it is decreed, that the secular Clergy shall have power over the Religious, as to visit them, reform and correct them, etc. as the Bishop doth, but seldom or never hath the Religious Clergy any jurisdiction over the secular Clergy, to visit, command, correct, or reform any Bishop in his See, or Pastor in his parish, etc. For why? they have vowed obedience, and therefore should not seek for command. And that these men have sought for superiority over us their poor brethren, it is most evident by their several enterprises to that end made amongst the prisoners of Wisbiche: & that now also they seek the same again, and more generally by this new authority of the Archpriest, is no less evident than the former, to them that will see any thing; else, why should they so earnestly busy themselves in a thing no whit at all concerning them, and much unpleasing to others, as to provide and place a Superior over us, who pertain not to their charge, and that against our wills, and without our knowledge or consent thereunto, not so much as demanding our opinions thereof before hand. And when they have done that, by favours, persuasions, and increasing of faculties, entice and allure men to ratify by subscription, what they cunningly have wrought underhand; & to such as refuse to subscribe, to threaten Excommunication, suspension, taking away of faculties, and denounce them schismatics, irregular, &c: and by Letters disgrace them in places where they come, and give warning of them as of schismatics, & Excommunicate persons. And more, to show their intentions in this matter, what interest they seek and challenge in this authority, though indeed nothing concerning them, because a distinct society and body from us; one of them in a Letter he wrote unto 
F. Garnet.  one that would not subscribe, confesseth & acknowledgeth, that whatsoever is opposite to the Reverend Archpriest, must of force, be consequently, opposite & against them, which thing must of necessity import an extraordinary tie between the authority of the Archpriest & them: either of the subordination of them unto the Archpriest, which they disclaim from & deny, or contrariwise of the Archpriest to them, else how must it of necessity follow, that he which is opposite unto the Archpriests authority, must of force be opposite to them, as though a man might not resist the Superior of an order, but he must needs thereby oppose himself against the whole body of an other order? Furthermore, if their interest were not great in this authority, why should they be so unwilling to procure, or suffer to be procured, some Bull or Breve, for the confirmation thereof, that it might be an absolute and independent authority? but that hanging at the will and order of the Lord Cardinal Protector only, they bearing a great sway with him as we know they do, may keep the Archpriest in awe, that he shall dare to do nothing that may displease them, for fear they should inform against him to the Cardinal, and so thrust him out of office: which they could not do, were his authority confirmed once by any Apostolical writ: and this only is the cause they love not to hear of Bull or Brieve in this authority, if otherwise they can choose; for by this means the Archpriest standing in awe of them, we must stand also at the reversion of their courtesies in any matter of question or controversy that may arise amongst us.  
Fourthly consider, that by yielding unto this present authority erected and directed by them, we shall be drawn within the compass and peril of all plots and actions whatsoever, in matters of state practised by them, or any of them, or hereafter shall be practised at any time by them, and so not we only, but also such with whom we shall converse, and those which shall concur with us in this action, shall be brought into more danger of the extremity & rigour of the laws, than otherwise we should, in that the authority is already thought by the Counsel to be of purpose erected for the better effecting of such designments; and so shall we, being brought within the compass of other men's actions, be hanged for kingdoms and matters of state, and the glory of our cause thereby diminished, if not clean extinguished, to satisfy other men's pleasures & serve their turns. Besides all this, by the opinions of divers men of judgement in the laws of our Country, this our case may and will be drawn within the compass of an old law enacted, aswell by our Catholic Bishops & Prelates, as by the Prince, above 300. years ago, uz. the law of Praemunire; because it is an external jurisdiction brought into this realm, against the will & notice of the Prince & Country, which made the late reverend Bishop of Lincoln, Doctor Watson, to refuse all external jurisdiction offered him over his fellow prisoners, although once he had lawful Episcopal jurisdiction within the Realm, and was unlawfully deprived thereof.  
Fitfthly consider we beseech you, for the satisfying of your consciences in this most unjust & slanderous report made against us of schism, that there can be no schism, where there is a resigned will of obedience. We protest and vow all obedience due unto God's Church, and all her lawful authority, and therefore can be made no schismatics possibly. If they urge against us that we obey not this authority: let them show us that it is a lawful act of the Church and we obey. If they tell us of Letters from the Cardinal, we answer them, that no man is bound to believe the Cardinal himself without Bull or Breve, in matters of so large consequence concerning the Church. What reason then is there that his graces bare Letters, the contents whereof drew on so general & extreme persecution upon our necks, should be allowed of by us, as a sufficient proof of the delegation? If they say that the Cardinal is a person of singular credit, and not to be disinherited, we answer them, that we impeach not his credit, standing only upon our own right and justice for our full satisfaction from his holiness, of his absolute will & pleasure herein, whose least command shall ever bind us, though with hazard or loss of our lives. To think that his holiness accounteth us so base and abject a Clergy, or so unworthy members of God's church, that we deserve not his ordinary notice in matters of so great moment, which is but a common process in matters of far less weight proceeding from that See, were both in itself ridiculous, & injurious also to his holiness. We could also urge, that his haul. as yet hath had no information at all from us, (our messengers being prevented of audience, & clapped in close prison by Father Persons procurement) but only from them, who are but one and the adverse part in this controversy, which you know is against all right and equity; and in which case, being but a matter of fact, his Holi. for want of due & sufficient information, may proceed with error, to the prejudice of the innocent part, although unwillingly, and by him not intended: in which case Appellations always are permitted for further information in matters thus in question. Consider now sincerely dear Catholics, these reasons propounded, and enter not too too rashly into condemnation of us your spiritual Pastors, who have already in part, and are still ready, to spend our blood for your sakes: but have patience with us a little, until you see the end of these matters, and the judgements of his Holiness herein, which we hope you shall shortly see, and perhaps in the end, you shall find that we, whom by sinister informations and suggestions, you are now ready altogether to condemn, have been, and are your greatest friends in withstanding such proceed, as haply may concern yourselves as near, if not more near, then us, although you perceive not, nor see so much. And in the mean season, as we labour for your good, so pray you for us, and the common good.  
Farewell, from them that thirst your good.   

Other reasons to the same purpose by another, under the form of a Letter.  
Sir, your private occasions which you recommend to my care, I have so tendered, that every thing is as forward as any diligence of mine can set it, and in my last have explained to the full, the course I took, which I trust is conformable to the directions you sent me, and will I hope have the success that both you and I desire. The progress of the matter you shall understand as occasion serveth. In the end of your Letter, you make mention of a division lately grown amongst us, who should be examples of love and union, and laments the bitter fruits sprung thereof, as pernicious to many a Christian soul. Whereof divers friends of mine by name are charged to be some cause, for that they were not ready at first to yield to the late authority of Master Blackwell, nor as yet can be brought to acknowledge the same. Truly Sir, for that you are my friend, and I thoroughly acquainted with the origine & process of the difference, I thought it my part, for your better information, & discharge of my blameless friends, briefly to set down what is done in this matter, and upon what ground, and then to leave the censure of it to your prudent consideration.  
To build sure, I lay this foundation; that it is neither piety nor true obedience, at the first sight to admit any authority but such as is orderly procured, and lawfully promulgated, in such sort that subjects may remain morally sure, that it proceedeth from the true fountain of superiority truly informed, which of itself is so manifest that it needeth no proof; for the contrary were to open the way to all forgeries and intrusions: and in fine, the overthrow of all Canonical proceed. Here hence followeth; that which true prudence and virtue do dictate: that when any new and extraordinary authority is published, they whom it concerneth; before that by acceptance they approve it, should of duty look and examine whether it be accompanied with the conditions above mentioned, and so admit or reject it, as discretion & conscience shall require. To the purpose, in both these conditions of lawful authority, this we speak of is feared to halt, and not without great presumption. And for that to handle both at large would exceed the limits of a Letter; and a defect in either, doth sufficiently warrant their proceed, I will leave the first, (for that must needs touch particular persons and their actions: which without further occasion and very just, I am loath to do) and show briefly how the manner of promulgation is in no way sufficient, but rather full of suspicion, and giveth just occasion of distrust.  
And first the credit of this promulgation, doth wholly hang upon their credits, who taketh authority upon them, who for that they are parties in this action, may justly be suspected as partial in their own cause, which cannot choose but leave the matter doubtful in any indifferent mind: or such at least as no man is in conscience bound to believe. Again, put case they were lawfulll promulgators, yet they bring nothing sufficient to ordain such authority or jurisdiction: to erect such an authority, cannot be less than an express commaundent of his Holiness: and given for this particular purpose. And the same also authentically notified of all which the adverse part showeth nothing, for neither do they challenge any such express decree from his Holiness: but only order given to the Cardinal Protector, to take up our controversies and jars here, which is nothing to build such an extraordinary superiority upon: or if they did, we are not to give full credit to the Cardinal his bare word, in a matter of so great weight: seeing that in such business he hath heretofore been found overmuch affected to the one part, who have their finger and hand in these affairs, and for this reason hath been excepted against as unfit to judge in such causes, that so near concern those parties as these things do, therefore these men demand but right, if they require an authentical instrument from his holiness to specify his will herein, and in the mean while determine nothing, but rest ready to embrace whatsoever his holiness shall appoint.  
Furthermore, there are now 8. or 9 months past, sith first the authority was divulged, & since the lawfulness thereof, for the reasons above mentioned and divers others was doubted of, as not proceeding from his holiness: yet the maintainers notwithstanding the hot, eager, & earnest course that they take in defence of it, would never obtain the least ticket, or testimony under his holiness hand, or directly from him, in confirmation of it: nor yet to notify that ever any such matter was appointed by him; knowing that such a note would have ended the whole controversy. And this maketh men in their minds to question with themselves in this sort: do not these men by ordinary course, monthly or oftener receive Letters from Rome? hath not Cardinal Caietan weekly, yea daily access to his holiness as other Cardinals have? do they want favour with him who is wholly theirs; or his forwardness to further that himself hath either begun or followed; and for the credit whereof, he hath granted what Letters themselves would request, and as effectual as themselves could draw them? or would his holiness refuse to testify that he is the appointer of this authority if it had proceeded from him? No, no, there is cunning some where, which when matters are discovered will quickly appear. And this is confirmed with another presumption of no less moment than the former. For when these friends of mine by uniform consent of many of their own brethren, wise and learned, & the ancientest, had resolved peaceably and quietly to send over to know the Pope's pleasure in this matter, they sent to the contrary part, to entreat them to have so much patience as to expect what answer these messengers did receive from his holiness: and if matters proved to be so as they said they were, then without further resistance, every body was ready to join with them, & to resist whosoever should resist them: and so the whole matter might have been very briefly and quietly ended between themselves in love and charity, without scandal or hurt to any.  
But this so reasonable a request could not be heard, but as if they had feared some present danger now after sending, they posted about more earnestly than ever before, send abroad papers, threaten excommunications, promise favours, abuse the laity with infamous reports of their brethren, sending into all quarters of the country to beg hands and subscriptions: and where any for what just cause soever did refuse, their means open or secret were devised to supplant and disgrace them, and accusations forged to withdraw their lay friends, and consequently their maintenance from them. Which must needs constrain the wronged to defend and clear themselves even with the same lay-friends; & so the matter grew to a contention, & became publicly known among the Laity, that women & children do tattle and descant every where, and pass their censure thereof. And what followeth of this, every body may see, and it is too lamentable to speak or write, what hurt our cause hath sustained hereby.  
But what good I pray you did these men pretend by so hurtful a course? Was the Pope so desirous of thanks that it must be procured with such broils? I cannot think it. Certes it maketh men justly to mistrust, that there is a further matter intended then in show they pretend: and that these hands & subscriptions by such means and so carefully procured to be sent over in such haste, must serve to salve and heal somewhat that is not sound there: happily to draw the Pope to consent to that which perchance he never heard or allowed of, and so hereby constrain men to put too their hands, saying it is his holiness will they should do so, and there persuade the Pope to allow of it, for that it is the Priests voluntary request & suit here. By which means no doubt but that they may easily procure the Pope's confirmation; who is and hath been ready to refer the choosing of the superior to the Priests of England, as Father Persons himself can witness: which was the cause that at the beginning when such a matter was proposed to his holiness: he would not proceed in it without they agreed & consented also, as there is great reason for him. For whose advise, consent, and allowance, are required to the choosing of a superior, if not theirs that are to obey and live under the said superior, when he is chosen? do not the fellows in every house in Oxenford (and according to the statutes and foundation) choose and elect their head and Rector? Do not likewise all the religious companies choose their superior? Nay do not the 
Dist. 63. cap. 12. & Dist. 61. cap. 13.  Canons of holy Church decree that Priests should have the election of their Bishop? and this late authority is for the ampleness, in punishing more than Bishoplike. Yea the Canons allow further, that the Clergy may, and should (if they find themselves wronged by having a Bishop put on them against their consent and liking) resist and withstand the intrusion or injury; And not only Popes have decreed that their Clergy should choose their Bishops, but Emperors have constituted the same: as appeareth by the ordinary gloss upon 63. Distinction, cap. 34. All which, maketh our friend's refusal much more justifiable.  
And last of all, M. Blackwell himself reported, that he had authority to excommunicate and command to the Court of Rome; which now belike, upon better scanning of his authority, he goes from. Again showing his instruction, said, that they were made at Rome, and by the Contents being convinced that they were made in England, could not deny it; which sure cannot choose but make men more doubtful of what he affirmeth in his own affairs. Now good Sir, these reasons well weighed, cannot but leave any indifferent mind doubtful whether this proceed from supreme authority or not; which doubt, cannot more quietly, clearly, and orderly be resolved, then by sending men of conscience and judgement, to know his holiness will, if he have not decreed and appointed it, to let him understand the abuse, & take order for the reforming of it. If he have, then to signify wherein perchance he might be misinformed, that thereby he may the better redress what is amiss; or if after due information, his wisdom shall think the course taken, to be for the benefit of our cause and country, than they carry a mind prostrate both 
How then could their delay be schism, they being alike ready to obey.  for themselves, and in the name of the rest that joined with them in this action, to accept and obey whatsoever the Apostolical sea shall herein decree. This course I know not what reason any man may have to condemn, as either rash, or uncharitable, much less why these men should be termed for their just proceeding, factious, seditious, schismatical, or the like. Hereby also you may perceive, where the root and true cause of the scandalous reports which daily come to your ears doth remain; notwithstanding the liberty of speech, clamours, and unjust exclamations of some who would have it to be elsewhere. I pray God that these men do build upon God almighty, and not upon their own wits and devices. Hear I say nothing of the just exceptions that many make against the manner of procuring this authority, which are neither few, nor yet of small moment, but these will be delivered in an other place by them that shall inform his holiness: and if occasion shall require, and we be pressed thereunto, you shall understand them in an other Letter. In the mean while, take and peruse this with indifferency, and judge as reason and conscience shall dictate.  
Farewell.   

Master Champneyes' Letter of the same argument, to a Reverend friend of his.  
VEry Reverend Sir, As from my very cradle I acknowledge myself many ways beholding unto you, for your manifold courtesies, both towards me and other of my dearest friends; so have I had always a special desire, to yield such correspondence in my demeanour, as I might neither give you, nor any other of my friends, just occasion to withdraw from me their friendly affection. Nevertheless I gather by some speeches that passed not long since, between you and a friend of yours and mine, that you have conceived a worse opinion of me, then wittingly I have deserved, or willingly would deserve. The sinister reports of some, whose endeavours are different from their profession, having caused in you, not only a surmise, but as it seemeth, a strong and firm opinion, that I am disobedient to the See Apostolic, and enemy to the Fathers of the society, and a contemner of the late authority of our Archpriest. These be the crimes wherewith I suppose, both myself and divers others are taxed, (or truer) most injuriously slandered. Being therefore very unwilling to permit you to remain in that opinion grounded upon mere fictions and falsities, I determined to make mine Apology with you, and to yield you reason for all my proceed in these matters: which being weighed in the equal balance of your indifferent judgement, I nothing doubt but it will yield you full satisfaction, and give you some light to see how you have hitherto been abused by false informers. I know it to be a difficult thing so to take away and remove, out of a mature mind, a conceit, which hath long without contradiction possessed it, so to take it away I say, as there remain no scruple nor doubt thereof. Yet when I do consider on the one side, your grave and sincere judgement, void (as I verily think) of all partiality: and on the other side, the clearness and manifest truth of the matter I am to speak of; I cannot almost doubt but so to satisfy these objected crimes, as that you will easily see, both myself and others, to have suffered mighty wrong by the raisers thereof.  
Let me therefore good sir, crave only this of you, that you will not measure that which I shall say, according to the prejudicial opinion which you have already framed of my person; for so shall you easily prejudice the equity of my Plea: but let your judgement proceed of the thing itself, without respect either to my person or any other, and so being void of affection, shall it be more free from error. If I say any thing that may lean upon humane credit as matters of narration or fact, I desire to be believed no further, than I can manifestly prove. If I utter matters of opinion or judgement, as arguments, or reasons for any fact, I desire no more, then that they be measured according to the weight and truth they do contain. This is so indifferent a demand, that if I should doubt the granting thereof, I should in mine opinion, offer you no small wrong. I will therefore Sir, detain you no longer with unprofitable circuits of words, but I will come to the matter: and whatsoever I shall say in mine own behalf in this affair, you may understand it of others that be of the same opinion with me therein.  
The former accusations, to weet, that I am disobedient to the see Apostolic, an adversary to the Fathers, and an impugner of our Archpriests authority, are all grounded upon one and the self-same foundation; which I think, I shall easily show to be both frivolous and false, and consequently overthrow whatsoever is built thereupon: howsoever some men do labour to fortify the same, not by the probability of any reason, or equal debating the matter, but by confidence, or rather impudent infaming of such as labour to defend the truth.  
All these accusations therefore are forged upon this one principle, because forsooth I did not acknowledge M. blackwell's authority upon the receipt only of Cardinal Cajetan's Letters: wherein he affirmed that the Pope had given unto him, authority to appoint a government over the Seminary Priests in England. For this cause I am said to resist the Pope's authority: and because the jesuits were the procurers of this delegation, therefore am I counted their adversary, because I did not accept of the thing and means to establish it, which they thought good of: And lastly, because I did not acknowledge M. Blackwell for my Ecclesiastical superior, upon the forementioned testimony, I am said to be an impugner of his authority.  
Lo Sir, here is the whole ground of all the former accusations, neither do I think they lay any thing else to my charge: If they do, when I may know it, I will either satisfy their objections, or acknowledge my fault and error. In the mean while, I would to God that they who do accuse me of these or whatsoever crimes, would stand to the arbitrement of any indifferent judge: such a judge I mean as hath interest neither in them, nor in me: that his sentence might be void of all partiality; most willingly would I bind myself to the judgement of such a one, and if I were convicted, I would make such satisfaction, as the same judge should prescribe. But I know it is not the guise of mine adversaries to admit any such trial; for unless they may be accusers, informers, and judges too, they will stand to no arbitrement. Wherefore to omit this indifferent demand, because I am in despair to obtain the grant thereof, I will by showing mine own innocency, make plain what open injury and apparent wrong is offered me.  
The first accusation whereupon the other do depend, and therefore that answered, the other must needs also be satisfied, hath so small proof or probability in it, as I cannot but wonder how any man of indifferent judgement, understanding the state of the matter, should be induced to conform his opinion thereunto. For to disobey, is to resist, contemn, or impugn the known command of a superior. To be a schismatic, is wilfully to divide himself from the unity of the head as head; or from the members of the body, as subordinate to the head of god's Church. These propositions are of themselves evident: but if any doubt of them, let him look. S. Thomas touching the first. 22. q. 104. are 1. & q. 105. per tontum. Touching the second, 22. q. 39 are 1. and Caietane, ibidem. These principles being admitted, I marvel that any scholar, though but meanly learned, should persuade himself, that I did either disobey the Pope's holiness, or incur any schismatical rebellion, by not admitting M. Blackwells authority, upon the only testimony of Cardinal caietan's Letters. But I perceive there is no paradox so improbable, that will not find some approvers. I say therefore, that his holiness will, was not sufficiently notified by those Letters, to make the refusal of the ordinances contained therein, either disobedience or schism, which I prove by manifold examples. Put the case therefore, that some one of our Nobility here in England, should address his Letters into Ireland, or some place of England furthest distant from the Prince's abode, in which Letters he should signify, that he had received authority from her Majesty, to ordain and establish in that Country, what government he thinketh best, and together, specifieth such a government, as was never heard of in that Country, or any other, and this without any other testimony or proof of his authority, besides his own Letters.  
This case being thus put most like unto ours (saving only that some circumstances are omitted for brevities sake, that make more for our advantage) I would demand of these that accuse me and my brethren of schism, what these subjects ought to do in this case. If they say that they ought to obey the Noble man's writ, and to admit such a Magistrate as he doth appoint them, how discommodious soever it seemeth to their Common wealth, and how disagreeing soever it be from the form of government of their known Prince: they will bind them to so many and imminent inconveniences, that in truth I think they will not avouch such an improbability. For first this would be to enforce them to incur evident danger of rebellion towards their known Prince, by admitting an usurper: for it may be, notwithstanding his own word, that he hath no such authority: yea though the Prince should truly give unto him that authority, yet the subjects having no other notice of it but only his own Letters and testimony, they should be so far from rebelling against their Prince by deferring to admit his ordinances, till they had more perfect intelligence of their Princes will; that they should be accounted both prudent and loyal for so doing: and for the contrary, they should worthily be condemned of foolish levity, if not of open conspiracy.  
For if they should be called to account, and be demanded by whose authority or commandment they changed their government, will any man think it should be a sufficient warrant, to say by such a Lords Letters, specifying no other testimony of his authority, but his own? I cannot think that any would believe that answer sufficient to excuse them, at least from suspicion of disloyalty, seeing in this case, they should be no more excusable, though he had true authority, then if he had none at all.  
another inconvenience which these subjects should infallibly run into is, that hereby they should open the way to every ambitious or seditious person to challenge the same privilege, to have his own testimony admitted, whensoever he should say, he hath authority from the Prince, to ordain what he list. Which who seethe not what a heap of inconveniences it bringeth with it; and these not following chance or accident; but out of the very nature of the thing itself, supposing the corruption of humane frailty, which no man can take away: which mischiefs also do necessarily follow upon the admission of such a pretended authority for the time only, until better certainty may be procured, either for the establishing or rejecting of the same.  
But if they say, that these subjects ought to reject this obtruded and uncertain authority, as a thing void of all lawful and customary proceeding in such affairs, & not without great probability of fraud and evident suspicion of surreption, they shall speak more conformably to reason, common sense, & practice, both in civil and ecclesiastical government. But if they will avoid both these extremes (whereof the latter without all comparison is more secure, and doubtless of itself most lawful) and say that these subjects ought at least not absolutely to deny the admitting of his authority, but to delay till more perfect notice be given. If, I say, they affirm this, we will yield it unto them; yea, and that the said subjects, which is much more, are bound of their own cost and labours, to seek the further knowledge of their Princes will: and then I demand of them what of all this, I & my brethren have offended, whereby we should deserve the note of schismatics, rebels, seditious people, or the like Epithetons, which they most prodigally bestow upon us. But if they can neither prove nor yet show any disparity in the case, which of itself seemeth to be too too clear, I cannot tell how they will avoid the fowl note of slanderers and detractors, who have by word and writing, in England, Flaunders, Italy; & where else they come, accused us of schism, rebellion, sedition, and the like.  
Two disparities, peradventure, they will allege in the case: First, that I put the case in civil government, whereas it ought to be in Ecclesiastical. The second, that I put the case in one that is not known to have any ordinary authority in these affairs, whereas it is contrary in our case, the Cardinal being Protector of our Nation. But both these are very silly shifts, not worthy of any answer. For first the inconveniences that do follow in the case before proposed, do follow by so much more evidently in Ecclesiastical government, by how much more large the precincts of the Pope's jurisdiction are, and further from the place of his abode, them the government of any one temporal Prince, and by how much less sensible ordinarily, and more spiritual Ecclesiastical punishment is, then is the temporal, for such usurpers. The second is as frivolous; for albeit Cardinal Caietaine was our Protector, and also Chamberlain of the Church of Rome, yet is it evident, that by neither of these offices, he had any ordinary Ecclesiastical jurisdiction over our Clergy, especially to erect any new government: and therefore if he had any authority in this matter, it must needs be deligate and extraordinary: and consequently, was as well to notify unto us the same, by some sufficient testimony besides his own word, as the Chancellor of England is to show his warrant, if he intent to take upon him the office of the high martial, or any other not pertaining to the chancellorship.  
But they will further object, that to deny or doubt of that which the Cardinal affirmeth, is to call his credit into question, whose authority ought to be sufficient testimony for whatsoever he saith: this is their main objection, and as it were their Achilles, whereby they would prove us all schismatic. But first this argument concludeth not. For suppose that we did offend in not admitting nor believing his testimony for the instituting of this new authority, yet it followeth not that we should therefore be schismatics, but at the most, that we sinned against humane credit, which cannot be schism, as by itself is very evident. But that we neither offend in this manner, it shall appear by the two last answers to this objection; and that we committed not any act of disobedience, by denying to obey the cardinals ordinances, it is very clear: for it is a far different thing for any one to deny obedience to him whom he knoweth or believeth to be his superior, and to deny it to him whom he probably thinketh is not his superior, especially if he do it therefore only, because he thinketh him not to be his superior; of which two, only the first is properly disobedience: the second is neither disobedience nor any other sin, if it proceed of an opinion as probable, or more probable than the contrary, much less when it proceedeth of certain truth as in our case.  
Secondly I say, that they must also answer this objection, if they admit the case put before: for if we were bound to obey Cardinal Cajetan's ordinances upon his own Letters only, then should the subjects before mentioned, be bound to do the same in that case, and so should follow all the inconveniences mentioned.  
Thirdly I say, that it is not any offence to deny that unto any one, that is not due unto him; but it cannot be due unto any man though in never so great honour, to have his own testimony admitted for the acknowledging of that authority which he hath not of himself but from an other, for otherwise every one in honour might challenge the same, and so bring confusion in all governments.  
Fourthly I say, that the authority whereby an act of public office is practised in any Commonwealth, either civil or Ecclesiastical, requireth a formal or juridical proof, to make it authentical. Which kind of proof or testimony, is not required in any other humane action; for we see that the testimony of an ordinary person may be sufficient for the judge, with help of other strong conjectures, to pronounce a party guilty or unguilty: and yet the judge himself must show other warrant for his authority then his own word, or else his sentence cannot bind, thorough default of the uncertainty of his jurisdiction, though he be otherwise of never so great honour: neither is this any disparagement to his credit, the nature and state of the thing requiring it. The like is in all other actions of public authority, as it is manifest by all experience. For albeit, to convince a man of treason or felony, is a greater matter in itself, than it is for one to prove that he hath the authority of a judge, or of any other public officer, yet the testimony of private persons, though otherwise of small estimation, serveth for that, and the Princes seal only sufficeth for the other. Which is not to be imputed to the credit of the parties testifying, but to the condition of the thing testified; for which cause it is very absurd, to say that the testimony of any man though of never so great honour, is sufficient in his own cause to make proof of the authority he claimeth, without concurrence of any other testimony; for it is but his own word, albeit his word would be abundantly sufficient for the proof of any other humane matter, as one witness. For seeing that no man of himself, I mean of his own person, hath any jurisdiction over an other: if any man challenge it, he must either show how he hath it, or else the other is not bound to believe him. As for example, Peter is no more bound to believe, that john is his superior, then john is to believe, that Peter is his; unless the one can show it by some sufficient proof besides his own testimony, for in that they are not much different, although they differ in wealth or honour: which things authority, doth not consequently follow. And to conclude this point, I say, if the Cardinal had given his word or Letters in testimony of any truth, not involving the use of authority, his testimony would have been admitted without all exception; whereby it appeareth evidently, that it was not want of due credit that hindered the admitting of his testimony in our business, but because the nature of the thing itself required other proof: neither can our adversaries be ignorant of this, but that they are disposed to contend without matter: for those that will not deny the Sun to be up at noon day, cannot deny or doubt of this.  
And thus reverend Sir, you see, that containing our speech within the compass that the very state and condition of the thing requireth, how far affection hath led them beyond all sense & reason, that have condemned their brethren of horrible schism, where there is not so much, as any little show or probability thereof; though we do consider the matter in all rigour, abstracting from all circumstances, which being very many and evident for our advantage, make the thing more plain and clear. As first, that this authority did bear evident suspicion (I might say evident proof) of manifest surreption. Secondly, it was procured contrary to the Canons 
Dist. 63. s● plebibus.  of holy Church, which prescribe that Priests should have the election of their Archpriest. Thirdly, it is against the very light of natural reason, that a man who is of a distinct government or body, should be the chief: yea, the only elector and appointer of the head and governor of an other body without the consent thereof. As for a Benedictine Monk, to elect or appoint (for example) the head and general of the Fathers of the society, and to thrust him upon them against their wills and consents. Who ever heard of such an absurdity? Which in our case is by so much more apparent, by how many more bad circumstances concur. Fourthly, the thing itself carrieth evident remonstrance of an intolerable burden without any commodity at all, and not without manifest suspicion of a plain plot or stratagem, to confound and take away all Ecclesiastical Hierarchy and ancient approved government in our Church.  
These reasons, whereunto I might add many more, if they be not so apparent to you, being thus wrapped up as it were in a bundle, I shall if you give me occasion unfold them, and make them as clear as the noonday. Which if they be but indifferently pondered, will not only clear us from all schism and sin, but also convince our accusers of manifest bad dealing: who without all show of reason or just cause, began the quarrel, to the open scandal of the world; and yet do labour tooth and nail to cast the slander and ignomy thereof upon such as were only defendants, and endeavoured to deliver themselves from manifest injury.  
Notwithstanding these reasons, and many more which we had, not only to defer, but also utterly to reject this disorderly procured government: you shall now hear how peaceably and orderly we proceeded in the matter; and contrariwise, how turbulently, and without all show of equity, our adversaries dealt with us. Which because it requireth only a narration of these things that have actually passed between us; I shall not need to allege any reason by way of argument to convince that which I shall say, but only if any thing be denied, to call the world for a witness of the truth. Nevertheless I do not intend to rip up the matter from the beginning, for so I should weary you with too long a speech: but omitting the manner of proceeding used in the first procuring of this late ordained government, which was very exorbitant, and altogether dissonant to reason, and the accustomed practice of God's Church in such affairs. I will begin with the first receiving of Cardinal Cajetan's Letters, whereby we had first notice of this authority, and so chief relate some chief occurrents that have actually happened among us since that time, whereby you shall easily see, whether we have offered or suffered wrong.  
Upon the first receipt therefore of the Protectors Letters, after due consideration of the tenor thereof, because they contained an ordinance unheard of before in the Church of God, and that without any authority from his holiness, contrary to the continual custom and practice of that See. Whereupon grew many doubts whether that proceeded from his holiness command or no; but that which most of all moved, was because there appeared no probability that it proceeded from him truly informed of the state and condition of our Country and Clergy; neither the thing itself, nor the manner of procuring it, yielding any probability of such information: whereupon we thought it altogether repugnant to Ecclesiastical discipline and government, to admit any such ordinances entangled with so many doubts. For which cause, we determined before we did admit this institution, to procure more certain knowledge and notice of his holiness his will and pleasure in this matter, with most firm and constant resolution and purpose, to admit whatsoever we should certainly know to be his will, the state of our Country first understood. For this cause we sent to Rome two reverend Priests, earnestly requesting M. Blackwell and the Fathers, the procurers of this authority, to be quiet in the mean while until the return of our messengers, or some other sufficient certitude came from Rome, that he was constituted our superior: without full notice whereof, it was not possible to take away all doubts & scruples, which would be the occasions of great contentions and strifes. But they utterly refused to admit the offer, saying, that it was disobedience and rebellion to the See Apostolic, to seek any further certificate of the matter. Because (as the thing itself beareth 
For this case ●●e Bullam ●●aenae Excom. ●0. & 11. & Navar. ●●idem.  evident show) they suspected their own inordinate proceed, and thought that if his holiness should be truly informed, he would reverse this order, and so frustrate all their devised plot. For which cause they proclaimed us here in England schismatics at the least, & prevented with their Letters, the coming of the two Priests to Rome: where at their arrival, they were taken by father Parsons the Architect of all these troubles, spoiled of their Letters and writings, cast into close prison, separate one from the other, and all to hinder their access to his holiness. And after a whole winter's imprisonment, they were sent from Rome, separate likewise, and confined into two several places, France and Lorraine, without any allowance for their maintenance, where they should remain in banishment, to the end they might not returning into England, report how religiously Father Parsons had entertained them. Who could have showed more unequal dealing in any proceeding? At last, Father Parsons having stopped all other informations from the Pope's holiness but his own, procured his holiness Breve for the confirmation of this authority; which being received, every one admitted M. Blackwell for his superior, and obeyed. Who then is so void of reason, yea of commonsence, as to say that we are Schismatics, rebels, or disobedient to the See Apostolic? who least we should do any thing against the ordinances thereof, made all possible means to know the will and disposition of his holiness, with full purpose and protestation after due knowledge; to admit, embrace, obey, & observe it, yea and defacto, did embrace it? And who would not rather condemn them of worse than bad dealing, who left no means untried to hinder us from the due knowledge of his will? Who unless they intended to cross the accustomed proceed of God's Church approved by all antiquity, and established by all holy authority of the Pastors and governors of the same, would never have condemned us of schism & rebellion against God's Church, for appealing to the See Apostolic, & seeking to know the will of the Pastors thereof in a matter of such moment, and so evidently belonging to his authority to determine. But this improbable and senseless Paradox, they have raised to cloak their manifold injuries and wrongs practised against us their innocent brethren, which if ever it be laid open to the view of the world, as peradventure it may be, I think they will not pass without great admiration.  
Good Sir, here I might make an end, and think this sufficient to discover the falsity of such grounds, as have been and are still with some, the foundations of such slanderous reports and opinions of detestable schism unjustly raised, and unconscionably maintained against me and others of my brethren: and that it might also suffice for our defence against such untrue & unchristian detractions, yet seeing I have begun, I will go a little further in declaring our innocency in this matter.  
Our Archpriests authority being now of every one admitted upon the receipt of his holiness Breve, and thereby all argument or show of schism, disobedience, or rebellion, quite taken away (howsoever before matter was feigned to uphold so uncredible a fable) every one of us for peace and concord's sake, ready to remit the injuries done unto us by public slander of schism, published to the world in written pamphlets: and our Archpriest writing his Letters, willing, and by his authority commanding, that no more speech should be made of matters past, but that every one should compose himself to peace and unity with his brethren; the Fathers (who are not subject to his authority, albeit they were the procurers thereof, for they love to impose great burdens upon other men's shoulders, which they themselves will not touch with one finger) perceiving belike, that by this peaceable composition, there was like to ensue a continual agreement amongst the secular Priests, which they feared would be the bane of all their designments, they quickly devised a way to break this unity. For it is a principle with those that seek dominion, to keep division always among such as they intent to bring under their regiment. To this purpose they renewed, as it should seem, the slander of schism, in more intolerable manner then before: for now they said, that we were not only schismatics, but that whosoever should dogmatizando, say the contrary, should incur the censures of holy church. And M. Blackwell himself, notwithstanding his former prohibition (by their suggestion, as it is more than probable) writ, that they had received a resolution from the mother City, that we were schismatics, and that in his opinion, we were not to be admitted to the Sacraments, without satisfaction done for the same. Will any man now say, that these men desire and seek the peace & tranquillity of our afflicted Church? Can any one be so shameless as to avow it? No, no. When therefore we perceived our late composed peace, contrary to all expectation to be thus quickly broken, and that our good names began to bleed afresh, the old galls being not yet firmly cured: we requested of our Archpriest that we might have a parley or conference upon the matters in controversy, with these conditions.  
First, that M. Garnet, M. Lister, and whom, and how many soever of the society they should think good to choose unto them, to be reasoners, debators, or disputers, on the one side, and of the other, three such Priests of our company, as we should nominate.  
Secondly, that the grounds, reasons, arguments, answers, and rejoinders, on both sides, after full discussion & agreement, should be set down in writing.  
Thirdly, that the Vmperes or Arbitrators, to hear or determine of the weight, truth, and coherence of all that should be said or alleged by either side, should be 2. or 3. of the senior Assistants, and M. Doleman, and that it should be in the choice of our Archpriest, to admit such of the Laity to be hearers of the dispute, as to his wisdom for the quality of the conference, should seem meet.  
Fourthly, that each of the Arbitrators, should faithfully promise in the word of a Priest, to proceed to the giving of sentence upon the proof or disproof of either side, according to the dictamen of their conscience, and inward persuasion, without delay, colour, mitigation, or partiality.  
Fiftly, that if the said Arbitrators, should judge that our case was schism, and ourselves schismatics, than we most humbly should ask pardon on our knees of our Archpriest and the society, for hitherto defending the contrary against the verity of their affirmances. If of the other side, they should censure or deem that we were no schismatics; then the society, especially the penner and the approvers of the Pamphlet of schism, should acknowledge their error, reverse the tract, and make us some rateable satisfaction to the heap of injuries & infamies sustained.  
Sixtly, that it should be lawful without offence or prohibition, for either side after sentence given and fulfilling of the premises, to seek, if it should so please, a resolution in the difference, from the Universities beyond the seas, upon show & evidence of the said dispute, grounds, reasons, proofs, & arguments subscribed, with the hands of the Vmperes & disputants of both sides, to the end it might manifestly appear to be the same, and no place left to the other side to suspect any indirect dealing, either by adding, changing, or subtracting aught, too or from the original; and that none of the foresaid Arbitrators or disputants, refuse or defer to put too his name, being requested thereunto.  
Can you, good sir, devise more equal conditions then these? Or if these men did not intend to maintain continual brawls and strifes, would they not have admitted them? there being no more indifferent means to end all controversies. Notwithstanding, this so reasonable and indifferent an offer; they termed it a tumultuous or rebellious demand, and commanded that none under pain of suspension, should either by word or writing, defend himself from being a schismatic, whereby we were debarred from defending our own good name unjustly taken away.  
Finding therefore ourselves in these miseries, that we must either lose our good names, or by adventuring to defend them, incur some high displeasure, we set down the state of the controversy, and sent it to the Doctors of the famous University of Paris, requesting their opinion and censure thereupon. For although we knew ourselves altogether clear from all contagion of schism, yet because we would not be our own judges, lest peradventure we might be suspected of partiality in our own cause, we sent to have their opinions, who are free from suspicion of all partiality. The Doctors returned us answer as followeth.  

Anno Domini, Millesimo sexcentessimo, die 3. Maij, propositum fuit facultati Theologiae Parisiensi, quod literis cuiusdam Illmi: Cardinalis, quidam superior Ecclesiasticus in regno quodam constitutus est, cum titulo & dignitate Archipresbyteri, ut haberet authoritatem & jurisdictionem super omnes alios Presbyteros in eodem regno commorantes. Cardinalis etiam in illis suis literis declaravit, se id fecisse juxta voluntatem & beneplacitum summi Pontificis.  
Multi autem ex illis Presbiteris recusarunt subsignare authoritati eiusdem Archipresbyteri priusquam ipse obtinuisset Literas Apostolicas confirmationis suae tenorem continentes, tum quia nowm omnino erat, & in Ecclesia Catholica hactenus inauditum, illud genus regiminis, ut Archipresbyter universo regno preesset, & talem jurisdictionem haberet in singulos eius regni sacerdotes, tum etiam quia ex quibusdam verbis illarum literarum Illmi: Cardinalis, visi sunt sibi videre, talem Archipresbyterum & authoritatem eius, ex falsa informatione, a summo Pontifice fuisse concessam: tum denique quia in electione illius Archipresbyteri, & consiliariorum eius, magnam adverterunt extitisse personarum acceptionem. Propter quas & alias non nullas rationes, Sacerdotes illi miserunt ad summum Pontificem nuncios, qui has suas difficultates ei apperirent, unaque significarent se paratissimos esse in toto hoc negotio, alijsque omnibus, suae sanctitati semper obedire.  
Archipresbyter vero, & qui ab eius part stant, alios sacerdotes schismatis accusant, quod literis Cardinalis, quas etiam ex summi Pontificis voluntate exaratas dicit, parere detrectaverint.  
Questio igitur est, an illi Sacerdotes sint schismatici? Et si non sint, an graviter saltem peccaverint?  
Viri principes facultatis Theologiae Parisiensis, selecti a tota facultate, congregati in domo maioris Apparitoris sui, anno & die suprascripto, re maturè considerata; ita censuerunt.  
Primo, illos Sacerdotes quidistulerunt obedire ob dictas causas; non esse schismaticos.  
Secundo censuerunt illos, eo facto in se spectato, non peccasse prorsus.  
De mandato dominorum Decani, & Magistrorum nostrorum, deputatorum & selectorum sacratissime facultatis Theologiae Parisiensis. DELACOURT.   

The English.  
In the year of our Lord, 1600. upon the third day of May, it was proposed to the faculty of the Divines of the University of Paris, that by the Letters of a most Illustrious Cardinal, an Ecclesiastical Superior was constituted in a certain Kingdom, with the title and dignity of an Archpriest, to have authority and jurisdiction over all other Priests residing in that Kingdom. This Cardinal did also declare in those his Letters, that he did it according to the will and good liking of the Pope. Notwithstanding many of these Priests refused to subscribe to the authority of the said Archpriest, before he had obtained Letters from the See Apostolic containing the tenor of his confirmation, as well because that kind of government was altogether new in God's Church, and hitherto never heard of, that an Archpriest should have charge of a whole kingdom, and such jurisdiction over every Priest in that Realm: then also for that it seemed to them by certain words of the cardinals Letters, that the Archpriest and his authority was granted by false information; then lastly because they noted great partiality in the choice of the Archpriest and of his counsellors. Upon which and some other reasons, these Priests sent Messengers to the Pope, for laying open unto him these their difficulties, and therewithal to signify their greatest readiness, as in this matter, so evermore in all other, to obey his holiness.  
The Archpriest and those who are of his side, accuse the other Priests of schism, in that they deferred to obey the cardinals Letters, which moreover he said were written according to his holiness mind and pleasure.  The question than is, whether these Priests be schismatics, and if not, whether they did commit at the least some grievous sin? 
The head and chief men of the faculty of divinity in Paris, chosen out of the whole company, assembled together in the house of the Senior Beedle, in the year and day above written, after full and maturest consideration had of the matter, gave this censure.  
First, that those Priests who upon the above named causes deferred to obey, were no schismatics.  
Secondly, that they committed no sin at all in that fact in itself considered.  
By commandment of our Dean and Masters, deputed and selected by the whole faculty of Divinity in Paris. DELACOURT.   
This we showed to our Archpriest, who, that he might leave no way unattempted to injury us, prohibited all Priests under pain of suspension from the Altar, and loss of all their faculties, and Laie-men, under pain of being interdicted ipsefacto, to defend directly, or indirectly, the censure & opinion of the Doctors of Paris, whether it were given by true information or otherwise: which was not only an intolerable injury unto us, prohibiting against the law of nature from defending our good names, but also an absurd indignity against so famous an University. I do not know how any man could have used more unequal dealing. If our matter had been sufficiently heard, and we condemned of a competent judge, these proceed might have some show of justice: but to proceed in this sort with innocent men, for moderately defending their good names unjustly taken from them, they being altogether unheard in the matter whereof they are accused: I think the like was never heard of amongst Christians, and much less among Priests and Religious men.  
By these and the like violent dealings, both in these matters and others, whereof, beside myself, divers have tasted abundantly; they have given too too pregnant proofs of their further designments, if so that they can effect their purpose. For if notwithstanding the manifold troubles of these times, they have attempted & put in practise such violent couries, trusting to their own power, and not to any equille: what will they not attempt, or what may we not expect, if future times and other opportunities be answerable to their desires? Which desires, if they be to God's greater glory, & more to the good of his Church, with my whole heart I wish they may take effect, & that they may consummate what they have begun. But verily their proceed have hitherto been far different, not only from theirs who have planted and watered the vineyard of God's Church from the beginning, but also from theirs to whom before all other men, we ought most to attribute that hope we have of the recovery of our poor Country to the Catholic faith; namely Cardinal Allane, of most holy and happy memory, whose life if it had pleased God to have lent us till this day, we should have had, if not in some sort, a flourishing Church, yet a Church at least without such enormous dissension, strife, and debate; a Church full of true simplicity, religious zeal, and fraternal charity; for such a one (God concurring to his holy endeavours) he planted, and until his dying day, kept & conserved. Notwithstanding those who do now so grievously perturb our peace, did attempt the same even in his days, but their endeavours being prevented by his prudence, took small effect so long as he lived. But alas, since his too timely death and departure, what misery hath found us, and what trouble hath fallen upon us? God pardon the causers thereof, and grant us perfect peace and brotherly charity:  omnes cognoscant quòd discipuli Christi simus. That all men may know us to be the disciples of Christ.  
Thus good Sir, have I laid down unto you the whole grounds of the crimes, whereof both myself and divers others of our brethren are accused. I rereferre the matter to your judgement, to discern whether we be guilty of them or no. If you doubt of the truth of my relation, I desire none other trial than the testimony of mine accusers; who if they deny any one word that I have uttered by way of narration, I can easily procure such proof thereof, as they shall not deny, unless they will deny themselves. If my deductions, arguments, or suppositions, used in yielding reason for our not admitting M. Blackwells authority upon the only receipt of Cardinal Cajetan's Letters, and that for so doing, we incurred no note either of schism, or disobedience to his holiness; if they I say need any proof, I will undertake to make them most evident.  
Wherefore according to these grounds, I humbly beseech you to pass your opinion, and yield your judgement of our cause. And if the grounds prove true, your judgement conformable thereunto, may remain firm: but if they prove otherwise, your judgement notwithstanding shall not be faulty; for he that judgeth according to his evidence, is not culpable of any error. This good Sir, I request, because I desire to know your opinion of our cause, which if you give according to these grounds, I shall easily understand whether you will condemn or clear me & my brethren of the crimes objected; for I am sure I have not erred in declaring the state of the matter.  
If this which I have said be not sufficient for your full satisfaction; I hope it will suffice at least to suspend your judgement of us, until further trial be had of our cause; which being had in any indifferent manner, and if we being convicted, do not acknowledge our fault, and make competent satisfaction, then do not spare to account of us as Heathens & Publicans. But our adversaries purpose not to put the matter to any indifferent trial, or to end it by any equal means, but to decide it by strong hand, might, and violence; by perpetual oppressing us with infamous slanders of schism, faction, and the like; thereby to deprive, if it can be, our brethren abroad, of all convenient entertainment, and to debar us in prison of necessary relief, to the end that necessity may compel us to yield to their desires: the inequality of which proceed, I beseech you with indifferency to consider. Sometime it is seen, that a party wilfully bend to contend, is justly compelled to admit an equal compromise, and to stand to the arbitrement of an indifferent judge: but it was never seen where justice and conscience ruled; and much less amongst such as ought to be the rule of other men's consciences, that the party willing to stand to any indifferent trial, should be compelled by violence, to agree unto the desire of his adversary, how just or unjust soever it be, and that without any further sentence, but only because his adversary must have his will.  
Good Sir, we are here in this place, divers in great want, in so much, that besides our debts to the keeper, we have not to defend us from the injury of the winter weather: whereof that you may have some special taste, I do you to understand, that since Trinity Term, we have received no more from London, from whence the chiefest part of our relief cometh, then will suffice for three weeks charges with him that can husband his matters best. And this shallbe sufficient to insinuate unto you our wants, hoping that as opportunity serveth, you will concur to the relieving thereof; confidently hoping withal, that God for whose cause we suffer, not only of the common adversary, but also of those who ought to be our friends, will give us patience whatsoever crosses befall us, to bear them to the end. For mine own part, they may by their violent proceed, make me yield my breath and life, which by God's grace, I shall if need require, willingly sacrifice for the defence of justice, equity, and mine own innocency: but my consent to these unjust dealings, by God's assistance, they shall never extort out of me.  
If any one to whom you shall think good to impart this (as I am not against the imparting it to any, so that you keep the original yourself) shall undertake to improve me of any untruth: I will either satisfy his objections even to your own judgement, or else I will acknowledge mine error.  
Take this, good Sir, for a taste of our internal and domestical troubles, wherewith I imagine you are not much acquainted, and therefore are you worse affected to our cause: and as you shall give me hereafter occasion, you shall understand more; for this is but a small thing in respect of that which this matter affordeth. But I fear I have been too tedious in this so disgustful a discourse; but let, I pray you, the hard terms my good name is brought into, plead my pardon for my tediousness, and the equity of my Plea, procure me your favour, and so in all humble sort I take my leave.  
Yours ever in all true Christian affection, Anthony Champney.  
SIr, if you do not consider diligently the heinous 
Post scriptum.  enormity of schism imposed upon me, you will peradventure condemn me of too much preciseness, if not of contention, for labouring to defend myself from the note thereof; and will think that I ought rather to suffer some small infamy, then by opposing myself so earnestly, to repel the same, to procure a further breach between mine accusers and myself, to both our harms, and to the offence of others. But if you consider first, to admit the infamy of this slander, (though it were of itself but small) were in some sort to give occasion to mine accusers, to heap upon my head greater wrongs hereafter, (for he that will offer wrong in one thing, will do the like in an other if occasion serve) you shall find it to be neither wisdom nor piety, to give place to such beginnings. Secondly, the condition of mine estate requiring a most entire fame, I should both wrong myself, and slander my function, if I should admit any blemish or blot therein, which I may by mine own endeavour wipe away: and therefore to purchase peace at such a price, I hold it not lawful: for Non est faciendum malum ut eremat bonum. Evil is not to be done that good may ensue. And as S. Augustine saith: Qui famam suam negligit, crudelis est. He that neglecteth his good name is cruel. But if thirdly you consider the intrinsical enormity of this crime, you will easily excuse mine endeavour in clearing myself thereof, from all note of contention. For amongst all other sins against our neighbour, schism is the greatest: and the pennalties which the Church hath always inflicted on such as have been guilty thereof, prove the same; to weet, excommunication and separation from all use of Sacraments, as appeareth by divers ancient Canons, & also in Bulla caenae: which being granted, necessarily followeth heinous sacrilege, committed by the ministration of Sacraments, and the frustrating of all confessions made to all such as they do term schismatics. For my fuller acquittance of which schism, in one word I say, that if I be a schismatic, Clemens the eight is a schismatic; for his will is my will, both in this and all other things pertaining to Ecclesiastical government, and for mine obedience and subjection to him in the same, as hitherto by God's grace I have not, so God assisting me hereafter, I will not refuse to yield my life, if at any time it be exacted.  
Peradventure Sir you will marvel, how I dare attempt to say thus much in mine own and my brothers defence, our Archpriest having under pain of suspension, commanded the contrary. But you may understand, that this commandment cannot be of force (and therefore not to be respected) for divers causes. And chief, for that the law of nature granteth absolute freedom to every one to defend himself and his goods either of fame or fortune, and to labour by lawful means, to recover them being unjustly taken from him. For which cause it is an intolerable error, annullating any juridical sentence to forbid a man to defend himself. Silvester verb. Excom. 2. num. 1. & 16. Our Archpriests prohibitory censures therefore in this case, are even by the law of nature made void. And if he say that we have suffered no wrong by the loss of our good names, but that we have justly deserved the infamy of schism, it will not serve his turn, for he being in this case, a party subject to trial, and therefore no judge to discern whether we have suffered wrong or no, his sentence or opinion herein can be of no more force, than his ought to be, who having taken away an other man's goods, saith that he hath not wronged him, and therefore forbiddeth him to prosecute the case against him, under pain of a greater displeasure: for this is just our case. I might say much more in this matter, but I have been too long already, and I hope this will suffice for this point: and so once again I take my leave.   

THE COPY OF A LETTER written by F. Rob. Parsons the jesuite, 9 Octob. 1599 to M. D. Bish: and M. Ch. two banished and configned Priests, the one in France, the other in Lorraine, by the suggestions of F. Parsons, for presuming to go to Rome in the affairs of the Catholic Church.  
Paris. To my very loving friend M. W. Bish, Priest: give these.  
¶ Master Bish, it being now divers months since you departed from hence, and no one Letter appearing yet from you: or from your friend M. Ch. it made us marvel, considering your promises at your departures; and some began to suspect (that which I fear me will prove too true) that you were fallen into that temptation which each man did easily foresee here before you went hence; and I many times foretold you also, to wit, that you having received evil success here in your journey by your own defaults, and going among men that would & must of courtesy bemoan the same (for who will to your faces seem to like of it, or say you have deserved it) you would be in danger thereby to change your good minds that here you showed, of acknowledging your own errors: and for excuse thereof, would lay the fault where it is not, and so make posteriora peiora prioribus.  
¶ And albeit at that time you said you would never fall into this pit, yet I doubt me you have not performed it; for by a stolen Letter which I received this week from you, written soon after your arrival at Paris (to wit, the 11. of june) I perceive you were slidden much forward, seeing you say, you cannot but tell me of the great dislike which ordinarily all sorts of men have of your imprisonment and hard usage here in Rome. And moreover, you say that every one crieth out against it, although you use all the modifications which in truth and equity you may. And then further, you wish me to prevent in time the odious name of a rigorous & stern governor, and not by colourable words, but by effectual deeds; and that it is a corrosive unto you, that those goodly gifts (so you writ) which God hath bestowed upon me, should by the alienations of our countrymen's affections from me, be made less able to do our Country that good which all desire.  
¶ All which words, and some other in the same Letter, (though these are the principal) do show a great change in you, from that you showed here at your departure: which thing notwithstanding moveth not me so much for your own persons (considering the root from whence it groweth, and that grief must have some utterance) as that which is written hither divers ways, and by divers persons of credit, of other men's speeches (upon your reports and complaints by all likelihood) touching your superiors also; for by this same Post, and with your Letter came another, of our friend M. D. C. which you do also mention, and he saith that your friends (though he commend your own moderation) do cry out and complain of singular injustice done unto you: and that you could not be heard iuridicè, nor have your Proctors, or proceed in your process as jews & Turks and common malefactors are permitted.  
¶ But another friend yet writeth more largely from Flaunders, by the Ordinary of this week, that passing of late by those parts where M. Ch. resideth (though he talked not with himself) yet he reporteth that others cry out in like manner, being stirred up as he saith (for I will relate his own words) by the grievous complaints of M. Ch. who threateneth to set down in Print the whole story of your usage here; to make it known thereby, as he writeth, both in England and elsewhere, how Priests be received by his holiness, that come from Catholics to disclose their griefs unto him; and that he doth not bear himself as a common Father, but as partial for jesuits, prevented by them, to the ruin of poor Priests; and that in Turkey they should have been used no worse: and that he and you, seeing how matters passed, determined never unto this day, to open unto his holiness, nor unto the Protector, the true causes of your sending, nor what errand you had, which should have been delivered to his holiness only. Moreover he saith, they lament bitterly the poor estate of Catholics, who at home are persecuted, and abroad cannot be heard when they send to open their griefs to him that ought to give ear to all as a common Father, and that the College at Rome is brought into a Spanish and Italian government, F. Parsons bearing himself not as a Countryman, but Italianated; that men will labour in England that none do send over their sons to be brought up in it, for that it is not fit for English natures; that it will never be well in England until jesuits be recalled: Saltem tempore persecutionis, etc.  
¶ These, and many more points like unto these, our foresaid friend writeth, which for brevity I do omit, and these I would pretermit also without any answer at all, for so much as toucheth myself and our society (whose deeds do speak of themselves against all calumniation of words) but that those things which touch our superiors (his holiness especially, & our two Cardinal Protectors that had your matter in hearing by his holiness Commission) may not be let pass, to run with so false and injurious reports, against all truth and equity.  
¶ Wherefore I must needs recount with you the story briefly again, for recalling you to better memory if you forget, or conventing your consciences, if you or your fellow upon passion do overlash; or at least wise for satisfying in part our foresaid two friends that have written to me of these complaints, by whose hands I mean that this Letter shall go open for them to read, and after to send or deliver unto you: and I pray you also, that M. Ch. may have a sight or copy of the same, when you have viewed it; together with some good temperate counsel from you: and he is thought to have more need of it by his hot nature known, and by the reports that come daily from his parts of like speeches to these before specified: which if once they come to the ears of them whom most they concern, they may chance to be called by them to further examination, which I would gladly were prevented if it may be.  
¶ First then touching the matter itself, you cannot but remember that at your arrival at Rome, upon the 11. of December, 1598. (if I mistake not) after friendly offer to entertain you in this College for the days of Hospitality accustomed (though the cause of your coming to Rome, was known to be far other than the rule appointeth for such as are so to be entertained) I told you at large how all matters stood, and how his holiness then in Ferrara, having been informed by his Nuntios in France and Flaunders of your coming, was much offended therewith, and meant to put you in prison if you had comen to Ferrara, as appeared by a Letter of F. Bellarmino, now Cardinal, which I had sent presently to Flaunders to meet you there, if you had passed that way from France, as it was thought you would: and by that Letter appeareth also that I had not informed against you, seeing that his holiness willed the Father to write to Rome, to know my opinion of you, as by the original Letter yet here extant is manifest; and the cause of his holiness offence against you was, that having been vexed for more than three years together immediately before, with such a sedition of Englishmen here in Rome and in Flaunders, as had utterly wearied him & this whole Court, and had scandalised all Christendom, and highly discredited our English Nation and Catholic cause; and having after all ways of examination and trials, both by visitations, commissions, memorial, and the like, found no other ground of all these stirs, clamours, & tempests, but only envy, emulation, and dissolute humours, of lose behaviour in some, and no one point proved, nor able to be proved of the manifold slanders which were exhibited in these tumults, against most innocent men of the Society, who had been the best friends of the troublesome: his holiness resolved to make an end at last, and so did in this College, by punishing the principal; and how much the finger of Almighty God assisted him in this action, the blessed fruits that have ensued since, of peace, union, modesty, spirit, learning, and devotion in these youths, have evidently declared: whereby they have regained again a great part of that estimation and good opinion, which the former had lost by their contrary vices.  
¶ Moreover, his holiness perceiving that the tail of this matter had passed also into England, and began to work the same effects there, upon the same grounds of emulation & seditious spirits, he thought no better way to cut off the said emulation, then to appoint a subordination among Priests themselves; which jesuits especially among other Catholics their friends, have demanded for many years together, thereby to deliver themselves from all show of that calumniation used to be laid against them, that they would govern the Priests against their wills; and hereof proceed the long deliberation of his holiness: together with the Cardinals, not only Protectors, but also of the Inquisition, whether it were best to appoint at the beginning, a Bishop or Archpriest: which deliberation endured above a year together; and in the mean space his holiness took information also sufficient, about the person most fit for the office, and that from Priests of England, though not perhaps from you, as it was not necessary; and in the end, resolved upon the dignity and man that you know. Which being admitted and appointed most willingly by all the body, both of Priests and other Catholics in England, and abroad also, you only, and very few others joined with you (as here was proved by your account) opposed yourselves, and not expecting to bring any matter of substance against his government that was appointed for your superior, you substracted yourselves from his obedience, and gave occasion for others to do the like: and consequently, to cause a most perilous schism and sedition amongst Catholics in our Country; which his holiness foreseeing, meant to restrain you at your coming: but yet to hear and examine all that you brought, as afterwards he did, and you do greatly wrong him, if you report the contrary.  
¶ Well, all this and much more I told you at your coming hither, and that not in colourable, but in plain and friendly words: offering you further, to be a mean notwithstanding, to end all quietly, and with your credits, if you would. For said I, here be now the immediate superiors of both Priests and jesuits: to wit, the Protector of our Nation, and the General of the Society, let us deal with them to end all matters, and to send you back again with your honour; and with Letters both to the Archpriest and superior of the Fathers, to give you any satisfaction reasonable, and remedy any thing that is amiss, concerning any persons of each of those bodies. This point I dealt with you most effectually many times, both in several, and jointly, while you remained in this College, & after whiles you lay in the City before your restraint, but could never obtain any inclination in you to the same, but that you would needs impugn both the authority and man by his holiness appointed; wherein I ever told you plainly, that both I and all others that loved union, and respected with due obedience our superiors ordination, must needs be against you. And the same told you also, M. D. Haddock, M. Martin Array, and Priests of your own coat that lay here, and are your ancients, both in your own order, and their travels in England; and the very same we made you to see to be the judgements of the gravest of our Nation, in Flaunders, and other places, and especially in England: from whence I assure my self I showed you first and last near two hundredth names of Priests writing & subscribing against you: & you afterwards upon your oaths could not name a dozen to be for you, as yet appeareth in the Register.  
¶ Thus then standing your case and obstinacy, and having been exhorted both by the Cardinal Caietane Protector, and by Cardinal Burghese Viceprotector, to desist from your enterprise of contradiction, without foundation at all (as after appeared, and then was suspected) his holiness after seventeen days of your persisting or thereabout, willed you to be retired to some place of custody, in respect of your offence, and there your allegations to be examined, whether they were worth the handling or no; which coming to my knowledge, I entreated rather that your retirement might be with secrecy in this College, then with more infamy in any other place, though I easily foresaw what thanks I was like to have for my labour; but I did it for him by whom I cannot lose, as I did also the rest; to wit, in giving you of the best chambers in the house, in cherishing you gratis, in visiting you often, and making each of you good new gowns for the winter; in giving you a Father to be your Notary gratis, & procuring your judge to come to the College and lie here to examine you: with commodity, which otherwise would have cost you much money, and many painful journeys about the streets, and other incommodities, which now you little consider.  
¶ Well, your examination and retirement, endured three months or more; you had time & commodity to say or write what you would, yea you were willed upon your oaths to say what you could, and all that you said is written, and you did swear you had no more to say of moment in all matters handled, as appeareth by the Records: and all that you said was considered of maturely, as well by your judge that was a Lawyer, as also by the two Cardinals, the one a Divine, the other a Lawyer; who to the end they might be sure to hear all, and satisfy both you and themselves, did come in person one day to the College to examine you, and to hear red in your presence, all that you had said and deposed, or could say: and after this, yet stayed they divers weeks to inform his holiness, before they gave sentence in your cause.  
¶ And how then can it be said with any colour that you had wrong, and that you had less justice here, then is permitted to Turks and jews? How can his holiness and the Cardinals be accused of partial dealing? seeing they heard all you could say, and would have had you say more, and were ashamed to find you to have comen so long a journey with so little to say, finding you also not to have brought with you, so much as any one Letter of credence from any community or private person, in such form as might give credit, for that those little open scrolls that you brought without substance or form of any Commission, were ashame to look upon? Your secret memorials also that you had set down here in M. Ch. own hand, to exhibit to his holiness, of your most secret business, are here to be seen; and the judge, Cardinals, and perhaps his holy. also, have had the view of them, & have found them of no more weight than the rest; and how then is it said that you kept your chief message to yourselves and disclosed it not? what message could this be? or from whom? for of the jesuits and of the archpresbyter you said your fill, and were willed upon your oaths to say more, if you had any to say, in that or in any other points. And as for those priests that sent you, they were very few as appeared; and I showed you well near twenty times as many names of the same order against you: who testify also for all Catholics which deal with them, to be of the same opinion, and to have misliked your journey and cause, and detested the schism that thereof ensued.  
¶ And how then do men upon this little part or faction of yours use those praises, that the Catholics are intolerably afflicted, being persecuted at home, and cannot be heard abroad? Who are these Catholics? or what audience is denied to them? If we compare the persecution of those Priests at home, by the heretics that hold with you, or with the Archpriest and jesuits, it is easily seen who are most persecuted and hated by the Council of England; and if any complain that your side hath not been heard by his holiness, let his holy. patience for three or four whole years together, in doing nothing else but hearing & examining of their impertinent clamours in this City, deliver him from that unjust calumniation. And so much of our Superiors.  
¶ As touching myself, my defence shall be much shorter; you advise me to prevent the odious name of a stern and rigorous Governor, and that not by colourable words, but by effectual deeds, and I embrace the advice most willingly, for indeed I find great aversion in my nature of all these points you name; I mean, of stern, rigorous, colourable, and no less perhaps from Covernour, which ever I have fled and avoided, until now, that perforce I am constrained to have the government of this house; wherein yet I suppose, that I may have as many witnesses as here be inhabitants, that my proceeding, is neither stern, rigorous, nor colourable with them, & with you I am sure I never used it, as may appear by that which before hath been said, of my plain, real, & friendly dealing in your affair; and I would ask but one example to be alleged and proved to the contrary, as I could allege many in my behalf, and one somewhat notorious since your departure, of one M. shaw a Priest, who having fallen foully in England, & railed afterwards egregiously against the Society (as he had done also here in Rome first before his going into England, and commonly these matters go together) yet coming hither of late, and being in great misery, both spiritually and temporally, and in danger to despair, and to lie God knoweth how long in the Inquisition, I have comforted and assisted him in this College, as if he had been mine own brother, and this for many days together, procuring him also a good and favourable dispatch, and afterwards to be placed in a good Church under religious men in Naples, where he liveth with great contentment to himself, and edification hitherto of others.  
¶ Sir I must needs say here with the Apostle: Factus sum insipiens, sed vos me coegistis: to show myself to be neither stern, nor rigorous, nor colourable, I am forced to speak of that I would not. It may be you do mislike in me my firm standing against the troublesome of this house first, and against you, and your companion afterward, that came in defence of the former troubles: if it be so, you and I do differ in judgements, for I do think that vigour and fortitude to be so necessary and commendable, which is required to stand in confractione, as the scripture termeth it, against unquiet striving spirits, as without it, no good in any government can be expected; and albeit in some it cause alienations of affections, as you signify, yet in others it worketh the contrary; and that which most importeth, it upholdeth truth, virtue, and God's cause. And I would ask you now again (as sometimes here in presence I did) in what case do you think our common cause of England had been at this day if no man had resisted the designments of the troublesome in this place, or if your endeavours after them had taken place?  
¶ Let us example but one example; you talked before your restraint here, with the Commissary of the Inquisition, and you gave him such a relation of English matters, as afterward when M. Doctor Haddock, and M. Martin Array had talked with him also, and informed him as they thought of the very truth of matters, he told an honourable man of Rome, and a great friend of mine, that four English Priests having talked with him, they had taken from him all list to believe any Englishmen, or matters more, they told him so different tales, and yet all of them would seem to be men of zeal: well then, if you had been let alone by his holiness to deal with all the Cardinals, and great men of Rome in like sort, would you not have brought our common cause in a pretty plight trow you, and yourselves also?  
¶ Moreover, it appeareth by your papers and depositions yet extant, that you took the way first to discredit so much as in you lay, M. Blackwell, the first, man of all your order that ever was yet in authority, and of those parts and merits that all English men know; yea in the very matter of his faith, for that an heretical proposition was laid to his charge. Secondly were to be discredited such English Priests as stood with him, who are the principal of your coat; and with them, all jesuits, but chiefly those that are known to have laboured most in the common cause, and by whose intercession Catholic Princes have been most moved to assist hitherto the same: and what would have followed of this? Further, the Protector himself must have been changed, if all designments in your papers had taken place; the Seminaries must have been taken from the government of jesuits, & the whole society called out of England: and albeit you proposed not in words all these points together when you came, & how matters stood: yet were they mentioned as is to be seen in your papers from your partners in England; and you see that now they begin to be given abroad again, in places where you or M. Ch. are or have been, and uttered discontentment.  
¶ And if all these points had been brought to pass by you, or at least that other point whereupon you stood so much here, to have two Archpriests in England, not subordinate the one to the other, but each one absolute with his train of subjects under him, opposite the one against the other, would not all our cause have comen quickly to ruin? and shall those then that have stood against these ruins, be accounted stern and rigorous, or rather constant & pious, yea friendly towards yourselves? for that with the ruin of the common cause, yours also and all other Priests should be involved; and now God be thanked, by the good order which his holiness hath settled, all is well ended and remedied, if men can be contented; and now Priests have their head and subordination, and jesuits also theirs, and both are happily united together, and all strife is ended in England, to God's great glory and our common good I hope; and his holy name be ever blessed for the same.  
¶ And as for the government of this College here in Rome, whether it be Spanish or Italian, I know not; but sure I am, it tendeth all to union, peace, love, virtue, and learning; & that do the scholars find by the effects, having received more comfort, quiet, true mirth, and gain of learning, in one moneh since the reformation, then in some years before; & as for youths to come unto it, let no man have care: for would to God we had so much maintenance, as we could have choice of scholars to enjoy it; and no wise Catholic is there in England or elsewhere, that hearing of this change and reformation, will refuse to send his children hither (if he love them, and may be in hope to have them placed) for the words or writings of any such to the contrary, as M. Ch. threateneth, who shall bemonethe lack of liberty. And if M. Ch. or any other should attempt to put any thing in print of matters passed here (as our friend writeth is threatened, but I cannot believe that any such intent can be) the matter would easily be answered, for that here remain authentical registers, of all that passed by public authority.  
¶ Well good Sir, I will end then, and pray you to be a mean (as I know your nature to be more moderate, and you promsed it here also) that things may rest as they were, and are well ended, without renewing of further griefs, as both in wisdom and conscience, and under your oaths also, and upon pain of censures both of you are bound: and surely if these things should be true, which before I have alleged to be written hither by credible relators, whose Letters are here extant, I cannot see how either of you that should be cause of so false and dissentious reports, can be safe in conscience for very great sin, and grievous censures also; but I hope they will not prove true.  
¶ And as for the request you make in your Letter to me, to deliver you from the false report written hence to Flaunders, and thence to your parts again, that you should confess here to have been moved only by ambition, to take your last action in hand, I will deliver you most willingly from any thing that I have written, or willed others to write; for as you say, I did ever attribute your attempt, rather to error and lack of consideration, then to ambition; wherein you may see I was not rigorous; but yet seeing your matter passed by divers men's hands and knowledge, I cannot let them to think, speak, or write, what they judge best; yet do I suppose verily, that none would say or write that you confessed so much here, though I have heard divers speak and suspect so much, upon the sight of your papers; for that seeing in divers papers and scrolls of your fellows, which you brought open with you, you were proposed for Bishops, and in a long discourse of a friend of yours sent out of England after your departure, you two by name were appointed to be Archbishops & Primates; and that besides this, a principal man of your side, writing to you certain notes about your message, useth the phrase of your LL. with his own hand yet here to be seen; it was much to be suspected what motion moved you.  
¶ But (as I said) now all is ended, and this and all the rest will easily die and be forgotten, (as already I trust all is forgotten on all hands) if you and M. Ch. do bear yourselves well and prudently, and do stay and not stir up such as do seem to favour or bemoan your cause, which though you term by the phrase, of all sorts of people, in your Letter, yet must you not deceive yourselves, for that finally all those sorts must be reduced to a very small number, in respect of others that do condemn your action.  
¶ Hear in Rome you proved how the gravest sort of people, both strangers and others, judged of your cause, after they had heard and examined the same; I showed you also the Letters and subscriptions of many of the chiefest and most principal of our Nation, in Flaunders and England; and since that time I have received many more, and many complaining of the overmuch lenity used in ending of the cause; how then do all sorts of men cry out of the rigour or injustice used towards you? but in truth it is a very uncertain thing to depend upon the speeches of men; divers speak fair, and will bemoan a man to his face, when their hearts are far otherwise; and some being discontent or in passion themselves upon other grounds, are glad to take such occasions as this of yours is, to disburden their stomachs of their own griefs; others evil informed at the beginning upon pity do bemoan you; which afterwards upon knowledge of the truth will change their minds, and cry crucifige.  
¶ The only way is, to depend of God, and of a good conscience, and to wish well to all, and speak evil of few, and to do the good a man may for all sorts, without respect what they will say or do again; and finally, to have patience with whatsoever falleth out; and this rule I do counsel to you, and do mean by God's assistance to follow it myself, wishing no worse to you and yours then to my own soul, as he is witness who is master of us both: to whose holy protection I do most affectually commend you: and myself to your holy prayers and sacrifices. From Rome, this 9 of October. 1599  
Yours ever most ready to serve you: Robert Parsons.  
This Letter of F. Parsons, did the Archpriest send abroad by his Agent, with an Injunction to those to whom it was carried, that they must believe all that was contained therein, assuring them that it was most true, notwithstanding he had made a severe Edict not long before against all such as should diwldge any thing set out for the space of two years before, wherein the credit of any Ecclesiastical person of the English Nation, should particularly & by name be touched. How many faults were in this action of the Archpriest, it is not for me to decipher: but it is very manifest, that in this Letter of F. Parsons, the credit of two English Priests by name, are very much wounded, and as it should seem by the censure following, the Letter deserveth little commendation for truth therein contained.   

A censure upon the Letter which F. Parsons writ the 9 of October. 1599 to M. D. Bish. and M. Ch. two banished & confined Priests, the one in France, the other in Lorraine, by the suggestions of F. Parsons, for presuming to go to Rome, in the affairs of the Church. Given by M. I. B.  
IN the first paragraph, F. Parsons followeth a suspicion conceived against M. Bish. and M. Ch. because they did not write unto him, and yet confesseth in the second paragraph, that the same week he had received a stolen Letter from M. Bish. so that he might have left out of the first paragraph this manifest ungrounded suspicion, and also this absurd untruth, soon after controlled even by himself, that no letter appeared as yet from M. Bish. And M. Ch. being confined to a place, where neither any ordinary Post was for Rome, or usually passed (as F. Parson's well knew) he might with more credit have pretended some other cause of so unjust a suspicion, as that the two Priests had forsaken their good minds, fallen into known and acknowledged errors, and broken promises made at their departure. If Letters might miscarry in so long a way as was between Rome and them, what ground was, the not receiving of Letters from them of those conceits? If they will say that they must needs receive all Letters which come to Rome directed to them, & so soon as they do come to them, daily practice will convince the contrary, howsoever he shuffleth off this contradiction, that as yet no Letter appeared from M. Bish. (as F. Parsons affirmeth in the first paragraph) and that he had that week received a stolen Letter from him (as he confesseth in the second paragraph) but it appeareth both in this former part of F. Parson's Letter, and also in all which followeth in the same, that F. Parsons thought it a great sin for himself, not to deserve blame. What errors were acknowledged at Rome, I know not, but it is very likely that they would have been specified upon so good an occasion as was offered to F. Parsons by M. Bish. and is by F. Parsons touched in the 21. paragraph: and if they should have acknowledged themselves to have erred in want of consideration, doubtless I should (as now it falleth out) believe as much, because they did willingly overslip an opportunity of having a fit mean (maugre their adversaries) to have been heard before they should have been committed to prison: which infamy as F. Parsons confesseth, they were in the 10. paragraph.  
In the second paragraph, F. Parson's boldly without blushing saith, that he received a stolen Letter from M. Bish: from whom in the first paragraph he saith, as yet no Letter appeared, and both by that Letter, which was received, and by that none at all as yet appeared, it is gathered that M. Bish. was fallen again into a pit, out of which as yet he never came, since his first fall into it. Those commendations of himself, which F. Parsons took no great disgust to repeat, (meaning that these Letters should pass far and near, as appeareth in the 6. paragraph) were used by M. Bish. perchance to try if by fitting so well F. Parson's humour, he might draw him to that which as it should seem by M. Bishop's reply, was not in him. What M. Doctor Cic. did write of others complaints I know not; but so far as without offence I may, I think that it was a most lamentable case, that two Priests coming as it became Priests, towards Rome, to deal with his holiness about such things as belonged to the Church, and were said to be done by his order, not confirmed by any Letters from the See Apostolic, or any other sufficient witness, should be judged to be laid in prison with infamy (as is before showed out of F. Parson's Letters) after many years spent by the same two Priests in their Country, many dangers of loss of liberty, and life overpassed in defence of the Catholic Church, and particularly of the dignity of the See Apostolic, and a glorious confession of the one in prison, and banishment of the same.  
To omit the rest of their entertainment at Rome, I cannot but marvel that there should be so grievous a sentence of banishment, and confinement given against them, who offered at their arraignment before the two Cardinals (the sentence deserveth that term) to answer to what was objected, and they who put up the Libel (that is a bill of complaints and accusation) against them (when they perceived how ready they were to make their answer) requested on their knees of the judges, that the Libel might not be delivered unto them, but rather that all things should be peaceably ended; to which the judges inclined, and thereupon delivered not the Libel to the two Priests, who had demanded it, to make their answer unto it.  
All things at that time passed in such sort, as they should have been presently set at liberty, had not there been a deliberation to stay them for two or three days (as was then pretended by their adversaries) in regard that M. Bish. behaved himself with more confidence and boldness in this cause, than was to some of their like. Which I note the more at large, in regard of an ungodly Letter penned by F. Parsons, or at the least by his instructions, as it is most plain by some of the particulars; at the handling whereof, M. Martin Array was not present, although it goeth masked under M. Martin Array his name to his friend, bearing date the 20. of February, 1599 Wherein he undertaketh as a Proctor in the Archpriests case against these two Priests, to relate the story of that which passed upon the seventeenth of the same month, at their trial: and among many most shameless untruths, affirmeth, that the two Priests (whom in scorn he calleth Ambassadors) were able to say little to that which he and M. Doctor Haddock had libeled against them; and were willing to say less, but only excused their own intentions, and asked pardon, if they had given scandal by their manner of proceeding, more than ever they meant. Whereas the only pretence that was made, why they were not at the same time set at liberty, was more courage than was well liked of in pleading for themselves, & confident demanding for the Libel to answer unto it. Before or after which time, they never were brought before the judges, & yet a sentence of banishment, and confinement, without any provision made for them, was given against them: and what conjectures was made of this by such as heard thereof, I know not; neither hath F. Parsons as it should seem by these his Letters, any further knowledge what M. Bish. and M. Ch. report, but a hearsay from a hearsay, a slender ground to publish in such sort as he doth against them, although not in print, yet with so many Copies, as they are common enough, and are carried about to such as are thought will not bestow the pains to write out Father Parson's follies, or the cost otherwise to have them: and thus much for the 3. and 4. paragraph.  
In the 5. paragraph, F. Parsons professeth how that he would pretermit these and other points without any answer at all, for so much as they touch himself, and the society, because his and their deeds do speak of themselves, against all calumniation of words. To what purpose this is here brought I know not, unless for company he would draw his whole society into obloquy: without danger of which, his deeds will not be justified by them, unless they use to speak better for themselves, than he speaketh in these Letters of his, notwithstanding all the gloss, which he maketh to cast off all the blame of the hard measure which was meated to the two Priests, and the shuffling of the same from himself, upon the Pope, in the 7. 8. and 10. paragraph, although in this 5. paragraph he would most holily persuade, that, had not these things touched his holiness, especially by false and injurious reports, against all truth and equity, he could and would have dispensed with whatsoever touched himself. And that he might clear his holiness especially, and the two cardinals Protectors, in the 6. paragraph he conventeth the consciences of the two Priests, which if they do not discharge with more truth than he hath done in these Letters, they are most worthily to be blamed.  
F. Parsons neither made any friendly offer to entertain the two Priests in the College for the days of hospitality accustomed, as he affirmeth in the 7. paragraph, nor suffered them to remain there, but when they demanded it, he denied it, upon the cause which here he allegeth: to which, reply was made, that, what other business soever they had, they had also that cause of coming to Rome, that they might lawfully demand such entertainment. And after four or five days, that they had wrong themselves in, he found a means to thrust them out again, before the accustomed days of hospitality were ended, charging them, that they did by murmuring against the Pope, give evil edification, which for lack of better proof, F. Owen a jesuite, and F. Parson's instrument in that business, would demonstrate unto them, because that one of them being demanded whether that they had seen such a man in England, answered, that he had seen him, but not talked with him, yet understood that he was hardly dealt withal, because such as were accustomed to entertain Priests at their first coming, were persuaded by some, that they should not give him any entertainment, and that his nearest of kin were told, that in conscience they could not receive him. If F. Parsons charity and his fellows toward the two Priests, or the third of whom they spoke, had been answerable to their profession, this would never have been so judged of by them, and so vehemently maintained to have been a murmur against the Pope, unless for the Pope's farther honour, they will as unadvisedly lay this to his charge, that it was his will the Priest should be thus used, as in this same 7. paragraph F. Parsons (forgetting that his motive to write this Letter, was to deliver the Pope from false and injurious reports) boldly affirmeth, that his holiness having been informed by his Nuntios in France & Flaunders, of the coming of the two Priests, was so much offended therewith, that he meant to put them in prison. What truth there is in this report I cannot say, or what falsehood; sure I am, that it soundeth like a very injurious report against the Pope, if he had such a meaning; and much more, if he had it not, as in reason we should think he had not; for who can in reason think, that his holiness only upon news of the coming of two Priests to him with so great adventure, and danger of life, about matters of the Church, would determine to put them in prison before he heard them what they had to say, or saw them? But to avoid his holiness of blame, we will supply in this place for F. Parsons, that if the Nuntios did signify any such matter unto his holiness, as most likely they did not, they did send such informations against the two Priests, as the Pope might purpose to cast them in prison so soon as they came to Ferrara, and then let us demand where these Informers had their instructions and of whom? of themselves they could not, being far asunder each from other, and both out of England, whence the two Priests came. If of any other, who were they? or were they such parties (although religious of the society, who only can be imagined to have correspondence with them, although it be unlikely, especially with him in France) that upon their bare accusations the Nuntios would write to such purpose to his holiness, as he should determine upon this relation of the Nuntios, to imprison them so soon as they should come to Ferrara, without knowing, or having any further proof of the accusations made against them by their adversaries? Yet is not this report more injurious against the Pope, whom he undertaketh in the 5. paragraph to deliver from all false, and injurious reports, against all truth & equity, than his proof is insufficient which here he maketh in defence of himself; for which in the 5. paragraph he seemed that he would wholly rely upon his known deeds, not upon his writing, his proof is, that F. Bellarmino now Cardinal was willed by his Holi. to write to Rome, to know F. Parson's opinion of the two Priests, therefore F. Parsons had not informed against them. Did F. Parsons imagine that men's wits were so short, that, when they saw this Letter of his, they would forget that F. Bellarmino his Letter, was an answer to a Letter, which F. Parsons writ to him concerning these two Priests; the effect whereof alghough we do not know, yet we may probably conjecture what it was by F. Bellarmino his Letter, which was to inform F. Parsons that the two Priests were not as yet come, and that when they did come, there should be such order taken for them, as he should not need to come from Rome to Ferrara. What order this was F. Parsons himself confesseth, and citeth F. Bellarmino his Letter, forsooth they must first be laid in prison, and then if there could be any cause found why, this infamous injury should be justified. Doth the Pope's commandment to F. Bellarmino to write to F. Parsons to know his opinion of the two Priests, prove, that F. Parsons had not sent information against them? Or if it be true, that the Pope did give this commandment to F. Bellarmino, doth it convince that what persuasions F. Bellarmino used to the Pope, or some other (if he would not be seen in it) did not proceed from F. Parsons, who, had he not benestaied by this Letter of F. Bellarmino, would have come to Ferrara himself, as it should seem by the same Letter? If the informations given to the Pope against these two Priests, by reason whereof they were to be imprisoned (for no man but F. Parsons as I think, would say, that without any informations against them, his holiness upon a bare hearsay that they were coming to him to deal in matters of the Church, would resolve to put them in prison) must of necessity be given as coming from F. Parsons. How is it true, that his holiness resolved to put them in prison, before he had F. Parson's opinion of them? If the same informations were not of necessity to be given as coming from F. Parsons, what proof is this that F. Parsons had not informed against them that his holiness willed the Father to write to Rome, to know his opinion of them? But these things seem to proceed from the same vain, from which that which followeth doth proceed: where F. Parsons to make the matter more odious, doth labour to confound the business about which the two Priests went to Rome with that, which was at Rome between the jesuits, and the English Students: and to that effect, in the 8. 13. and 15. Paragraffes maketh the stirs which were in England, an appendix of those, which were at Rome.  
In the 8. paragraph I wonder how Father Parsons can say, that the jesuits especially had demanded for many years, that there should be a subordination among the Priests, to deliver themselves from all show of that calumniation used to be laid against them, that they would govern the Priests against their wills; when as by credible report, F. Parsons (without whom no English jesuite durst do any thing) laboured mightily against it, until he saw that the secular Priests went seriously about it: and it is so evident, that no man may without overmuch impudency deny it; that all the strife, which was openly in England between the jesuits, and the Priests, began upon occasion of a government, which the jesuits sought, & would have had over the Priests, who were in durance at Wisbitch against many their wills; and for the better effecting of that, to which most inordinately they aspired, they did not only endeavour to disgrace them, as men that were desirous of liberty, but were the occasion also that many Catholics did send them no relief.  
The second untruth in this 8. paragraph is, that the man or authority was admitted, and appointed most willingly by all the body, both of Priests, and other Catholics in England, and abroad also. For F. Parsons confessed himself at Rome to the Priests, (who were sent thither) that he himself appointed the man, lest some such other should have been chosen by the general, and free suffrages of the Priests, as would not run along with the jesuits: and as for the authority, I think I may boldly say, that neither Priest, nor Clerk in England, ever dreamt of the authority of an Archpriest; whose office is clean out of use now in England, except the complaining part thereof; neither can it be said that ever it was willingly approved by the Priests: who for the most part, had their consents wrong from them by the jesuits, & the Archpriest himself; & if there were no other proof of the priests not free approving thereof (as they are many) the quality of his authority, as it was first granted (at what time the Priests were sent to Rome) will show it manifestly, or justly condemn those, who approved it of great haste, for without any authority to do them the least good, or repair the least harm he might do to them, he had a bare office of a lawless executioner, of which the Priests in England stood in no need.  
The 3. untruth in this paragraph is, that it was proved at Rome by the account of the two Priests, that very few opposed themselves, for they brought with them sufficient testimony, that many opposed themselves: that is, were very much discontented with it, and thought what would come of it, although the two Priests who went to Rome, had parsonally talked but with few, and therefore could not justify upon their oaths for many.  
The fourth untruth in this paragraph is, that they brought no matter of substance against his government: whereas F. Parsons could not but know very well, that the strife being between the jesuits, and the Priests, he who should be at the jesuits devotion, could be no fit governor over the Priests, and when F. Parsons writ these Letters of his, he could not be ignorant both that the Archpriest had instructions to be in some sort ordered by them, and he professed it openly, that no secular Priest must be of his counsel in this his government of secular Priests, who should dislike any thing in the jesuits; which was deposed, and in particular justified at Rome: beside this, if F. Parsons say true in the 17. paragraph, the Archpriest was touched in the very matter of his faith; for that an heretical proposition was laid to his charge, as appeared by their papers, and depositions yet extant. Lastly, if it should be proved that the Archpriest consulted about the suspending of some, with certain jesuits only and some women, this government of the secular Priests would prove little commendable.  
The 5. untruth is, that they caused a most perilous schism, & sedition among Catholics, by this their substracting themselves from this obedience. Is it to cause a schism, not to obey him, whom under their oaths (if it be true which F. Parsons saith in the 17. paragraph) they touched in the very matter of his faith? but whether this were so or no, I am not here to discourse. Can they be accused of schism, which formerly includeth a voluntary, actual, or virtual division from the head, with like contempt of the head; who sent directly to the head to understand whether that did come from the head, which was pretended to come from him, and challenged without any his Letters, or any testimony sufficient to bind them? or were the English Priests, who have so well deserved of God's Church, to be so severely censured for doing that which is lawful in all places; that is, to oppose against any preferred, especially without their knowledge and consent, by their adversaries, before that he be confirmed in his authority? promising in the mean time as they did, to discharge themselves as became them, and to obey in what they might know themselves bound.  
The 6. untruth is, that the Pope foresaw all that which F. Parsons rehearseth in this 8. paragraph; which being false, might upon wrong information be believed, but not be foreseen.  
The 7. untruth is, that the Pope did hear all that the two Priests brought; of whom did his holiness hear it? they were never suffered to be heard by his holiness, as F. Parsons himself confesseth in the 13. paragraph.  
In the 9 paragraph F. Parsons showeth how he dealt with the two Priests to return again with their credits, by ending forsooth all matters at the discretion of the General of the jesuits, and the Protector (who was allied to him) both unequal Arbiters in a difficulty raised by the jesuits against the Priests; yet, as it should appear, they were not so backward to deal with the Protector concerning the new authority sent into England by him only (for any thing that they knew, or could sufficiently learn) for so soon as they understood of his arrival at Rome, and could come to him, which was upon the 21. of December, they broke the matter unto him, requesting him that he would listen to the just petitions of many well deserving of the Catholic Church, which if he should do, they would not trouble his holiness with this matter; and he willed them to bring in writing what they had to say, promising them, that he would consider thereon; to which the two Priests accorded, and departed, intending to return so soon as the holidays would licence them to follow their business, and they might have free access to the Cardinal: but upon the 29. day, which was wont to be in great revefence among all English Catholics, that is to say, upon the feast of S. Thomas of Canterbury, they were apprehended with infamy; as Father Parsons confesseth in the 10. paragraph (and sooner perchance should have been, had not Tiber by a strange inundation kept their adversaries asunder) deprived of all their writings, perfect and unperfect, and never after suffered to deal together concerning their business which they had in hand, until the 3. or 4. day after that F. Parsons had procured (God knoweth out of what Office) an Apostolical brief, in conformation of the Archpriest his authority; yet all this must be cloaked with the love of union, and respect with due obedience to the superiors ordination, & under this colour he, M. D. Haddock, and M. Martin Array, must oppose themselves against the two Priests, and F. Parson's must also tell them, that these their adversaries were their ancients, both in their order, and in their travels in England. He might have put down this also for himself, for he was their ancient likewise in both; but if all the time which they three spent in England were put together, it would hardly make out the time which he that traveled least in England of these two, had spent, for all three ran away, and not all of them in so good sort, as some wished they had, being so hasty to be gone.  
Concerning the last clause of the 9 paragraph, I know not how many names of Priests F. Parsons showed them, or whether he showed them any or no, but I do verily think he might have showed the names of many more, than he could justify their consents unto it, their names being known here in England to have been wrong from them by the jesuits, and the Archpriest in his own behalf, neither was it to be expected of the two Priests to name under their oaths any great company, not having specially spoken with many, yet they brought testimony, that many disliked it, of which perchance some in particular, who had given them their names, had for fear afterward subscribed in the behalf of the Archpriest of which kind the more names were showed, the less was the number of those who Fa. Parsons in the 8. paragraph saith, gave their free consent.  
In the 10. paragraph, F. Parsons beginneth to disgorge his choler against the two Priests for their obstinacy, because forsooth they would not desist from their purpose, and follow his humour. Secondly, he joineth an untruth, if the Protector and they did agree in such order, as is set down in the 9 paragraph, or the Cardinal Burghese promised them all the furtherance he could give them in their matters, as I am credibly informed he did. Thirdly, it is not likely that the two Cardinals (not knowing what was to be said) would upon a bare suspicion charge them with an enterprise of contradiction without any foundation at all, unless F. Parson's will say, that they had such a foresight, as he attributeth to the Pope in the 8. paragraph; or that he had plotted such a Commonwealth, as wherein could be no error, or the least cause of exception either against the authority, or Officers, for how else (before men were heard) could there be such a judgement in such as were esteemed wise men, and thought fit to be pillars of God's Church? What foundation there was for them to build upon, I will leave to a more Clearklike discourse, & for a few compliments sake, briefly note some points of many, which I have seen, to show how lightly F. Parsons layeth his foundation upon he knew not what, for the justifying of himself in that action, and what was done by his means.  
The first for a foundation is noted, that the Cardinal did show in the self-same Letters wherein he made M. Black. an Archpriest, and gave him his authority, that the motive hereof, was a most false, wicked, and ignominious suggestion made to the Pope against the Seminary Priests, and the Catholics, and therefore the thing thereupon granted merely void.  
Secondly, the Cardinal affirmeth only in the same Letters, that he had commandment from his holiness to unite together these Priests, and Catholics, which were at that false suggested variance, and therefore when that union was made he had discharged his office, and by this Commission had no more to do; if then this unity will be sufficiently proved to have been between the Priests, and the Catholics, before this authority was given in England, this authority was void.  
Thirdly, the Cardinal being no Bishop at all, much less over all England (and Scotland where was a Catholic Archbishop) nor showing any authority, by which he could make an Archpriest over all the English Priests residing in England (and Scotland) had little reason to look that the appointment of this authority by him, should be taken without moving any question.  
Fourthly, it was so strange a thing, that one Priest should have so ample an authority over all the rest of his fellow Priests, as they might justly ask how it came to pass, and show what inconvenience they knew was likely to ensue thereon.  
Fiftly, the Cardinal being deligated to make this peace, was not to use all means that he could, or should seem convenient unto him, or best for his purpose; but only such as without which such a peace could not be wrought; as the chiefest and perchance all writers upon this matter do generally affirm, and so interpret that which is said of a delegative authority, that it is stricti juris.  
Sixtly it is evident, that those who were said to have dealt with his holiness about this matter, were not of the secular Priests in England, but jesuits either professed, or vowed, or at least such as had given their names to be jesuits; for in this action F. Parsons was the principal, and M. F. jones stand the instrument, who being in a secular Priest's habit, deluded the Pope, and pleaded as sent by the Priests in England, or with their consent; of which afterward being challenged for his audacious attempt, he confessed before many Priests, he did but presume.  
Seventhly, the authority was merely an afflictive authority, to punish the Priests without any power to repair the harm it might do to them, and to punish them extremely, as by taking away their faculties, and suspending them from the Altar; by which offices they live, and not by any benefices, which remain to Priests in other Countries after such proceed, and in the hardest dealing they have somewhat allowed them for their maintenance; and now lest that some being thus debarred from use of their function, should in respect of their preaching receive some charity from Catholics, they are forbidden by the Archpriest to preach.  
The suggestions being made (as appeareth by the cardinals Letters) that a strife was between priests, and Catholics; this authority over the one part, only seemed a very frivolous thing, for in the cardinals Letter, there is no authority given but over the Priests.  
Ninthly, the Archpriest by this authority given unto him, might under a colour of having more good done elsewhere, remove any Priest out of any house soever, and thereby endanger both the Priests by driving them to such new acquaintance, as should be ready upon every surmise of trouble, turn them going to go seek adventures; and also the Catholics, by thrusting upon them as often as he list such as he had desire to prefer; or to compel them to keep no Priests in their houses.  
Whereas the Archpriest was appointed by the cardinals Letter to choose his assistants among the ancientest of those who had their abiding near unto him, where at that time he was to advise with them in his proceed; he contrary to this, made his choice of such as might serve him in place rather of Promoters, or Informers, what was done in far parts, then in place of Councillors, & were seldom or never made privy to his actions.  
In the choosing also of these his Councillors to assist him in this his government, I am not here to touch his partiality, further than this, as he said himself, the dislike in any man of any matter in the jesuits, was a sufficient let for him to be a Councillor, or an assistant.  
The controversies which were in England, being between the jesuits and the Priests, the Archpriest in his instructions annected to his commission, was willed to advise with the superior of the jesuits, and to follow his counsel in this his government of the Priests.  
The Archpriest had no authority at all over the jesuits, betwixt whom and the Priests were all the controversies which were in England, and therefore his authority was no fit mean to make a peace in England, where really there was need.  
When the Archpriest proposed or made known to the Priests what authority was given unto him, he used so little truth therein, as should an other propose the faith of Christ in that sort, and should be hanged for his labour, he would prove but a foolish Martyr; and howsoever the matter is now slubbered over, it was at that time so manifest, as there was no shift for it, but open confession to M. Col. and M. Ch.  
Either the Archpriest himself did know what his authority was, or he did not. If he did not, what should the Priests do in that case? If he did, the Priests had the greater reason to suspect evil dealing, by his affirming at the first, that he had such and such authority, and not long after denied it, and small (God wots) is the satisfaction which is given for this, that forsooth he might say, that he had such authority, because he could write to those who had it.  
M. Black. being subdeligated by the Cardinal, as it appeareth by the cardinals Letters, to make a peace where there was no war; if there had been any need, should have sought such means only, as were necessary therefore, and not have challenged of the Priests an obedience in all things, which never any Prelate presumed to do: neither did he when he was told of his large demand, amend the matter so well, as some do ween, in limiting his former speeches to obedience in all things, which might tend to peace: for as it is said before, such a delegative authority, as was given unto him by the cardinals Letters, will allow him no more, than what is necessary to effect that for which he is deligated.  
If it should be true which F. Parsons saith in the 17. paragraph, that M. Black. was touched in the very matter of his faith, and offereth to prove it by certain depositions yet extant at Rome, that an heretical proposition was laid to his charge, I doubt their foundation for their going to Rome will hardly be shaken.  
divers Priests not long before coming from Rome, did testify that his holiness would not constitute any authority without the assent of the Priests in England; and the Priests were well assured, that they had not sent any as then to deal with his holiness in their names, but what was done, was rather done by the open, and covert jesuits, and afterward salved by M. F. james Stand; that he supposed the Priests would consent to that, which he would do without their knowledge.  
If the Cardinal had written nothing in particular concerning this authority, but what he had testified had been the Pope's direct order, yet all who writ what credit the testimony of a Cardinal beareth in matters prejudicial to a third, affirm that it is not sufficient.  
Before any Apostolical Breve appeared for the confirmation of this authority, it was suspected that it was not the Pope's order, yea and afterward proved, if the Pope's Commissary employed by his holiness at Rome in this matter be an honest man, for he told the two Priests who were sent to Rome severally in their persons from the Popes own mouth, that his holiness did not appoint it, and gave this reason from his holiness, because he would not adventure to have his authority contemned in England by the Priests.  
To conclude, if before the Breve was made the authority might without offence have been said not to have been of the Pope's appointing; what offence was it not to accept of it? If it were said to be from the Pope, where were his Letters to testify it? without which men are not only not bound to admit a far less Prelacy over them, than this, but are sharply to be punished if they do admit it, & subject themselves unto it, as it appeareth in that extravagant of Pope Boniface the 8. Iniunctae nobis de electione. And thus much for the challenged of their enterprise to be of contradiction without any foundation at all.  
Let us now return to F. Parsons, who (forgetting himself what he had promised in the 5. paragraph, that was, not to let any thing which touched the Pope, to tun with false and injurious reports, against all truth and equity, although content to pretermit what concerned himself) playeth the Proctor altogether for himself, to the little honour of the Pope's holiness. For in this paragraph it is set down, that after 17. days of the two Priests persisting in their obstinacy (which was no other than is showed in the 9 paragraph) his holiness willed them to be retired to some place of custody in respect of their offence, and their allegations to be there examined, whether they were worth the handling or no. Which coming to F. Parson his knowledge, he entreated that their retirement might rather be with secrecy in the English College, then with more infamy in any other place. So that F. Parson's here layeth to the Pope's charge, that he caused the two Priests first to be imprisoned for their offence, and afterward to have it tried, whether they had committed any offence; for if it had so fallen out, that their allegations had been worth the handling, what offence had they committed in coming to Rome to deal with his holiness about them? But the Pope foresaw perchance (as F. Parsons saith) in the 8. paragraph, that they were not worth the handling. Then was this no cause of their imprisonment, which F. Parsons alleged. But perchance it was no certain foresight, such as F. Parsons noteth in the 8. paragraph; but only a suspicion as he affirmeth in the 10. paragraph. Then was this no just cause to use two Priests with infamy, who had many years adventured their lives in defence of the Pope's honour, and dignity of the Sea Apostolic. But afterward perchance it so fell out, that their allegations were found not to be worth the handling. Let us suppose that which was not, that they were permitted to deal together or with other, and could bring nothing worth the handling. What then? shall we to save the Pope from false and injurious reports (as F. Parsons pretendeth) say, that the Pope was ignorant of this saying, he who loveth danger shall perish in it; and like sychophants affirm, that his holiness may do what he will before he see or know any cause why he should do it, and really defame them against whom he hath nothing, but an imagination, that it might be they deserved it? had they been imprisoned upon colour of somewhat to be laid against them, somewhat in this kind might have been justified; but coming as plaintiffs, supplicants, or appellants, they were to be heard, or at least to be suffered to deal together in their business; and for F. Parsons to pretend that two Priests coming to his Holiness (as in duty they were bound to do in any difficulties of the Church) were cast with infamy into prison, before they were heard what they had to say, & that they should have been cast in prison with more infamy (had not F. Parsons entreated for them) is not to pretermit that which concerneth himself, and to stop injurious reports 'gainst the Pope (as he pretendeth in the 5. paragraph) but to heap false and injurious reports against the Pope, and to fall into most absurd praise of himself. And if F. Parsons did tell them, what benefits he bestowed upon them, when they were with him, I dare presume that they would not be so ungrateful as not to give him thanks for them, although perchance not so greatly from their hearts, as if he had let them alone. Before they departed out of England, or were known who they were that should go, the speech was rife in some men's mouths, that they should be cast in prison when they came to Rome; so that F. Parson's wit was not so highly to be commended, in that he could foresee, what thanks he was like to have. First for their imprisonment in the College. Secondly, for giving them the best Chambers in the house with such conditions. Thirdly, cherishing them gratis (that is, at the charge of the College). Fourthly, visiting them often (especially at the first, for he must needs be the Commissioner to examine them). Fiftly, making them good new gowns for the winter, (no doubt better than they had any, who had none at all) and with as much speed as after long seeking for cloth for the purpose they could be made, and they were not ordinary good gowns for the winter, for as they were not too hot for the summer, so they were not too heavy for the winter: and as I make no question, but that he deserved thanks for his good will in this, so I doubt not, but that they gave him thanks for them. Sixtly, giving them a Father to be a Notary gratis (for nought) who at the Commissary his appointment (that was F. Parsons) might write what he would have written, and blot out what he would have blotted, if it did not fadge to his mind. Seventhly, procuring the judge to come to the College, etc. Which, if F. Parsons did examine them himself, possibly was very seldom, and that only for a fashion. If F. Parsons 1. were apprehended by the means & assistants of his adversaries, 2. carried to their own house, 3. locked up, and kept sure enough from speaking with any body but at their discretion, 4. examined by them, & his examination also taken as it should please them. A good new chamber, a good new summer gown for the winter, a gratis cherishing, the saving of him from spending his money and taking many journeys about the streets, could not (as I suppose) so dull these his adversaries wits, but that they might easily foresee, how many more thanks they were like to have for their labour, after that they had once made a friendly parting. Perchance F. Parsons expected such an after applause as some Priests did make in England for their superior, who had authority to chastise them only, and at his pleasure, in most grievous sort.  
The 11. paragraph asketh a long discourse; I will here only touch it as briefly as I can, and the matter will suffer me to pass it over.  
First they were kept from Pen, and Ink, from the 29. of December, until the 17. of February following, although they had often requested it. Secondly, they might have said what they would at any time, as well as at their examination, for their tongues were at liberty enough, had time and place been convenient for it; which F. Parsons was often told, when he took upon him to be a stickler in the matter, and would know what they could say; and if that they were willed upon their oaths to speak and answer to such questions as might be asked, it doth not therefore follow, that they did say all that they could, either because they were perchance released of their oath (taken by the Commissary appointed by his holiness) upon some consideration, for example, that they did accept of F. Parsons to be their examiner, who thrust himself into that office, and was suspected that he would abuse it, as in truth he did; or else because they perceived that all was not written which they said, nor that which was so written, so faithfully written, as they delivered it, a jesuite being the examiner (who was a party) and giving them an other jesuit to be the Notary, as F. Parsons confesseth in the 10. paragraph; which being all the company which were present, might and did deal, as pleased them; not only with the two Priests, whose jailers they were, but with their examinations also, which they took. 3. They might also swear that they had no more to say of moment in all matters handled; not because they could say no more, but because they saw that they might hurt themselves (being at their adversaries devotions) but were not likely to do any good in the cause which they had to handle. 4. They might swear they had nothing to say, because neither of them had any commission, or was sent to deal in any thing severally, but jointly, and each with others help, which they could not do (being kept close prisoners, and so as one might not come to the other). If the judge of whom F. Parsons speaketh (who was no other than the fiscal or Commissary afore mentioned) and the two Cardinals came to the College one day to examine them, (as F. Parson's here saith) to the end, that they might be sure of all, and satisfy both themselves and the two Priests, they might have done well to have examined them, which they did not, but only heard first some part of M. Bish. his examination; who presently after without any question asked him (more than whether he would add any thing to his examination) was shut up as before. Then M. Ch. was called for, and some part of his examination read, after which being licenced to speak, he used some words to the so great liking of the two Cardinals, that had it not been for company-sake, he had been set at liberty the same day (as both M. Bish. and he were told by the jesuits afterward) for as they pretended, the Cardinals did not take well M. Bish. his answer, that he had nothing to say, when he was licenced after his examination was read, and therefore commanded him to close prison, and M. Ch. also for company; and they thought that they did not M. Ch. any injury by making him a close prisoner again, because M. Bish. his silence displeased them once, and his earnestness at an other time. After that F. Parsons and F. Titch. a couple of jesuits, the one the Examiner, the other the Notary, & were all the company that was present at this arraignment with the two Cardinals, except M. Acrysio (who came thither as if he had before supplied the place of an Examiner) had read what they thought good, and M. Ch. dismissed for a time into an outer-chamber, where the cardinals Retinue was, and some jesuits was. F. Parsons called at the door to F. Owin a jesuite (who during this time was vice-iaylor in F. Parson's place) to bring forth M. Bish. and M. Ch. together, and the Proctors for the Archpriest. F. Owin fetched M. Bish. to M. Ch. who had not met for the space of seven weeks (in which time they had been kept close prisoners) and after they had embraced each other, they went in together before the Cardinals, with M. Doctor Haddock, & M. Martin Array. The two Proctors who (after notice given unto the Cardinals by F. Parsons what they were, as though the Cardinals had known neither the men, nor the office they then had) at their Qu. (as it should seem) delivered up in a dumb show, a Libel or Bill of complaints and accusations, against M. Bish. and M. Ch. without any words (whatsoever M. Martin Array saith, or F. Parsons under M. Martin's name in his Letters, dated the 20. of February, 1599) stuffed too shamefully with untruths. Among which, rehearsal is made of many speeches, which are said to have been uttered by M. Martin and his fellow Proctor before they exhibited their libel, as (to use their own words) being bidden to speak as Proctors, whereas in truth neither of them spoke any one word good or bad, either of themselves, or as bidden by any other. The libel being read by F. Titch. the jesuite, M. Bish. was very earnest to have the Proctors put to their oaths, that no falsehood was contained in the Libel, to which the Cardinal Caietan made answer that they were not to swear, but to prove what should be denied; then was the whole Libel denied, and a copy thereof demanded, that answer might be made unto it; but when the Proctors saw the resolution of the two Priests, they humbly desired with knee on ground, that no copy should be delivered, but that all things should be shut up in peace; to which the Cardinal Caietan made answer, that it was peace, which the two Priests sought for, and presently the two Proctors having readily what, and against whom to object, wrangled a little with the two Priests, and particularly M. Martin Array urged against M. Ch. that, and no other thing, namely that they intended to have the Protector changed, which in the aforesaid Letter of the 20. of February, he (or F. Parson's rather under his name) affirmeth, that because the Cardinal was present and sat as judge, they would not urge for very shame of their English ingratitude. After this little wrangling conference the Proctors were dismissed, and the two Cardinals calling M. Bish. and M. Ch. nearer unto them, declared that they found no cause against them, only this they thought in their conscience, that these two Priests had unadvisedly taken this journey, because thereby they had scandalised many in England; to which the Priests made this answer, that if they had given any scandal they were sorry, & ready to give satisfaction, which M. Martin in the aforesaid Letters doth confirm, but that he putteth it in a wrong place, for he putteth it, as if it had been said by the Ambassadors (as he termeth them) after they had heard his, and his fellows falsely vaunted of objections before they gave up the Libel, and the Libel itself, which was read against them, against which, saith M. Martin, or F. Parsons under his name, (among other his most shameless untruths) they were able to say little, and willing to say less, but asked pardon if they had given scandal, etc. If these men could have persuaded themselves that neither M. D. Bish. nor M. Ch. should ever have seen these Letters, or have come to control these shameless untruths, and wicked detractious speeches, where they were so boldly spread abroad, yet had they remembered there had been a God, they would have had some fear, if no reverence unto him, but these be those of brass, who put themselves forth as a wall for the house of the Lord (of a fly) and would be accounted constant, and pious, yea and friendly (as F. Parsons urgeth in the 18. paragraph) towards these two Priests. Within less than a week after this arraignment, Master Ch. was brought to M. D. Bish. his Chamber, where after they had embraced each other, they were carried each between a couple of jesuits among all the students, as a beginning of their liberty, (no other cause being pretended of M. D. Bish. his longer imprisonment, then that he had to the cardinals discontentment used silence, when he was licenced to speak if he would after his examination was red, and used more courage (when he had heard the Libel red) then was thought convenient by them; and no other cause was given of M. Ch. his longer imprisonment, but that he should be punished for 3. or 4. days for company, after which they should be both set at liberty and permitted to deal in their business (for which they went to Rome.) So that F. Parson's might have devised some other conceit for the avouching of the long stay before the sentence was given (which came before it was looked for, and yet it was 9 weeks in coming) then that the two Cardinals should stay divers weeks to inform his holiness, before they gave sentence in their cause. For first they gave sentence when they were present, in so much as both the two Priests, and the students also in the College upon the jesuits their own reports expected, that they should be very shortly set at liberty. Secondly, it is unlikely that the two Cardinals should divers weeks be debarred the Pope's presence, or denied audience, or have any great doubts in such a case, as when they heard what was to be said against the two Priests, they judged, that they found no other cause in them then is aforesaid. And if the Cardinals had been so little gracious in the Pope's sight, as in divers weeks they could not have audience, this matter being of no more importance than the judges (the one a Divine, the other a Lawyer), after conference upon the examinations read before them, and the offer made by the two Priests to answer to what was libeled against them, declared it to be, a more mild restraint then close imprisonment for other 7. weeks would have been no evil edification to such, as expected that no more rigour than needs must, should have been used at Rome, against a couple of Priests, who had many years adventured their lives for the honour of the Church of Rome, and dignity of the Sea Apostolic.  
Fa. Parson's having in the 11. paragraph showed to what end the Cardinals did come to the College, but not what was there done, nor what sentence was either then, or afterward given by them, expostulateth how with any colour it might be said, that the two Priests had wrong, etc. Can he forget that they were imprisoned with infamy before it was known whether they brought any thing worth the handling or no, which himself confessed in the 10. paragraph? Did not he as a most vigilant jailor, keep the keys himself, that they should not come together, or use any means to deal in the business, in which they were jointly employed? Can he be ignorant that when the two Proctors libeled against them, they were so far from being unwilling to answer the Libel, as their exceeding forwardness in this was pretended a sufficient cause to keep the one in close prison, at the least for a few days, and the other because he was his fellow in this action? Was his memory so short, as he could not remember how that the Cardinal Caietan in his hearing (at their arraignment) cleared them from all things, except only, that they had offended some by this their journey; for satisfaction whereof, they were willed to write into England, which they performed to his present great liking, although afterward he wrangled with them about the same Letters? Can F. Parsons say, that ever they were brought to any answer afterward, although many things were attempted, and objected privately by himself against them, and he willed by them to take what course he would, when he pretended matters against them from England, whether the Cardinal Caietan had sent the 10. of November before from Rome (in the Pope's name as he pretended, who was then at Ferrara) for informations of their lives and behaviours, who did not accept they knew not of what authority, and how lawfully it was sent, and set over them, more than what he witnessed himself, a testimony not binding any to give credit in so weighty a matter, and to the prejudice of so many, as sufficient proof will be made? Or could F. Parson's pretending to be a religious man, and of the society of jesus (that is, of a society instituted in the honour of the name of jesus) make so slight a matter of a sentence of banishment, and of the confinement of a couple of Catholic Priests, who had a long time laboured with peril of life, in defence of the Catholic Church, and one of them suffered imprisonment for the same, without any provision made for them, or suffering them to be in one Region together, which had been one point of humanity for mutual comfort in this extremity, unless perchance he will say that he is devoted only to the name of jesus, and not to trouble himself to imitate any thing in the person? If F. Parsons had not sent word into England, that the Priests should continue under this sentence for three years, which was more than the two Priests themselves knew, or was contained in any sentence that ever they heard, he might have excused himself in part, and not have been thought the sole plotter of this dealing: and if others hearing of these proceed (and many more which for brevity are here omitted) have said, that the two Priests had wrong, and had less justice in Rome then is permitted to Turks and jews, they cannot let them to think, speak, or write what they judge best.  
Many things doth F. Parsons heap together in this 12. paragraph; as first, that the Cardinals were ashamed to find the two Priests to have come so long a journey with so little to say. Secondly, that they brought not so much as any one Letter of credence from any Community, or private person in such form, as might give credit. Thirdly, that even the secret memorials of their most secret business were seen, & found to have been of no more weight than the rest. Fourthly, that they should keep their chief message to themselves. Fiftly, that they said their fill of the Archpriest, and jesuits, and were willed upon their oaths to say more. Sixtly, that the Priests were few who sent them, and that F. Parsons had showed them well-near 20. times as many of the same order against them.  
To the first it is well known, they had many things to deal in of more importance than are as yet granted, as the procuring of ordinary Pastors in God's Church, or at the leastwise, authority for the administration of the Sacrament of confirmation (most necessary in time of persecution, or altogether vain, and as a superfluous ceremony in God's Church) 2. The procuring some means for the holy oils, which used to come very late to their hands. 3. For the acquietting of such stirs as were then begun, and were likely (as the event proveth) to grow daily to the undoing of our Country, and such like. And if F. Parsons had thought what would have followed in the 17. paragraph, he would (as I think, unless he were exceedingly shameless) have had more regard what words he had used in this 12. paragraph; for if that be true, which he there relateth to have been deposed at Rome, the Cardinal and he had more reason to be ashamed of that which was brought against the Archpriest, a creature of their own, then that the two Priests had little to say.  
But if F. Parsons should be demanded where this shame came upon the two Cardinals, or how they came to have that conceit, that the two Priests had come so long a journey with little to say; would he trow you without blushing make an answer? The first time that the two Priests saw the Cardinal Burghese, and at his importunate request, imparted to him some part of their business, they found him so favourable unto them, that according to their humble suit, he promised that he would procure them audience, before they should be judged, and further them what he could. The first time likewise that they saw the Cardinal Caietan, although he used them in very rough terms, he willed them to bring in writing unto him, what they had to say, and told them, that he would thereon consider. And at these meetings could neither of the Cardinals be ashamed of that, which the Priests had to say, for neither of them knew but in general terms some part of their business, and appointed thereupon a farther conference. The second time that these two Priests saw these two Cardinals, was at their arraignment, where the Cardinals might perchance be ashamed of the insolency of their adversaries, but could not be ashamed that the two Priests had little to say; for when they were both together, and might have dealt in their business (although with this shameful disadvantage, that they had all their writings taken from them seven weeks before, and all that while kept close prisoners, that they might not speak either each with other, or any body else (as they did both desire) to ask some counsel being thus betrayed) they dealt as far forth as was convenient for them to deal, that is to say, for so much as they were at that time urged to deal in, which was upon occasion of a Libel put up against them by M. Doctor Haddock, and M. Martin Array, a couple of Proctors for the Archpriest: for when this Libel was read, they offered to make their answer unto it, and for that end they demanded a copy thereof, which at Doctor Haddocks earnest request, (who Proctorlike before had put it up against them) was not given unto them; so that at this time the Cardinals had more cause to be ashamed of the two Proctors then of the two Priests, who were arraigned, and by all likelihood were so, for they dismissed the two Proctors, and afterward acquitting the two Priests from all matters except one, that was, that by their going to Rome many Priests and Lay-men in England were scandalised, they dismissed them also in very friendly manner, and no case was alleged of their farther imprisonment, but an overgreat forwardness in the one against the Libel, which is an argument that the two Priests had somewhat to say, which the Cardinals not being overforward to hear (as it should seem by their not delivering the Libel to the two Priests when they called for it) could not in reason be said to be ashamed that the Priests had little to say. The third time, that these two Priests did see the Cardinals, was when they went (as they were set at liberty) first the one, than the other to take their leaves, and so to departed to the place of their confinement, at which time also the Cardinals might perchance make some reflection, but not upon a thing worthy of shame in the two Priests, who during the time that they might deal, always offered themselves, and performed as much as lay in them, and when they could not deal therein (being joined so as the one without the other had not to attempt any thing) they patiently suffered first close imprisonment for 14. weeks with the appurtenances, afterward a months easier imprisonment, and lastly, a sending severally one after another into banishment, yea & to be confined each to one Country, & thereby to be banished not only out of England their native Country, but also out of all Countries in the world but one, upon a supposal that they had maintained controversies in one: and thus I leave this point to any indifferent man to judge, what cause the Cardinals had to be ashamed, (if they were ashamed, as F. Parson's here noteth) and whether F. Parsons (who was present at the arraingment, and saw the forwardness of the two Priests to make their answer to what was objected against them) were he as he would be thought, could without shame insert this clause in his Letter to the two Priests, who were then arraigned. And howsoever he might forget any other matter, must needs remember, that they demanded the Libel to make their answer to it, because the courage of the one in this very action was pretended by the jesuits, to have been the cause why they were not the same night set at liberty, because forsooth this was an argument to the Cardinals that he was of a stirring spirit, and therefore they would for 2. or 3. days longer keep them both in prison.  
To the second, they brought many Letters, from many, as F. Parsons and the Proctors in their moods will confess, although not from any settled community under any head, for from this the Priests refrained until they had sent unto his holiness, which whilst they were effecting by common suffrage (as became Priests) a head was most fraudulently by the jesuits procured to curb them, and cross them in their courses, which they had intended. And if F. Parsons had remembered, that not long after in the 21. paragraph he telleth them, that they brought certain notes about their message from a principal man of their side of his own hand writing, yet there to be seen, whatsoever he had written here of a community, he would not have said that they brought no letters of credence from any private person; but F. Parson's would perchance give men to understand, that the petitions of Priests subscribed with their own hands, were not of so great credence as a brazen face of a jesuite (who before his holiness pretended that he was a secular Priest, and sent by them in their business) being seconded with as false a friend to the Priests as F. Parsons himself a jesuite in his own likeness.  
To the third, if there were secret memorials of most secret business, how was all said by the two Priests that they could say? How can these memorials be termed by F. Parsons to be secret, if nothing were concealed which was contained in them? and for their weight, if F. Parsons say true in the 17. paragraph, they had no need to be of greater weight than the rest, for F. Parson's there confesseth that the Archpriest was touched, yea in the very matter of his faith, for that an heretical proposition was laid to his charge, as appeareth by their papers, and depositions yet extant, which would hardly be excused, if such a thing should be proved against one, who to give him what F. Parsons giveth him (no doubt great commendations) is a man of those parts, and merits, that all English men do know, or at the least might imagine so long as he did not show himself.  
To the fourth, I know not what was their chief message, nor where they had any convenient time or place to utter it, or any other, being clapped up close prisoners before they came to do any thing, and never after suffered to be together at liberty in Rome.  
To the fift, a reason is given before, why it was no wisdom for them to say their fill, either of the one, or the other, being in custody of the one, who was the more careful of his charge in respect of the other. Yet if F. Parsons be not over forgetful, he may call to mind that about a month after their arraignment, upon some occasion of speech between M. Ch. and him, M. Ch. told him of some matters, which F. Parsons pretended he had not heard before, and seemed to be astonished at them, whereby at the least this may be gathered, that F. Parson's very rashly affirmeth that they had said their fill at any time.  
To the sixth, (to omit what means and threats the jesuits, and the Archpriest did use himself to be accepted for their superior) they could not expect to carry many Priest's hands in testimony of their minds, (who foresaw what would come of this authority procured by the jesuits for their better oppressing of the Priests) lest their stay should be threatened down upon his holiness (by such as would let slip no opportunity) to be a general acceptance thereof. The authority being sent into England (as the Priests were informed) to be first liked, before it should be confirmed upon them.  
In the 13. paragraph there is too much want showed both of wit, and memory, modesty, and honesty. Fa. Parson's would know first how it could be said upon a little part or faction (as he termeth it) that Catholics are intolerably afflicted, being persecuted at home, & cannot be heard abroad. Secondly, he asketh who are those Catholics. Thirdly, he boldly demandeth, what audience is denied to them; as who would say, no audience was denied to them. Fourthly, he would insinuate that the Priests, who hold with the jesuits and Archpriest, are more persecuted, and hated by the Council of England, than the other Priests. Fiftly, he excuseth the Pope for not giving audience to the two Priests.  
To the first, it is answered, first that a little part of Catholics may be called Catholics; secondly, that all Catholics are intolerably afflicted at home, and cannot be heard abroad, while they make suit as they are bound to do for such things, as are most necessary for Christians living in persecution, and are wanting, in England and cannot be obtained, as the Sacrament of confirmation, of which F. Parsons could not be ignorant, when he writ these Letters, nor long before having viewed, and reviewed the petitions of the Priests, which those two carried with them to Rome. Also the union of all Priests together; which (as it should seem by that which hath followed Fa. Parson's courses) was but slubbered over for a small time by him, and his fellows, or adherents who quickly after both by writing, and tongue detraction began to refresh the former wound.  
To his second demand if he should be satisfied, and the Catholics named, the satisfaction would be as foolishly given, as the question was asked: he might with much less danger to Catholics say, who they were not; for I do suppose, that either there are none so careless of their own good, or their friends, but they desired what is before mentioned should have been demanded, and is not granted, or at the least none so shameless, as they would discover so great a carelessness in themselves of matters of so great weight.  
To the third, this answer may be made, that doubtless he took a vizard when he writ it: what audience saith F. Parsons is there denied them? were they not with infamy cast into prison before it was known, whether they brought any thing worth the handling, as is showed out of the 10. paragraph? And doth not F. Parsons in this same 13. paragraph confess, that they were not heard by his holiness, to whom they went for audience? how could he within so few lines forget himself?  
To the fourth it may be truly answered, that among the Priests who have been put to death the least part (if any at all) have been for the jesuits, or Archpriest. And if any difference hath been made in their persecutions, it hath been in showing extraordinary favour to the jesuits, and their adherents, as will be proved by their usage of F. Heywood, M. Martin Array, and such like. But if it could be proved, that the jesuits, the Archpriest, and such other Priests as are known to be guided by them were more persecuted, yea and hated by the Council of England, than the other Priests, who are not guided by the jesuits, perchance this reason might be given thereof, that the Council have found by the jesuits Letters, which they have often intercepted, as also by some books of theirs, that they came not so much into England to set forward Religion, as they would be thought to do, and as the other Priests only attend unto, but to further a state faction, and to deal therein more than becometh religious men to do.  
It is a world to see how he busieth himself in this kind, if the Priests embrace his plots for the foreign invasion or civil wars in our own Country, they are subject to most grievous death due to traitors; if they do not, the favour which they may find at their better informed adversaries hands, must be their perpetual ignominy. Yet doth F. Parsons incline rather to include all the Priests within the statutes of high treason, and to this end this ground is laid. All that do not like his proceed or his treatises of matters of state, do meddle more in matters of state, than he or any other: and that this is no consequence made of any his words, or writings, but his very ground, his Letters written or dictated to M. Martin Array, of the 18. of january doth evidently prove, where he followeth his own conceit, in deducting one proposition from an other until a primo ad ultimum he maketh this argument. The two Priests were to make a Petition, that all books should be forbidden, which did without need or profit exasperate the state of England, Ergo they meddled in matters of state more, and offended now the present state, then by any other way that is yet known; and that no man have hereof any doubt, I have set down the postscript, word for word as it is in the aforesaid Letter concerning this point.  
I had almost omitted one particular, which shall not be evil for you to know, and that is that among other points of Commission delivered in writing to these two Ambassadors, one principal was noted in all their latter Letters, that no books should be admitted that offended the present state of England in matters of state, or exasperate the adversaries; whereupon they being examined what books or book they meant in particular, said it was the book of succession. And being demanded farther whether any particular persecution had been moved hitherunto by that book, or any man put to death for having it in this three or four years since it was written, they said that they knew of none. Then was it asked them why there was more grudging then, and complaint against this book that had moved no persecution, then against D. Sanders Monarchia, and book de Schismate, & D. bristol Motives, for which divers in particular have been put to death; as also against D. Allen late Cardinal, his book Contra justitiam Britanicam, D. Stapleton his Dydimus, M. Reynolds against Whitakers, & such others, who are much more earnest against the present state, than this other book of succession, which speaketh so mildly and indifferently as he can justly offend no part. And how our spiritual masters being not able to answer, discovered themselves, and their fellows under pretence of spirit, and religion, to be Scotists in faction, without any respect of religion at all there, but being to set up a known heretic, and thereby also to meddle more in matters of state, and to offend now the present state, then by any other way that is yet known. So as in this they have neither reason, religion, nor state with them, but only emulation, folly, and faction, etc. Thus much verbatim out of the aforesaid Letter of the 18. of january. 1599  
Wit whither wilt thou? Are not these fellows desirous of this kind of sport, who rather than they will fail of their designs, stick not to accuse innocent men of meddling in matters of state, and setting up a King in England, the very talk whereof is a thing most hateful, and dangerous there, and to bring them into no less danger, and hatred in Rome, they amplify the matter with this Epitheton; a known heretic. And upon what ground say they this? forsooth because their spiritual masters (as they scoffingly term the two Priests) being asked why the book of succession was more disliked than any other named unto them, were not able to answer. Ergo, conclude these fellows, they discovered themselves and their fellows to be Scotists in faction. How followeth this upon the antecedent? how would these simple Statists have sported themselves, if any their discourses or trains could have taken the least hold upon either of the two Priests? how much more to purpose might this conclusion be deduced out of this postscript, that F. Parsons doth but cog with the King of Scotland in his flattering Letters to some of his Nobility, or that there is little constancy in him and his followers toward any, longer than they think it may make for their advantage without any due regard to conscience, right, truth, reason, or religion in their dealings? having chopped and changed the Crown of England 8. or 9 several times, to several persons, as it pleased him and his to play with it, and as little boys sport themselves with King by your leave, now the great ones every hand-while do cry, A new King, a new, such an one, as (if F. Parsons his word be of any credit) he shall think to be the most likely to carry it from the rest, which might be thought to have been spoken in jest, had not some of his fellows practised the same in France, who while the king who now is, was in danger of being debarred that kingdom, were most earnest against him, and stood most stoutly for other who were likely to have it, but when they saw him brought into Paris, they were the first religious that went to congratulate him, although not long after there were such proofs against them, that one was publicly executed for treason against his Ma. person, & the rest banished those parts of France. And here also it appeareth how greatly they wanted matter against the two Priests, that to prove them to meddle more in matters of state, and to offend now the present state, then by any other way that was then known, they are driven to so miserable a refuge, as to say that one principal point of Commission delivered in writing to the two Ambassadors (as they term them) was, that no books should be admitted that offended the present state of England in matters of state, or exasperate the adversaries, Ergo they meddled in matters of state; but to omit their not overwise illations, there is no truth in their relation. For when they were asked by F. Parsons what books were meant in particular, they said that they meant all such, as their petition did include, and being entreated by F. Parsons in particular to say whether the book of succession were not meant for one, answer was made that it was one, which did much offend, and to the reply which was foolishly made, why that book should offend more than other, which are named in this postscript; they answered to F. Parsons, that they named this no more than any other, as appeared by their petition, although just exception might be taken more against this, than any other, because it did convince that thing to be true, which our adversaries always objected against Priests, that was, that they dealt in state matters, and that the Council being so well assured thereof, and able to give so good a satisfaction for their proceed, might afflict Catholics more then ever they did, although they did not descend to this particular cause thereof, or proof against them, the Spaniards having often attempted by wars to invade our Country, to which this book doth entitle them. In this I am somewhat longer than I intended, because I would note what liberty F. Parsons, and his followers do use in their pens, who being to this effect answered to those questions in the postscript, scornfully, and contrary to their own knowledge affirm, that their spiritual masters (so terming the 2. Priest's) were not able to make any answer to their profound questions, and conclude most absurdly thereupon, that the two Priests discovered themselves to deal more in matters of state, and offend the present state, then by any other way that was yet known.  
If some jesuits exhorting their hearers to abstain from sin, or more particularly from all sinful dissimulation, & falsehood, as a thing hateful to God, hurtful to their souls, and a mortal enemy to all human fellowship, should be asked whether they meant such a sin, or such a dissimulation in particular, and after answer made, that they meant that and all the like, should be urged why that more than the like, and were not able to give a reason thereof; how would it follow that these spiritual masters were hypocrites, which is to use dissimulation in the highest degree? or to be the notablest dissembling companions that ever were known? Can the jesuits trow you admit this consequence as true, although they should know in their conscience that the consequent were most true? Thus & no otherwise play these pious, and constant champions against the two Priests, and as the spirit moveth them, sometime the Ambassadors, sometime their spiritual masters being to make petition that no books should be admitted that offended the present state in matters of state, or exasperate the adversaries, and not able to answer why this book should be more blamed than any other (as they say, although most falsely and impertinently to their petition) prove Statists (Scotists in faction as they term them) and ready to set up a known Heretic, and to meddle more in matters of state, then ever any was known to do. Would any Scotist or Sotist have made such a reason? it would best fit a Sottist that neither cared what Scotus said, or Sotus, but run upon omne utile honestum, that which may make for our purpose, be it what it will be, that is piety, that is constancy, that is state, and religion also. And thus much for the 4. point, touched in the 13. paragraph.  
To the fift it may be answered, that the message of the two Priests being about other matters than the jesuits quarrels at Rome with the Students, F. Parson's might have made some better excuse for the Pope his honour, which he undertook in the fift paragraph to defend; and also have somewhat remembered, how boldly he had in this same paragraph demanded what audience was denied them. But over shoes over boots.  
In the 14. paragraph he beginneth as he saith, to make his own defence, in which he speaketh for himself, and in commendation of his own good nature, and for proof of his good carriage towards the two Priests, he referreth them to that, which before he had said; which I know not whether it argue folly, or forgetfulness, or both. One good deed here he doth name, concerning a lapsed priest, which being penitent for his fault, went to Rome to the Inquisition, which you shall seldom hear by any jesuite, when he hath forsaken the Catholic faith; of which if a man might without offence make a conjecture, he might think, that the jesuits their fall (without some special miracle) is incurable, as many examples may be given of some in England, some in Geneva, some in other places, and they grow to be the most notorious companions that live; but for the Priests who are much talked of, if any of them do fail here in England, for the most part, they have had always remorse of conscience after the first heat, and so have lived until they could find some opportunity to rise again; and some of them having failed perchance in respect of discontentment upon the hard dealing of the jesuits, or their adherents (who under one pretence or other do use to try whether the Priests be confirmed in grace) have spent their speeches against them, happily not without cause, which is no proof for the jesuits goodness more, than it were an argument for the goodness of the devil, that many yea wicked people rail against him; but for that man in particular, I think F. Parsons cannot charge him, that ever he did any harm to any jesuite, but to the secular Priests he did very much, which could not stand with any good liking unto them, and if hereupon a Parenthesis should be made as impertinently as F. Parsons maketh his (that falling from God and dislike of the secular Priests, or railing against them, commonly go together) the jesuits and their adherents would think that they were greatly injuried, who for a show only, & for the better effecting of that, which they intent, seem to bear good will to such secular Priests, as will be guided by them, and by now and then showing themselves friendly in some small matters to some, practise more boldly against the same parties, or other their fellows.  
In the 15. paragraph he confesseth his folly, he might have descended to somewhat more in particular than folly, for he adjoineth a shameless untruth, that the two Priests went to Rome in defence of the former troubles that were there. But it should seem by F. Parsons in this, and in the 13. paragraph, that he would feign possess people with this wrong information; and for his question, which here he asketh, in what case our common cause of England had been, if the endeavours of the two Priests had taken place, I may boldly make this answer, that doubtless it could not have been in a worse case than now it is.  
In the 16. paragraph, I can say little more than ask these questions, what if the Commissary of the Inquisition did not tell any honourable man of Rome a great friend of F. Parsons any such thing as he here relateth? and what harm could the common cause have taken among wise men, if the two Priests had been let alone by his holiness to deal with all the Cardinals, and great men of Rome, being but a couple of Priests, and more easily borne down, when it should have been evident, that they had nothing to say, as F. Parson's would have all men believe? Was the Commissary of the Inquisition and all the Cardinals, and great men of Rome so sottish in F. Parson's conceit, as they would have embraced so slender a cause, as he would show this to be?  
In the 17. paragraph many things are touched: first, an heretical proposition is said to have been deposed against M. Blackwell, which if it be true, how is it said in the 8. paragraph, that the Pope foresaw that they did not expect any matter of substance against his government. Of what substance against a man's government in an heretical country such a deposition is, any Catholic will easily see, & aught to reflect the more upon it, if it were in matters directly concerning his government. And how in the 10. paragraph can F. Parsons say that they had made a contradiction without any foundation at all, which the Cardinals should at first suspect, and after find it to be true, and also be ashamed that the two Priests came so long a journey with so little to say, as he affirmeth in the 12. paragraph? Secondly, F. Parsons affirmeth also, that the two Priests would have discredited such English Priests, as stood with the Archpriest, and were the principal of their coat, but in what it is not said, perchance it is meant, in that these two and other in not accepting of an authority, pretended to come from the Pope without the Pope's Letters, or other sufficient testimony, might argue the other of an overgreat forwardness, in that they did without more examining of the matter, yield unto it; but how the jesuits are drawn hereby in discredit, I conceive not, unless perchance this authority being procured by the jesuits, it might be thought a disgrace unto them, that (being adversaries to the secular Priests) they might not be trusted to choose a superior for them, who should be an Arbiter betwixt them; which constuction I am induced to make, both upon the manner of F. Parson's bringing in the jesuits with those Priests, whom he saith the two that went to Rome took the way to discredit, and also upon that which followeth in this same 17. paragraph. For I do not think, that F. Parson's will attribute that which followeth to any, but to himself, who (if himself be of any credit) made choice of the Archpriest as one, that would run with the jesuits which were at variance with the secular Priests. Those other things which F. Parsons in this 17. paragraph saith should have been proposed, would not have been proposed without some ground. For the first, the Protector was known to be allied to the contrary part, and said to be ruled altogether against those, whose Protector he pretended to be. For the second, the Seminaries were in perpetual garboils, and as nurseries of strife and debate between the jesuits, & the secular Priests. For the third, the jesuits who were in England, aspired daily to that, which became them not. Which first was attempted by them at Wisbitch most manifestly, and afterward was gotten after a more secret manner, while one in the likeness of a secular Priest beareth the name of a governor over the rest, and the jesuits rule him, and them also.  
Concerning the 18. paragraph, that question of having two Archpriests in England, was never proposed, nor any thing else at Rome, for the two Priests were not suffered to speak together about any thing, but Fa. Parsons (examining by how many means peace might be kept in England) was answered among other, that were named, that this might be one, not that one should be opposite against the other, as F. Parson's would make the world believe, but that the strife in England being between the secular Priests, and the jesuits, and the Archpriest guided by the jesuits, it was fit that there should be a secular Priest who was not governed by the jesuits in the like authority with the Archpriest, and that such laws might be made, that neither part would be overhasty to offend other; at which disputation, Fa. Parsons overshot himself foully. First in arguing that it was never seen that there should be in any one country two superiors, & the one of them not subordinate to the other; for himself had procured the same in England by this new government, as appeareth by that the Archpriest is not, or must not be said to be subordinate to the superior of the jesuits, nor this to him, but this instance at his request was not urged. Then upon an other instance given him of the Bishops of Canterbury & York, he went about to prove a subordination between these Archbishops, out of a foolish hardiness of the Bishop of York to take the upper place of the Bishop of Canterbury at a Convocation in the time of Henry the second: and the good Fa. would not in a long time understand, that that strife proved no more that there was, or is a subordination between these Archbishops, than the strife between the two Ambassadors of France, and Spain, for the higher place (when they meet) doth prove, that one of these Kings is subordinate to the other. But to conclude this paragraph, if all things were so well ended in England, and all so happily united, as F. Parson's here confesseth, why were not M. B. and M. C. sent home, but kept still in banishment, & relegation without any provision made for them to live? What constancy was in this I know not, in show there was but little piety, especially, if through their means this unity was wrought, as I have been credibly informed it was upon the sight of their Letters, and the Breve which was sent into England with their testimony to it.  
What History that is of the College, which F. Parsons rehearseth in the 19 paragraph, to draw men to send their children thither, I know not. But if it be true, which I have heard some Priests speak, that they have been exhorted at Rome by Fa. Parsons to thrust themselves into state practices, and encouraged thereto, because by being Priests they were already condemned for traitors, and could suffer no greater indignities, or more cruel death for that, then for this; and that also be true which likewise I have heard other say, how he practised with the Students in Spain to set to their hands to such like matters for the Infant, I do not see how any wise Catholic in England or elsewhere, should be overhasty to send his children, either to the one place, or the other. Neither do I know what M. Ch. threatened: F. Parsons in modesty, and honesty, might have used better terms, then that he should bemoan the lack of liberty; for little reason Godwot he had (if it had been in his power) so to use M. Ch. having no proof (as it should seem) of any thing concerning these matters; but a hearsay from a hearsay, as he discovereth in the 4. paragraph: and if M. C. shall put those matters in print, which have passed at Rome, as it should appear both by that which is here set down, and that which M. D. Bish. in his answer to these Letters of F. Parsons doth touch, I doubt it will be little for F. Parson's credit, howsoever he vaunteth that the matter would be easily answered, upon pretence of authentical registers of all that passed by public authority, having himself confessed in the tenth paragraph, that matters were done privately in the English College, and the Notary of the cause, no other than a jesuite of his own appointing: and as I have been credibly informed, himself the Examiner (except what now and then the Commissary did for a fashion) and of what credit these Registers may be, or how he may thrust in and out for his purpose as sometime he doth, I refer me to any honest man to judge, this strife being principally between the jesuits, and the secular Priests.  
In the 20. paragraph I cannot say what sin the two priests did commit in relating how they were used at Rome, for by this Letter of F. Parsons it is evident, that great sin may be committed in relating a matter; but if it be true, which is said in the same paragraph, that all things were well ended, I do not see how they could be accused either of breach of oath, or incurring the censures, having once procured that peace, and unity, to which they were bound. And in the 22. paragraph it is again repeated, that all was endend, and consequently the two Priests were discharged of their bonds, and might very well have been sent home again, had not there been an intention in some, that the peace should not long endure, which these two had procured.  
In the 21. paragraph, F. Parsons showeth himself most willing to deliver the two Priests from any thing which he had written against them, or willed others to write. I will not here repeat that which is sufficiently before showed, how willingly in this Letter he hath himself written, whatsoever he willed others to write. He acknowledgeth that he did ever attribute their attempt rather to error, and lack of consideration, then to ambition, although in the first paragraph he seemeth to excuse their attempt also, and attributeth the evil success thereof to their own defaults, as if they had handled some good matter not in good sort, as once a most reverend and grave Prelate seriously told them that some others had done in a matter between them and the jesuits. If they should not acknowledge error, and lack of consideration in this their attempt, they might justly be blamed, although perchance that error, and lack of consideration, grew upon too good an opinion conceived of some in Rome, and was confirmed by others lately come from thence, and thereupon they made not such provision for their own safety, and their so free dealing in their affairs, as they might have made, little suspecting, that coming so far to speak with his Holiness in matters of the Church, which required conference not only each with other, but with others also, they should not be suffered to speak one with the other, or any man else to ask counsel therein, until after some two or three days after the Breve was gotten, at what time they were licenced to come together, and were in scorn bidden to deal in their matters for which they were sent to Rome. But although F. Parsons did ever as he saith, attribute this their attempt, rather to error, and lack of consideration, then to ambition, yet lest that birds of one feather should fly too far asunder, he giveth here some reasons, why men might think that ambition did make the two Priests to take this action in hand, to give men to understand of his ready mind to hold up his fellow F. Bald. in this untruth, of which although M. Bish. in his answer to this Letter of F. Parsons doth sufficiently discourse, yet it will not be amiss to say somewhat here concerning F. Parsons proofs. For the first proof I have spoken with such as gathered the petitions, which the Priests did make, and they do assure me, that M. C. was not proposed by any to be made a Bishop. M. B. was, but if M. C. did carry those writings and kept those secret from M. B. wherein he was named, what proof is this against M. B.? To the second proof, I may answer as once I heard an answer made for F. Parsons, when it was reported here in England, that all the boys at S. Omers had conspired to make him a Cardinal, and had written such effectual Letters to the Pope for it, that (as it was here reported) both he, and the general of the jesuits, yea and all the friends that they could make in the Court of Rome, were little enough to keep him from being a Cardinal, which F. Parsons could not help; for who can hinder Letters to be written by such as are many hundred miles distant from them? But I marvel who should write this Letter, or whether F. Parsons did ever show it to these 2. Priests, so as they might see it & read it? To the third proof, M. B. saith, he could never obtain so much favour of F. Parsons, as to see those notes, and as I am informed, M. Ch. saith the same, although he were most importunate with them (especially upon their often promises) even until the last hour of his restraint or abode at Rome, yea & challenged it, that it was forged. I have heard this conjecture made, how it was forged. M. C. being at the first to go alone to Rome about the affairs of England, had certain instructions sent unto him from D. Ba. who always used to call M. C. by a name of which the first letter was L. by which he was called when they studied together at Rome, and accordingly sent certain instructions to . L. which M. C. (sometime called M. L.) carried with him to Rome, when he went in company with M. B. Now what little need of wit there was where there wanted honesty, I refer me to them who could to the one L. join an other L. and either blot or scrape away as much as needed of the first stroke of the . in . and so leave it L L. which perchance in that writing of M. D. Ba. they might do with some facility, because as all men know, who ever received any Letters from him, he writeth that word Mr. in this sort . as easily & with little help, it may be made to stand for : and as it should seem, when it was done, it did so please F. Parsons, that he told it often, and by often telling it, thought at last himself that it was true; and was not ashamed to write it, and send it round about the Christian world against the two Priests; to whom notwithstanding his often promise upon their constant denial thereof, he was ashamed to show it when they earnestly demanded to see it; might not F. Parsons have said somewhat else of himself when in the 15. paragraph he said he was become a fool? And was it not great need that either there or somewhere else he should commend himself in this action of his, concerning his dealing with the two Priests?  
In the 22. paragraph F. Parsons telleth the two Priests that now all is ended, and this and all the rest will easily die & be forgotten, as already he trusteth all is forgotten on all hands. Was the affliction so small, that even while it was, it was not felt? or if it were still felt, and could not but be so thought of by men of best understanding (being a banishment out of their native Country, and all other Countries in the world but one, without any provision made for them) with what face doth F. Parsons tell them, that all is ended, and that he trusteth all is already forgotten on all hands? Can this, or any of the rest die, and be forgotten, so long as the two priests lived, and were not forgotten, but kept still in banishment for this, and the rest? If all this had been ended in all others, and been forgotten by them, yet could it not possibly be forgotten by the two Priests, who even to this day suffer persecution for it, and with such extremity, as the one being driven by necessity to return into his Country for necessary relief to sustain life (notwithstanding he gave notice of the cause of his return to the Archpriest, and how for more safety he had made an appeal from the sentence, which not having inflicted any censure, nor being to inflict any but upon such, and such condition was in the general opinion of the learned so suspended by an appeal made before the event of the condition, as after the event of the same condition, it could take no force against the appellant) he was upon this notice given to the Archpriest presently denounced (although untruly) to be suspended, and without any other cause given, the Archpriest at the same time abrogated, anullated, and took away all his faculties, when, or by whomsoever they were granted, which doubtless, was beyond his Commission, which was, to direct, admonish, and punish as occasion of offence in breach of his peace should be offered, not whom, and when, and for what he listed; much less for an entrance into the Country, which if it had been without leave, or not justifiable otherwise, it did belong to others, and not to him to punish, & much less if it were true, which F. Parsons saith in this 21. paragraph, that now all was ended, and that he trusted all was forgotten on all hands. But to return to our 22. paragraph, what was that which was ended? If the cause between the Archpriest and all the Priests were ended, how were the two Priests still kept in banishment? but we must here learn a new trick, how to have all things ended and forgotten. Those who are injuried must say nothing: good counsel. So may the Potent oppress whom they may by might, or fraud, and all is well, yea and all is forgotten, if those who are oppressed bear themselves well, and prudently, and do stay, and not stir up such as do seem to favour or bemoan their case. But perchance these reports which came to F. Parson's ears from Flaunders, and France, may be said to have been the hindrance that all was not well on the two Priests sides (for as it should seem in the sixth paragraph, they were not come to the ears of them, whom they are said most to concern) but then before these reports came to the ears either of the one, or of the other, how was all well, and all forgotten, and yet the two Priests kept still in banishment? there are letters under Fa. Parson's hand to be seen, to testify that all was well, and under F. Warfords hand likewise, and others doubtless enough to the same purpose, before these things were objected against them, or this devise wrought for the farther persecuting the two Priests, and delaying them still in banishment, and confinement, without any provision made for them to live, why were they not then dismissed? Perchance F. Parsons did at that time divine, that the two Priests might give some cause, that notwithstanding all was well ended, and as he trusted on all hands forgotten, yet their particular cause might be exempted from that all, and not only not be forgotten, but prosecuted still unto the uttermost that the strangest mood could devise. Upon this therefore his divination, and great foresight, notwithstanding that peremptorily, or positively he said in the 18. paragraph, that all was well ended, and iterateth the same in this 22. paragraph, and trusteth that already all is forgotten on all hands, yet he sauceth it with a condition, that is, if M. B. and M. C. do bear themselves well, and prudently, and do stay, and not stir up such as do seem to favour, or bemoan their case. Now all good Catholics in England do heartily grieve at the present stirs in England. M. B. and M. Ch. were far enough off; who hath begun them? All those who did seem to favour, or bemoan the case of M. Bish. and M. Ch. had made an atonement with their adversaries, and forgiven all those slanders, and detractious proceed which were practised against them: and neither of themselves, or stirred up by M. Bish. and M. Ch. have they revived all that which F. Parsons here confesseth to have been dead, forgotten, or ended. Did not rather F. Rob. jon. a jesuite (no great favourer or bemoaner of M. Bish. and M. Ch. their case) broach this division again, and renew the soar (which was, if not clean healed, yet forgotten, and the offenders forgiven) by publishing that the Priests (who did forbear to admit M. Black. for their superior, until they saw the Breve in his confirmation) were Schismatics, and that all those, who should not hold the same, were under the censures of the Church? Did not M. Black. soon after, both approve the same paradox of F. jon. the jesuite, and furthermore publish a resolution sent (as he said) from Rome, either by Father Wasord or F. Titch. (both jesuits) which avowed the same, with many Edicts, and prohibitions, under pain of incurring the censures, that the Priests should not defend themselves from this most absurd, & injurious calumniation? Was it so necessary that there should be tumults in England (which must be said still, no doubt, to be between the secular Priests, and the Catholics) that the jesuits must still give the onset, although for to avoid blame in the opinion of such as will blind themselves, their enterprises have been so prosecuted by covert jesuits (who were not known but as secular Priests) & by the Archpriest, as they are generally taken for quarrels among the secular Priests? Can F. Parsons say, and not think to be laughed at, that these stirs are revived by default of M. Bish. and M. Ch. their not prudent bearing themselves, or that the jesuits, and the Archpriest were stirred up by them, as men who would seem to favour, or bemoan their cause? But had peace long continued in England, which was feared that it would, (had it been in their power who were so marvelously injured) some judged that they should miss somewhat at which they aimed, and therefore they set all things worse than they were before. We hope we shall now shortly at the least see to what end they did it.  
Concerning the 23. paragraph, I cannot say what either strangers, or others, did judge of the two Priests cause, they themselves must answer how they found such as with whom they talked; yet if it be true, which F. Parsons relateth in the 16. paragraph, it is very likely, that they told some tale, which carried some weight with it, or else both the Commissary of the Inquisition had little reason to use such words as F. Parson's there saith he did, and F. Parson's less cause to fear least their dealing with all the Cardinals, and great men in Rome, would (to use his own term) bring the common cause in a pretty plight. He vaunteth here, but falsely and injuriously against the principal of our Nation, either in Flaunders or England, who should complain of the overmuch lenity used in ending of the cause, & that none but upon passion or misinformation did bemoan them. The judgement of the two Cardinals Caietan, & Burghese, I saw in their letters of the 21. of April, 1599 to the Rector or vicerector of the english College, and that was, that it was not expedient that the two Priests should by and by return unto those parts, where they had maintained controversies with other of their order. Wherefore they commanded the two Priests, that for a time they should not presume to go without licence, into the Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland. I have been credibly informed that neither of them were ever in Scotland or Ireland, and therefore could not maintain any controversies there in parsonal presence, but if they did maintain any, it was by Letters, which they might do (notwithstanding this proviso) from other parts also, neither can I learn that ever they maintained any such in England, but if they had, in my simple judgement, it was no good reason why therefore they should be debarred Scotland and Ireland; and although this were the judgement which was specified by the aforesaid Letters, yet there was an other judgement also, that they should not be both in one Region, as it should seem; for although in the Cardinal Burghese his Letters of the 15. of September, 1600. to M. C. it is insinuated, that they might choose their place of banishment and confinement, (which is a confession) that because they had controversies in some one place, not certainly set down where, (if we look into the aforesaid mentioned Letters of the 21. of April, 1599) or because by their return into England, some controversies might have grown there (as appeareth by Cardinal Burghese his Letters of the 15. of September, 1600.) they must be banished out of all places in the world but one, where they must live in relegation God knoweth how long (for neither is there any certain time set down for this) yet in the answer unto it, written by M. C. the 4. of number following, I read that he was not suffered to be in France, as he had made his choice; and if this was not cause sufficient for honest men truly informed of the ending of their cause to bemoan them sincerely, and from the heart, yet with this circumstance at the least it might be, that no provision being made for them to sustain life, they were banished out of all such places, where they might have means to live, upon a supposed cause never proved against them, or a bare suspicion of what might hereafter be, unless to go to Rome to prevent great controversies, be said to be to maintain cotroversies, or to give a suspicion that they would make controversies, when as that thing by which probably they might assure themselves that controversies would grow, came from Rome, and was no where to be remedied but at Rome. And it will appear by those authentical Registers in Rome, (if any be kept) that they sought with all submission to his holiness, to know his will in a cause not made known by any Letters before from him, or by any sufficient testimony otherwise that it was his order.  
In the 24. paragraph, F. Parson's would seem to give good counsel, although in all that goeth before he showeth how little he careth to follow any, but rather adventureth to say or do, what cometh into his mind, and seeketh afterward to persuade such as against whom he worketh to have patience, and say nothing but be peaceable, not to find fault, or blame any his proceed, lest that tumults arise thereon, as who did resolve rather to go through with whatsoever he attempteth, then to recall, or reclaim himself at any time, when he hath done amiss; for proof whereof, he caused this Letter (as it appeareth in the 6. paragraph) to be communicated to others, beside those to whom it was written, who should also publish it further without any shame (as it is to be feared) of the follies, or conscience for the untruths contained therein, and with as much brevity as the matter would suffer declared in this Censure.   

DOCTOR BISHOPS AN swear to Fa. Parson's Letter, of the 9 of October. 1599  
YOur Letters (Father) of the 9 of Octob. came late unto my hands, being by you sent about (as it were in circuit) open; to be read & copied out by divers others before they should come unto me. Meet it was surely, that so odd a story might not run the ordinary course of vulgar Letters: but against the property of missives, and contrary also to common civility, be communicated first to others, and last to him, unto whom they principally belong. Yet truly when I heard of others, the purport and contents of them, I had no great delight to look upon them, but let them lie by me more than a month, ere I read them once over, so unwilling have I always been, and yet am, to give my mind to such troublesome business, which is like to draw me from a desired repose, into the lists of an unpleasing dispute: and that with those who pretend to be (as in equity they should be) my very good friends. I had also long before often heard of many slanderous rumours raised of me unjustly, and seen some flying Letters stuffed full of misconstruction of my actions: yet I remained silent, not without the offence of divers honest and wise personages, for that I spared to write in defence of my own innocency, and to purge and clear myself from injurious calumny. But I knowing my poor credit to be a matter of small moment: and fearing least to treat of such a pitiful subject, might be some hindrance unto the Catholic cause: did prefer the common good before my private interest; our blessed Lords honour before mine own reputation; leaving unto his omnipotent divine disposition, the success and event of the whole matter. And so putting up patiently those injuries, passed over the time in silence quietly, until that now (Father) you have by addressing such Letters unto me, roused me (as it were) out of my quiet Lodge, and do press me, either to acknowledge for true, that which I take in many points to serve much from the truth, or to declare and show what I know concerning those matters. Wherefore being very sure that the honour of God his cause cannot be stained by a true defence of myself his poor servant from dishonour, and that it needeth not (as the Prophet saith) our lying, but is rather by truth and equity upholden & maintained. I will set down the verity of that affair (as before almighty God my just judge) most sincerely, and withal, so temperately, as that no upright and in different Reader shall have reason to be offended with me. Yet to speak (after my manner) plainly, I cannot (Father) but mistrust, lest you will not take it well, for you have already showed yourself to have been moved with my former Letters, which only had friendly requests and admonitions: how much the more are these likely to trouble you, which carry in them also, free, yet friendly reprehensions; which unto a high and hot stomach are of much harder digestion? But to mitigate the matter, consider I pray you, how unwillingly, and as it were enforced by yourself, I come at length to set pen to paper: and what liberties by God and all good men are allowed unto all sorts of persons, speaking in their own defence: and then remembering how you have taken in accusing of us a rhetorical licence, you cannot in equity and reason, but approve and like in us defendants, a modest, Christian liberty of speech. And so desiring you to prepare yourself unto some small patience, I come now to the answer of your Letters.  
In the beginning whereof you writ, that no one Letter appeared as then from me to you, accusing my long silence, and within ten lines after, you say, that that week you received a Letter from me of an old date, to the which you answer. What Riddle I pray you may this be? No Letter appeared from me to you when you began to write: and yet that week you had received a Letter from me, what? was the Letter you received invisible, that it appeared not in his likeness when you received it? Yet it appeareth by your particular reply unto the parts thereof, that you had thoroughly seen and perused it. To say that after you began your Letter you were a week ere you came unto the tenth line of it, & that mine came in the mean season, were ridiculous. What then remaineth, but that in the first period of your Letter, there is either some egregious equivocation, or evident untruth, which fell out (by God his providence as I take it) very fitly, to forewarn your Readers what credit they may give unto much of that which followeth. For, if in the very first lines they find such apparent vanity, voluntarily uttered without any just cause; let them judge what conclusion and doubling is like to be devised, when it will serve for an advantage. Correspondent unto this oversight is that bad construction which you make of my former letters; but that it savoureth a little more of an uncharitable mind. In them I gave you to understand, that they by whom I passed (not all sorts of people as you report) misliked much of your rigorous dealing: and therefore desired you for the love of our general cause to use more mildness. You hereof infer that I am fallen into temptation, and much changed from that I was. In this your collection I find two faults, the one, in that you insinuate that then I spoke placentia, but that now I writ acerba: There indeed I often refrained frankly to speak what I thought, because it was like to do you small good, and more than like to do me much harm, yet I many times to yourself, and to those who would tell you all, grievously complained of your severe and rigorous kind of carriage towards your countrymen of all sorts, much unseeming (as me thought) your private person, more dissonant from your holy profession, and very ill suiting, both with the times we live in, and the parties you have to deal withal.  
The other fault more fowl in my opinion, is that of a friendly admonition you gather a falling out: & because I went about to persuade you, to be more mild, kind, and courteous, towards your own countrymen, who otherwise endure sorrow enough: you judge me fallen from your friendship into a dangerous temptation, and to have incurred many (I know not what) grievous sins and censures, but I am not greatly dismayed at these your big words and terrifying consequents; when as I find them to be (as this is) erroneous in the light of nature, and condemned even by the Heathen Philosophers, who like well, approve, and commend as very dutiful among dear friends, not only exhortations which I then used for the love I bore you, but also reprehensions, which I now come after withal, being thereunto by you compelled. I am sorry to see you who have so long lived among so many good religious Fathers, so far from that pitch of humility, & mortification, which maketh a man to contemn himself and the honours of this world, & to desire to be evil thought & spoken of: that you may not abide to hear tell of any fault of yours, but by & by, you fall out with your friend, for that he in fair terms entreateth you, to look unto such an evil humour, as partly by natural inclination, partly by long custom of hearkening unto flatterers, you may be subject unto. And albeit in another passage of yours, you would seem not to mislike them, who advertise you of that they think amiss: yet this your evil taking of such advertisements when they come, doth evidently prove the contrary: and this fault is taken to be too common in some of your Society; and I myself once before, found the like demeanour in one of your principal Agents in England: 
These Letters were th● cause why h● lost an Assistantship, by M. Black. ● own report  whom I friendly certified of some odd dealings which were reported of the Society, assuring him that I believed them not, but desired to hear from him the verity of those affairs, for my further satisfaction. I was so far off from receiving a good answer (due at least in courtesy for that I desired it) that my Letters were read openly and showed unto others, and sinister construction made of them, to procure me evil will and discredit. What kind of religion, civility, or humanity may be in such manner of dealing, I can hardly perceive, and list not here to discuss, hoping that when you shall see other men scan, examine, and confute your Letters, as you were wont to do theirs; you will be hereafter more mannerly & mild interpreters, lest you otherwise hap to meet with the same measure that you meat to others. Well, let us go on.  
You pretend, that you expected to receive from me loving Letters and much good service. A great presumption surely of my no small mortification, if you speak unfeignedly. For it were no vulgar virtue for manifold and manifest slanders, calumniarions, imprisonment, and exile, which I received there among you: to return and render commendations, congratulations, all sorts of sweetness and courtesies; which nevertheless, you would have the world ween that you attended at my hands. But to speak without glozing, your own guilty conscience, told you even before our departure as you signify, that you were not like to receive from me (whom you know to be plain and round:) any other then ordinary courtesy; such as the love of God and law of charity bindeth me unto: the which for those good parts it hath pleased God to endow you with, I will always afford you in a high degree, and more too, when I shall perceive that you esteem more of it, and to go about not in empty words, but by sound deeds better to deserve it.  
But not to wander up and down after all the particularities of such a long tedious Letter: I will reduce my whole answer unto two points. The former shall show what reasons moved my brethren to send unto Rome, and us to go thither at their request. In the latter shall be declared how we were used there; in the one or the other I will answer to whatsoever in your Letter touching me, and hope by both to give full satisfaction unto all honest, equal, and upright consciences, of that which they have heard objected against me, concerning that negotiation.  
The most holy and blessed course, of the peaceable reduction of our Country unto the ancient Catholic faith in Apostolic manner, being before somewhat hindered by a dispute about government in Wisbitch: and afterwards much more troubled by emulation, growing between some English of the Society, and certain other Priests: who took themselves much impeached in their credit by them: it did not a little grieve me (who had employed a great part of my best years in that our good Lords harvest: and had nothing on earth in so singular recommendation, as to see that heavenly work prosper) to consider what impediment and let of it was like to follow, if those sparks of dissension were not speedily quenched. Wherefore, with many others of the ancientest sort, and of better mark, merit and affection towards our Country, I traveled about a sovereign medicine, for the present malady (as it seemed unto us) and a notable preservative against any other that might ensue afterwards; which was to unite and knit ourselves together, in some loving, sweet, and easy association and brotherhood, that so by mutual intelligence, counsel and aid, we might either prudently prevent, or speedily meet with all inconveniences that might happen to arise among us: being now many in number, and every one left unto his own government and discretion. This matter of union was communicated unto all, and every man almost requested to join in it: a draft of rules were drawn, which were few, easy, reasonable, and much profitable: which were also showed unto whosoever would see them, that if they misliked any thing therein, it might be amended, and so made agreeable unto all honest desires. What could in reason be more demanded? Yet, because this proceeded not, as it is thought from the Society, nor had any dependence upon them; although at first they seemed to approve it much, as that which was in itself, honest, just, and necessary: yet afterward seeing it likely to go forward, and to grow into such a body as theirs is, they openly opposed themselves against it, and stirred up their fellows to contradict and cross it, as much as they could: and in the mean season coined a new form of government or subordination (as they call it) never heard of in the Church of God since the the beginning of the world, until our days; and by Cardinal caietan's authority, caused the same to be cast upon us, at unawares; our consents or like never demanded, until it was (as they said) established. This cunning and audacious enterprise with the prepostorous unadvised proceeding in it: moved far greater discontentment among us than was before, and was the principal cause of sending unto Rome, (the sovereign Court of Ecclesiastical controversy) that from whence the fountain of our grief did seem to spring, from thence in like manner we might derive and draw the streams of consolation. That we had many weighty, urgent, and lawful motives to sue unto that Court, a wise, upright, and well practised man in Ecclesiastical affairs, shall (I doubt not) willingly grant me after he hath well weighed and pondered these reasons following; which are taken of the order itself, of the obtaining, sending, publishing, and executing of it.  
First, touching this subordination, it being no such as our saviour Christ jesus delivered to his Apostles, or that hath been seen practised in any part of Christendom these 1600. years: no marvel though simple witted men, who desire not to stray from the holy steps of our forefathers, were at the first not a little amazed at it, and could not be so very easily induced to approve it. This also, besides the novelty of it, being much more odious and intolerable (as it was then proposed) then any other government that our predecessors had ever lived under. For having full and absolute power to punish rigorously, and that (as it were) at pleasure and discretion: it had no faculty joined with it, or ability to benefit or do any good at all: no not so much, as upon amendment of the party punished, to restore unto him again that he had taken away from him before. If now he have more ample authority, he may thank our complaints, which were no small cause of it. And hereunto his Injunctions (whereof more in an other place) that Priests should not meet together privily in our country; that they should not secretly send unto their friends over the sea: whereas openly they can do no such thing, as all the world knoweth; and tell us (I pray you) when and where ever you heard of such an Ecclesiastical government in any Christian country before: that sacred Priests, the free children of God his family so greatly privileged by all good Christian Princes, should be (I know not by whom) in such a servile sort yoked?  
Again, this punishing authority cannot be well practised in England during this heat of persecution, and therefore seemed to be frustrate and given in vain: for by the Canon law (which is the common rule of spiritual causes) as by all other laws; no punishment ought by sentence of judge to be inflicted upon the offender (not confessing the action) before he be by order of law convicted. Confession of the fault is seldom in that Court or never to be expected: wherefore lawful defence is to be granted unto any person accused before he be condemned. But no process according unto order of law can be framed & followed, so long as we have hot persecutors, laying wait every where to apprehend us. For to omit all other difficulties (which in practice will be found to be very many) where can a safe place be found to assemble the parties, their witnesses & Proctors together; and there to hold as it were an Assize, for the determination of their controversies, which to be necessary, Lancelot a man singularly seen in both laws and author of the institutes of the Canon law setteth down (which he taketh out of the Canon law, Extra de appell. cap: ex part tua: see also the gloss there: which both require a secure place, both for the parties, Proctors, and witnesses, or else holdeth them for excused if they appear not) Institu. L. 3. Tit. s. § Locus in these words, Tunc enim ius dicenti impune non paretur si locus citatione designatus pestilens sit aut alias pro citato male tutus. Then may a man freely not obey him that ministereth justice, when the place in the citation assigned is infected with the plague, or otherwise not safe for the party cited. Now every Catholic knoweth, that there is no place in our Country, free from danger for Priests to assemble together: such diligent watch and ward being laid in every shire to apprehend them. And who will be so simple, as to allow them a hall in his house for their plead, whereby he (that cannot start) doth cast himself into a hundredth perils, of losing not only all his goods and liberty, but his life also and inheritance? A place of assurance than cannot in these times be appointed for the appearance: he therefore is warranted by law not to appear, although he be cited by his lawful magistrate. And so no action can be commenced, much less determined by this authority of the Archpriest: and consequently, such penal power is to small purpose in our Country. This subordination then being extravagant without example of antiquity, hateful, as having power to punish, but not to pleasure; and scarcely possible to be now practised in our Country, had we not great reason to certify his holiness of the inconveniences of it, and in humble sort to sue unto him for remedy and redress, before he put to his hand unto the confirmation of it?  
And this you must needs much more easily grant, if you consider how this subordination was procured and gotten: for it seemeth to have been by false information, which alone is sufficient to overthrow the whole authority. My proof shallbe pregnant, taken out of the very letters Patents of the Archpriest, where are these words, Rationes pro illa subordinatione ab ipsis Sacerdotibus Anglis redditae S.mo D. N. probatae fuerunt. The reasons by the English Priests themselves exhibited for that subordination unto his holiness were well liked. Mark I pray you how this subordination was obtained at the suit and persuasion of the Priests in England. Now I appeal unto the consciences of my loving brethren the Priests then in England, whether ever they had heard of any such stratagem or strange subordination before they felt it (as it were) clapped on their shoulder, sure I am for the most part of them, howsoever they were 
M. james stand: who had given his name to be a jesuit (and was the man who by Fa. Parson's subornation employed himself in this action) confessed before divers priests ●t his return, ●hat he had ●n interpretative consent of the Priests in England.  drawn afterwards to accept of it by flattery, fraud, or threats, that they never dreamt of it, before they saw it, so far off were they from devising and tentering persuasions unto his holiness, for the admitting of it. I will not deny, but that some one Priest, who had been in England, being then idle in Rome, might by evil counsel and subornation take upon him to be sent of the whole body, and so contrary unto conscience and good order, speak in their names, that never sent him. But what was granted upon such untrue suggestion, every man knoweth to be of no force and validity; and that we in England had just cause to certify his holiness, by trusty messengers, how we were greatly abused, by them who used our names, to obtain that exorbitant devise, which we neither desired nor liked, but rather, that it would please his holiness, to establish among us, that sound Ecclesiastical Hierarchy which was instituted by the wisdom of God, & had been ever sithence in time of persecution, as well as in peace, observed in all Christian Nations: that he would (I mean) give us Bishops the successors of the Apostles, and only ordinary Pastors of God his Church, who might confirm, consecrate oils, and bring many other of God his blessings among us. But not to digress from my purpose.  
The third cause why this subordination did mislike us, was for that it came not authentically from his holiness, by Bull, Breve, or any other lawful instrument, but was framed by you Father (as it is thought) liked by Cardinal Caietane, (a great patron of your plots) and by virtue of his Letters authorized and sent in amongst us. If his L. had been so provident as he was adventurous, he should have certified us before, how he came by any such sovereign commandment over our Country: for that was utterly unknown unto the most of us. We had heard that he was Protector of our College, and of our Nation in the City of Rome: but it little followeth thereof, that he might erect a spiritual Monarchy in England. For there be in Rome many other Protectors of Nations, but yet no one besides him, that taketh upon him any such authority. But to purge himself from this stain of usurpation, he writeth that his holiness willed him to take order amongst us for peace and unity. Let us do him the honour to believe him on his word (although some report that he hath little deserved it at our hands:) was there no other means to be found for appeasing of all parties, then to cast upon us without our privities and consents, contrary to the Canons of the Church, a platform of government, never before seen or heard of in the Church of God? Would not a man marvel where his Lordship's judgement was, when he approved without any one precedent such novelties? Surely, their wits seem to have been gone on wooll-gathering, that invented this, as a way of peace and union; it being most like, what for the strangeness of it, as also for the disorderly obtaining and sending of it, to engender much more debate amongst us than was before. For, according to the general voice of the wisest Commonweal men: there is no higher way to dissension and garboils, then to bring in (as it were perforce) a new and strange order of government. But not to omit any thing for his Lordship's excuse, he writeth in the same his Letters, that his holiness liked well of the reasons exhibited unto him for that subordination: so in the same sentence he saith, that we english priests presented many gentle persuasions unto his holiness, for the admitting of it, but in this his Lordship seemeth to have been deceived: why then might he not so be in the other? But admit that his holiness liked of the reasons, & that there was no surreption: no more followeth, but that his holiness would have the Cardinal prove how the priests in England would like of that subbordination, and according as he should hear of their acception, he would after either approve or disprove it. This (at the most) to have been his holiness mind, I heard of a principal Officer of his at Rome. Also, other honest and virtuous Priests, affirm on their credits, and are ready to bind it with their oaths; that they heard you Father, yea and the Pope his Holiness himself say, that he would not establish and set any certain superiority amongst us in England; before he had heard from us of our good wills and like, which was fatherlike, lovingly, and wisely spoken; conformable unto the ancient Canons: see dist. 61. can. nullus invitis detur Eps. Let no Bishop be given to men against their wills: the reason he setteth down in the law: dist. 63. can. si forte: ne civitas (invita) Episcopum non optatum aut contemnat aut oderit. Lest having a Bishop given them against their wills, they do either contemn or hate him, whom they desired not. If such liking and consent be required by the Law for ordinary Magistrates: how much more for extraordinary and such as they never heard of before; and that especially at the first reducing of them to subjection, who before were free from that yoke: when after the gloss upon the word Rogarunt: dist. 21. can. In novo. non nisi volentibus dabitur Prelatus etiam a Papa. A Prelate is not to be given but to the willing, no not by the Pope: much less of a Cardinal. Hear we took these words of the Canon first cited dist. 61. to have place. Sit facultas Clericis renitendi si se viderint pregravari, & quos sibi ingeri ex transuerso agnoverint non timeant refutare. This passage falleth so fit to our purpose, that it seemeth to have been made for the like case. We were about a sweet brotherlike association, every man made privy to it, every one's advise and counsel required and desired: in the mean season to cross our good meaning and designment for unity and concord, a stately superiority is intended upon us, whether we will or will not. Who can now condemn us for taking the benefit of this law, which giveth us as it were commission to resist such intrusion, and biddeth us boldly to reject and refute him that was so overthwartly thrust upon us; especially by appeal and recourse unto both our superiors, for the composing and quietting of all parties? And truly to declare my opinion, who of many have thought very well of M. Blackwell, and even then wished him greater preferment: he surely, if he had hearkened unto his own natural disposition and accustomed modesty, and had not been by some hasty hot-spurres pricked forward, would not upon so slender a foundation as a cardinals Letter, have taken upon him so strange a vocation, against the consents of so many his brethren: some his ancients, some his equals, many not much his inferiors, in standing, learning, good affection, and merit towards our Country: a man of his gravity and piety, that had no doubt many times pithily declaimed against ambition and desires of honours, should at least (as me seemeth) ere he had undertaken that dignity, have granted so many grave learned men, leave and respite, to inform themselves thoroughly of the whole matter, before they did bind themselves to that subjection.  
But to proceed forward in my proofs, the publication and execution of this subordination much more yet increased our dislikes, and ministered new occasions to appeal from it. The publishing of it, by the Archpriest his own Letters, seemed undecent. Where were your wisdoms? Can not a Letter at least have been devised from the Cardinal (who was ready to assign all that Father Parsons presented unto him) to the Priests, advertising them of this his good pleasure, or some other mannerly invention have been framed; but that the good man himself must needs be made his own Trumpeter and Crier: and be forced to offer that violence to his modesty, as to blow abroad & divulgate his late achieved promotion, and to beg of his fellows, or command them (take of the two whether you think more civil) to like well of his preferment, and thereunto in all haste, to set to their hands: they must not in any case, stay to examine his authority, what it was, whence or how it came, but forthwith put their necks in the collar, be subject and obey him. This uncomely & untimely haste to bind ourselves, I know not unto what subjection, seemed very raw, and of hard digestion: and nothing suitable with the gravity and weight of the matter, which required much more mature deliberation.  
Moreover, when by word of mouth he broached the same his authority unto certain Priests, he to amend the matter withal, added thereunto somewhat of his own: and being forthwith taken tardy, he did presently confess that he indeed put thereto somewhat: as honest Priests on their oaths will testify. This gave a great presumption that the matter was contrived by their friends, and that they might add or diminish at their pleasure. Which is more probable, if we call to mind and mark what instructions he gave forth at the first as received from the Cardinal. Among others, were these, that Priests should not meet secretly together, that they should not send any privy messages over the seas; that they should take in good part whatsoever was either written or spoken against them, and such like which are not in the roll of his instructions sent him from the Cardinal, as every body may see; and I can by producing a true copy of them, when need shall be, evidently demonstrate: and beside are so void of reason, so odious and intolerable in our Country, especially at this time, when Priests cannot meet together or do any thing, but in secret: that a babe might plainly feel them, never to have proceeded from his holiness, or from any noble, free or compassionate heart, but to savour of (I know not what) base mind too too much addicted to terror, cruelty, and servitude. I will (that I be not overlong) omit divers other pregnant & forcible reasons which we had of sending unto Rome; this only I may not leave behind, which of itself were a sufficient cause to sue and speak for redress in season: uz. that in the whole drift of this subordination, extreme partiality was apparently showed, which as the world knoweth, was no good means to appease all parties & to end their debates; the only cause pretended of this lately erected authority, & namely to accord the Priests and jesuits, as the Letters Patents specify. Now that controversies be well decided, and all honest parties agreed, it was meet (perdie) to choose upright and indifferent judges and Arbiters, who should without favour, fear, love, or hatred, weigh every man's cause uprightly, in the balance of equity, and without respect of persons, give sentence according to justice. This is a principal in judgement so clear, by the light of nature, that it is granted of very Pagans: yet in our cause very badly observed: for both the Archpriest and his counsellors, (unto whom the determination of our causes are to be referred) were all chosen by the one party, with a special proviso, that no one be admitted unto that number, who did not greatly favour the same party: how contrary soever they were unto the other party, it imported not: yea perhaps the more earnestly bend against them, the rather elected. Had not trow you, the other poor party just cause to refuse such Vmpeeres and judges that were so alienated from them, and such favourites of the adverse party: and to prevent the unjust sentences that were like to follow of this partiality, to fly in time for refuge unto their lawful superior? And if in all petty judgements, every private man is allowed by law an exception against a partial judge, how much more is the same to be granted unto many ancient, grave worthy men, in a general cause of a Country.  
Two proper points of policy I observe in this election, the one in choosing the Officers so pliant to their pleasures, that they may be the more ready to run byaz when it will serve their turns. And yet because men are mutable, to hold them in awe, their authorities might be taken from them, what time soever the Cardinal thought good, as in the points it is to be seen: but let this go, because I touched it before; the other piece of policy yet more fine, is, that the Archpriest himself who is appointed to give justice unto both parties, hath power only over the one party; & none at all over the other: so that the one he may by censures & severe punishment, constrain to stand to his definitive sentence: but the other needs not to care for him any further than that he may use him, to plague his adversary.  sibi caveat loco. These hardy champions, hold it not sufficient to have the favour of the Court for them: but for fear of after claps, will have also their persons exempted from the principal magistrate, and reserve themselves only, to their own Father's judgement, which must be sought for also, far enough off from Rome, and that in form of supplication, if I mistake not much the Archpriests instructions.  
Here seemeth to be the place to answer to that sentence of yours (Father), where you tell us in good sadness, that many years you demanded with your friends for this subordination. I believe you surely, considering that neither you would have yours comprehended in it, and yet you would have the appointing of all the Officers, and ordering almost of all matters belonging to it. But say you it was thereby to deliver the Society from that calumniation, used to be laid against them, that they would govern the Priests against theirs wills: and you had some reason so to say, if you had suffered the Priests to have chosen their governors according to their own wills & desires: but you putting in, and choosing such commanders, as at your beck, should be ready to do whatsoever you will, do manifestly prove that saying to be no calumniation, but a plain demonstration of your encroaching, upon the governments of priests, much further than your profession or vocation doth require. For by the ordinary course of the Church, religious men are to be governed by some of the lay Clergy, and not the Clergy by them.  
Well to draw towards the end of my former part, this subordination being both strange in the Church of God, hateful of itself, and not to be exercised in our country in these times, it being also procured (as it seemeth) by false suggestion, authorized by him, that was not known to have any such authority, and finally by partial election of the governors, tending unto the oppression of many notable personages, who had excellently well deserved of our country by their long and fruitful travels: yet remaineth evident and most manifest, that we had sundry, just, lawful and great causes in humble sort to sue unto our superiors for a mitigation or alteration of it, and for establishing of some better and more fit for our country. Whereof appeareth first, how vain that vaunt of yours is, where you say, that we came and brought nothing with us, and that you were ashamed to see that we had taken so long a journey and had so little to say, when besides the causes before mentioned, we had many other points also of importance in our message. As to desire and sue for Bishops, or at least, that the faculty to confirm and to consecrate oils (whereof our country standeth in very great need) might be given unto some of our ancient Priests, with divers such like, which were not unknown unto you, wherefore I marvel with what conscience you can say, that we brought no matter of substance, or worth our travel. Secondly, out of the premises followeth, that the love of God his cause, the zeal and earnest desire of some good order for peace & unity, moved me (at the earnest request and solicitations of many godly and grave Priests) to forego the company of my dear friends, to contemn mine own ease and commodity, and to put myself unto the pain, danger, and part also of the cost of such a long perilous journey: and not ambition, as many of your dependents, have with evil conscience bruited abroad in divers coasts, and one of the society an especial correspondent of yours, did not blush to write, that we in Rome had confessed, that nothing but ambition incited us to this journey, of which I certified you in my former Letters, and you writ that you cannot believe, that any body would give out any such impudent reports, but I assure you that I have seen it written, and can have their Letters produced, when time shall serve to confront the shameless spreaders of such slanderous rumours. And albeit you clear me of that crime most willingly (as you writ) yet as men that speak hollowly, and not from the heart, you give forth some suspicions out of other men's speeches, and lay down in their names, your reasons for confirmation of them. The first is, that in the papers we brought with us, there were voices for our promotion: I answer, that with those papers I was not much acquainted, as one that neither gathered them, nor carried them; and full well I know and protest, that by accord among ourselves, it was determined before I resolved to take that journey, that they which were sent should not accept of any preferment willingly, although it were offered them, lest they should give their evil willers occasion to carp at them, rather to seek their own particular, than their general good. Their second reason is, for that in a foolish Letter de presidentijs incerto autore, a request is made, that we should be made not Bishops only, but Archbishops (forsooth) and such a ragman's roll, there is in it, of which is the first dignity after the Bishop, which is the second, and so (as far as I remember) unto above twenty, that any fool almost, may see that Letter to have been contrived to work our disgrace; and so as a fiction not worth the answering. Their last reason was, for that in an other Letter of I know not whose (the phrase is) of your L L: for your Lordships: but this Letter would never be showed (although it were most instantly desired) because they said it to be from a very friend of ours, a general answer unto these Letters is; that it is easy, for those that list to devise what Letters will best serve for their turns, and then make great matter out of them. But howsoever it were, yea admit that all were true, as they say: yet nothing else can be proved out of them, then that many wished and desired our preferment: whereof whosoever would gather, that we were ambitious and desirous of honour: I will boldly say that his wits begin to fail him, if they ever were good. For the humblest men in the world, and those that were farthest off from ambition, were ever thought most meet, and were most desired to take the charge and dignity of the best seats. God make me as free from all vain desire of worldly promotion, as were S. Barnard, S. Francis, S. Thomas of Aquine, and such like most learned and virtuous, and withal most meek and humble personages: who nevertheless, were greatly desired, even of the greatest, to take upon them great and high dignities. In a word, it was no ambition in us that others wished and desired our preferment. And as I afore said, their wits wear apace, and are near the wane, that of so vain and light surmises, judged us ambitious, and their consciences foully cankered and corrupted, who of so weak and slender presumptions, went about by writing or speaking to impair our credits, and to hurt our good names.  
Hear I would finish this part, but that I take it very expedient and almost necessary, to touch by the way (until a fit confutation come, which will be shortly, if the Author supposed will avouch it: as one of the best of the society thinketh he will not) 
Fa. Maior.  to touch I say in a word or two, a saucy, rude, and unlearned discourse, entitled Contra factiosos in Ecclesia, 
Lister's Treatise.  because the drift of it is, to prove that we were so far off from having good cause to send to Rome about that matter, that we were all schismatics, who did not at the first sight of the cardinals Letters, receive the Archpriest without any more ado, & to have committed many other enormous crimes. I am sorry to see such a base piece of work, & so childishly handled, to proceed from one, who, if he did not despise others (that might have sometimes been his good masters) as dwarfs in divinity, (Homunciones enim vocat) & take himself to be some huge Giant were to be esteemed to have much better skill in school divinity, than he at his first coming to light amongst us hath made show of. And truly, I had rather think it to proceed from some other not so honest a man, and a meaner scholar, it is so void of learning, so full of arrogant & approbrious terms, and hath so many pergoes and properoes, odd interrogations and preposterous exclamations. All which are nothing usual among schoolmen. Well, whosoever it be, besides divisions, the penalties that ensue of schism, and much other impertinent stuff, it hath but one bare ground of that bad assertion, which seemeth also to hang upon gimballes (as they speak in my Country): for it standeth upon a proportion or similitude, this it is in form. That is schism in the Ecclesiastical state, which is rebellion in a civil Commonweal; but in a civil state, it is rebellion, not to receive a temporal magistrate, chosen by the King, and recommended by his Letters, therefore it was schism, not to receive a spiritual magistrate, elected by the Pope, and by his Letters sent unto us. This is his argument, in substance, & framed in as good order as it can be: but it concludeth not, nor proveth any thing at all: for to speak plainly, all the propositions & parts of it be faulty, the Mayor, or first proposition taken of a similitude is very feeble, for Argumentum a simili (as the learned hold) Magis valet ad ornandum orationem quam ad aliquid probandum, it serveth more properly to trim up and flourish out a matter that is well proved, then to be the main ground of a proof. So that it was no small oversight in a man of judgement, to lay so foul a foundation of his whole discourse. The Minor or second proposition of that argument is apparently false: for in what Country I pray you, or by what law is it rebellion not to receive a magistrate appointed unto us by the King? It may be disobedience, if they have not great reason to refuse him: it may be also contempt, if it be not done in dutiful sort, acknowledging their bounden duty unto their sovereign, and making their recourse unto no other but unto himself for redress and remedy; but to teach it to be rebellion, where there are no arms borne against the Prince, nor no obstinate denial of his princely power; is to bring a new doctrine into the world, contrary to both the signification of the word rebellion, and unto the common acception and use of it among the learned. Now the conclusion collected of a feeble Mayor, & false Minor, must needs be nothing worth: & so notwithstanding that argument, it is no schism not to have received a magistrate nominated & chosen by the Pope's holiness Letters; other arguments he bringeth none, but a certain general kind of Maxim. Qui vos spernit me spernit, which was spoken unto the Apostles, and may serve for such like, to prove no schism, but a contempt: when without good reason, and after an undutiful manner, we obstinately contemn our superiors. In the allegation also of that one Canon Nulli fas est Dist. 19, whereunto this trifler often referreth us. There are 3. foul faults. First it is evil applied unto a Cardinal's Letter, being in the law set down for confirmation of the Pope's decretal Epistles, which as the learned know, are of far greater authority, than his own ordinary Letters: and do without all comparison so far surpass a Cardinal's Missive, that to apply to the one, that which is proper to the other, is little less than to dote. Secondly that decree is only against Prelates that disobey the Pope's commandment, which to extend to all sorts of persons, is a foul fault in penal laws, which pass not their case. Thirdly the decree plainly showeth, that in Prelates it is only disobedience & presumption, not to obey the Pope's decree, and not schism: for these be the words; Damnatus sua inobedientia & presumption. If then in these his principal forces, he hath showed himself so weak, judge I pray you what worthy stuff the rest is like to be. But because I hear my brethren endure the contumely and approbrious name of Schismatics, albeit that they upon the first sight of his holiness confirmation of the Archpriests election, submitted themselves unto him: I will by the proper passion and inseparable quality of schism, prove that our action to have been nothing schismatical. All schism (as it is properly taken) is joined with such a rebellion against the Church & chief Pastor of it, that it maketh his subject obstinately to contemn his commandment, and to refuse to stand unto his judgement and determination.  
These are the words of the Angelical Doctor, and most sure pillar of school Divinity, S. Thom. 2. 2. q. 39 ar. 2. Pertinaciter eius preceptum contemnere, & recusare eius judicium subire. Mark the words. It is no schism where there is not contempt of the superiors commandment, and that obstinate and wilful: which is not when a man upon probable reason, doth not presently do that which his superior commandeth, hoping that when his superior heareth his reasons, he will not be displeased with him. This man (as every man seethe) despiseth not his superior, although he may by error or ignorance perhaps offend him, and yet not only contempt of the superiors commandment is required to make schism, but also an obstinate resolution that he will not (for examining his reasons, and final dicision of the controversy) stand unto his superiors judgement.  cum recusat eius judicium subire. And that you may know that this is not only S. Thomas opinion, who alone might suffice, as being the Prince of schoolmen: I will join with him that most reverend, holy, and learned Bishop of Floremce, S. Antoninus the ringleader of casuists, who in his Sum. P. 3. Tit. 22. c. 5. § 11. witnesseth the same in these words. Schismatici sunt omnes resistentes Papae non quocunque modo, sed per spontaneam intentionem, & manifestam rebellionem & eius iudicialis sententiae recusationem non recognoscendo ipsum ut caput Ecclesiae. All they are schismatics, not in what sort soever, but such as resist the Pope upon wilful intention, and by manifest rebellion, and by refusal of his judicial sentence, in not recognizing him to be head of the Church. Of the same opinion is Silvester Verb. Schisma. §. 1. to omit all late writers: we therefore that delayed to receive our Archpriest, upon many probable reasons, the which I have before rehearsed, and referred ourselves unto his holiness judgement, and sent speedily to give him to understand of our difficulties, with humble submission unto his final conclusion: cannot possibly be proved schismatics, or to have come any thing near that obstinate contempt, and utter refusal of his holiness sentence, which is always accompanied with Schism, and can never be separated from it.  
This argument necessarily delivereth us from the note of Schism, although our Archpriest had been chosen by his holiness, and by the Pope himself recommended unto us: but when he was only nominated by subdelegation from a Cardinal, who never made publicly known in England what authority he had over us, it had been great simplicity, (that I say not great folly) to have admitted of him, without further inquisition, considering all the circumstances, of the procuring, sending, & execution of it, as I have at large already discoursed. Wherefore to conclude this former part, it was neither rebellion or schism, as where was not any obstinate contempt of his holiness, or refusal of his final sentence: or any disobedience, not to have admitted of our Archpriest before he had the Pope his holiness Letters in confirmation of his authority, no man being bound to receive him before; both according to the practice of the Church in all countries, and conformably to the grounds of the Law recorded by that singular Canonist Lancelot. Lib. 11. Tit. 9 de confirmatione. § Petet qui confirmatus est ab Apostolica sede literas confirmationis suae tenorem continentes, illisque ostendet ad quos ea res pertinet, alioqui nulli eum absque dictarum literarum ostensione recipere tenebuntur, without showing of Letters from the See Apostolic containing the tenor of his confirmation, no man is bound to receive him. To say that a cardinals Letters are such, would deserve little less than the Inquisition, if a man were in place where, and the censures also that fall upon the falsifiers of the Apostolical Letters: so that I say it was not so much as any disobedience unto our superiors, much less did we incur thereby any of those censures noted by this Libeler; but contrariwise, the acts of all the Cardinal virtues were to be seen in this our fact. First of fortitude, in resisting them that went about wrongfully to oppress us, and take our privileges of electing our governors, granted by the ancient Canons: then of justice, both in suing for our right of choosing, as also in advertising of his holiness of the subreption and other inconveniences of that subordination. Of temperance, that in such a mild sort we sought for a moderation of it, by the way of entreaty and supplication, and consequently some part of prudence must needs have been observed in the due exercise of the other virtues: yet as I am none of the wisest, so I willingly confess now as I did then, with you Father (not any errors as you writ) but that there was lack of due consideration in my fact, as in some other circumstances, so especially that passing through France, where I might easily have procured the King's Letters, and thereby have been preserved from all sudden seizing, and secret shutting us up; and so have been able to come unto equal trial of our cause: I upon other reasons omitted so to do. This my negligence grew in part, of the overweening, I had of their modesty, charity and religion, with or against whom I had to deal: whom I found (much contrary unto my expectation) sharply bend unto war and hostility, and utterly resolute to take advise of no man; but omnibus vijs & modis, as they say, determined whatsoever came of it, to do their own wills. God grant them therefore good wills and ways; and so to knit up this part, all that I have said concerning the Archpriest & the subordination, is not to discourage any of my brethren from it, being now confirmed by his holiness; and for that it is better to range ourselves under whatsoever order, then to lose our times about contentions: but (as I showed before) it is to purge and clear us from sundry false accusations, being thereunto as it were by others enforced, and to show what reason we had to do that which we did.  
Now I come to the latter part, wherein I promised to declare how we were used there: the which I will do as briefly as I may, because the matter is lamentable and scarce worth the hearing, and should for me have been buried in oblivion: had not you (Father) by misreport thereof urged me unto the true narration of it. If in the relation of it, I differ somewhat from you, you must bear with me, for that you descent much (by your leave be it spoken) from the verity of that matter, it may be, you remember not so well, what then was done, as we which felt it; Pium est hoc credere, it is good so to think, although it be more like, that you being ashamed to hear what was reported of it, thought it good policy to colour and disguise the matter as much as you could, and much more than you should, to save your credit, with those at least, which take all your words for Oracles; and by the first setting of it forth under your name, to forestall (as it were) and draw unto you other simple souls that are too credulous. Wherefore I am to request all indifferent readers, who hath seen yours, not to suffer themselves to be carried away with a smooth tale cunningly told them, but they will keep one ear for us; and then (laying all affection and partiality aside) having heard both parties, judge uprightly as before Almighty God, the sovereign and most just judge. To come then to the matter, I will first set down how all things passed plainly, and afterwards examine most briefly the justice of it, and some points of your narration.  
We coming to Rome, about the time you writ (for where you tell truth I will agree with you) not willing to acquaint that Courtanie further with the imperfections of our Country then must needs, and desiring rather in fair and friendly sort, to compose matters, then to contend with our brethren, we went the same day unto the College, to open unto you our good meaning and purpose, requesting you to join with us, about the contriving of some such loving, reasonable and indifferent order, as all honest parties might be contented, and so drawn unto one sweet and sure band of peace & concord. The same our intention, we declared shortly after unto both the Cardinals, Protectors. Caietan who was ere we came thither greatly incensed against us: (God pardon his soul) and Burghesio, whom we found more calm, and desirous that all our disputes might be well and quietly ended: you (Father) also seemed at the first not unwilling to hearken unto that our proposition for peace: hoping then (belike) to win us to whatsoever order you should devise & frame: but finding in few days conference that we were resolute not to condescend to any thing, that was not equal, and good generally for one as well as for another: you sent us word (much before our days of hospitality were accomplished) to departed the College presently, and to provide for ourselves where we could: which we did, keeping from you the knowledge of our lodging; because than we be began to misdoubt some foul play, calling to mind, how rudely you had handled the Scholars & Priests also before; and seeing that in the city we were then feared even of your friends as a shrewd bustling Bear. It fell out evil for us, that his holiness, as then was not there, who returned out of his journey from Ferrara but three days before Christmas, so that for the press of great personages, who went to welcome him home, and the festival days following, we could have no fit audience, till after Christmas: you in the mean season not sparing that high solemnity of our saviours birth, contrived our apprehension, and having by the indiscretion of one of our friends learned out our lodging, came upon S. Thomas our Patron's day (to make your celebration of those feasts) to visit us as a good friend, and to advertise us, that you had heard that it was his holiness pleasure, that we should be restrained, but for the love you bore us, you were come before in haste (for you came puffing and blowing up the stairs): what? to advertise us belike to look to ourselves, & to be gone betime lest we should be taken; nothing so: but much more like to give us a judas kiss. For you had the commissary with his ministers at your tail, & came (for aught I can guess) to lead them to the place, and to appoint them out the persons whom they should take, and lead warily, not unto the prison, for there we were like to meet with ordinary Officers, equal to all but unto the College, that there being shut up from all help, we might lie wholly at their devotions. I know (Father) that you came thither pretending to entreat for us, that we were not sent unto prison: but that was but for a colour, for that you might have done as well absent as present. The Commissary being wholly yours, set on, lead, and lodged by you: in the College we were locked up apart in two little close Chambers, much more like the worst then the best in the house, with poor scholars far, and in smoky coloured gowns, such as the servants wear, far otherwise (Father) than you brag of: for the most part kept without fire, being very cold, and for twenty days, not suffered to go out, not so much as to hear Mass upon newyears day, or the Epiphany. Examined we were, by one signor Acarisius, a trusty friend of yours Father Parsons, an humble servant of Cardinal Caietane our potent adversary. The examinations were, what is your name, how old, where remained you in England, how and which way came you over, what money brought you over with you, etc. and much such like impertinent stuff to fill up the papers, that when we came to the matter itself they might be brief: taking barely what we came about, without the reasons & persuasions of it: yea objecting against it, & perverting it what they could.  
And because signor Acarisius seemed not sometimes sharp enough; Fa. Parsons himself would be an examiner also: when I heard that Cardinal Caietane should be our judge, I excepted against him, as being one principal party: but I could not be heard; I called also for a Proctor to assist us with his counsel: it was denied. NO remedy, for there was no body to be spoken withal, but Fa. Parsons and whom he appointed: we had not so much liberty, as one of us to confer with another; all our instructions were taken from us also, and neither pen or paper, or any book allowed us, wherewith we might help ourselves in that our common cause, until the day of our hearing came, which was a little before Shrovetide in an afternoon, where the Cardinal Caietane and Burghesio being present, our examinations were read each man's apart, which spent most of the time; after a long bill exhibited against us, with some Letters also in the end of it: and so the time was spent unprofitably, little examining and weighing the substantial points we came about: we were after that kept two months close, attending their LL. sentence, which some ten days after Easter was delivered unto us: to this effect especially, that we should go whither they sent us, and not return into England without express licence. Propter controversias quas cum sui ordinis hominibus exercuerunt, for maintaining of controversies with me of their own order. This is I assure you on the word of a Priest, the very truth of the story.  
Now touching the equity of it, let any prudent man, never so little void of passion, judge what justice it was, first to have all our instructions & proofs taken away from us: after to separate us that we should not one help another; then to keep from us all learned counsel; lastly to make our professed adversaries our Lawyers, the relaters of our cause, and finally our judges. I would gladly see for the excuse of the matter (but I should marvel if any man were able to show) a precedent of such a form of justice, or judgement. Indeed I must needs confess that the Cardinal Burghesio always seemed desirous to have heard the matter better sifted and discussed; but being puny and the other so exceedingly bend against us, he could do nothing for us. Now concerning the general point of our restraint, I could never get them to tell me, some reasonable cause, why we Chatholique Priests, that had so long laboured with the peril of our lives, for the Catholic cause, and then suing in humble and dutiful sort unto the Court; should be cast in prison, before we were convicted, or lawfully accused of any crime. I demanded of the Confessor, that sometimes visited me, he could tell none, although he lacked not skill in cases of conscience, but referred me unto the commissary. I asked him, he would give me no other answer, then that it was his holiness pleasure: you (Father) go about to show the reason why his Holiness would have it so: but with such a circuit and confusion, that it is hard to pick out what you would say, that it was, because we opposed ourselves, and not tarrying to bring any matter of substance against his government, etc. What matter we had against that government, hath been before declared, and the reason why we stayed no longer, was that we might come to show our griefs before his holiness had confirmed him. For it is to be understood, that between the election of such a high Officer and confirmation, there is a certain pause made, to hear whether any thing will be objected against the party, or concerning that point of office; that in season convenient remedy be provided, and the person elected if he do intermeddle in his charge, before he be confirmed, is presently to be deprived of all that interest which was given him by the election; which if our Archpriest had looked into, he would not have been so hasty, as to have dealt in that charge, before he had received his Letters of confirmation; but you say at last, that his holiness cast us in prison, because we subtracted ourselves from the obedience of the Archpriest, and gave other men occasion to do the like.  
I deny now as I did unto you then, that I subtracted myself from his obedience, either therefore set down, wherein by word or deed, I with drew myself from his obedience, or else let the world take you for an egregious calumniatur. For I was with the Archpriest before I went, and told him of my journey, and gave him the cause of it in writing under my hand, taking also a copy of it under his hand; and he never commanded me not to go, neither in any other point did I transgress any of his precepts. What an irreligious and damnable slander than was that invented of purpose, to have us taken and shut up before we were heard: that they might have the delivery of our message, and be our Interpreters and Proctors, and so make us say what they listed, and our matter to be such as they would have it. But say you. Did you not come to Rome against him? There was no disobedience in our going to Rome to sue unto our superior, for it was conformable unto the Canons and practice of the Catholic Church, and was not, nor could not have been forbidden by him: See, Naver. cap. 23. Num. 37. The subordination indeed did not like me, for the causes above mentioned: yet I carried myself so warily, that I did nothing against it, but sought orderly unto my superiors, in time and place to have it amended, which is very lawful; yea if he had been an Archbishop, and must needs have been granted by law, if we had had our Courts of law as in other Countries they have: if any were scandalised at this our orderly repair unto our ordinary superiors, let the wise judge whether it were Scandalum datum or acceptum. I should now according to the order I proposed, examine and confute, sundry false calumniations, which you let fall by the way; as that we deposed we had nothing else to say, and that we could not name a dozen Priests for us, and as your followers amplifying, such flying tales reported, we had not half a dozen that gave us their suffrages, when we had twenty nine in writing with us, some of them speaking also for others, and yet neither sought for many, nor staid about that matter, but contenting ourselves with some of the most ancientest, most learned and of best reputation in our Country: trusted to the weight of reason, which we had on our side, and to the equity of the magistrates, before whom we went to present ourselves. Again, how ridiculous was it to expect of them that are to be so narrowly searched when they pass out of the Country, that they bring their testimonies with them in great sheets of paper, as though the virtue of witnesses lay in the bigness of the paper, and that we should have brought some Prince's Letters patents with a broad Seal at them; whereas the magistrates are our enemies. These and many such like I will leap over, that I may at length come to an end; and if my Letter seem long, let the blame be imputed unto yours, which, in answer to half a dozen lines, grew into two sheets of paper and a half: if it be thought too sharp, let it be well weighed, whether men first hardly used in fact, and afterwards by words and Letters much damnified in their credits, have not just cause to write roundly: and if you like not to be so freely reprehended, be not so lavish of your pen, for unless my foresight fail me, you are like hereafter to be no more spared of many than you spare others. Wherefore to draw unto a conclusion, apply to yourself some part of the good counsel you gave me in the latter end of yours, have patience with whatsoever falleth out, and persuade yourself that he which offendeth many, is sure to be offended by many: wherefore holding yourself within the bounds of your religion, meddle with other men's matters as little as you may; and if for the common good of our country you please to be doing, take rather the way of mildness which winneth men's hearts, then of rigour which lightly offendeth all. Fellow the noble, prudent, and admirable steps of that rare ornament of our country, and singular light of the Catholic Church, Cardinal Allen, who carried himself so courteously towards all men, so charitably and withal so wisely, that he was able to have done with us Priests what he would most easily; and did hold the Lay Gentlemen in such a reverend and loving awe, that albeit some of them were very prone to contentions & quarrels, yet his authority and counsel so bridled and reigned all exorbitant humours, that in his time, to his perpetual praise, no great flames of dissension burst out, especially amongst us Priests, when you taking the contrary course of severity, have made an open breach amongst us already, and God knoweth what may fall out hereafter, if you look not unto it in time, which because you are wise, I hope you will do, and so shall you purchase unto yourself much more good will and quietness in this life, and better assurance (if I be not far deceived) of everlasting repose, & joy in the life to come, the which with all my heart I wish you; and so humbly commending myself unto you,  
I take my leave the 10. of April. Anno. 1600. Yours in his prayers, William Bishop.   

A LETTER OF Mr. MV. TO Father Parsons.  
WEll, well, Fa. Parsons, I pray God send you a more sincere and quiet spirit. I find that true daily more and more, which often I have heard good Cardinal Allein, Father Holt, and others of your own coat, report of you, that you were a man of too violent and hard a nature. It were high time that you should permit yourself & us, to carry our grey hairs in peace to our graves. The trouble and scandal you have wrought in our Church these late years by your politic courses, do quite cancel all your former desert. Was our peace and union made at the coming of his holiness Breve, and the most injurious calumny of schism and enormous disobedience to the See Apostolic, raised and continued most presumptuously against us & our ghostly children by your society here, to the grievous scandal of our whole Nation: was it, I say, put up by us, and for love of peace and union forgiven; that presently after we had received the authority, and submitted ourselves to it, you, and yours might more safely and liberally renew the infamy against us, and by the Archpriestes authority (assured to you in whatsoever you listed to attempt against any) at your pleasures persecute and oppress us? You have in the highest degree, dishonoured & injured Peter's Chair, whiles by your cunning you so enormiouslie abused our brethren (as good doubtless as yourself) appealing and coming in all humble & dutiful manner to the Apostolic See; defaming them, and averting his Ho. mind from them, as from vile and bad persons, by your untrue reports before they came; and procuring (a most impious and horrible thing to be recounted for perpetual, yet hateful memory, of your fact) them to be imprisoned as notorious malefactors, before they had been heard, stopping up all means of access to his holiness, and yourself playing their jailor, a fit office doubtless for so well disposed a religious person, and finally procuring their hard banishment, to no less dishonour to the See Apostolic, (abused by your information) then to your own perpetual ignominy. And whiles you have done all this by abuse of the supreme authority, through your unconscionable and untrue informations: you give all our Nation here cause enough, never to admire or hereafter to exclaim against the iniquity of adversaries, who may truly justify themselves in their hard proceed against us, by these unconscionable courses of yours. A lamentable case, that now by the politic shifts of one person of religious profession, orderly appealing to S. Peter's Chair, must be thought a trespass, and punished as a grievous crime. Our statute of Praemunire may well be repealed now: Father Parsons a jesuite, hath laid a plot sufficient enough to hinder appellation or access to the See of Rome. Is it possible this iniquity of yours should be kept secret from the world? Is it possible his holiness and the gracious Cardinals you have so notably abused, should never be brought to know the innocency of us whom you have thus wronged and persecuted in our brethren, and never can cease to afflict? Will they never, think you, find out your deceit, and by just discussion of our cause, relieve our miseries, and repay you your deserts? The clamours of innocent men, will in time no doubt, ascend up to heaven, and we cannot but hope that our Lord jesus (whose work we have in hand, and whose glory we seek with innumerable vexations for his sake) will once stir up and direct his Vicar, to judge and discern our cause, and to deliver us from your most violent and wrongful oppressions. In the end it will be found we were no schismatics, nor in the least point that may be devised by an unconscionable head, disobedient to his holiness, or any superior he hath or shall appoint over us. I am persuaded surely, that God will have you and your adherents known ere it be long. For defame us before we come; imprison us at our arrival; keep us close from being seen or heard; yet shall you not go so away with your iniquity; we are resolved verily, that with our good names, you shall bereave us also of our lives, before we sit down with this undeserved calumny. Either will we be proved no schismatics, or found no living men. We have laboured what we could, that the controversy might be taken up, and have a quiet end among ourselves before it were carried further. This would not be granted by you and yours, but for our good endeavours, they take from us our faculties (I might have said you take) whereby we live; we wish rather you had at once taken from us our lives, but we take it to be God's providence, that enforced to come to buckle with you once again before S. Peter's Chair, we may clear ourselves, and decipher what yourself, M. Haddock, and others of you are: for better, or less evil it is, you suffer as you have deserved, then either the See Apostolic be abused and deluded by you, or our afflicted Church be thus exceedingly disturbed by men that are fled from the work and camp of God's soldiers, and some of you, of no great edifying conversation whiles they were among us. Most glad we would be (God is our witness) if we might on all sides be at peace and sincere friendship one with an other: but if you will not permit this, Gods will be done: we must defend our good names, and our children's, as dear unto us as our lives; in which the most of us I hope, find no such sweetness (how pleasantly soever you and yours live) among these innumerable adversities, as we can desire or delight to keep them, with the infamies you have most uncharitably and unjustly laid upon us. We impute no fault nor blame to his holiness, or his Cardinals, in believing your false informations against us, till we come to speak for our selves: for who, not knowing your conditions, but he may easily be induced to believe what you say? your age and grey hairs, requiring a true tongue, and your religious profession requiring also, a sincere, charitable, and quiet disposition, and not a turbulent, revengeful, and crafty carriage in word or deed? jesus send us all his grace, and deliver me and all good men from your mischief. London 13. of November. 1600.  
Yours as you are to our Church, I. M.  
FINIS.   

Errata.  
Page. Line.  2. 1. not, hear not hear 3. 16. false false 6. 7. Lincoln, Doctor Lincoln Doctor 15. 9 instruction instructions 23. 23. pretendad pretended 33. 11. Cod's Gods 43. 1. timely untimely 54. 24. regained repaired 59 19 praises phrases 65. 24. your LL. LL. 69. 5. to them thither  24. prison: which prison with 70. 24. of for 73. 5. holiness, especially holiness especially 74. 9 receive relieve 77. 4. parsons. How parsons, how 82. 11. Conformation confirmation 86. 14. part, only part only, 87. 23. seldom seldom 89. 12. person's prisons 93. 11. fildome seldom 96. 1. was  19 Array. The Array the  26. words (whatsoever words: whatsoever  29. 1599) stuffed 1599, stuffed 148. 12. tentering tendering 156. 14. of from of, from 157. 19 yet it 160. Marg. Fa. Maior. Fa. Maio. 163. 24. approbrious opprobrious 172 17. me men 174 14 calumniatur calumniator