THE HISTORY OF QVINTUS Curcius, containing the Acts of the great Alexander translated out of Latin into English by john Brende.  
1553. ¶ Imprinted at London by richard tottel.  
Cum Privilegio ab imprimendum so lamb.    

❧ TO THE RIGHT high and mighty Prince, John Duke of Northumberlande, Earl, marshal of England. etc. john Brende wisheth continual prosperity, with increase of honour.  
Many have written, and experience besides declareth, how necessary historical knowledge is to all kind of men, but specially to princes, and to others whi●h excel in dignity or bear authority in any common wealth: the same being counted the most excellent kind of knowledge, the chiefest part of civil prudence, and the mirror of man's life. There is required in all magistrates both a faith and fear in God, and also an outward policy in worldly things, whereof as the one is to be learned by the scriptures, so the other must chief be gathered by reading of histories. For in them men may see the grounds and beginnings of comen wealths, the causes of their increase, of their prosperous maintenance, and good preservation: and again by what means they decreased, decayed, and came to ruin. There the virtues and vices of men do appear, how by their good doings they flourished, & by their evil acts they decayed. How they prospered so long as they maintained justice, persecutd vice, used clemency & mercy, were liberal, religious, virtuous, and void of covetousness. And contrariwise, how they fell into manifold calamities, miseries, & troubles, when they embraced vice and forsook virtue. In histories it is apparent how dangerous it is to begin alterations in a comen wealth. How envy & hatreds oft rising upon small causes, have been the destruction of great kingdoms. And that disobeyete of higher powers, & such as rebelled against magistrates, never escaped punishment, nor came to good end. In them there be presydenties for all cases that may hap, in following the good, in eschewing the evil, in avoiding inconveniences, & in forcing mischiefs. In them may be learned how to temper in prosperity, how to endure in adversity, & after what manner men should use themselves both in time of peace & war. As in all arts there be certain principles and rules for men to follow, so in histories there be ensamples painted out of all kind of virtues, wherein both the dignity of virtue, & foulness of vice, appeareth much more lively then in any moral teaching: there being expressed by way of ensample, all that Philosophy doth teach by way of precepts. This is such a kind of knowledge, as make men apt even with small experience either to govern in public matters, or in their own private affairs: For by comparing things past, with things present, men may easily gather what is to be followed, and what is to be eschuyd. And he which can read them with such judgement, weighing the times with the causes and occasions of things, shall both see most deeply in all matters, best declare his opinion, & win most estymacion of prudence & wisdom. For if aged men be esteemed for the wisest by reason of their experience. Or if Homer painted forth in the person of ulyxes, the image of a perfit wise man: imputing the cause thereof, to the knowledge he had gathered by traveling many countries, & by viewing and marking the customs and manners of divers nacyous.  
Then such as be well expert in histories and by the well applying of them, can take the due fruit pertaining to the same: must needs obtain profoundness of judgement, with a stable and grounded wisdom. For in them men may behold as it were before there eyes, both the whole world, and the government thereof, with the policies and laws, the discipline customs & manners of all people from the beginning. This is such a thing, that who so ever is clearly void of it, though he be endued with never so great a wit otherwise, with such aptness of nature, or other goodly virtues. Yet when he shall have to do in weighty affairs, he shall find a certeigne maim and imperfection, not only in civil government, but also in the matters pertaining to the war.  
For all though in an excellent captain nature must give the chiefest parts, that is to say: hardiness, stoutness of stomach, with a natural wisdom and understanding: by which qualities only (experience thereunto adjoined) divers have become famous captains.  
Yet this is a thing that giveth a greater policy, groundeth a deaper judgement, addeth a further ornament and glory, and formeth a perfectness & an excellency in a shorter space. The shortness of a man's lief shortened besides by so many casualties, is the cause that men be taken away before the can get such an actual experience as may make them perfit, and commonly become rotten, before they can attain to a ripeness in knowledge. But by this kind of learning in youth a man is become aged, he hath knowledge without experience, he is wise before it is looked for, he is become a councelour the first hour, and a man of war the first day. The same thing hath been verified in many, which in young age have been prudent councillors, and in small experience politic captains. Alexander hereof is an evident ensample, who, brought up under Aristotle in learning, and so given to this kind of study, that he had Homer always laid under his beds heed (whereby he might be admonished of the virtues and office of an excellent Prince) entered into his kingdom, when he was but twenty years of age: and nevertheless both established his own estate with such prudence, that within short space (besides the enlarging of his own bounds) he subdued the greatest part of the world. And albeit he began so young, and continued so small time: yet no man's acts be comparable to his: being counted the most excellent captain from the beginning. But if any man will impute the greatness of his doings to the perfit discipline the Macedons used in the wars, and to the politic Captains, and expert soldiers, left to him by his father phylyp: it shall appear evidently by the decay of Realms when they have been governed by imprudent Princes, and by the overthrows the Romans received when they were conducted by evil Captains, that no prudence of counsellors can take place, nor any discipline or experience of the soldiers can avail, if the head be not a man of excellent virtue. There is nothing new under the Sun (as the wise man faith) and it is impossible for any thing to chance either in the war or in common policy, but that the like may be found to have chanced in times past. All which things laid up in memory, as in a place of store: men may always be furnished for all chances that may occur. Seeing histories be then so good and necessary, it were much requisite for men's instruction, that they were translated into such tongues as most men might understand them: and specially the histories of antiquity, which both for the greatness of the acts done in those days, and for the excellency of the writers have much majesty and many ensamples of virtue. I therefore having always desired that we englishmen might be found as forward in that behalf as other nations, which have brought all worthy histories into their natural language, did a few years paste attempt the translation of Quintus Curtius, and lately upon an occasion performed & accomplished the same. Which author treating of th'acts of the great Alexander, being figured in the Prophets, jeremy & Danyel, & mentioned in the first book of the Machabies, seem to have been borne, and brought forth into the world, not with out a most special providence and predestination of god: who prospered so his procedings that (as justine writeth (he never encountered with any enemies whom he overcame not, he besieged no city that he wan not, nor assailed nation that he subdued not. This so worthy a matter I thought good to dedicate unto your grace, following their ensample that have travailed in the like study, which are wont to declare their good wills, by bestowing of their labours. Thereunto I was also moved that rather, by considering the qualities of your grace, which seem to have certain affinity and resemblance with such as were the very virtues in Alexander. For Arianus writeth of him that he was of a seemly stature, bold in his enterprises, stout of stomach, moderate in pleasures, wise in counsel, and provident to foresee things. That he was excellent in conducting of an army, most politic in ordering his battles, that he could encourage his soldiers with apt words, and when need required take part of their peril. What parts of this be in your grace, let them judge that have known your acts in the wars, and your excellent service done, both in the time of the kings majesty that now is, and also in his father's days of most famous memory. Although in doing hereof I have not peraventure satisfied all men's expectacyons, yet my trust is, that your grace will accept the same in good part, and consider that in a translation a man can not always use is own vain, but shallbe compelled to tread in the aucthores steppis: Which is harder, and a more difficult thing to do, then to walk his own pace.   

¶ The first book of Quintus Curtius, supplied of the acts of the greet Alexander King of Macedon.  
PHilip of Macedon which by subduing of Grece, 
Amyntas' king of Macedon.  did first bring his country in reputation, was the son of Amintas, a man endued with wisdom, hardiness, & all other virtues of a noble captain. Thesame Amintas had by Eurydice his wife three sons, Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip, who was the father of great, Alexander: with a daughter also called Eurione's. 
Eurydice.  The Queen Eurydice being in amoures with one that had married her daughter, conspired the death of the King her husband, to th'intent to have married with her son in law, and to make him king, which thing she had brought to effect, had not the treason and whoredom of the mother, been opened by the daughter in time. 
Alex● the 〈…〉 A●  After the death of Amyntas Alexander the eldest son enjoyed his father's kingdom which in the beginning of his reign was so assailed on all sides, that he was driven of force to purchase peace of Thillyrians with money by giving his brother Philip in hostage. And afterwards by the same pledge made a like peace with the Thebans, which was th'occasion that Philip did attain to such excellency of knowledge and wisdom, for by reason that he was committed to the custody of Epimanundas, 
Epymanundas.  being both a valiant capteyn and an excellent philosopher, he was brought up in the trade of honest disciplines, and Princely manners, wherein he greatly profited under a philosopher of Pythagoras' school, whom Epymanundas kept in his house for th'instruction of his son. In the mean season Alexander was slain by the means of Eurydice his mother, whose former treason king Amyntas her husband had pardoned in respect of the children had between them, little thinking that she would afterwards have been their destruction. For when Alexander was dead, she caused in like manner her other son Perdiccas to be slain: 
Perdiccas.  which Perdiccas left behind him one son being a young babe. About the same time Philip the youngest brother being by good hap escaped out of prison returned into Macedon, 
Philip,  and not taking upon him the name of King, remained a great while no otherwise but as Governor or tutor to his young nephew. Nevertheless afterwards by occasion of sundry mischiefs growing in the state, the same being such as might not well hang till the young king should come to his age, for that he appeared to be a man of singular activity, and of no less skill in feats of war than in knowledge of philosophy, was compelled by the people to take upon him the kingdom of Macedon, which as than stood in hard plight, and great danger of ruin. This was done .400. year ●fter the building of Rome and the .105. olympiad. In the beginning of his reign he was cumbered with ●●finite troubles, for all the countries near about (as it were by a general conspiracy) moved war against him, and at one time sundry nations swarmyd together out of sundry parts to overrun his kingdom. Wherefore considering that it stood him upon to work warily (being not able to manche them all at ones) pacified some with fair promises, other with money▪ and the weakest he withstood with force. whereby he both made his enemies afraid, and confirmed the hearts of his people, which he found discouraged, and in great doubt. These things he wrought with great sleight and fynenes of wit, in such sort that he minished not any part of his honour, estate, or reputation, determining nevertheless as time should serve to deal with every one apart. 
Philip's first war was with the Atheniene.  His first war was with the athenians whom he overcame by sleight and policy. And where it lay in his power to have put them all to the sword, he let them all at liberty without ransom. By which point of clemency (though it was but counterfeit, for it was done for fear of a greater war at hand) yet it got him great good will and estimation universally. After that he subdued the Peons, 
Peons· Illyrians.  and from thence turned his power against the Illyrians, of whom he slew many thousands, and wan the noble City of Larissa. That done he moved war against the Tessalians, 
Tessalians.  not for any desire of their goods, or spoil of their Country, but of a policy to add to his strength the force of their horsemen, which at those days were counted the chief of the world, which his purpose he brought to pass, for being suddenly assailed, they were soon brought to subjection. So Philip joined the force of their horsemen unto his footmen, whereby he made his power invincible. After all these things being happily brought to pass, he took to wife Olympias one of the daughters of Neoptolenius King of the Molossons, 
Olimpias philip's wife.  which marriage was concluded by the means of Arisba, 
Arisba.  who having the government of Olympias was become king by the marriage of her other sister called Troada. 
Troada  This marriage which he thought to have made for his surety turned afterwards to his subversion. For thinking to have made himself strong by thaffinity of Philip, he was at length by him deprived of the hole kingdom, ending his life miserably in exile: Not long after this marriage King Philip dreamt that he saw his wives womb wonderfully swollen, 
philip's dream.  and to his seeming a lively Image of a lion thereupon, by which dream the devyners & dream readers, did interpret that his wife was conceived of a child that should be of a lion's heart and courage: with which interpretation he was mitch pleased. 
Methron.  Afterwards at th'assault of a city called Methron by shot of an arrow he lost his right eye. Whereof though the displeasure was great, yet was he content upon their submission, to take them to mercy, He wan also the city of Pagus and annexed the same unto his kingdom: 
Pagus.  He invaded the land of the tribals, 
Tryballes.  and at one instant conquered it with all the countries thereabout. Thus having made his kingdom strong by subduing his neighbours, at his returning home his wife Olympias was delivered of his son Alexander, 
The birth of Alexand.  the .8. day of April: Of these good fortunes the king rejoiced no less than reason was, having stablished his country at home, subdued his enemies abroad▪ and gotten an heir to succeed in his kingdom. He could have desired no more of God, if the mind of man could ever be satisfied, which the more it hath the more it coveteth: And as the dominion increaseth, so doth also the desire to have more. Which was well seen in Philip that still did compass how to grow great, by taking from his neighbours, and lay always like a spy, awaiting time and occasion how to catch from every man, whereunto he had occasion ministered by the Cities of Grease, for whiles one did covet to subdue an other, and through ambition were at strife who should be chief, by one and one, at last he brought all to subjection, first persuading the smalller states to move war against the greater, and to serve his purpose contcyved the ways to set them all together by the ears, but at length when his practises were perceived, divers Cities fearing his increase, confeadered against him, as their comen enemy, and namely the Thebans. Nevertheless in a necessity when they were driven to wage men of war, they chose him to be there general captain against the Lacedæmonians, and the Phoceans, 
Philip chosen Captain against the Phoceans and the Lacedæmonians  which had spoiled the temple of Apollo. This war he honourably achieved, so that by pounysshement of their sacrilege, he got himself great honour in all those places. But in th'end espying either of those Countries to be brought low with war, he found the means to subdue both the one and the other compelling as well the overcomers, as the overcome to be his Tributaries and subjects. Then made he a voyage into Cappadoce, where killing, and taking all the Princes there abouts prisoners, reduced the hole province to the subjection of Macedon. He conquered Olinthus, and within a while put his foot in Thrace. For where the two Kings of that country were at variance about the limits of their kingdoms, and choice him to be Arbitrer, he gladly took it upon him, but at the day a●oynted for the judgement, he came not thither like a judge in a Counsel, but like a warrior with an army, and to part the strife expulsid both the parts from their kingdoms. By this time young Alexander was of twelve years of age, 
The towardness of Alexander.  and began to take great delight in the feats of war, showing most manifest signs ●f noble heart and Princely courage. He was very swift of foot, and one day at a solemn game of ronning called Olimpiacum, being demanded by some of his Companions whether he would run a race with them: gladly (quoth he) If I had kings sons to run withal. Another time when certain Ambassadors of the Percians came into Macedon. Alexander which in his father's absence took upon him their entertainment and devising with them of divers things, and in all his communication there never passed from him one childish or vain word, but either he inquired the state of their Country, the manners of the people, the distance of the ways, the power of their king, or the order of his wars and such other like. So that the Ambassadors having marvel the rat, esteemed the proof of the father to be much less than the towardness of the son, and that his courage was much more than was to be looked for in one of his years. As often as tidings came that the king his father had won any strong or rich Town, or obtained any notable victory. He never seamed greatly joyful, but would say to his play fellows, my father doth so many great acts, that he will leave no occasion of any notable thing for us to do together. Such were his words, such was his talk: whereby it was easy to conjecture what a man he would after prove in age, which so begun in youth. His delight was not set in any kind of pleasure, or greediness of gain, but in the only exercise of virtue, and desire of honour. And the more authority that he received of his father, the less he would seam to bear. And although by the great increase of his father's dominion, it seemed that he should have the less occasion to use the wars yet he did not set his delight in vain pleasure, or heaping up of treasure, but sought all the means he could to use mercial feats, and exercises of war, coveting such a kingdom, wherein for his virtue and proves he might purchase fame and immortality, which hope never deceived Alexander nor any other, when it happeneth in a man of virtue and noble heart, that hath will or occasion to put the same in ure. 
Alexander was committed to the governements of Aristotle.  The charge and governance of this young Prince was committed to sundry excellent Masters and Governors, but chief to the great Philosopher Aristotle, whose virtue, learning, and knowledge, King Philip so much esteemed, that he would often say: he took no greater comfort in the birth of his son, then in that he was provided of such a Master for him as Aristotle, under whose tuition he remained ten years. Many things there chanced besides, whereby it was conjectured that Alexander should prove a man of great valour. 
The oracle at Delphos  For when his father sent to Delphos to receive answer of the gods who should be his successor, the Oracle was given that such one should not only succeed him, but also be Lord of the world. whom Buchephalus would suffer to sit upon his back. This Bucephalus was a passing fair horse, 
Bucephalus  fierce and full of courage, which Philip had brought of a Tessalien for thirteen talents, and because of his fierceness kept him within a brake of Iron bars, yet for all that he remained so fell & wode that none durst come nexe to dress him. Whereof the king was so weary that he would feign have been rid of the horse. It fortuned that Alexander came one day with his father unto the stable. What a horse (qd he) is marred here for lack of good handling, & with that came more near, and without any great difficulty got upon his back, & used both the spur & the rod to th'uttermost, both running & managing him up & down, which the horse abide very well. And having ridden his fill brought back the horse again. As he alighted the king for joy embraced and kissed him, and with tears in his eyes said: O son seek some other kingdom meet for thy heart. for Macedon cannot suffice. So that even than the foreseeing father did full well perceive all his possession far insufficient for his sons heart. After this King Philip determined to make war against all Grease. for the maintenance whereof he thought it great advantage, 
Byzancium  if he might first win Byzancium a famous City on the see coast, wherefore committing the charge & government of his Realm to his son being then .15. years old, he laid siege to the Town which made him great resistance. When he had consumed all his riches and treasure about the siege, he was driven to so narrow shift, that to furnish himself of money, he became a Pirate and roved on the sea, where he took .170. ships all the spoil whereof he departed amongs his soldiers. And let his hole Army should be detained about the winning of that town he sorted out the most chosen bands of all his Soldiers, and went into Gersonesus, where he took and put to sack many notable Towns. Because his son Alexander was then about .18. years old and had showed evident proof of his virtue and manhood in all his attempts: His father sent for him thither to th'intent he might in his wars learn and exercise all feats belonging to a Soldier, & with him made a voyage into Scythia, upon no other quarrel but to spoil the Country. Thus using the practice of merchants, with the gain of one war bare out the charges of an other. After he had brought the country in subjection, 
The bot o● Philip been S●● out o● Scythi●.  because no riches of gold nor silver was to be gotten there, he carried thence .20. thousand of men, women and children, besides a great multitude of Cat-tail, with .20. thousand choice mares to make a race in Macedon. In his return from thence he was encountered with the tribals, which denied him passage, except they might have part of his boutie, whereupon debating of the matter, from words they fell to fighting, 
Philip was wounded by the Tribals  whereat King Philip was so wounded in his thigh, that the violence of the stroke ran through the body of his horse, whereof all men judging him to be slain, the botie was lost thereby. Assoon as he was recovered of his hurt, his long dissembled grudge against the Athenians burst out so far fourth, that he made open war upon them. By reason whereof the Thebans seeing the fire so near at hand, 
The Thebans and other Cities conspired against Philip.  gave succours to their neighbours, fearing lest if the Athenians were overcome, th'end of the wars should turn upon them. Wherefore the Cities that a little before were mortal enemies one to another, confederated togethers in one league, and sent their Ambassadors through all Grece, persuading it to be most meet with a common aid to withstand a common enemy. Some considering the peril to be universal stake to the Athenians. And some fearing Philip's power increasing, and the other decayeng took part with him. In this war Alexander was made captain of one of the battles, wherein his noble heart and courage did well appear, specially when it came to the stroke of the fight, for there he acquitted himself so valiantly that he seemed not inferior unto his father, nor to any man else, but by most just desert got the honour of the victory. Albeit he was defrauded thereof by the envy & sleight of his father, as he himself complained afterwards. This battle was fought at Cherony, 
The battle at Cherony.  wherein though the athenians were the greater number, yet were they overcome by the Macedones, being the fewer, but yet expert Soldiers by reason of their long and continual practice in wars: nevertheless the Athenians as men not unmyndful of their former honour spent their lives valiantly. That day made an end of all the Greeks glory, aswell of their large rule & governance, as also of their most ancient freedom and liberty: which being hardly won, and long time kept, was thus lost in a moment. For these and many other experiments of the valour and proves in young Alexander, although the king his father did always bear him singular affection and favour, yet nevertheless by certain occasions ensuing it was unhappily broken. For Philip being married to Olimpias mother of Alexander (as is said before) took to wife besides her, 
The dissension betwixt Philip and Alexander. Cleopatra.  one Cleopatra, whereupon fell great discord and unkindness between the father and the son. The occasion was given by one Attalus uncle of Cleopatra, who being at the new marriage, exhorted the multitude to make prayers to the Gods to send between the King and his niece a lawful heir to succeed in the kingdom of Macedon. Whereat Alexander being moved: Thou naughty villain (qd he) dost thou count me a bastard? And with that word flang the Cup at his head. The King hearing this, rose up, and with his sword drawn, ran at his son, who by swerving with his body, avoided the stroke, so that it did no harm. Whereupon Alexander with many stout and despiteful words departed from his father, and went with his mother into Epirus. 
Epirus.  Nevertheless soon after, by the mean of one Demoratus a Corinthian, 
Demoratus  who persuaded the king that this discord was nothing for his honour, Alexander was sent for again, and much labour and great means was made before they could be well reconciled. Wherefore to confirm this atonement there was a marriage made between Alexander the brother of Olympiades' (whom Philip by the expulsion of Arisba had made King of Epirus) and Cleopatra the new queens daughter. The triumph of that day was notable according to the state and magnificence of such two Princes, the one bestowing his daughter, and the other marrying a wife. There were set forth sundry notable plays and devices pleasant to behold. And as King Philip between the two Alexanders, the one his natural son, and the other his son in law, was passing through the press without any guard: 
The death of Philip.  One Pansanias a young man of the nobility of Macedon, when no man suspected any such thing, suddenly slew him stark dead, making that day which was appointed to joy and triumph, lamentable and dolorous by the death of such a prince. 
Pansanias.  This Pansanias being a boy was enforced by Attalus to the unnatural use of his body, which not content to do so himself, at an other open banquet caused divers of his familiars to abuse him likewise, 
Attalus.  with which shame and villainy the young man being sore grieved (as reason would) complained to the king, whom although the dishonesty of the matter moved much, yet for the love he bore to Attalus, and for the respect of his service forbore to use any reformation in the matter. This Attalus was very near unto the king and in special favour, by reason he was kinsman unto the Queen Cleopatra whom Philip had last married: He was also elected general capitain of the Kings Army prepared to pass into Asia, as one that was both valiant of his person, and no less politic in the feats of war upon these respects the King endeavoured by all the means he could to pacify Pansanias (being kindled with most just cause of grief) aswell by giving him great gifts and promotions, as placing him honourably amongst those jentlemen that were for the guard of his person. But all this could not appease the just rage of his Ire, which wrought so in him, that he determined to be revenged, not only upon Attalus that did the villony, but also upon the King that would not minister justice. Which determination he put in effect, as is said before. Many things might be said more of the doings and sayings of this Philip, but one thing above an other is to be noted, that although for the more part he was always occupied in the tourmoyle of the wars, and other like business, yet had he ever such affection to the studies of humanity and good learning, that he both did and spoke many things worthy memory, which were both witty and pleasant. He lived seven and forty years, and reigned xxv years being the xxiii king of the Macedons, as they reigned in order.   

¶ The second book of Quintus Curtius, supplied of the acts of Alexander the great, King of Macedon.  
WHen Philip was dead, 
Alexander took upon him as king the .20. year of his age.  his son which for the greatness of his acts was afterwards called the great Alexander took upon him the kingdom the .4.26. year after the building of Rome, being of the age of .20. years. His state stood at that time subject to much envy, hatred, and hazard from all parts. For the nations and provinces bordering upon him could not well bear their present bondage, and every one of them sought how to recover again their ancient dominion and inheritance. The first thing he attempted after he was king was the grievous execution he did upon as many as had conspiryd his father's death which done, he celebrated his funerals, with great pomp. Concerning his estate he soon established it, and that much better than any man could have imagined, in one being of so young and tender years, for being of some had in contempt, and of some suspected to be cruel, towards the one he bore himself so stoutly, that he took from them all contempt, and to the other so gently, that their ymagened fear of his cruel disposition was clean taken away, he granted unto the Macedons freedom and privilege from all exaction and bondage, saving from the service of war, by which act he got so great favour and love amongs his people that all affirmed by one consent, how the person of their King was changed and not his virtue, his name was altered, but not his good government. In the beginning of his reign rebellion was made against him on all sides, he by and by with an incredible stoutness and constancy of mind stayed all their tumults, which thing pacified and set in order, he went to Corinthe in Peloponese, 
Corinthe.  where calling a general Counsel of all the states of Grece, 
Alexander elected Captain general against the Percians  he was elected their general Captain against the Percians, which before time had afflicted Grece with many plagues, and at that present possessed the greatest Empire in the world, his father had purposed that war before, but the prevention of death was the cause he brought not his purpose to pass. Whiles he was in preparation of this enterprise, he was informed how the athenians, the Thebans, and Lacedæmonians were revolted from him, and confederate with the Percians, and all by means of an Orator called Demosthenes, 
Demosthenes.  which was corrupted by them with a great sum of money. For the reformation whereof Alexander so suddenly had prepared an Army, wherewith he came upon them, that they could scarcely believe they saw him present, of whose coming they had not heard before. In his way he practised with the Tessalians, and used to them such gentle words and apt persuasions, by putting them in remembrance of his father's benefits, and of the ancient kindred between them by the descent from Hercules, that he brought them to the point, that by an universal decree of the hole Country, he was created their Governor. So great was the celerity that this young man used, and his diligence so effectual in all his doings, that he brought all such in fear of him, as before turned from him, and regarded him little. As the athenians were the first that failed, so they first of all repent, and extolled with praises Alexander's childhod, which before they had despised, above the virtue of the ancient conquerors. They also sent Ambassadors to require of him peace, whom he sore rebuked when they came to his presence, but yet was content at length to remit their offence. And although Demosthenes was chosen one of the Ambassadors, yet he came not to his Prince, but from Cythron returned again to Athens, which his doing was either for fear that he had so often nailed against Philip, and stoored the athenians against him, or else to take away the suspicion of himself from the King of Percy, of whom it was said that he had received a great sum of gold to stand against the Macedons. The same thing was laid against him by Aesthines in an Oration, where he saith: 
Aesthynes  presently the Kings gold doth bear his charges, but that can not last him long, seeing no riches can suffice his prodigal living. When Alexander had pacified those sturnes that were begun in Grece, before he would pass his Army into Asia, he made a journey against the Peones, the tribals, and Thillicians, because he understood they were conspiting togethers. And for that they bordered upon his Country: and were woute to invade the same upon every occasion, thought to set stay amongs them before he would remove his power so far of. 
Amphipolis  From the City of Amphipolis therefore he set forwards against the Tracians, which at that time were not under the rule or law of any man. And in ten days came to the mount Hemus, 
Mount Hemus.  in the top whereof he found them encamped with a great power to resist his passage. In stead of trenches they had impaled themselves with their carriages cross the straits purposing there to let his journey. And if they should be invaded by any other way then by the straights▪ they did determine to roulle the Carriages down the hill upon the Macedones, to break the array of their battles, which devise in deed they put in execution. But the Soldiers had received before instructions by Alexander, that as occasion should serve, part should open their array to let the Cartes and Weals pass through them, and that other should fall flat upon the ground, and by covering their bodies with their Targets avoid the danger. They used the matter according to their instructions, and when the Cartes were passed by, they with a courage and cry mounted up against their enemies, and in a moment put them to flight: When Alexander was passed the Mountain he entered into the Country of the tribals as far as the river of Ligens. 
Syrmus king of the Trybals.  When Syrmus King of that land understood of his coming he sent his wife and his children with such of his people, as were not mere for the wars into an Island called Pencascytuate within the River of Danuby. 
Penca.  Into which land the Thracians that bordered with the tribals were fled also. It was not long after that Syrmus himself fled thither likewise. The rest of the Tryballes that were not with the King withdrew into an other Island, where they kept themselves against Alexander. But he by policy found the means to draw them out of theree strength, whereby he slew of them the number of three thousand, and the rest fled away, for of prisoners there were few taken. After this battles he marched towards the river of Danuby, to that Island where the Tracians and the other Tryballes were fled. They made notable resistans against him, which they might the better do, by reason that Alexander wanted boats, & the banks of the Island were so high & steep, that they could not be mounted upon, but with great difficulty the stream besides ronning marvelously swift, because that the Island made it narrow▪ when Alexander perceived the impossibility to assail them, he withdrew to another place, where getting a few boats passed the river in the night to the number of. M. ccccc. horsemen & 4000 footmen, with which company he set upon a people called Getes, 
Getes.  that stood ready in battle on the further side, of purpose to stop the Macedones their passage with .4000. horsemen & ten M. footmen. By which sudden coming over, the Getes being afraid did not abide the first onset. it seamed to them a matter of wonderful adventure. for Alexander in one night without a bridge, 
Danuby.  to pass his power over the brodest and deepest river of all Europe. this matter struck such fear in them that they fled into the woods and desert places. leving their city desolate which was taken by Alexander and overthrow. Syrmus King of the tribals, the Germans, and the other Inhabiters of Danubie, sent Ambassadors thither unto Alexander to enter with him in friendship, and amity. And he condescending to their requests, inquired of the Germans what thing it was in the world that they doubted most, thinking in dead that the terror of his name had been the most fearful thing unto them. But when they understood his meaning they answered: that they doubted greatly the falling of the sky with whose presumptuous answer Alexander was nothing moved, nor further replied, saving only that he said, the Germans were always a proud people, and thereupon dismissed them. 
Agrians.  As he was going from thence against the Agrians & the Paeans. 
Agryans'. clitus Bardeleius Glancias' King of Thalants Lagarus.  he was advertised that Clitus Bardeleius had rebelled, and was confederate with Glancias' the king of the Thaulantes. he had also intelligence, that the people of Anteria would give him battle in his passage wherefore he committed to Lagarus the King of Agryans' (which was well-beloved of King Philip, & no les favoured of Alexander) the charge to go against the Anterians, 
Anterians.  and promised him upon his return to give him his sister Cyna in marriage. 
Cina.  And Alexander himself with great celerity went against Clitus & Glaucias, whom in sondrey battles he overcame, & put to flight. Whiles Alexander was about thes things, 
The Greks rebelled.  he received advertisement, the divers Cities in Grease & specially the Thebans had rebelled which thing moved him much, & was the cause that he returned with speed to oppress the commotion. The Thebans in this mean season besieged the Castle of Thebes, where in was a guarrison of Macedones, and went about by all means to win it. To whose rescue Alexander came by great journeys. & encamped with his host near to the City. 
The siege of Thebes  Such as bare rule amongs the Thebans, when they saw Alexander come, contrary to that they looked for, & doubted whether such aid should come to them from other Cities, as was promised, began to consult how to proceed. At length by a general consent they determined to abide th'adventure of the war. The King in the mean season stood at a stay, giving them spare to be better advised, & change purpose for he was of opinion. that not one City would ever have made resistance, against so great a power as he had, being above xxx thousand, fotmen, and three thousand horsemen, all old Soldiers, and expert in the travels of war. The trust of whose manhood and valyantenes had caused him to undertake the wars against the Percians. truly if the Thebans had given place too fortune, & to the time, and would have required peace they might easily have obtained it his desire was so great to pass into Asia against the Percians. but the Thebans that were determined to try their force, and use no prayers, fought against the Macedones that far exceeded their number obstinately & with great manhood. But whiles the battles were joining the guarrison of the castle issued out upon the Thebans back, whereby being enclosed they were vanquished, their City taken, spoiled, 
The distraction of Thebes  and utterly razed. Which thing Alexander did of purpose because he thought the rest the Grecians afraid by their ensample, would be the more quiet whiles he should be in the wars of Asia. to gratify the Phocians and Plateans that were confederate with him, through the manifold accusations that they brought in against the Thebans, he slew of them Six thousand▪ and sold thirte thousand as Slaves the money whereof coming amounted to the some of four hundred and forty talents yet he spared all the lineage of Pindarus the Poet, 
Pindarus the Poet.  whereby he would witness unto the world, the favour he did beat unto learned men. In this City of Thebes was a notable woman called Timoclea▪ 
Tymoclea.  whom when A captain of Thrace did ravish, & would have enforced her to confess her money, she brought him to a well where she said all her precious gear was hidden. And whiles he stooped down to look into the well, she thrust him in, and threw stones after▪ whereby he was slain For this fact she being committed to prison and afterwards brought before Alexander: he asked her what she was, she answered with out fear, that she was Sister to Theogenes which beind elected general Captain against king Philip his father, manfully died for the liberty of Grece. At whose stoutness & constancy the King marveled so much that he caused her with her children to be set at liberty The Athenians had so great pity and compassion of the estate of the Thebans, that contrary to the commandment of Alexander, they received into their City such of them as escaped. Which thing Alexander took in such displeasure, that when they sent Ambassadors the second time to demand peace, he would not grant atonement, upon any other condition, but that such Orators & Captains which had stirred them to rebellion, should be delivered unto his hands. But at length the matter was brought to that poignet that the Orators were reserved, & the captains banished, which strait fled to Darius' King of Percia. At such time as Alexander assembled the Grecians in Isthmos for the determination of his journey into Percia, many Orators & Philosophers came to visit him, 
Diogenes.  only Diogenes that remained about Corinthe kept himself away, as one that esteemed Alexander nothing at all. whereat he marveled much, & went to visit him, where he was beking of himself in the some. He asked Diogenes if he had need of any thing that he might do. To whom Diogenes neither gave reverence nor thanks, but willed him to stand out of his son shine. With whose behaviour and words Alexander was so delighted, that turning to those that were with him said: if he were not Alexander, he would wish to be Diogenes. When he had put in order th'affairs of Grece, committing the rule thereof together with the Realm of Macedon to the government of Antipater, 
Antipater.  whom he most trusted. in the beginning of the spring came to Hellespont with his hole Army, 
Hellespont  which he transported into Asia with incredible speed & diligens. When they were come to the further shore, Alexander threw a dart to thenemies land, and as he was armed lepyd out of the ship with great chetefulnes, and their sacrified, making petition unto the gods that they would voucsafe towards his enemies, and forbade his Soldiers to make any spoil upon the country, persuading them to spare that was there own, and that they should not destroyt the thing, which they came to possess. He not had in his Army above the number of xxxii M. 
The number of Alexander Army.  footmen & v. M. horsemen, and but. Clxxx. ships. wherefore it is hard to judge whither it be more, wonderful, that he conquered the word, or that he dursd attempt the conquest thereof, with so small a power, he chase not out to such a dangerous enterprise the young men which were in the first flower of there age, but thold soldiers of whom the more part for there long contiunans in wars, were by the custom at liberty, whither they would go to the wars any more or no, saving at there own pleasure. And there was none of the captains nor of any other that bare office in the Army that was under the age of lx years. So that the soldiers, for their experience seemed to be Scolemastres of the wars. And the captains for there gravity appeared to be Senators in some ancient common wealth. That was the couse that in the fight none of the minded any flying but every one conceived the victory in his head, nor any put trust in his feet, but in his hands. Alexander that every where made sacrifice, did use most solemnity at Troy upon Achilles' Tomb, 
Achilles.  of whom he was descended by his mother's side. He judged him most happy of all men that had been before, because in such glory he died young, and had his acts set forth of such one as Homer was. 
Homer.  From thence he passed forwards into the dominions of Diarus King of Perce, which being the son of Arsanus, 
Darius' king of Perce.  and the fourteen King after Cirus, had gotten the possession of the Monarchy of the hole east part of the world. The chief cause that moved Alexander too invade him was to be revenged of the damgs & distruccons, wherewith his predecessors had afflicted the contrei of Grease, & also for demanding tribute of Philip his father for that which he sent a proud & presumptuous ambassad called himself the King of kings & Kiusman of the gods, lastly he had written to Alexander & called him his servant, & gave commission to his lieutenant's that they should beat the mad boy the son of Philip with rods & afterwards bring him to his presence in king's aparaile And lasteli that they should drown both ship & mariners & convey all the Souldirs that should be left on live, beyond the read seas theytherfore purposing to execute the kings commandment, 
Troy Propontydes.  assembled their power at the river of Granik (which doth divide the contrei of Troy from propontidis) they had to the number of twenty M. fotmen & as many horsemen, with whom they had taken the ground on the further sid of the river, where Alexander must needs pass over, whereof he being advertisid though he saw but pnsent ꝑil in thenterprise to fight in the water & the ouse from the lower ground, 
The battal upon the river of Gravyk.  against his enemies which had th'advantage of the higher bank. yet upon a singular trust of his own good fortune, and the valiantness of his soldiers, attempted the matter. At the first he was sore resisted, & put in great hazard of repulse, but at length he vanqueshed and otuerthrewe his enemies. In doing whereof there neither wanted policy in himself, nor yet singler manhood in his men. There was slain in that battle of the percians twenty M. footmen with cc.l horsemen. And of the Macedones but xxxiiii This victory was greatly effectual to Alexander's purpose, for thereby he won the City of Sardes, 
Sardes.  being the chief strength the percians had for the mastering of the seas, 
Lydia, Ephelos.  unto the which city and to all the rest of the country of lidia he gave liberty to live under their own laws He got also into his possession the city of Epheses by reason that the fourth day after the battle it was abandoned of the guarison which Darius set ther. 
Magnesia.  In the mean season there came Anbassedours from Magnesia & from the Trallians proffering the delivery of their Cities. Parmenio was sent to them with iii 
Meliton.  thousand footmen & .cc. horsemen, 
Helicarnassus.  with which power he won Miletum that s●od at defence, & marching from thence toward helycarnassus got all the towns thereabouts at the first approach & afterwards besieged helicarnassus it self which with great travail he won at length, 
Ada the Queen of Carya.  & razed to the ground. As Alexander entered into Caria, 
Orontoc●tes  Ada the Queen of that Country, 
Alynda.  which had been spoiled of all her dominion by Orontobates Darius' lieutenant (saving of one strong City called Alinda) met with Alexander, and adopted him for her son and heir, He would not refuse the name & the proffer of her liberality, but did betake to her again, the custody of her own City. 
Licia.  And besides for the memory of her benevolens, put the hole Country of Caria under her rule and subjection. From thence he went into Lycia and Pamphilia to th'intent that by getting the possession of the sea costs of those countries, 
Pamphilia  should causse the sea power of Darius to stand to none effect. when he had ones subdued the people of Pisydia, 
Pisydia.  he entered into Phrigia by the which country he was enforced to pass, and marched towards Darius, 
Phrigia.  with whom he had great desire to encounter, hearing say that he was coming against him with many thousand of men of war.   

¶ The third book of Quyntus Curtius of the Acts of the great Alexander King of Macedon.  

Geander.  ALexander in the mean season having sent Geander to wage men of war out of Peleponese. & established the countries of Lycia and Pamphilia, removed his Army to the City of Celenas'. 
Celenas'.  
Marcia.  through this City their rane the same time the River of Marcia very famous in the greek poesis whose head springing out of the tope of an high mountain, and falling down upon a rock beneath, made much nose & toringe. It floweth from thence, and watereth the fields all about without increase of any stream saving his own. The collore whereof being like unto the calmeese, gave occasion to the poets to feign how the Nymphs for the delight they took in the River, choice their dwelling under that roke. So long as it ronnethe within compass of the walls it keepeth his own name, but when it cometh without, where the stream is more swift & vehement, is then called Lycum. 
Lycum.  Alexander did enter into this town being forsaken of the Inhabitants, and perceiving they were fled into the castle which he determined to win before he departed sent, frist to summon them by an Herald which declared that except they would yield themselves, they should suffer the extremity of the law of Arms. They brought the herald into an high tower which was strong both by nature and workmanship, willing him to consider the thing, & to declare unto Alexander that he weighed not sufficiently the strength of the place, for they said they knew it to be impringable, & if the worstshuld fall, yet were they ready to die in there truth & allegiance. Notwth standing which words. when it came to the point, that they saw themselves be sieged, & all things wax scarce. They took truce for l● days, with this composition, that if they were not received by Darius within the time, they would render it up into his hands. Which they did afterwards at the day appointed, when they saw no succours coming. To the place there ceme Ambassadors to him from Athens making request, that such of there City as were taken prisonres at the battle fought upon the river of Granyke might be restored to then· To whom answer was made, that when the wars of Percy were  bronght to an end, both there's & all other that were greaks should be restored to their liberty. Alexander had his present care & Imagenaron always upon Darius, whom he knew not yet to be passed the river of Euphrates. He assembled therefore all his power togethers purposing to adventure the hazard of the battle. The country was called Phriga that he passed thorough plentiful of villages but scarce of Cities, 
city of Gordyn.  yet their was one therein of great Antiquity called Gordin the royal seat sometime of King Midas The river Sangarius doth run through it, and it standeth in midewaye tetwene the Scene of Ponte & Cilicia, being judged to be the narrowest part of Asia by reason of the Sees which lie on both sides representing the form of an Island. And if it were not for a small point of land, that do lie betwixt those ses, they should win both togethers. Alexander having brought this City under his boeysans, entered into the temple of jupiter, were he saw the waggon wherein Midas the builder of the City was wont to ride. The same in the furniture & outward appearance differred little from other common wagons, 
Gordies' knot.  but there was in it a thing notable: which was a rope folded & knit with many knots, one so wreathed within an otheir, that no man could perceive the manner of it neither where the knotes began, nor where they eanded Upon these the Contremen had a prophesy that he should be lord of all Asia that could undo that endless knot which matter put the king in a meruelus desire to become the fulfiller of that prophesy. There stod a great number about him both of Phrygians & Macedons ●hone part of them musing to what conclusion this matter would come to, and the other feacing the rash presiumpcon of the king. Forasmuch as they could perceive by no reason now the knot should be undone. The King himself also doughting that the failing of his purpose in the matter, might be take as a token of his evil fortune to come. Wherefore after he had considered the thing: What matter maketh it (qd he) which way it be undone, and strived nolenger how to unknit it, but out of hand cut with his sword the cords a sondre: therbi etheir illuding or else fulfilling theffect of the prophecy. When this was done Alexander purposed to find out Darius where so ever he were. And to the intent he would leave all things clear behind his back, made Amphitorus captain of his name upon the cost of Helliespont, 
Amphitorus.  cometting the charge of the men of war to Egilocus. 
Egilocus.  They two have commisson to deliver the islands of Lesbos, 
Lesbos. Scyo. Coos.  Scyo, & Coos from the hands of the Percians. And for the furniture of their chargs appointed to them l talents. And sent to Antipater & such as had the governans of the Cities of Greac threescore talents. He gave order the suchas were his confederates should with theridamas own power of ships defed the seas of Hellespont according to the league betwixt them. It was not yet come to his knowledge how Menon was dead upon whom he set his hole regard, 
Menon.  knowing if that he moved not against him, noman should interrupt his passage before he came to Darius. 
The city of Ancire.  Alexander came to the city Ancyre where he made his musteres, and so entered into Paphlagomya whereunto the Grecians be borderers, of whom (it is said) the venetians be descended. 
Rhaphlagomya.  All this Country yealdid unto him, gave him pledgs, obtaining to be free of tribute, seeing they never paid any ●● the percians. Calas was captain there, who taking with him the band of Souldirs that were lately come out of Macedon went unto Capadocea. 
Calas,  But Darius hearing of the death of Menon, 
Capadocia  was noles moved therewith then the case required, for then alother hope set apert he determined to try the matter in person, condempnyng all things that had been done by his deputies, having opinion that good government wanted in many of them, and that fortune had failed in them all. He came therefore to Babylon, where he encamped. Assembling all his force togethers in sight, because he would show the greater courage. And using the ensample of Xrexes in taking of his musters, entrenched so much ground about as was able to receive ten thousand men. within the which he lodged in the night such as had been mustered in the day. And from thence they were bestowed abroad in the plain country of Mesepotanya, the numbered of his horsemen & footmen were innumerable, and yet seamed to the sight to be more than they were. There were of the Percyan an. C. thousand of whom xxx thousand were horsemen. Of the Medeans ten thousand horsemen, & xxx thousand footmen. Of the Barcanyts two thousand horsemen, 
Themnubre of Darius men of war.  with broad sword & light bucklers, and ten M. fotmen with like weapons. There were of the Armenians xl thousand footmen & vii thousand horsemen The hircanyans of great estymacion amongst those nations had vi thousand horsemen. The deruicens were xl thousand footmen armed with pikes, whereof part had no heads of Iron, but dried the points of them in the fiere therwer also of the same nation ii M. horsemen. There came from the Caspian sea viii. M. fotmen & .cc. horsemen. And with them of the rude nations of Asia ii M. footmen and four M. hosemen. To the increase of thes numbers there were xxx M Mercenary sauldiers that were Greaks. Hast would not suffer to call for the Bactrians, Sogdians, Indians, with other th'inhabiters of the red sea, nations which had nanes scarcely known to there own king. Thus Darius wanting nothing less than the mullitud of men greatly reiossed to behold them. And puffed up with the vanity & flattery of the great men that were about him, turned to Charidemus of Athens an expert man of war (which for the displeasure that Alexander did bear him was banished his country) & asked him if he thought not this company sufficient to overthrow the Macedons. Wheriunto Charidemus without resptte of the kings pride, or of his own estate answered. 
Charidemus words ●nto Drius  Peradventure six (qd he) ye will not be content to hear the truth & except I tell it now, it shallbe to late hereafter. This great preparaton & hiughe army of yours, gathered of the multitude of somany nations that you have raised up from all pies of Thorient is more fearful to theinhabiturs hereabouts, then terrible to your enemies. your men shine in colours and glister in armure of gold, exceeding so much in riches, that they which have not seen them which their eyes cannot conceive any such thing in their minds. But contrariwise the Macedones being rough soldiers, without any such excess be terrible to behold the fronts of their battles stand close togethers always in strength furnished with pikes & targets for defence. 
The Phalant of the Macedons  that which they call there Phallant is an immovable square of footmen, wherein every one stand close to other joining weapon to weapon, every soldier obedient toy ᵗ which is commanded him ready at his captains beck whither it be tofolowe his ensign, to keep his army, to stand still, to run, to fetch a compass, to change thorder of the battle, to fight on this side or that side: every soldier can do thes things aswell as the captains. And because you shall not think gold & silver to be effectual to this matter, they began and observed this discipline poverty being master. When they be weary the ground, is there bed, they are sattsfiedfied with such meat as they find by chance, and they measure not their sleep by the length of the night. Think you the horsemen of Thessaly, the Alcharnans, and Etolians which be invincible men of war, willbe repulsed with flings or staves hardened in the fire. It behoveth you to have a like force to repulce them, and to be served of the same kind of men. Mi counsel is therefore that you sand this gold and silver to wage soldiers out of those countries from whence they come. Darius was a man of a meek and tractable disposition, if the height of his estate had not altered the goodness of his nature: which made him so unpatyent to here the truth, that he commanded Charydemus to be put straight ways to death: being a man that was fled to his protection, and that gave him right profitable counsel. When he was going towards his death he left not his liberty to speak, but said: there is one at hand that shall revenge my death. For he against whom I have given the counsel, shall punish the for not following of the same. And thou being thus altered with the liberty thou haste being a King, shalt be an ensample to such as shall come after that when they commit their doings to fortune they clearly forget themselves. whiles Charidemus was speaking these words, they which had the charge committed unto them put him to death. whereof afterwards the King took over late repentance, for he confessed that he had spoken the truth. & caused him to be buried. 
Thymones  There was one Thymones the son of Menter a young man of great activity, to whom Darius gave the charge of all the soldiers strangers, in whom he had great confidence and willed him to receive them at Pharnabasus hands. And gave to Pharnabasus that rule the Menon had before. Thus Darius being careful of the business he had in hand, whither it were through pensiveness of mind, or that his fancy did divine things to come was continually troubled with visions in his sleep. 
Derive dream.  He dreamt that the Macedons camp was all on fire. And shortly after it seemed to him that Alexander was brought to his presence in such kid of appariel as he himself did were, when he was first chosen King, and that Alexander should there be carried on horseback through Babylon, and so to vanish out of sight. Hereupon thinterpreters of dreams with the diversity of their devininge, did drive Darius into divers imaginations. Some said his dream betokened good fortune to himself because of the fire that seemed to be in his enemies camp & for that Alexander with out any vesture of a King appeared in the vulgar apariel of the Parcians. Other did interpret it otherwise: that the lightning in that Macedons camp signified glory & victory to Alexander, & also then ioyment of the empire of Asia. which they made a clear matter for as much as Alexander appeared in the same vestures that Darius' ware when he was chosen King. Care besides and trouble of mind (as it often chanceth) brought things by paste again to remembrance. It was rehearsed how Darius in the beginning of his reign changed the scabbard of his sword from the Percian manner into the fashion that the Greeks used. Whereupon that Caldees did prenosticat that the Kingdom of Perce should be translated to those, whose fashion he had counterfeited. Notwithstanding through the confidence of such prophecies as were commonly seen abroad, and of of the vision, that he seamed to have seen in his sleep became very merry, and commanded his Army to march forwards to the river of Euphrates. It was the ancient custom amongst the Percians, at the son rising to raise their camp and warning of their setting forwards to be given by the blast of a Trumpet swooned at the kings paullion upon the which there stood an Image of the son enclosed in crystal shining so bright, that it might be seen through out the camp. 
The order of the percians in their merchins.  The order of their march was in this manner. The fire which they call holy and eternal was carried before upon silver altars, and the priests of their law went next synginge after their country manner. There followed ccc.lxu young men in scarlet robes. like in number unto the days of the year. Then came the chariots that was consecrated to jupiter drawn with white palfreys, a great horse following which they call that horse of that son. Such as did ride upon the palfreys did wear white garments, and had rods of gold in their hands, next in order came ten chariots garnished and wrought with silver and gold. The horsemen of twelve nations followed next in sundry sort of Armour. Then came a company that the Percians call immortal the riches of whose apparel. exceeded far the rest they had all chains of gold, coats embroidered with gold, and sleeves set with Pearl. there followed with in a small distans a band of xv. thousand called Doriphere reputed for the King kinsmen, which were disguised in manner like women, more notable for their gallentnes and variety of apariel than for the armour they did wear. Such as were wont to receive the kings robes at his hands did ride next before the chariot upon that which Darius did sit on high with great pomp and magnificens his chariot was set on both sides with carved Images of their gods both of silver and gold. & all the former part was adorned with pearls and precious stones having two Images of gold their standing of a cubit length combatant on against the other and over their heads an Eagle of gold displayed. But amongst all the rest the Kings apparel showed marvelous sumptuous, which was of purple impaled whit, with a border embroidered of gold faucons fight togethers. He was gird effemynately with a gerdle of gold, and the sword that hung thereupon had the scabbard made of a pearl. The diadem the King were upon his head called by the Percyan Cydarys had a ●oule about it of white and green. Next behind the King came ten thousand, horsemen, which had all their spears plated with silver & their spears heads gilded. He was enclosed on both sides with .cc of the blood royal, at whose backs there followed xxx M footmen, 
Sisigambis darius mother.  and after them. cccc. of the Kings coursers: within the distance of one furlong Sisigambis the mother of Darius was carried in a Wagone and his wife in an other, that train of their women riding on horseback. Next them went xu wagons, wherein the kings children were carried, their nurses and Enuches, which are greatly esteemed in the nation. And after them followed ccc lx of the kings concubines all appareled like Queens. Then came. vi.c. mules and ccc Camels that carried the Kings treasure which were guarded with a band of Archers. the wives of the kings kinsmen and the other that were about the King came riding next. & after them a great company of slaves and varlets. Last came their reward, lightly armed, of whom every captain severally with his own company closed in the army. Such was the order of Darius' host on the other side beholding Alexander's Army, 
Alexander's Army.  there was to be seen a great difference, neither the men nor the horse were set forth with such gold nor precious furnymentes glistering only with the brightness of their harness, but they were obedient at their captains beck, always in readiness to stay or to pass forwards, neither cumbered with over great multitude. nor pestered with to much baggage. They wanted not in any place either ground for their encamping or victuals for their feeding whereby their small number was always sufficient when they came to fight. Where as Darius the lord of so huge a multitude. through the straightness of the ground. wherein he was driven to give battle could work th'effect but of a small number, which he before had despised in his enemy. Alexander appointed Abistamines the rule of Capadocia, and marching with his army towards Calicia, came to the place that was called Cyrus' Camp, because he lodged there when he passed into Licia against king Creasus. This place was distant abouts .50. furlongs from the straight, whereby he must entre Cilicia. The inhabitors use to call those straits Pyloe, where as the natural situation of the place had made a fortification as it were made with man's hands, 
Arsanes.  When Arsanes governor of Cilicia understood of Alexander's coming. remembering what opinion Menon was of in the beginning of the wars, put in execution his wise counsel, thought it were over late, wasting and destroying through out Cilicia, all such things as he thought might stand his enemy in stead, leaving the country waste, which he thought he was not able to defend: where as it had been much better to have prevented his enemy in the straits, where from the hills lying over the way he might without hazard either have letted his entry. or else have distressed him in his passing. But he levying a small number for the defence of the straight, retired himself back to waste the country, which his part had been to defend from destruction. Of his departure it came to pass that those which he left behind, thinking themselves betrayed, would not so much as abide the fight of their enemies, when a much less number had been sufficient to have kept the passage. 
The destruction o● Cilicia.  For the situation of Cilicia is such that it is environed round about with a continual rough and stead Mountain which rising from the sea on the one side, & fetching a compass about, joineth again with the sea, on the other side. Through that part of this Mountain which lieth furthest from the Sea, being three narrow and rough passages, by one of the which they must entre that will pass into Cilicia. This country towards the Sea is plain and full of Rivers, amongs which two be notable Pyramus and Cydnus, 
Pyramus, Cydnus.  but Cydnus most special, not so much for his greatness, as for the clearness of his water, which from his first spring runneth pleasantly through all the Country, and hath no other river running into him to disturb the pureness of his stream. For which cause it remaineth always clear▪ and also cooled by reason of the woods that do shadow all the banks. Time hath consumed many antiquities within that country, which be remembered of the Poeres. There may yet be seen the foundations of the Cities of Lyrnessus, 
Lyrnessus, Cebestus. Coricius.  and Cebestus with the cave and wood of Coricius where saffron groweth with many other things whereof nothing remaineth saving only the same. When Alexander entered the straits that before be mentioned, and beheld the situation of them, he never in all his life marveled more of his own felicity and good fortune, confessing that it had not been possible for him to have passed, if any had stand at defence against him. for that with stones only he might have been distressed, and the straight besides was so narrow, that there could not pass above four in a front. To th'increase of which difficulty the tops of the Mountains hung over the ways, which in many places were broken and made hollow with the streams that ran down from the hills. Alexander sent the Thracians that were light armed to scour & discover the ways, for fear the enemies should lie there in ambushment, and suddenly break forth upon him: He appointed also a band of Archers to take the top of the hill, which were willed so to march, that they might be always in a readiness to fight. After this manner he came with his army to the City of Tarson, 
Tarson.  which was set on fire by the Pertions, because that Alexander should find no herborow there. But Parmeno was sent thither with a choice number of horsemen to quench the fire, who understanding that the enemies were fled away through his coming, entered into the City and by that means saved it from burning. The river of Cydnus spoken of before, did run through this City, where the king arrived about midday, it being in the Summer season, what time the heat is no where more fervent then in that country. He took such delight in the pleasantness of the water, that he would needs bathe his body, to wash away the sweat & dust he had caught: and being in an heat entered naked into the water in every man's sight, thinking it should be a contentation to his soldiers to see that the furnementes about his body was no other but such as they commonly used to wear. 
Alexander by bathing in a river became in great peril of his life.  He was not so soon entered but all the parts of his body began to shake & tremble, his face waxed pale, & the lively heat was mortified in all parts of his body: His servants took him up and carried him into his tent, as one besides himself, and at the point of death. Then there was a great desolation and heaviness in the camp, they wept, lamented, and bewailed, that such a King, so noble a captain as had not been seen in any age, should thus be taken from them in the chief of his enterprise and brunt of all his business, and that after such a manner, not in battle slain by his enemies, but thus cast away bathing in a river. It grieved them that Darius now being at hand should obtain the victory by such a chance, without seeing of his enemy, & that they should be enforced to return back again as men vanquished by those Countries, through the which they had passed before as victorers. In which countries all things being destroyed by themselves or by their enemies, it was of necessity for them to die for hunger, though no man should pursue them. It became a question amongs themselves who should be their captain in their flying away? or what he were that durst succeed Alexander? And though they might safely arrive at the Sea of Hellespont, yet who should prepare them passage there. And when they had disputed these questions, their argument by and by was turned in compassion towards their Prince, lamenting as men out of their wits, that such a flower of youth such a force of courage as was in him, that the same their king and companion in arms should after this sort be taken from them. In the mean season Alexander began to draw his breath somewhat better, & when he came unto himself, he lifted up his eyes and began to know his friends that were about him, the vehemens of his sickness somewhat assuaging, which was perceived in that he began to understand the peril he was in. But the pensiveness of his mind was great hindrance unto his health, for tidings came that Darius within five days would be in Cilicia, which was the thing that made him to sorrow and lament. He could not take it but grievously, that such a victory should be plucked out of his hands through his infirmity. And that he should be taken as one tied in bonds, and be put to some shameful and vile death. He called therefore to him both his friends and Physicians, and said unto them: ye see in what state of my business fortune hath taken me. 
The words of Alexander to his friends in his sickness  Me think the noise of mine enemies do ring in mine ears, and I which moved first the war, am now challenged and provoked to fight. When Darius did writ to me such proud letters, he was not ignorant of mine estate, yet peradventure he shallbe deceived if I may use mine own mind in recovery of mine own health. My case requireth no slack medicines, nor slow Physicians. I had rather die sloutly at once, then to consume long time in my recovery. Wherefore if there be any hope or cunning in physic let it be showed. And think that I seek not remedy so much for mine own life, as I do for the care I have to encounter with mine enemies. When they hard him speak those words, they were in great doubt of his sudden rashness, & therefore every one required him apart, that he would not increase his peril through any haste, but suffer himself to be ordered by th'advise of his Physicians. For they alleged that unproved remedies were not suspected of them without cause, seeing his enemy had gone about to corrupt such as were about him, by promising a. M. talents to his killer. Which cause alleged, they thought no man would be so bold to make any experiment of physic upon him, which for the want of trial thereof, might in any wise give cause of suspection. There was amongst the excellent physicians that came with Alexander out of Macedon one Philip of Acaxnon which was preferred to him for preservation of his health, 
Philip Alexander's physician.  and had faithfully served him from his childhood, and therefore loved him with entire affection. He promised to provide for the King an approved remedy, but such one as would work sore upon him, by the drinking whereof he doubted not (he said) but to expulse the force of his disease: That promise pleased no man, but only him which in the proof thereof should abide the peril: For he could abide all things better than delay. Darius and his power was always in his eye, and he had assured confidence that the victory should fall on his side, if he might be able but to stand in the sight of his men. The thing that only grieved him, was that the Physician would not minister unto him before the third day. In the mean season Parmenio, whom of all his nobility he trusted most, had exhorted him by his letter, that he should not commit himself to the cure of Philip, for that he was corrupted by Darius with a thousand talentes, and the promise of his sister in marriage. Those letters brought the king in great care and doubt, and moved him to way and pondre secretly with himself all those things, that fear or hope could put in his head, of th'one side or tother. Shall I adventure (thought he) to drink this medicine? 
Alexander's Imagination  what if it be poison? shall I not then be accounted the cause of mine own death? shall I suspect the fidelity of my Physician? or shall I suffer mine enemy to kill me in my bed? yet were it better to perish by other men's treason, than thus to die through mine own faint heart. His mind being thus diversely wrought, he would show the contents of the letter to no man, but sealed it with his own ring, and laid it underneath his pillow. Two days near passed on in these Imaginations, and the third day the Physician came to his beds side with the medicine ready made. When the king saw him he raised up himself upon his elbow, and taking the letter in his left hand, with the other hand took the cup, and straight supped it of. When he had so done he delivered the letter to Philip to read, and whiles he was reading he beheld him continually in the face supposing that if he had been faulty, some token would have appeared in his countenance. When Philip had red the letter he showed more tokens of displesauntnes then of fear, and there withal fell down upon his knees, and said: Sir I see my life doth depend upon your health. But your recovery shall declare that I am falsely charged with this treason: But when that by my means you shall get your health; I trust ye will not deny me then my life. In the mean season lay fear aside, and suffer the medicine to work, and to have his operation. Keep yourself quiet, and suffer not yourself to be troubled with the superstitious carefulness of your friends, which though it proceedeth of good will, is yet much impediment unto your health. His words not only satisfied the king, but made him to conceive perfit hope to be hole, and said unto Philip: If the gods would have granted that to devise a mean to prove the confidence I have in thee, & the good will towards the thou couldst not have chosen any so good as this is: for notwithstanding the lfe, I drank of the medicine, believing that to be no less careful for declaration of thine own truth, them for my heth, & therewith gave him his hand: yet afterwards when the medicine begun to work it was such in operation, that it seemed to verify Parmenio's accusement: for he faited oft and had much labour to draw his breath. Then Philip left nothing unproved or undone that might serve for his purpose. He laid warm clothes to his body, and always as he fainted revived him again with the savour of one thing & other. And when he perceived him once to come to himself, he ceased not to feed him with talk, and one while put him in remembrance of his mother and his sisters, and an other while of the great victory that was at hand. 
Alexander's recovering.  When the power of medicine was once entered into his veins, there appeared straight in all parts of his body manifest tokens of healt. First quickness came to the spirits, and after the body recovered his strength a great deal sooner than any man looked for he should. For the third day after he had been in this case, he walked in the sight of his soldiers, which wonderfully rejoiced to see him. And they showed no less affection unto Philip, whom every one severally embraced & gave him thanks, as unto God. It cannot be expressed besides the natural veneration the Macedons use to bear unto their prince, in what reverence they especially had Alexander, and how fervently they loved him. They had conceived of him an opinion that he could enterprise nothing but that it was furthered by God, & fortune was so favourable unto him that his rashness was always increase of his glory. His age besides scarcely ripe, and yet sufficient for so great things, did marvelously set forth all his doings. And things which out of the wars should be counted lightness, are wont to be most acceptable to the soldiers, as thexercising of his body amongs them, his apparel not differing from the common sort, with his courage & forwardness in the field: which gifts given him of nature, & things done of policy did get him both love and reverence of his people. When Darius hard of Alexander's sickness, he marched towards the river of Euphrates with all the haste he could make in conveying of so combrouse an army. He made there a bridge and in .v. days passed over his people, having great desire to get Cilicia before his enemy. By that time Alexander had recovered his strength, and was come to a City called Solos, 
Solos.  which the inhabitants yielded unto him, and for two hundred talents obtained assurance. Notwithstanding he put a garrison in the Castle, and there celebrated plays, and triumphs which he had vowed to Aesculapius, and Minerva for the recovery of his health: Where being given so quietly to his pastime, showed how little he esteemed the coming of his enemies. Whiles Alexander was busied about these things, he received pleasant news, how his men had won a battle of the Percians at Halicarnassus, and that the Myndians, and Cawnians, 
Myndians. Cawnians.  with divers other nations in those parts were brought under his obedience. This triumph once ended he removed, and by a bridge made over the river of Pyramus, he came to the City of Malon: 
Malon. Castabulon.  and from thence with an other remove, came to a town called Castabulon. There Parmenio returned to the king which had been sent to search the straight that lay between them and the City of Isson. He had prevented the Percians at the passage, and so leaving men for the defence thereof, took the City of Isson that was left desolate: 
Isson.  he departed from thence and did drive the Percians out of the mountains, & searched all the ways. So that having made all things clear for th'army to pass, he returned again both the author of the act, & the reporter of the thing done. Alexander encamped within the City, & debated there in counsel, whether it were better to pass on further, or else to tarry there for a more power which was coming to him out of Macedon: 
Parmenio's opinion.  Parmenio was of opinion that this place was most meetest to abide Darius in, and give him battle, where both th'armies should be of like force by reason of the straits, wherein no great multitude could fight at once: He showed reasons why they ought to eschew the plains, wherein their enemies should have great advantage through their great number that might enclose them about. Wherein (he said) he doubted not his enemy's stoutness, but only feared that their own men might be overcome with werenes, where a multitude should fight with a few, & fresh men succeed in the place of them that fainted. This counsel was received for good, and Alexander determined in that place to abide his enemies. There was in the host of the Macedons one Sysenes a person sent before time from the governor of Egypt unto king Philip: 
Sysenes.  who being advanced with reward and promotions choice to live out of his own country, & so following Alexander into Asia, was esteemed among those that the king trusted well: A soldier of Create delivered him a letter from Nabazzanes, Darius' Lieutenant, wherein he exhorted him to do some notable enterprise, whereby he might win favour & reputation with Darius. Sysenes' innocent of this matter was about divers times to present the letter to the king, but seeing him occupied with weighty affairs of provision for the battle, prolonged the matter. And whiles he waited for a more convenient time he brought himself in suspicion of treason, for the letter was brought to the kings hands before it was delivered unto him: who reading it, did seal the same with a strong seal, and caused it to be delivered to Sysenes, to prove thereby his fidelity, but because he counsealed the thing many days and opened not the matter to the king it seemed that he consented thereunto: And therefore by the kings commandment he was put to death by the band of the Cretensians: The Greek soldiers which Tymodes had received of Pharnabasus, being those that Darius trusted most, were come unto him. 
The greeks advice.  They persuaded much Darius to retire back into the plains of Mesopotania, and if he would not do so, that at the lest he should divide his power, and not commit the hole force of his estate, to one stroke of fortune. This counsel was not so displeasant unto the King, as it was to such that were about him: For they said, mercenary soldiers were always full of treason, and were to be doubted the more for that they counseled the Army to be divided, which was for no other purpose but only that they might have commodity to flee unto Alexander, when they should have any charge committed unto them. There is nothing therefore more sure for us (quoth they) then to enclose them round about with our army and to cut them in pieces, to be an ensample to the world that treason should never be unrevenged. But Darius which was of a meek and good disposition, 
Darius' clemency.  refused to commit so cruel an act in slaying such as had betaken themselves to his trust: 
Darmes answer unto his counsel  For if we should file our hands (quoth he) with their blood, what strange nation would ever then commit themselves into our hands? alleging that there ought no man to lose his life for giving foolish counsel. For who would be bold to give Counsel, if in counsaylling there should be any peril? For I call you (quoth he) to counsel daily, and hear the diversity of your opinions, & yet mistrust not them that give me not always the best counsel. He caused the Greeks to be answered, that he gave them thanks for their good will. But in returning back (he said) he should give up him his country into his enemy's hands, which were not convenient. And considering the force that fame is of in the war, in going back he should appear to flee. But to defer the fight he thought it worst of all, seeing so great an army as he had (the winter then approaching) could not be victailed in a desolate country, that had been wasted both by themselves & by their enemies. And for the dividing of his power, he showed that he could not do it, observing the customs of his predecessors, which were not wont to hazard the battle, but with their hole power. He declared that Alexander before his coming seemed terrible to the world, and through his absence was brought in a vain presumption. But after he saw him come, became ware & well advised, hiding him in the straits of the mountains, like those coward beasts, that hearing the noise of comers by, do hide themselves in the dens of the woods. He hath blinded his soldiers (qd he) with his sergeant sickness, but now I will not suffer him to prolong the fight any longer, which if he will refuse, I will oppress him in his lurking hole. These words he spoke with greater avaunt. then truth. And sent his treasure and jewels with a small convoy to Damascus in Syria, and entered with his Army into Cilicia, bringing with him according to his Country manner, both his mother, his wife, his little son, and his daughters. It chanced the same night that Alexander was come to the straight entering into Syria. Darius came unto the place which they call Pylae Amanicae. 
Pylae Amanicae  The Percians not doubting at all, but that the Macedons would have forsaken the City of Isson, and fled away for fear, for certain of them that were week and could not follow were taken, the which Darius through instigation of the great men about him, raging in barbarous cruelty, caused their hands to be cut of, and to be lead about his camp, to the intent they might behold the multitude of his men, whom after sufficient vow taken, he let go to show Alexander what they had seen. Darius' removed and passed the river of Piramus of purpose to pursue after the Macedons, which he thought had been fleeing away. They which had their hands cut of, came running in amongs the Macedons, declaring that Darius was coming in great haste. There was scarcely any credens given to their words, but to be sure Alexander sent spies towards the Sea coast, to know whether Darius were there in person, or else had sent some other to make a show of a power. The Spies returning did report that his hole army was at hand, and straightways the fierce might be seen, which gave such a show (by reason they lay straggling so far abroad to get forage) as though the hole Country had been on fire. When Alexander was ascertained of the truth, he encamped in the same place where the tidings came unto him, being marvelous glad that he knew he should fight, specially in the straights which was the thing that he had always desired. But as it is commonly seen when danger and extremity is at hand, confidens is converted into fear. 
Alexander's Imagination before the battle.  So he doubted not without great cause, that fortune might charge upon him, by whose favour he had done so great acts, & considered her mutability by such things as she had taken from other and given to him, he saw there was no prorogration of the time, but that after one night passed the victory should be determined. But on the other side, he called unto remembrance how the reward ensuing of the victory, far exceeded the adventure. For as the same was dowbtfull, so being discomfited, he was certain to die with honour and perpetual praise. When he had weighed these things, he gave order that the soldiers should refresh themselves, and at the third watch to be armed and in a readiness to set forwards. He himself went up into the top of a mountain with many torches and lights about him, where he made sacrifice unto the gods after his Country manner. And when the hour was come appointed unto the soldiers, at the third sound of the trumpet, they ware in a readiness both to march and fight. Then exhortation was given unto them to pass on with bold courage, and so by the spring of the day they were come to the straits wherein their purpose was to prevent Darius. By that time such as were sent before to scour the country, came in and reported that the Percians were within .30. furlongs. Then the battles were stayed and set in such order as they should fight. Like as Alexander was informed of Darius, so he was advertised of Alexander by the pesauntes of the country, which came fearfully running unto him, declaring that Alexander was at hand. These words were not believed, for they could not think them to be coming, whom they thought before to be fled. But when they perceived that it was so in deed, because they were in better order to pursue their enemies then to encounter with them in battle, they were stricken with a marvelous sudden fear. Every man took him to his armour in haste, which haste and the calling that one made upon an other, did put a greater fear amongs them. Some ran up to the tops of the hills to view the Macedons, other fell to bridling their horses. So that the host full of diversity and not ruled by any certain government, with their hurley burley, put all things out of order. 
The order that Darius gave for the battle.  Darius at the first had appointed one part of his power to take the mountain. Which setting upon his enemy's backs might enclose them both behind and before: and assigned an other company to pass along the sea side which was on the right hand, to keep his enemies doing on every part. He gave order also that twenty thousand footmen with a band of Archers should pass the river of Pyramus, and give an unset that way. But if they found any impediment why they might do so, than he willed them to retire amongs the mountains, and to invade their enemies on their backs. But fortune which was of greater force than any policy, determined those things that were well devised according as she thought good. For some durst not for fear execute the thing that was commanded them, and then the rest worked in vain, for where the members fail the hole body is confounded. 
The order of the Perecians.  The order of Darius army stood thus arangid to fight: his power being divided into two battles, one marching on the left hand and the other on the right. Nabarzanes enpaled the battle on the right hand with a great power of horsemen, and xxx thousand Slingers and Archers. Thymones was also in the battle with xxx thousand mercenary Greeks, being in very dead Darius chiefest force, a power equal unto Phalanx of the Macedons. In the battle on the left hand Aristomenes was in the fore front with xxx M. footmen having planted for his succour & relief such nations as were counted most valiant. There were about the king being also in that battle three thousand choice horsemen that were of the ordinary guard of his person, and xl thousand footmen with the horsemen of Hircany and Medya, and the horsemen of other nations were wings on both sides. And besides these numbers there went before this battle in a forlorn heap vi thousand Slingers and casters of Darts. All the plain ground between the straits was filled with men of war▪ and Darius battle stood araunged from the mountain down to the Sea side. The mother and wife of Darius with all the flocks of women were received into the mids of the battle. 
The order of the Macedons.  Alexander on the other side set his square battle of foot men called Phalanx (being the Macedons chiefest force) in the fore front. Mycanor the son Parmenio was captain of the battle on the right hand, and with him Cenos and Perdiccas Meleager, Tolomeus, and Amintas were joined every one with his own band. Parmenio & Caterus had the rule of the battle on the left hand, which stretched towards the Sea, but Parmenio had the chief charge. Horsemen were set in wings to both those battles. The Macedon & Tessalien horsemen being apoyncted to the right hand battle, and the horsemen of Peleponese to the battle on the other side, before which battle there were also set Slingers with Archers amongs them, and the Cretences that were lightly armed, went before the main battle. The band of Agrians that were lately come out of Grece, were assigned to encounter with those that Darius had sent to take the top of the mountain. He willed Parmenio that as much as he might he should stretch out his band towards the sea, to withdraw as far as he could from the hills, which the enemies had taken. But such as had direction by Darius to take the hills neither durst resist such as came against them, nor yet to compass those about that were passed by them, but fled away at the first sight of the Slingers. Which thing chanced well for Alexander, for it was the thing that he doubted most, that they from the higher ground should invade the open side of his battle, which lay unflancked towards them. The Macedons marched xxxii. in a rank, for the straightness of the ground would not suffer them to go any brother, but by little and little as the plain between the mountaygnes began to enlarge, so they had liberty both to make their battles' brother, and also for the horsemen to march upon the sides. When both the battles were come within sight togethers, the Percians first gave a terrible and rude shout, which was again doubled of the Macedons, not with their number which were far inferior unto the Percians, but with the rebound of the hills and the rocks, which doubled every voice of theirs. Alexander did ride up and down before the frontes of his battles, making a sign to his soldiers with his hand, that they should not make overmuch haste to join with their enemies, for bringing themselves out of breath. And as he passed by, 
The exhortations that Alexander gave unto his soldiers.  he used to every nation sundry exhortations, as he thought meet for their dispositions and quality. He put the Macedons in remembrance of their old prows and manhood with the number of battles that they had won in Europe, how that they were come hither aswell by their own desires as by his conduct, to subdue Asia and the uttermost bonds of the Orient. He showed them to be the people that were ordained to conquer the world. & to pass the bounds both of Hercules, & Bacchus. He declared that both Bactria and Ind should be theirs, in respect of which the countries that they had seen were but trifles, & yet were to be gotten all with one victory, wherein he said their travail should not be in vain, as it was in the barren rocks of Illiria, or in the mountains of Thrace, but that in this conquest the spoil of the hole Orient was offered unto them. For the getting whereof they should scarcely need to occupy their words, since the battles of their enemies wavered so already for fear, that with their approach only they should put them to flight. He reduced his father Philip unto their memory how he conquered the Athenians with the country of Boetia, where he razed to the ground the noble city of Thebes. After that he made rehearsal of the battle won at the river of the Granik, and of all the Cities that he had taken, or that had been youlden unto him, with the countries they had passed through & subdued. When he came unto the Greeks, he desired them to call to mind the great wars that had been made against their country in times passed by the Percians. First by the pride of the Xerxes and after by Darius who made destruction both by water and land in such sort that the rivers could not serve them of drink, nor the earth of victuals for to eat: rehearsing also how the Temples of their Gods had been by them polluted, and put to ruin, their Cities overthrown, and the truces and promises by them violated and broken that were confirmed both by divine and humanie laws. When he was passed by the Illirians and Thracians which were accustomed always to live upon theft, and spoil: he had them behold their enemies which glistered with gold, and bore no armour, but spoil fro them & take. He encouraged them to go forwards like men, and pluck the pray from those effeminate women, & to make exchange of their kraggie rocks and bare hills always full of snow, for the plentiful grounds and rich lands of Perce. 
The battal betwixt Darius and Alexander.  By the time he had made these exhortations they were come within throw of their darts. And Darius horsemen gave a fierce charge upon the right hand battle of the Macedons. For Darius' desire was to try. the battle by horsemen judging (as it was indeed) that the chiefest power of his enemies consisted in their square battle of footmen. So that the battle where Alexander was, was brought to the point of enclosing about, if he had not perceived the same in time. who commanded two tropes of his horsemen to keep the top of the hill, & brought all the rest to the encounter of his enemies. Then he conveyed the Tessalians horsemen from the place where they stood to fight, willing their captain to bring them about behind the battles, & there joining with Parmenio to do the thing manfully that he should appoint them. By this the Phalanx of the Macedons in manner enclosed about with their enemies, fought notably on all parts, but they stood so thick, & so were joined one to an other, that there wanted scope to weld their darts. They were so mingled together, that in casting one letted another: very few lighted upon the enemies with weak dints, & the most part fell on the ground without harm doing, wherefore being enforced to join hand for hand, they valiantly used the sword. Then there was great effusion of blood, for both th'armies closed so near that their harness classhed together, weapon against weapon & foined one at an others face with their sword. There was no place for the fearful or the coward for to i'll back, but each set his foot to other, & by fight kept still their place, till they could make their way by force, & so always passed forwards, as they could overthrow their enemies, being wearied and travailed thus with fighting, they were ever received with fresh enemies: & such as were wounded might not part out of the battle (as it hath been seen else where) their enemies assailed them so fierssy before, and their fellows thrust on so hard behind. Alexander did that day not only such things as pertained to a Captain, but adventured himself as far as any private soldier, coveting by all means to kill Darius which he esteemed the greatest honour. Darius did ride aloft upon his chariot giving great provocation both to his enemies to assail him, 
Oxatres Darius brother.  and for his own men to defend him. As Oxatres his brother appeared most notable amongs them all in his furniture and parsonage, so in hardiness and affection towards the king he exceeded far the rest, specially in that case of necessity. For when he saw Alexander approach so near, he thrust in before Darius with the band of horsemen whereof he had the charge, where as overthrowing diverse, he put many to flight. But the Macedones swarmed so about the king and were in such a courage by thexhortationexhortation that each made to other, that they charged again upon that band of horsemen. Then appeared the slaughter like an overthrow. About the Chair of Darius lay the most noble of his Captains, all dying honourably afore the eyes of their king, with their faces to the ground like as they fell, received their death wounds without turning their backs: amongs whom Aticies, Romythres, & Sabaces governor of Egypt, that had the charge of great numbers of men, were overthrown and slain, and about them there lay by heaps a huge number of the vulgar sort, both of horsemen and footmen. Of the Macedons also some were slain of such as pressed most forward, amongs whom the right shoulder of Darius was somewhat hurt with a sword. In this throng the horses that drew Darius' Chariot, were thrust in with pikes, which being wood for pain of their wounds, began to stroggle and overthrow their master Darius. He fearing therefore to be taken a live, leapt down and was set upon a led horse, and so fled away casting from his head his diadem because he would not be known. 
Darius overthrown.  Then all his men for fear disparkled, flying by such ways as were open for them, and throw away their armour which before they had taken for their defence. Such a thing is fear, that refuseth the thing that should be his safeguard. When Parmenio saw them flee, he strait commanded the horsemen to pursue them in the chase, and put all his enemies to flight that were on that part. But on the other hand the Percians did put the Tessaliens horsemen to a sore stress, for at the first shock they had broken one of their tropes: yet for all that when the Tessalians saw their enemies pass through them, they closed themselves together again and charged upon the Percians, who by reason of their onsetgeving and for that they though themselves sure of the victory, became clean out of order, & were overthrown with great slaughter. The Tessalians had herein a great advantage by reason that the Percians besides that they be armed themselves have their horses also barbed with plates of steel, which was the cause that they could not, either in the unset, or retire be so quick as that Tessalians were: for by their celerity wherein the feat of horsemen chief consist, they had overthrown many of them before they could turn their horses about. When Alexander understood that his men prevailed of their enemies on that part likewise, was bold then to follow in the chase, which he durst not do before he knew the battle to be clearly won & thenemies repulsed on all sides. Alexander had not about him above a. M. horsemen, with whom he slew innumerable of his enemies. For who is he that in an overthrow or a chase can number men? Those few Macedons did drive the multitude of their enemies before them like sheep. & the same fear that caused them flee, stayed them likewise in their flying. The Grecians that were on Darius' side, under their captain Amyntas which sometime had been in great authority with Alexander, 
Amyntas.  but then against him, broke out from the rest and marched away in order of battle. All the rest fled diverse ways, some directly towards Perce, & some by paths, & privy ways escaped by the mountains & the woods. A few there where that recovered their former camp, which they could not defend any time against the Macedons that were victors, but the same immediately was won being abundant of all riches of gold & silver with appertaining not only to the wars but to all voluptuousness & excess: which riches whiles the soldiers violently spoiled, they strewed the ways full of packs and farthels, which they would not touch in respect of the covetous desire they had to things of greater value. But when they came unto the women as their tirementes were most precious, the more violently they plucked than away and their bodies were not free from their lust & enforcement. The camp every where was full of tumult & lamentation, as chance fell to each one. The liberty of the victors was such, that their cruelty raged upon all ages & kind of creatures, & no kind of mischief wanted amongs them. There might have been seen the variableness of fortune, when they which had prepared Darius' pavilion with all kind of delicacy and rich furniture reserved & kept the same for Alexand as for their old master, for the Macedons had left that unspoiled according to their ancient custom which are ever wont to receive their king when he is victorious, into the kings pavilion that he hath vanquished. 
Dariu● mother his w●fe & his children taken prisoners  The mother and wife of Darius that where there taken prisoners moved all men to cast their eyes and inward contemplation towards them, whereof th'one deserved to be reverenced for the manner that was in her, & for her years and the other for thexcellency of her beauty, which through her misaduentur was nothing stained. She was seen embracing her little son in her arms not yet of the age of vi years, borne as inheritor to the dominion which his father newly had lost. There lay also two young virgins in their grandmother's lap, yeven then marriable, which languyshed and lamented not somuch through their own private sorrow, as for the dolorousnes of thould woman. About the mother and the wife were a great number of noble women that pulled their hear, and tore their clothes without respect what appertained to their estate. Who unmindful of the fall Darius' wife and his mother were come unto▪ called them by the name of Queens, with such other titles of honour as they did before. They all had forgot their own misery & were diligent to inquire the fortune of the field, & what success the battle had that Darius was in. For if he were alive (they said) they could in no wise think themselves prisoners: But he by the changing of many horses was by that time fled far away. There were slain of the Percians a hundred thousand footmen, and ten M. 
The number of them that were slain  horsemen. And of Alexander's company only v. C.iiii hurt, & xxxii footmen and. Cl. horsemen killed: So great a victory was gotten with so small a loss. Alexander that was wearied with pursuing of Darius, when he perceived the night to draw on. & that there was no hope to overtake him whom he followed, returned into the Percians camp which a little before his coming was taken by his men, that night he made a banquet to such as he accustomed to call for the hurt of his shoulder, whereof the skin was but smaly perished, letted him not to keep company. As they sat at meat suddenly they heard a pitiful cry with a strange howling and lamentation, that put them all in great fear: insomuch that the band that kept the watch about the kings pavilion, fearing it to be the beginning of some greater matter began to arm themselves. The wife and mother of Darius with the other noble women that were taken prisoners, were the cause of this sudden fear by lamenting of Darius, whom they supposed had been slain. Which opinion they conceived through one of the Enuches, which standing before their tent door saw a soldier carry a parcel of Darius diadem, which he a little before had cast from his head. When Alexander understood their error wept (as it was said) to consider Darius' misfortune, and the women's affection towards him. And for their comfort sent to them one Mythrenes that betrayed Sardes who was expect in the Percian tongue, 
●ythrenes  but yet considering that the sight of him being a traitor should but increase their sorrow. sent a noble man called Leonatus to declare to them how they were deceived, 
Leonatus.  & that Darius was alive. He came towards the tent where the women were, with certain men in harness, & sent word before that he was come thither from the king, but when such as stood at the tent door saw armed men coming, supposing their errand had been to murder their mestresses, ran into them & cried out that their last hour was come, for the men were at hand that were sent to kill them. The servants therefore that neither durst let Leonatus in, nor keep him out, brought him no answer, but remained quietly to see what he would do. When Leonatus had long tarried at the door & saw none came fourth to call him in, left ●is men without & entered amongs the women. Whose coming unto them before he was admitted, was the ●hing that feared them most of al. The mother therefore & wife of Darius fell down at his feet, requiring him ●hat before they were slain, he would suffer them to bury Darius after his country manner▪ which last observance performed they were content (they said) gladly ●o suffer death. Leonatus' assured them that both Darius was alive, & that there was no harm towards ●hem but should remain in the same estate they were in ●efore. When Siligambis heard those words, she was content to be lift up from the ground, & to receive some comfort. The next day Alexander with great diligence buried the bodies of such of his own men as could be found and willed the same to be done to the noble men of the Percians. giving licence to Darius' mother to bury so many as she list, after the custom of her country, which thing she performed to a few that were next of her kin▪ according to the ability of her present fortune, for if she should have used the Percians pomp therein, the Macedons might have envied it, which being victors used no great curiosity in the matter. When the due was performed to the dead, Alexander signified to ●he women prisoners that he himself would come to visitie them and causing such as came with him to tarry without, he only with Ephestion entered in amongs them. 
Ephestion.  Thesame Ephestion of all men was most dear unto Alexander brought up in his company from his youth▪ & most privy with him in all things. There was none that had such liberty to speak his mind plainly to the king as he had. Which he used after such sort, that he seamed to do it by no authority, but by sufferance. and as he was of like years unto him. so in making and parsonage he did somewhat excel him. Wherefore the women thinking Ephestion to be the king, did fall down and worship him as there country manner was to do to kings till such time as one of the Enukes that was taken prisoner showed which of them was Alexander. Then Sisigambis fell down at his feet requiring pardon of her ignorance, forsomuch as she did never see him before. The king took her up by the hand, and said: mother you be not deceived, for this is Alexandar also. Which his humility continency of mind if he had continually observed to this latter days, 
A disgrssion.  I would have thought him much more hapier than he was, when that he having subdued all Asia from Hellispont to the Occian see, would counterfiet the triumphs of Bacchus. Or if that amongs the rest of his conquest he would have laboured to conquer his pride and his Ire, which be vices invincible. Or if that in his drunkenness he would have abstained from the slaughter of his nobility, and not to have put to death those excellent men of war without judgement, that helped him to conquer so many nations. At this time the greatness of his fortune had not yet altered his nature, but afterwards he could not bear his victories which that virtue, that he did win them. Then he behaved himself after such a manner that he exceeded in continency and compassion all the kings that had been before his time. 
Alexander's cō●ynuance and clemency.  Entreating the two Queens with those Virgins that were of excellent beauty so reverently as if they had been his siesters. He not only abstained from all violation, of Darius' wife, with in beauty excelled all the women of her time, but also took great care and diligence that none other should procure her to any dishonour. And to all the women he commanded their ornementes and apparel to be restored. So that they wanted nothing of the magnificence of their former estate, saving only that assured confidence that creatures want in misery. Which things considered by Sisigambis she said unto the king. 
Sisigambis words unto Alexander.  Sir your goodness towards us doth deserve that we should make thesame prayer for you that we did sometime for Darius, and we perceive you worthy to pass so great a king as he was, in felicity and good fortune, that habound so in justice and clemency. you vouchsafe to call me by the name of mother and of Queen, but I confess myself to be your hand maid. For both I conceive the greatness of my estate paste, and feal that I can bear this present servitude. It lieth only in your hands how we shall be dealt with all, and whether ye will make us notable to the world through your clemency or cruelty. The king comforted them all he might, and willing them to be of good cheer, took Darius' son in his arms. Whereat the child was nothing afraid. having never seen him before, but took and embraced him about the neck. He was so moved with the constancy of the child that he beheld Ephestron, and said, oh I would that Darius had, had some part of this gontle disposiicon. When he was departed from thence he caused iii altars to be made upon the river of Pyramus, and there did sacrifice to jupiter. Hercules and Mynerua and so went forwards into Syria. 
Syria. Damascus.  He sent Parmenio before to Damascus, whereas Darius' treasure did remain: who understanding by the way that Darius had sent one of his nobles thither, fearing that for the smallness of his own number, the Damascens would keep him out, determined to send for a greater power, 
Mardus.  but by chance one Mardus fell into the hands of the horsemen that he had sent before to score the Country, which being brought before Parmenio delivered him the letters that the captain of Damascus had sent to Alexander, and besides the letters added of himself, that he doubted not but all Darius riches and his treasure should be delivered to him at his arrival. Parmenio gave the charge to certain of his men for his sure keeping, and then opened the letters, wherein it was contained that Alexander in all haste should send one of his Captains thither with a small power. Which thing known, he sent Mardus back again to Damascus with certain to accompany him, but he escaped out of their hands & came to Damascus before day light. That thing troubled greatly Parmenio, doubting that they had laid some embushement for him, & therefore durst not go an unknown way without a guide. yet notwithstanding upon the confidence he had in the felicity of his prince, took pesantes of the country to conduit him the way, which the fourth day brought him to the City of Damascus. The captain doubting that credence should not have been given to his letter pretended to mistrust the strength of the town, and made countenance as though he would i'll away. And by spring of the day he caused Darius' treasure (which the Percians call Gaza) with the rest of all his precious things to be brought forth of the town, of purpose to betray the same into the Macedons hands. Then there were many thousands of men and women that followed, a piteous sight to all that saw them, saving to him to whose fidelity they were committed. For he to win himself thank, purposed to deliver to his enemies a pray more precious than all the rest, which were those of the nobility he had in keeping. With the wives and children of great men that bare rule under Darius, and besides the Ambassadors of the Cities of Grece, whom Darius had left in the Traitors hands as in a fortress (as he thought) of most surety. The Percians call those Gangabe that carry burdens upon their shoulders, who having the carriage of things of most valour, when they could not endure the cold for the frost and snow that suddenly fell, they put upon them the robes of cloth of gold and purple, which they carried wrapped up together with the money, there being no man to let them, for the adversity of Darius caused that base sort of men to use a licentious liberty. Those kind of men seamed to Parmenio at the first sight to be no small army, and therefore regarded not the matter little, but gave exhortation to those that were with him, as though they should have fought a sore battle, and willed them to put their spurs to their horse and give the charge: Which thing perceived by them that bore the burdeyns fled away for fear, and so did the men of war that were with them by such ways as they best ynewe. The captain of Damascus counterfeiting such fear as other feared in deed, was the cause of all this confusion. The riches of Darius was left alone and lay sparkled abroad over all the fields, with the money that was prepared for the wages of so infinite a number of Soldiers, and also th'apparel of so many great men and noble women, vessel of gold, golding furnimentes for horses, pavilions adorned with regal magnificens, and wagons full of infinite riches. A thing even sorrowful to behold to the spoils if any thing could stay the covetousness of men. Was it not a pitiful thing to behold the riches that had been gathered together in so great number of years, whiles the state of the Percians stood in that incredible height of fortune, one part to be torn with bushes, and an other drowned in the mire, it being so great besides that the hands of the spoilers could not suffice for the spoil. When the horsemen had overtaken them that fled first they found divers women harying of the small children amongs whom there where four Virgins the daughters of Occhus that reigned next before Darius. 
Occhus king before Darius.  They before that time had suffered change of fortune, when the state was altered from their father's line. But this advarsitie was much more grievous unto them. There was in this flock the wife of Occhus, the daughter of Oxatrix that was Darius' brother, and the wife of Artabasus which was of the head house of Percia. And also his son called Ilionesus. The wife and the son of Farnabazus were also taken, to whom Darius had committed the charge of all the sea costs. With them the three daughters of Mentor, and the wife and the Son of the noble captain Memnon, there was scarcely any house of the nobility of Percia that was free of that evil adventure There were both Lacedæmonians and Athenians. that contrary to the league between Alexander and them, took Darius' part. amongs the Athenians Aristogiton, Dropides, and Levertes were of most notable fame, and lineage. And of the Lacedæmonians the chiefest were Perisippus and Onomastorides with Omanys and Callicratides. The some of the coined money there taken was two thousand lx 
The ●omme of the treasure taken at Damascus  talentes & of massy silver .v. hundred talents. Besides xxx thousand men. and vii thousand beasts that carried burdens on their backs. But the gods did persecute with due punishment the betrayer of such a treasure. For one whom he had made privy to the matter pitying therein the state of his prince did slay the traitor and brought his head to Darius a comfort not unapt for the time to the betrayed king for thereby he was both revenged of his enemy, and perceived that the memory due unto his estate, was not grown ●ut of all men's hearts.   

¶ The fourth book of Quintus Curtius of the acts of the great Alexander King of Macedon.  
DArius which a little before was Lord of so great an army, and that came unto the field carried aloft upon his chariot more like to triumph then to fight: fled by the places then waste and desert which he before had filled with his infinite numbers of men of war. There were but few that followed him, for neither they fled all one way, nor such as followed could keep pace with him that so often changed horses. 
Vnchas.  At length he came to Vnchas' where he was received of four or .v. thousand Greeks, which conducted him to the river of Euphrates, thinking that only to be his, in the which he could prevent Alexander by his haste making. Parmenio was appointed governor of Syria, and to be the keeper of the treasure and prisoners which he took at Damascus. The Syrians could not at the first bear their new government, because they had not yet felt the scourge of the wars: but as they revolted, they were straightway subdued, performing all that they were appointed to do. 
Strato king of Arade.  The I'll of Arade was yelden to Alexander, whereof Strato was king, that had in subjection all the sea coast with diverse of the Inland countries, which being subdued by the Macedons, Alexander removed to the city of Marathon, where he received letters from Darius that put him in great collar, 
Letters from Darius unto Alexand  because they were so arrogantly written, the special point that moved Alexander was for that Darius writing himself king, did not vouchsafe to give him that title, but did write rather by way of commandment then of request proffering for the ransom of his wife & children somuch money as Macedon could receive. For the superiority (he said) he put it to his choice, to try it by the sword if he list but if he would be better advised, he willed him to be content with his own inheritance, & so he would join in amity with him & become his friend, in which point he was ready to enter into treaty▪ 
Alexander's answer to Darius' letters.  Alexander did write to him again after this manner: Darius whose name thou hast usurped, did great destruction upon the Greeks inhabiting on the coast of Hellespont and upon the jomans which be Greek cities. and from thence did pass the sea with a great army to make war against Grece and Macedon. And also king zerxes the predecessor came to subdue us with infinity numbers, which being vanquished in a battle on the sea, left notwithstanding Mardonius behind him in Grece, to destroy their cities, and burn their countries. It is manifest besides that Philip my father was slain, by such as were corrupted thereunto with your money, ye undertake always unjust wars, and occupying arms, go about for all that to cirumvent men with treason. As thou of late having such number of men in thine army didst procure my death with the promise of a thousand talentes. I am not therefore the beginner of the wars, but repulce such injuries as be proffered me. In doing whereof through the help of the Gods, which favour always the right, have brought the more part of Asia under my subjection: & having overcome the in battle by force of arms, there is no cause that I should grant the any thing which haste not observed towards me the law of arms. yet if thou wilt come and submit thyself I promise the that I will deliver freely both thy mother wife and children, for both I know how to get the victory and how to use such as I overcome: but if thou fearest to commit thyself to us. I will give the saufeconduite to come freely. In the rest when thou writest unto me, remember that thou writest, not only to a king but also unto him that is thy king. He sent this letter by Thersippus, and went from thence into Phenicia, 
Phenicia. Biblon Sydon.  where the City of Biblon was youlden unto him. And so came unto Sydon which was a City of great nobility by reason of the antiquity and fame of the builders. The same was under Stratos dominion, supported by the power of Darius' who yielding more by the constreinte of the people, then of his own good will was thought unworthy to reign there. Alexand made a grant to Ephestion that he should make such one king whom the Sidons thought most worthy that place. There were diverse noble young men in that city that had familiarity with Ephestion, of whom he purposed to have chosen one king: but they refused his offer, affirming that none might enjoy that dignity except he were descended of the blood royal. Ephestion wondered at the magnanimity that was in them, in despising the thing, which other sought for by sword and fire, and therefore said: continue you still in that virtuous mind, which be the first that have understand how much more better it is to refuse, then to receive a kingdom. choose ye therefore such one of the blood royal, that may remember that he hath received the rule at your hands. But when they saw that divers gaped for it, and for the greediness they had to reign, fell to flattering such as were near about Alexander, resolved that there was none more meet for that dignity than one Abdolominus who being of the ancient blood of the kings, 
Abdolominus was made king  for poverty was enforced to dwell in a small grange without the City. His honesty was the cause of his poverty (as it is to many other) and being occupied in his daily labour, hard no noise of the wars that troubled all Asia. They of whom we spoke of before came into his garden with garments to apparel him like a king and found him wedding of his ground, whom they saluted as king, and said unto him, you must make exchange of the vileness of your apparel with these rich robes we here present you: wash the body that is now foul and filth, take upon you the heart of a king, and in the fortune you be worthy to have, show the same moderation and continency you do use presently. And when you shall sit in your regal seat, having in your hands power of the life and death of your people, do in no wise forget the estate ye were in when ye took the kingdom upon you nor yet for what purpose ye did receive it. The matter seamed to Abdolominus like a dream, and asked them if they were mad that would mock him after that manner. But when he saw them affirm by oaths the thing to be in earnest, he washed himself, & received the garment which was of purple & gold, & so went with the into the palace. The fame (as is wont in such a case) did notably run abroad of this matter. Some favoured the cause, & some did disdain it, but such as were rich did reprove his poverty & base estate to such as were near about Alexand, which caused the king to send for him, & when he had long beholden his behaviour, said: your parsonage doth not disagree to the fame of your lineage. But I desire much to know with what patience you did sustain your poverty. I would to God (qd he) I could bear my prosperity in like case now when I am a king. These hands did get that I desired & having nothing I lacked nothing. His words caused Alexander to conceive of him a marvelous opinion, so that he gave unto him not only the riches, stuf, and furnimentes that appertained to the king before, but also many things that were taken from the Percians, adding to his dominion all the country near about the city. In the mean season Amyntas with iiii M. Greeks that escaped with him out of the field fled to Tripoli where he enbarcked them & sailed unto Cyprus, 
Tripoli.  thinking the world to be such then, that every one might enjoy that he could get, like as it had been his own inheritance. His purpose was to go into Egypt, & so he thought to become enemy both to Darius & Alexander weighing with the world, according as the time should alter. 
Amintas ꝑswasion to his soldiers.  To bring therefore his soldiers to hope well of his enterprise, he declared how the governor of Egypt was slain in the battle, & that the Percians left their enguarrison were but of small number, of little force, & without any head. He showed how the Egyptians used to rebel against their governors wherefore they were sure to be received as friends. For since necessity (qd he) hath enforced us to prove our fortunes, which failing us in our first hope, we must now think the things to come shallbe much better than our present estate. They all agreed with one voice that he should lead them where he list, whereupon thinking good not to pretermit th'occasion whiles the hope was hot in their hearts, conveyed them into Egypt & entered the haven at Pelusium under pretence that he had been sent thither by Darius. 
Pelusium  When he had gotten Pelusium he set forwards towards Memphis, 
Memphis.  at the fame of whose coming the Egyptians being a light nation, and more apt to make a store, then to maintain it when it is our begun, ran to him out of all towns and villages with intent to destroy all the Percians, who notwithstanding for all the fear they were in did, not leave the defence of the country, but fought with the Greeks and were put to flight. After that victory Amintas besieged Memphis, and his men destroyed so all the country there abouts, that they left nothing unspoiled. Whereupon Mareches though he perceived his soldiers much amazed with the fear of their late overthrow. 
Mazeches.  yet when he saw his enemies scattered abroad, & without order for the pride they had concived of their victory, at length persuaded his men to issue out of the city and in setting upon their enemies to recover again that they had lost. Which advise being good of itself, took by good handling most fortunate ●esse for they show at that time both A●●intas and all his company. This punishment he suffered for the offence committed to both princes. Being neither faithful to Alexander whom he forsake, nor to Darius to whom he fled. Darius' captains which escaped from the battle at Isson gathering together such men as were scattered after the battle, with such power besides as they could levy in Capaducea and Paphlagonia, did attempt to recover again the country of Lydia. Antigonus was governor for Alexander there, who notwithstanding that he had take many soldiers out of the guarrisones to send unto Alexander: yet he so little esteemed his enemies, that he doubted not to adventure the battle. Where the Percians received the like fortune they did in other places: Which attempting the fight in three sundry countries, were vainguisshed in them all. At the same time the navy of the Macedons which Alexander had sent for out of Grece met Aristomeves (whom Darius had appointed to make war upon the coast of Hellespont) where they did take and drown all his ships. 
aristomenes  Farnabazus Darius admiral, having exacted money at Nulesium, 
Nulesium  and set guarison in Sio, passed into the isle of Andros with a hundred ships. 
Andros Syphuns  And from thence he went to Syphuns, putting men of war into all the Islands, exacted of them money, The greatness of the war that was in hand between two of the most puissant princes of Asia and Europe, did draw both Grece and Crete to arms. Agys the king of Lacedenon gathered together viii thousand Greeks that were come home out of Cilicia, and moved war to Antipater that was governor of Macedonia. The Cretians following sometime one part & sometime another received one while guarrisoners of Macedons, and an other while of Lacedæmonians to lie amongs them. But those wars were of no great importunaunce. For all men's eyes were fixed upon the wars that were in v●e between Alexander & Darius. whereupon all the rest did depend. The Macedons had sudbued all Syria & Phenices. 
The City of tire.  Tire only except. which being the greatest & most notable city of all that country. showed that they esteemed themselves worthy rather to join with Alexander as friends, then to become his subjects. For when he was come near unto them. and encamped upon the the main land. which is divided from their City with a small arm of the Sea. They sent to him by their Ambassadors a crown of gold for a present, with great plenty besides of victuals for his army. He received their gifts, as from his friends and gave gentle answers unto the Ambassadors: but he showed them that he desired to make sacrifice unto Hercules (whom the Cirians specially worshipped:) for the Macedons opinion was that they were descended of him, which to do (he said) he was admonished by an Oracle, the Ambassadors answered: that there was a temple of Hercules without their City in the place which they call Paleterion, where as he might do sacrifice at his pleasure. At those words Alexand could not refrain his Ire, whereunto he was much subject. but fell in a rage: I perceive now (qd he) because ye dwell in an Island ye trust so much in the situation of your city, that ye despise my land power. But I will shortly do you to understand that ye dwell upon the main land, and bring you to such case as your Island shall not help you: and therefore trust to it that if ye receive me not in, I will enter by force. When the Ambassadors were dismissed with this answer, such as were near about the king persuaded them that they should not exclude him whom all Syria and Phenises had received. But they had conceived such a confidence, for that their City stood in the sea divided lxxx furlongs from the main land, that they utterly determined to abide the siege. That Sea of theirs was so much subject to the south-west wind which made at every storm the waves beat so high against the Shore, that it would not suffer the Macedons to make any work for the joining of the main land to the city, it being scarcely possible to work any thing there when the wether was most calm. 
The Siege of tire.  The first work that the Macedons began was by & by thrown down with the vehemens of the seas that were driven by the wind. Nor they could make no mole so strong within the sea. but that it was washed away and brought down by beating of the waves. And when the wind blewe strength able it would bring the Seas clean over the work. There was an other difficulty no less than this. For by reason that the walls were environed about with the deepness of the Sea, they could raise no engine to shoot but a far of out of ships, nor there was not any ground about the City, whereupon ladders mought have been raised against the walls, or approach made upon the land. Alexander had no ships, and though he had had some, and would have coveted to bring them to the walls, yet by reason of the water, might with shot easily have been kept of. But amongs the rest of other things, the Tyrians were wonderfully encouraged by the coming of the Embassadores that were sent from Cartage to celebrat there yearly sacrifice, according to there custom. 
Carthage.  For the Tyrians being the builders of Cartage were since that time had in veneration as there parents and first founders. Those Embassadores exhorted them in any wise to abide the siege, and promised them shortly and which they alleged might eselye and soon be done, forsomuch as that time all the Seas were full of the Cartage fletes upon this hatting they determined to abide th'extremity, and placed their engines upon the towers and the walls, dividing their armour amongs the youth of the City. The Artificers, whereof that City had great plenty, were divided into work houses to make all such things as were necissarye for the wars. There were devised certain instrimentes wherewith they might pull down the works that their enemies made, called Harpagones, and also crows of Iron which be named corui, with all other things that might be invented for the defence of Cities. But a strange thing is reported, 
Prodigious lighted.  that when the Iron was put in the forge & blown in the fire the same was seen to be full of drops of blood. Which wonder the Tirians did interpret as a token of good fortune towards themselves, & as signification of destruction towards their enemies. A like thing was seen amongs the Macedons for when a certain soldier was breaking of his bread, drops of blood appeared therein. Whereat Alexander being astonished. 
Aristander.  Aristander that was most cunning of all the deviners of their Religion. Did interpret thus the matter. If the blood had appeared outwardly then it had signified ill fortune to the Macedons but in as much as it was found within, it betokened destruction to the City they went about to win. 
The law of nations bryken.  Alexander considering his navy to be far from him and that a long siege▪ should be great impediment to his other affairs. Sent officers of Arms unto the City to persuade them unto peace, whom the Tirians against the law of Nacoves did drown in the sea. There unjust death stored Alexander so much, that he then utterly determined to go forwards with the siege, but before he could make his approach it was of necessity for him to make a Pers or a Mole, whereby they might pass from the main land to the City. But in the making thereof there entered great despair into all men's hearts, considering the deepness of the sea which they saw not possible to be filled scarcely by any divine power. For they thought no stones so great, any trees so high, nor any country to have such plenty as might suffice for the building of a bank in such a place, considering the Sea was always troubled. And narowes the place was between the City and the land, so much more greater was the rage. But Alexander that had the way to allure his soldiers to what effect him pleased, declared how that Hercules appeared unto him in his sleep and gave him his hand proffering to be his captain and him giude for the entrance of the City. Thereunto he added the kill of his Ambassadors, and how that they had violated and broken the law that all nations observed. and that there remained but only one City which stayed his victory. Whereupon he divided the work amongs his captains. that every one might apply his own band. And so put the work in ure, 
Mount Libanus.  when he had oves sufficiently encouraged his men. There were great plenty of stones had of the mines of thould City where Tite stood before and for the making of bores and Towers timber was brought from the mount Libanus. The work did grow from the bottom of the Sea like a mountain, but not yet brought to the high wartee mark. And the further the Pere was wrought from the land unto the Sea ward, so much the sooner the Sea did swallow up the substance of things, whereof the same was made. Whiles the Macedons were thus about their work the Tirians would run about them in small vessels, and give the words of reproach and scorn as that they were now become goodly men of war that would be made pioneers & carry burdens like beasts upon their backs And they asked them also If they thought Alexander to be greater than the god of the Sea. But their reproof did not hinder but increase the cheerfulness of the soldiers in there pain and travail. In so much the mole in a short space surmounted above the water, increasing much in breadth, approached near unto the City. Then the Tyrians seeing the hugeness of the work. whereof they before had been diseived in there opinion. little thinking that it would have grown to such a pass. they in little vessels came rowing about the Pere. and did drive the soldiers with shoot from there woreking. and because it lay in them to bring there boats suddenly forwards, and return soon again they hurt many of the Macedons without any danger to themselves, which enforced them to leave their work and fall to there own defence. For remedy whereof & to avoid their enemies shoot. they were compelled to stretch out beasts skynes upon poles like sails. and set those between them and their enemies. And besides at the head of the Peace they raised up two Towers from whence with shoot and casting of darts they kept of the boats that came abouts them. On the other side the Tirians would land with their boats far out of the sight of the Campt & kill such as were caring of stones. The peasants besides of Arabia did set upon certain Macedons that were scattered abroad in the mount Libanus, where they slew and took divers. That was one cause which moved Alexander to divide his army. And lest he might seem to remain idly about the siege of one city, he appointed Perdiccas and Craterus to take the charge of the work he had in hand and went into Arabia with such part of his power as was most apt for his purpose. 
Arabia.  In the mean season the Tyrians prepared a great ship laden with stones and gravel behind, so that the fore pat flotid above the water, which ship anointed over with pitch & brimstone, they brought suddenly by sailing and force of oars unto the peer. and there remaining the mariners set the ship on fire, and then leapt into boats which followed after for the purpose. The ship thus set on fire so inflamed the wood work pertaining to the peer, that before any rescue could come, the fire had taken the towers and all the rest of the works that were made in the head thereof. When they that were leapt into the boats saw the matter take such effect, they put betwixt the timber and other void places both fire brands, and all such things as might give nourishment and increase the fire. So that the towers and all the rest being on a flame. many of the Macedons were consumed therewith and the rest forsook their armour and throw themselves into the sea. Then the Talans that were more desirous to take them on live then to kill them, with staves and stones did so beat them on the hands, as they were swimming, that for werenes they were glad to be taken up into their boats. The hole work was not consumed with this fire only, for it chanced also the same day a terrible wind to rise, which blowing out of the Sea, brought the waves with such violence upon the Mole that with often beating of the Seas the joints that knit the work together began to lose and leave their hold. Then the water that washed through broke down the Mole in the mids, so that the heaps of stones which were before sustained by the timber and earth cast betwixt them once broken asunder, the hole work fell to ruin and was carried away into the deep sea. By that time Alexander was returned out of Arabia, and scarcely found any remain or token that any such work had been. In that case (as it is ever used in things that chaunce●ll) one laid the fault upon an other▪ when in deed the violence of the sea was the cause of al. Alexander begun to make the Pere again after a new sort, 
A new Pere made a●ter amoyer force.  so that it ran with the forefront into the wind, and not with the open side as before. The fore front always defending the rest of the work lying behind. which he made of such breadth, because the Toweres might be builded in the mids to be the further of from the shot. Hole trees were put into the Sea with all their branches, and after great stones thrown upon them. And over those a new course of trees and stones again, by which device this hole work was joined. & knit all in one. As the Macedons were busy to bring their work forwards, so the Tyrians were as diligent to invent all such things as might give impediment to their proceeding. Their chief practice was for a number of them to go under water a far of out of the macedones sight, and so come diving under the water till they came unto the Pere, where with hooks they would pull unto them the bramuches of the trees that appeared out of the stones. whereby the stones and tother substance followed after into the deep. For the trees being discharged of their burden were easily drawn away, and then the foundation failing, the hole work that stayed upon the trees fell to ruin. Amongs thes impediments Alexander stood in great perplexity of mind doubting whither he should continue the siege still. or else deperte his way. When he was in this imagination suddenly his navy arrived from Cyprus, and Cleander also with such soldiers as he had brought out of Grease and having to the number of c.lxxx ships, divided them into two battles. whereof he committed th'one unto Pitagoras the king of Cyprus, and to Craterus, 
Pytagor●s king of Cyprus.  and took charge of the other himself taking for his own person a Galley called Cinque: reme, which had five oars in a bank. The Tirians durst not adventure the sea fight although they had a great navy but set all there galies in a frount before the walls of their City which the king assailed and put to distress The next day the Macedons with their ships environed the City round about, and did beat down the walls, specially with such engines as they call Arietes. 
Arietes.  But the Tirians straight way renforced and made up their walls again with stones that lay at hand and raised up an inward wale round about within the City, which might be there defence if the other failed. But their destruction approached on every side, the Mole was wrought with in cast of dart, and the ships gave the approach round about the walls, so that they were over laid both by Sea and by land. The Macedones had devised to join there gallayes two and two together in such sort that the foreparts met close before, and the hinderpartes lay far of one from the other. And over the spaces that remain betwixt ruppe and puppe they made bridges with masts and many yards laid betwixt Galley and galley, and fast bound together to carry soldiers upon, when they had put there galeis in this order they set forwards towards the City. And having rampared the prores for defence of the soldiers that were behind They stood in the Galies and did shoot and cast darts against their enemies without any peril or danger to themselves. It was midnight when they had commandment to set forwards after this manner. 
A Tempest  As the ships were approaching on all parts, and the Tyrians stood astonished for fear & desperation, Suddenly the sky was overwhelmed with dimeine clouds, & a sudden darkness took away the light. Then the sea by little & little waxed terrible and rough, the wyend blue and raised up the waves, & beat the ships one against an other, the violences whereof burst a sunder the bands and graspers wherewith the galaies were fastened togethers. Which down the bridges crashed and flew asunder, and with the soldiers that stood upon them fell into the Sea. Theridamas was great confusion, for the ships entangled thus together could by no means be governed in such a tempest, the soldiers disturbing the feat of the mariners, and the mariners giving impediment to the office of the Soldiers. Thus as it doth often hap in such a case, the expert were obedient to the ignorant for the ship masters that were wont to command then for fear of death were derected by other. But at length by force of rowing, the galeis recovered the shore the more part of them being broken and torn. It chanced at the same time xxx Embasseadores to come from Cartage to tire, who gave more comfort than assistance to them that were besieged. For they showed how the carthaginians were so assailed with war at their own doors, that they could by no means send them succore. 
Saracusans  In so much as the Saracusans were burning in Africa, and had encamped themselves under the very walls of Cartage. The Tirians yet were not discomfit, for all that they were disappointed of their special trust, but delivered unto those Ambassadors their wives and their childrien to carry unto Cartage, thinking to endure more stoutly the siege, if the things which were most dear unto them were removed out of Danger. There was a Tyrian which in an open assemble declared that Apollo (whom the Tyrians gretlly do worship) had appeared to him in his sleep, seeming to him that he had forsaken the City and trausformed the mole that the Macedons had made, into a grate wood. Hereupon though the autter were of small credit, yet forasmuch as men in fear be apt to believe the worst, they tied fast Apollo's Image with a golden cherry, and they bound fast also the altar of Hercules (to whom the City was dedicated) thinking that by deteaning of th'one. to keep still the other. The Cartagens in times paste had brought that Image from Siracuse and had plase it in the head City out of the which they were descended. For their custom was to addorne dire with such spoils as they had taken, no less than they did Cartage. They at the time would also have been auctores unto the Tiryans for the renuieng of an old sacrifice that had been omitted many years. wherein they used to offer up to Saturn a fire borne child, Which being rather a sacrilege then a sacrifice. of the Cartagens received of there first founders, and still observed the same, till their city was destroyed. And but that the ancient men by whom all things was governed had withstand it, this wicked supersticon had taken place, which nature and humaintie doth abhor. The necessity that was hanging over there heads being more effectual than aine art or science, practised not only such things as were accustomed for defences, but also found one that was never enuented before. For to the desturbours of the ships that approached the wales, they devised long rafters to the which the fastened grasples of Iron and great hokes like scythes which let down with ropes by an engyve, either tore the ships or destroyed the men. They invented also Targets of metal to be made fire hot, in the which they put burning sand, & scalding lime. and then poured the same down upon the Macedones that came near the walls, which was a mischief that they feared most of all other. For when the hot sand entered between the harness & the body, there was no means to avoid it away: and where it touched it burned to the bones, so that they were enforced to throw away their harness, and tear away all things they had upon their bodies. Whereby they became subject to be hurt by their enemies, and were not in case to endamage them again. But specially the grasples let down (which be called corui) took violently away many of the soldiers that were within the ships. Alexander seeing their obstinate defence was weary of the matter and determined to raise up his siege, and go unto Egypt. For considering in how short a space he had overcome Asia, it grieved him to be detained so long about the walls of that City, whereby he omitted the occasion and opportunity of greater things in the mean season. But he was asmuch ashamed to depart without his purpose, as to remain there and leave other things undone: judging that if he should leave tire after that sort, as a witness that he might be withstandid, it should much impair his fame. wherewith he had gotten more than with force. And it chanced at the same time a monster of an exceeding bygnes to appear aswell in the sight of the Tyrians as the Macedons. which lying upon his back above the water came towards the mole, and when he had beaten the water and lifted up himself at the head of the mole, dived under the water again, sometime appeating above and sometime underneath, and when he came near the walls of the City vanished out of fight. The appearing of this monster rejoiced both parties. The Macedons did interpret the same to be sent to them as a guide to lead them away to furnish out the work. The Tyrians divined that Neptune revenging the usurpation that the Macedons had made upon the sea, would shortly destroy the work that they had made, in like sort as he had taken away the monster, and upon their own imagination had conceived such a gladness, and pronosticated to themselves such good fortune, that they fell to bancqueting and drinking. And when they were well charged with wine at the son rising they set garlands of flowers upon their heads, and mounted into their galleys, not only with hope of victory, but with a triumph made beforehand. It chanced at the sametime that Alexander had conveyed his navy to the contrary side of the City, and left upon the shore xxx of the smallest vessels, of the which the Tyrians caught two, and put the rest in great fear of distressing, until such time as the king hearing the alarum, set forwards with his navy towards that part where the sk●ye was heard. The first Galley of the Macedons that came near them was a quinquereme most swift amongs all the rest, which when the Tirians espied, they came against her with two galleys overthwart upon her side: whereof the one stroke full with her spurn, and the cinquereme graspled with her, but the other which was loss and at liberty fell vn the contrary side, but lest betwixt them two she might have sustained some damage, there came a tryreme of Alexander's to the rescue with such violence that the master of the loose galley was stricken into the sea. But when the Tirians saw Alexander was come himself and more of his ships were at hand, then with strength of oars and great difficulty they set their galley that was entangled lose again and at liberty, and made towards their haven with all the haste they might make. Alexander immediately pursued, but when he came to the haven he could not enter, but was beaten of with shot from the walls, but that not withstanding the more part of their galleys were either drowned or taken. After this adventure he rested his soldiers two days, and then willed his ships to be brought forwards, and the engines in them, to the intent that by assailing the Tirians on all sides, he might put them in extreme fear. Alexander with a wonderful courage not with out great parill unto his person, mounted up into the top of a tower that was made in a ship, and there known by his apparel and rich armour was chief laid at, and shot to from all parts. He wrought wonderful feats with his own person, for both with his pike he slew divers that stood at defence, and afterwards also fought hand to hand with his sword and his target, and threw divers down from their defence, for the tower wherein he fought joined hard to the walls. By that time the Engines called Arietes with much beating had stricken down the walls, the navy was got within the haven, and certain of the Macedons had won the towers, and driven the Tirians from them. 
The winning of Ti●re.  Oppressed them with the multitude of these miseries they were clean discomfited, some fled for succour unto the temples, some did shut their doors taking that kind of death they liked best. And other ran upon their enemies to sell their lives dear. But the more part got up into the tops of their houses, and from thence did cast down upon their enemies, whatsoever came unto their hands, Alexand commanded all to be slain with exception saving such as fled into the temples. and the houses to be set on fire. Though that was proclaimed through out the City: yet there was none bearing armour that would save themselves that way. For as the women and children filled the temples, so the men kept the entries of their houses ready to abide the cruelty of their enemies. yet the Sydonians were the cause that many were saved who amongs the Macedons serving in the wars, and entering the City amongs the rest, 
Agenour.  were mindful of their affinity with the Tirians (Agenour being builder of both their Cities) and conveyed many into their ships which they sent privily unto Sydone: By which means fifteen thousand escaped the cruelty of the sword. The number of them that were slain may partly be conjectured, in that there were found dead within the City six thousand of them that bare armour. 
A notable revenging of the breach of the law of arms.  The Kings wrath towards the City made the sight dolorous unto the victors. For two thousand whom the fury of the slaughter had left on live, were afterwards hanged upon crosses along the sea coast. The Ambassadors of the Cartagens were saved, but he threatened to make war against them, from the which he was then letted by other business he had in hand. Thus tire was taken the vii month after it was besieged, a City notable to the posterity, aswell through the antiquity it was of, as also by the often change of fortune that it had suffered. It was builded by Agenour, and many years was master of the seas, not only near thereabout but in all places where as their navies came. And if we list to credit the fame, that City was the first which either taught or learned letters. They builded Cities and put in them inhabiters through out the more parts of the world, both Carthago in Africa, Thebes in boecia, and Gades in Spain upon the Occian. It is to be thought that by reason of their free recourse through all seas, and by viseting of many strange countries they had occasion to chosse out Seats to place in their youth, whereof they then abounded Or else as some writ the Inhabitores wearied to dwell their by reason of many earthequakes, were compelled of force to seek out strange dwelling places. But after many casualties that happened unto tire after the destruction newly renewed, and all things grown again thorough long peace, remaineth now under the defence of the romans Clemency. About the same time Alexander received letters from Darius, wherein at last he was contented to name him king. 
The contentee of Darius letter's.  His request was that Alexander would receive his daughter Saptyne for his wife with whom he offered in dower all the country between Hellespont and the River of Alys, and would receive unto himself only such kingdoms, as lay from thence towards theast. And if peradventure he should make any doubt to receive this offer, he willed him to consider that fortune is not wont to continue long in one estate, and that the greater felicity men have, the greater envy doth follow them. It was to be downed (he said) less he exalted himself through a vain & a childish affection like as birds use to do whose natural lightness convey them to the stars. For there was nothing more difficulty in so young years, then to bear well such heigh and greatness of fortune. He willed him also to consider that there remaynede yet mean contreies' that he had not touched, and that he should not always meet him in straits. Having to pass the River of Euphrates, Tiger, Araxes and Hidaspes, which were like bulwarks unto his dominion. & when that he should come unto the plains, he should be ashamed of his small number. He put him in remembrance to way how long it should be or he could pass Media, Hi●cania, Baetria, and the Indians, that bordered on the Occian Sea. And likewise the Sogdians and Aracho●ians of whom men have no other knowledge then of their name, with other nations lying towards the mount Caucasus, and the river of Tanays'. Though no man should let him, nor offer him battle, yet he should grow in age (he said) before he could pass so many lands. In the latter end he advised him to call him no more forwards. for he would come soon enough and that to his destruction. 
Thef●ect of Darius' answer.  Alexander made answer to those letters by the messengers that brought them in effect that Darius offered to him that was none of his own, and made a proffer to give that he had all lost. For Lydia, jonia, Acolides, and the cost of the Hellespont, which he appointed in dower, were already become the rewards of his victory. And as for laws and conditions those were wont to be given and appointed by the victors, and received of such as were overcome. And if he were ignorant in which of those two estates he were in, he should come of and adventure the battle once again. For he was not ignorant (he said) before he passed the Sea how Lydia, and Cilicia, were over small rewards, for the making of such a war. But his determination was ever to subdue and bring under his dominion, both Percipolis the chief City of his kingdom, and also Bactria, and Echatania, with the uttermost bounds of the Orient. He could i'll no where but he was able to follow. and therefore counseled him that he should leave to fear him with rivers which had learned how to pass seas. Thus the kings did write one to another: 
Rhodian●.  & in the mean season the Rhodians yielded their city and their haven unto Alexander, who committed the rule of Cilicia unto Socrates. and the country about tire unto Philotas. And Parmenio made Andromachus his deputy in Celi Syria. 
Celi Syria  For from thence they had to set forwards to the rest of their journey. Alexander gave commandment to Ephestion that he should fetch about with his navy the cost of Phenices, and came with his hole power to the city of Gaza. 
Ol●mpiades  About the same time there were solemn triumphs and plays at Isthnios', accustomed to be celebrated with the assembly of all Grece. In that counsel, as the wits of the Greeks be sudden, decreed to send xii. Ambassadors unto Alexander to carry him a crown of gold in gratefieng the victory he had won, & the acts he had done for the saulfegard & liberty of Grece, but a little before they hearkened how the fame went, & were ready to bend that way that fortune inclined. Alexander visited not in person all such countries, and cities as refused their obedience unto him, but made conquest of them by his deputies. For Calas took Paphlagonia, Antigonus Licaonia, and Balacrus overcame Idarne, Darius' lieutenant, and wan Miletum. Amphitorus and Egilochus with a navy of hundred and lx ships subdued all the Islands between Asia and Achaia. And also by the consent of the inhabiters got Tenedon which always was a receptacle to the Percians. 
Tenedon.  They were at the point to have gotten Scio, but that Pharnabasus Darius deputy having intelligence of the matter, did first apprehend all such as were of the Macedons faction, and committed the city with a small guarrison to Appollodines and Athenagoras that were inclined to the Percians. Alexander's captains for all this continued the siege of the city still, not so much in trust of their own strength as they did in hope of the faction they had within the city. In which point they were not deceived, for through a sedition which did arise between Apollodines and the captains of the men of war, occasion was ministered unto the Macedons to break into the City. When the gate was broken up, and a band of Macedons entered, 
Scio taken  than the citizens which before had devised to rebel against the Percians, took part with Amphiterus and Egilochus, so that the guarrison of the Percians were slain, and Pharnabasus with Apolloindes and Anathogoras were taken prisoners. There were xii galies taken with their soldiers and rowers, besides xxx ships and vessels of Pirates, with three thousand Greeks that were in wages with the Percians, with the Greeks they furnished up their own bands, and put the pyrotes to death bestowing the rowers in their own galeis. 
Aristonicus  It chanced that Aristonicus the usurper of Methina ignorant of any such matter as was chanced, in the first part of the night came with certain piraters ships to enter into the haven, whom when the watch demanded what he was, he said: he was Aristonicus, and came to the succour of Pharnabasus, they said he was at rest & could not then be spoken with all, but it should be lawful for him being their friend to enter into the haven for that night and speak with him when it was day. Aristonicus was the first that entered, and the pirates followed him. But whiles they placed their ships, the watchmen drew the chain again over the haven, and then called up such as lay there near about, so that none of them durst resist but were all taken prisoners, and so delivered to Amphiterus and Egilocus. 
Mytelene  From thence the Macedons passed to Mytelene which was kept by Chares of Athens with a guarison of two thousand Percians: but when he was not able to endure the siege, he yielded up the City with conposition to have their lives saved and to depart in safeguard unto Imbros. 
Imbros.  Darius' despairing of peace, which he had procured both by his letters and Ambassadors, gave his mind to assemble a new power, and freshly to renew the war. Therefore he commanded the Captains and rulers of his men to assemble at Babylon. and that Bessus governor of the Bactrians, 
Bactrians  should come thither with all the power he could make. The Bactrians be the most hardy people amongs those nations, uncivil men, and much abhorring from the delicateness of the Percians: for by reason that they border upon the Scythians which be a warlike people, they are accustomed to live by theft, and be conversant continually in arms. But Bessus that was suspect of treason that he would not be content with the second place, put Darius in great doubt. Who having an inkling that he compassed to be king feared only his treason, having no other way to bring his purpose to pass. Alexander wrought all the ways he could obtain to knowledge where Darius was become, and into what country he was gone. And yet could not get any intelligence by reason of a custom amongs the Percians which are wont with a marvelous fidelity to keep close their prince's secrets: in the uttering whereof neither fear of death. nor hope of reward can cause them bring forth a word. This was a goodly discipline that the kings there had of old time used amongs their subjects in ponishing with loss of lief, the lavesnes of the tongue, which is there more grievously chastised then any other crime. 
The lavesnes of the tongue punished with the Percians  Nor there is not in those parts any goodness looked for at any man's hands that hath not the gift of secretness, whereof nature hath given a facility in man. This was the cause that Alexander was ingnorant of all things that his enemies did, and therefore continued his siege before Gaza. 
The Siege of Gaza.  Beties was Captain there who was a man of a notable fidelity towards his prince, which with a small guarison defended the City that was of a large compass. Wherefore Alexander perceiving the advantage of the Situation set many mines in hand. For the lightness of the ground made the work easy having neither rocks nor stones to give any impediment. They began their mines on that side, where they within could not destroy them. And to avoid the susption of any such work in hand, caused an approach to be made to the wales with Towers that he had made of Tymbre. But the ground would not serve for their carrying and removing, by reason of the looseness of the sand whereinto the wheels sonk, and was cause that the joints of the towers brack a sunder. About the convoyans of them many were hurt and as much truble they had in wythdrawinge of them as in setting them forwards. When he perceived he could not prevail by that means he retired again his men for that time. But the next day he environed the City round about to give th'assault in every part at ones and before he removed out of his campte, made sacrifice after his country manner, requiring the aid of the gods. It chanced as he was so doing, that a Raven flying by let fall a clod, which she carried in her claws upon the kings Heed, where it brack & resolved in pieces. And the raven flew unto the next tower, where her feathers were so entangled with Piche that she lighted upon, that she could not flee away, but was taken of the standers thereabouts. This was thought a matter worthy whereupon the devyners should consult, for he himself was not free from the supersticon of such things. Therefore Aristander to whom he gave most credit, did interpret the same to be a sign of the destruction of that City, but yet there was some parill apearing towards the kings person. For which cause he persuaded Alexander that he should not go about any enterprise that day. Which, though it grieved him much that one City should be a stay and impedient unto him for his free passage into Egypt, yet he obeyed the pronosticator & caused all his men to return. Thennemies took courage of their departure, and thinking fear to have been the cause why they came not forwards, sailed out of the City and set upon their tail. But they were more fierce in the beginning of the skirmish, than constant in maintaining of the same. For when they saw the Macedons turn about, they stayed and pursued no further. Alexander hearing the larume and remembering nothing the parill that was prophesied unto him, at his friends request put on his harness which he was seldom accustmued to do, & resorted thither where the skyrmushe was most hot. There he was known by a certain Arabiane that was one of Darius' soldiers which took upon him a desperate entterprise of the sleainge of Alexander and therefore making his pretencs to have been fugitive from the Percians, kept his sword secret under nethe his target, and fell down on his knees before him. Who judging that he had fled to him forsocore willed him to be received amongs his own men. But tharrabian therewithal stracke at the king with his sword, which he by little stepping aside avoided it from his throat and cut of the Arabians hand that miss of his struck Alexander then judged that he had clean escaped the peril that should have chanced to him that day, but (as I think) desteyn cannot be avoided: for whiles he was eager to fight amongsses the foremost he was stricken with an arrow which passed through his Corselet and did stick in his shoulder. Philip his Physician did pluck it out, and great abundance of blood did follow, whereof every man was afraid, in so much as they never saw an arrow pass so far through any Armour before. But he never changed countenance nor colour, but causing the blood to be staunched and his wound to be wrapped up continued still in the skirmish amongs the foremost, either suffering or dissimuling his pain and dolore but when the blood that was stayed for the time burst out again. And the wound which for the griefs grieved him not much began to swell and ranc●e as the blood waxed could then he began to faint and fall down and was taken up by such as were next him, and carried into his tent. Betis that perceived this, supposing him to be slain returned bnto the City again with great joy and triumph. But Alexander's wound being yet unhealed he caused a mount to be cast up as high as the top of the walls, and the walls to be cast down in divers places by the Miners. But they within made a countermure as high as the old wall. but that could not stretch to the height of the towers made upon the Mount, so that the inner parts of the city were subject to shot. But a mine whereby the wa●le was overthrown, and a breach made whereby the Macedones did enter was the utter loss of the town where as Alexander pressing on amongs the foremost adventerously, 
The winning of Gaza.  had his leg hurt with a stone. Which notwithstanding he mounted up by help of his weapon (his former wound yet unclosed) and fought emongs the foremost being in a great fury that in the siege of that one City he had received two wounds. Betis that had fought notably and received many wounds was forsaken of his own men yet not withstanding he maintained still the fight, and had all his Armour imbrued with his own blood and his enemies. But when he was enclosed round about, them Alexander which was wont to wonder at the virtue of his enemies puffed up with a joyful pride said unto him: Betis thou shalt not die as thou wouldst thyself, but whatsoever torments may be invented, think that thou shalt suffer them. For all his words there appeared in Betis no token of fear, but beheld the king with an arrogant countenance, and would not answer him one word. Then Alexander said see you not how obstinate he is to hold his peace, he would not kneel; nor ones desire mercy. But I will break his silence with groaning if nothing else can do it. Thus his fortune altering his nature changed him into strange manners, and turned his wrath into woodness. 
The death of Betys'  For causing cords to be put through Betys' feat whiles he was a live did draw him about the City with horses glorying in that he did counterfiet Achilles (of whom he was descended) in afflycting of his enemy. There were slain of the Percians and Arabies ten thousand, and the victory was not unblodye unto the Macedones. This siege was not so famous by the nobility of the City as it was by the double danger the king was in. Which making haste to pass into Egypt sent Amyntas with ten Galies into Macedonia to levy more soldiers. For though he were alwyes victorer in prosperous battles, yet his men were diminished, and he trusted not so much to the soldiers of those countries he had subdued, as he did to his own nation. Egyptians be a nation that always were offended with thincrease and good fortune of the Percians. 
Egyptians.  who in there government over them used much pride and covetousness. And therefore seeking all occasions to revolt, had received Amyntas which came to them rather by way of treaty then by any force, but now specially at Alexander's coming plucked up their spirits and assembled a great number to meet him at Pelusium where they judged he would enter. 
Alexander entered into Egipte.  The vii day he removed from Gaza and came to that place in Egipte which now is called Alexander's camp, from whence he sent his Army unto pelluzium by the land way and he himself with a choice band of men was conveyed thither upon the River of Nile. The Percians durst not abide his coming being in doubt that the Egyptians would revolt. 
Memphys.  And therefore when Alexander drew near unto Memphis where Astaces Darius' lieutenant was with a power of men of war, he came over the river to meet Alexander, and yealdinge himself delivered him viii C. talents with all the Riches belonging to the king of Perce. From Memphis he passed upon the same river unto the inward parts of Egypt, and set a stay and order of the government of the country in such sort that he changed nothing of their laws and custumes. Which thing once brought to pass, he had a great desire to visit the Oracle of jupiter Hammon. But it was declared unto him that the way he had to go was not passable with any great number and those aught to be light, and trimmed meet to journey without baggage or much carriage. The country he had to travail through was said to be spread over all with barren sand, which once put in an heat with the Son would burn there feat in such fort that it should be intolerable for them to journey. And had to contend not only with the heat and want of water, but also with the rolling sand, which was so deep, and would so sink under there feet that it should be great empediment unto their travail. All which difficulties the Egyptians set forth to be greater than they were indeed. But Alexander for the desire he had to exceed man's estate was so fervently bend to visit that famous Oracle of jupiter, whom either he believed, or coveted that other should believe to be his father. that nothing could stay him in performing of that enterprise. Therefore with such as he had appointed, 
The Cyrenians.  to accompany him in that journey passed by water upon Nile till he came to the Mere of Meotes. The Ambassadors of the Cyrenians came to him thither & brought him presents, whom he gently entertained, assuring them of his friendship. And that done went forwards in his voyage. The first & the second days travail seamed tolerable, not being yet come to the barren and wild wilderness, and yet the ground they passed on was but unfruitful and dead earth. But when the plaens appeared that were covered over with deep sand, they then looked and sought a far of with their eyes for the land, even as men be accustomed to do when they sail in the main Sea. For they could not judge themselves on land. where they never saw tree nor any appearance of habitation or haunt of men. And water there was none to be found in that dry and burning sand and such as they had brought with them in bottles upon camels backs was consumed and spent. Besides the son was so hot that it dried and burned up all things. When they were afflicted after this manner, whither it were by the will of god or by chance the clouds suddenly overwelmed the sky, and so shadowed them that it was great comfort to such as were forweried with the heat, though they wanted water to drink. But to supply their lack therein there fell by and by a great shower which every man (for the great desire they had to drink) gaped to receive with open mouth. When they had traveled four days in passing of these wild deserts and were come near unto the place of the Oracle, there appeared a great swarm of Crows flying low before the troop, and when the host merched softly they sat down upon the ground and sometime flew forwards, as they had been guides the show unto th'army the way. 
The destrition of Hamon.  At length they came unto the place consecrate unto jupiter, where as it was a wonder to see in the mides of so wild a desert such a ground so environed on all parts with high trees defending the heat of the son, & such a number of springs roning every where, which cause the woods always to look green. The air there all seasons of the year is like unto the springe time wholesome and temperate to live in. This country doth border with the Ethiops towards the Este and upon the arabies that they call Troglodytes upon the south. 
Ethiops.  Whose country stretch to the Red sea upon the west it confineth with other Ethiops that be called Symenos upon the the north by a Nation called Nasamons, who inhabiting upon a flat shore be accustomed to live on spoils of the sea, and lie always in a wait upon the cost to spoil such ships as suffer wrack, the people which inhabit about the wood be called Hammonios' & dwell in cottages scattered abroad. The mids of there wood closed about with a treable wall is unto them as a Castle. In the first ward is the Palace of there ancient kings in the second their wives, children, and concubines were lodged in which place the Oracle of jupiter is also. 
The descricon of the idol.  And the last is a place appointed for the men of war Theridamas is also an other wood which in the mids hath a spring called the fountain of the son which at the rising is lukewarm, in the heat of the day it is cooled, in the evening warmeth again, so that at midnight it is scalding hot and as it draweth towards day it demynisheth his heat more and more. The same thing that is worshipped for jubiter hath not the similitude of other Images that crafts men do make for gods but is very like unto the fashion of a navel having in the mids a Emera●de & set about with pearls. When any answer is required the priests carry the same in a ship of gold that hath many plates of silver hanging on both sides. The Matrons & the virgins follow after singing a Jude song after their country manner, whereby they believe to obtain of jupiter to show his Oracle manifest and true. When Alexander was come unto the place, the eldest of the Priests met him and called him son, affirming that jupiter his father had given him that name, and he forgetting the state of his mortality, said: that he both did receive and acknowledge the same. Then he demanded further, if th'empire of the hole world were appointed to him by destiny. 
The flattery of the prophets.  Whereupon the prophet prepared before to flattery answered: that the hole world should come under his obeisance. After that he demanded whether all had suffered death that murdered his father. The priest answered that his father could not be harmed by the treason of any man, but he said: that all philip's killers were put to death, & one thing he added more, that he should be invincible till such time as he should depart to the gods. Thereupon Alexander made sacrifice, & both offered unto jupiter & gave great gifts unto the priests. He licenced also his friends that they might consult with the oracle, for such things as they would demand, but they inquired no further, but if it were jupiter his will that they should worship their king with divine honours. To them it was answered: that if they honoured their prince being victorer as a god, 
A digression.  it should be acceptable unto jupiter. If he had with judgement weighed the oracle according to the verity, he should well have perceived the untruth that was therein: but whom fortune hath brought to believe in her, she make them many times more desirous of glory, then able to receive it. Alexander not only suffered, but also commanded himself to be called the son of jupiter, & whiles he went about to increase the fame of his acts, he did corrupt and deface them through such vain titles. Whereby the Macedons accustomed to be governed by kings, but yet reserving a greater shadow of liberty than other nations, did withstand him more arogantly in affecting of his, in mortality than was either expedient for him or them but thes things shallbe declared in time convenient. Now I will proceed in the rest of his doings. 
The building of Alexand●a.  When Alexander was returned from hamon and come to the marisse of Marcotes scituat near unto the Isle of Pharos, viewed the nature of the place, & was at the first determined to biuld a City within the Island. But afterwards considering the Isle not to be large enough chose out the ground where Alexandria is now (called by the name of the biulder) containing all that ground between the Mere and the sea, the which was in compass as the walls went lxxx furlongs. When he had taken order for building of this City, leving such behind him as he had appointed for the performen thereof, departed unto Memphis. He had a desire (not unreasonable if it had been in time convenient) to have visited both the inward parts of Egypt, & also Ethiopia. And the affection he had to view antiquities & the famous palaces of Memon and Tyron had near drawn him beyond the bounds of the son. 
Memnon Tyron.  But the wars he had in hand being of much more moment than any such idle peregrination; gave him no time to fulfil his fantasy. And therefore appointed Aestylus a Rodyan, 
Aestylus Pewcestes.  and Pewcestes a Macedon the governans of Egypt. And assigning to the four thousand soldiers for defence of the Region gave Toloman xxx galls to keep the mouth of Nile. He made Posomus ruler of that part of Africa which joineth unto Egypt, and Cliomenes receiver of the Tributes in both countries. 
Clyomenes.  This new city was soon replenished with a great multitude, for commandment was given to all the Cities thereabouts to send inhabiters unto Alexandrey. It is said that when the king occordinge to the Macedones custom used the king according to the Macedons custom used the ceremony of steping barley at the making of the walls, that the birds came & fed thereupon which being taken of many for an unlucky token: it was answered by their deviners that there should be great resort of strangers to that city. & that it should give nourishment to many lands. 
The river of Nile.  As the king went down the river of Nile Hector Parmenio his son desirous to follow him was drowned. For the vessel sunk that carried him. being pestered with over many men. He strived long with the stream. but his garments gave impediment to his swimming. so that his breath was near gone before he could recover the bank. 
The death of Hector Parmen●os son.  wherefore want of succour he died. Whose unfortunate chance Alexander took grievously as one that did bear him special favour, & therefore caused his body to be honourably buried. The death of Andromachus lieutenant of Syria, 
Andromachus burnid by the Samaritans.  whom the Samaritans had burned was increase of Alexander's sorrow for the revengement whereof he made all the half he might. & at his coming into Samaria, had the auctors of the act delivered into his hands, whom he put to death. & then placed Nemnon in Andromachus room. 
Methinians  He delivered into the Methinians hands Aristonicus, & Crisolaus, that had usurped amongs them, whom they after many grievous torments did hung over their walls. That done he gave audience to the Ambassadors of the Athenians the Rodians, & the Sciottiss. The Athenians did gratify unto him his victory and required that such Greeks as were taken prisoners might be restored to liberty. The Rodians and the Sciotes demanded assistance of some guarrison: he granted to them all their requests and restoring to the Mytelens' their pledges, increased their territory and dominion in respect of the fidelity they showed unto him, and the money that they employed in the wars. He gave honour also according to their deservings unto he kings of Cypress which revolted from Darius unto him, and had aided him with ships at the siege of tire. Amphoterus his admiral had commission to drive the Percians out of the Isle Crete, but specially that he should rid the seas of the pirates, which troubled and spoiled all the Islands, whiles these two princes converted their powers one against another. When he had given order to all these things he did dedicated to Hercules at tire a great standing piece and xxx bowls of gold. 
Alexander & Darius prepared to fight another battle.  That done he set his hole mind and care upon Darius, causing it to be proclaimed that every man should set forwards towards Euphrates. But Darius understanding that his enemy was gone through Egypt into Africa, stood in doubt whether he should stay about Mesopotania, or withdraw into the inward parts of his kingdom, judging that he should be able to work with those far nations in bringing of them forwards to the wars, that his lieutenant should not be able to do. yet when the fame had published, and he understood by assured advertisement that Alexander was returned out of Egypt, and fully resolved to follow him with all his power into what country soever he should go: he than gave order that the force of all the far nations should draw towards Babylon, knowing the stoutness of his enemy he had to match withal. Thither resorted both Bactrians, Scythians, and Indians, for the power of other countries were come thither before. And having the double number of men that he had before in Cilicia, prepared much armour for them with diligence, whereof many of them had want. Both the horsemen and the horses were armed with plates of steel. And such as before had no weapons but darts, had sword and bucklers given to them more. And to increase the power of his horsemen, delivered many horses to be broken amongs the footmen. He had prepared also. CC. wagons set with hokes, which in those countries were esteemed things of great force, and judged to be a wonderful terror to the enemy: they were made with great long pikes styking out before, and with sword set overwhart on both sides. The weals were also full of Iron pikes right forth, and of great hooks both upward and downward, wherewith all thing was cut a sondre that came in their way. When his people were thus furnished of armour, and had provided sufficiently for the wars, he removed from Babylon. and keeping the river of Tiger on his right hand▪ 
Tiger. Euphrates.  and Euphrates on his left hand, overspredde with his army all the plains of Mesopotania. After that he passed Tiger, and understanding that his enemy was coming at hand sent first Satrapaces before with a thousand chosen horsemen, 
Satrapaces  and afterwards appointed six thousand to Mascens to stop Alexander the passage of the river. 
Masens.  Who had also in commission to waste & burn all the country where he judged that his enemies should come, thinking to famish them with want of victuals, considering that they had no other provision but such as they got by ravin, and by stealth: they themselves having plenty brought them both by land and by the river of Tiger. At length he came unto a village called Arbella, 
Arbella.  which was afterwards famous by reason of his overthrow. There he left the chief furniture of his victuals and carriage, 
Licus.  and made a bridge over the river of Licus, and in five days conveyed over his army as he had done before over Euphrates: passing forwards from thence about four store furlongs. He came unto an other river called Bowmello, 
Bowmello.  and there encamped. The country served wonderful well for the arranging of his battles in the large plains, passable for horses every where, and without stubbes, or short brush, to cover the ground withal, but so free a prospect, that the eye might decern things a great way of. And if there appeared any hills within the plain. Darius caused the same to be cast down, and the ground to be made smooth. Such as by conjecture made report to Alexander of Darius' power could not be credited, for he could not think after so many slain, there could be a greater power gathered together, that he had before. But he that never doubted any peril, and much less the multitude of men, after the eleventh encamping came to the river of Euphrates, over the which he made brudges and passed over his horsemen and afterwards his footmen. For Mazeus that was sent against him with six thousand horsemen to let his passage, durst not encounter with him. When he had continued there a few days not only to rest his soldiers but also to confirm their minds and encourage them, he set forwards stoutly against his enemy, fearing that he would have retired back into the inward parts of his country, whether he should have been enforced to follow by waste places and deserts. Therefore the fourth day he passed by Arbella and came unto the river of Tiger. All the country beyond the river was on a smoke newly set on fire by Mazeus, who burned all things where he came even as he had been an enemy. Alexander at the first by reason of the darkness of the smoke stayed for fear of embushementes. But when they which were sent to scour the country reported that all thing was clear he appointed a few horsemen to prove the passage of the River, who found the deepness at the first entry to come to the horse breast, and in the mids of the stream to the horse necks. There is no River in all the east parts of the world that runneth so violently, which besides the waters of other rivers that do run into it, driveth down stones with the stream so that of his swiftness it is called Tiger, which in the percian tongue is so much to say as an arrow. The footmen therefore divided into two bands, holding there armour over their heads were enclosed on both sides with the horsemen, and so passed till they came in the deep of the channel without any great difficulty. The king was the first among the footmen that passed over to the furtherside, who with his hand (seeing his voyre could not be hard) showed the shallow places unto the soldiers. But they had much pain to keep their footing by reason of stones whereupon they stumbled, and of the violence of the water that took their feet away. Such as carried burdens on their backs had the greatest travail which not being able to stay themselves by reason of the trouble of their carriage were borne down by violence, of the stream. And whiles every man went about to recover again his own, there fell greater strife amongs themselves, than they had with the stream. And the heaps of farthels that fleted every where upon the water bore down many. The king cried to them that it was sufficient to keep their armour and let the rest go, promising to recompense every man. But they neither followed his counsel, nor did as he commanded them besides the noise, that was amongs them, fear so fissed their ears in there, swimming and wading through the water. Atlength where the stream was most shallow they came forth, there being nothing miss carried or wanting amongs them all, saving afew farthels. If their enemies had made but a proffer against them. they might easily have put them to distress. But Alexander's continual good fortune turned then his enemies away from him. With which fortune he passed the river of Granyk, when so many thousands both of horsemen and footmen kept the passage against him. After that sort he overcame the multitude of his enemies in the straights of Cilicia. Though his boldness were such, that is some time wanted praise, yet his felicity ever delivered him out of all extreme peril. If Mazeus had done his part and set upon them as they were passing the river, he might easily have put them to distress, being unarmed and out of order. But after the Macedones had Armed themselves (being then to late) he began to show himself with a thousand horsemen. When Alexander perceived the small number that came against him he caused Ariston captain of Peonians to give a full charge upon them. The horsemen that day notably behaved themselves, but in especial Ariston, 
Ariston.  which with his spece ran Satropaces the chief captain through the throat, & pursuing him into the midst of his camp threw him from his horse and cut of his head, which to his great commendation he brought and threw down before the king. Alexander tarried there two days, and against the morning caused warning to be given by proclamation for his setting forwards. But in the first watch of the the moan suffered Eclipse which losing her brightness afterwards became as red as blood and therewith waxed dim & back. 
An Eclipse of the Moon  The strangeness of this matter did strike a religious fear amongs the Macedons, whereof proceeded such a doubt & fear, that they fell into a murmur & grudging that they should be brought forwards after such a manner against the will of the gods into the uttermost bounds of the earth, where as they were not able to pass the Rivers, nor could enjoy the accustomed use of the elements, finding nothing but waste grounds and wild deserts, all which was done (they said) for the ambition of one man. for whose vainglory the blood of so many thousands should be shed. He despiseth (qd they) his country, he hath forsaken Philip for his father and affected heaven in his foolish imagination. When Alexander perceived the matter to come to a muttering, he that in all things was without fear commanded the chief rulers & captains of his men of war to assemble at his pavilion, and there commanded the Astronomers of the Egiptianes (whom he judged to have most understanding of the planets) to declare their opinions. They understanding very well the revolutions of the time, & their appointed courses knew that the moon did ever eclipse, when that either she went underneath the earth or else when her light was blemished by opposition of the son, which reason conceived amongs themselves they accustomed not to teach the people. They affirmed also that the greakes were under the region of the Son, and the Percyan under the moon, & therefore so often as the moon fell of her light it signified great destruction to the nations under that constellation. And to confirm that opinion of theirs they brought in old presidents of the kings of Perce to whom the eclipse of the moon had signified, that the gods were against them in fight of their battles. 
The force of superstition to govern a multitude.  There is nothing more effectual than superstition to govern a multitude, which otherwise is without rule, fierce, & mutable. But when they have once conceived a religion: though it be but vain, they be more obedient to their divines, then to their captains which thing might be well perceived, when these answers of the Egipcians were spread abroad amongs the people, for they straight ways were removed from their dullness and despair, and slurred up to hope and confidence. Alexander therefore that could use the time, and employ his soldiers in their good mode: in the second watch removed his camp, keeping Tiger on his right hand, and the mount which they call Gordeion his left hand. By the spring of the day the scouters that he sent before to discover, returned to him with report that Darius was coming. Then the soldiers prepared themselves to the fight, & marched forwards in order of battle. But those that discovered for the Percians, were but a thousand horsemen, which keeping the scout a farreof, seemed to the Macedons to be a great army. The scouters commonly have that property that when they can not find out the truth, they imagen thorough fear things that be false. When Alexander understood the certainty he sent out towards them a small, number of his own horsemen: at whose coming they fled, & were partly slain, and partly taken prisoners. That done, he sent horsemen as well to discover further, as also to quench the fire which the Percians had made through all the country. For as they fled away they put fire into the ruffs of the houses and the stacks of torn, which soon took hold above and consumed all till it came to the ground. By extinguisshing of those fires great plenty of corn was found, and habundance of all other things ensued amongs the Macedons. That was a matter which encouraged the soldiers greatly to pursue their enemies. For doubting lest they should burn and consume all such things as might serve to their use: pursued them with all the speed they could make, wisdom growing of necessity. For Mazeus which before did burn the country at leisure. when he saw himself pursued. fled away & left unto the Macedons the more part untouched. Alexander understanding that Darius drew towards him, & was come within an hundred and fifty furlongs, made provision of victuals, and remained four days in the same place. Darius' letters were there intercepted, which he had written to the Greeks, in persuasion either to kill or betray alexander. Who doubted whether he should recite the same letters openly or no, having no mistrust of their benevolence and affection towards him: But Parmeno dissuaded the putting of any such promises into the soldiers heads, considering that the committing of such an act consisted in one man's hand, and that covetousness judged never any thing unlawful. He followed Parmenio's counsel, and so removed his camp. As they were marching one of the Enukes that attendid upon Darius' wife brought word that she fainted, and drew her breath with great difficulty. Who in very deed was so wearied with continual travail of her journey, and care of mind, that she fell down in a swoon betwixt her mother in law and her young daughter, and so died. He had not so soon told the tale but another came with tidings that she was dead in deed: whereat Alexander was no les sorrowful than if his own mother had been in the same case. and such tears falling from his eyes as Darius sh●ld have shed: repairid into the tent where Darius' mother was sitting by the dead body. There his sorrow renewed when he saw her lie prostrate upon the ground, who by the chance that presently fell being put in remembrance of her adversity past, embraced in her arms Darius ii daughters a comfort to he in their mutual dokir but that she was enforced to comfort them. Her young nephew stood in her presence the more to be petied, because that for his youth he yet understood not the calamity that was growing towards him. A man would have judged that Alexander had wept for his own case, which lamented and would receive no comfort but abstained from meat, & reserved all honour to be done to the dead corpse after the country custom of the Percians. Worthy he was hereby to receive the fruit of such meekness and continency. He had only seen her once before, which was the day of her taking, and then came not to visit her, but as Darius mother. The excellency of her beauty, was no provoking to him of lust, but of glory. Of those Enukes that were about the Queen there was one Tiriotes which during this murning and lamentation, escaped by a gate that was unwarded, and fled unto the Percians Camp, where he was by the watchmen brought to Darius' presence. When Darius saw him lamenting and tearing of his clothes. he was in a wondered expectation what his sorrow should be, doubting what thing he might fear most. Thy countenance (qd he) declareth that some great mishefe is happened. 
Darius to Tyrw●es.  Take heed thou confelest nothing from my miserable ears. I have learned to be unfortunate, and it is often times a comfort of a man's calamity to know his misshapp. Is it not the misusing of my wife and children that thou wouldest tell me? which is the thing I suspect most and fear to utter and (as I believe) is more grievous unto them then any kind of torment. Nothing les (qd Tiriotes) The same honour that was given unto them by your subjects the like is used by him that is victorer. But your wife is the cause of my amazement, which is even now dead. When that word was once spoken there was nothing but lamentation & howling out through the camp And Darius could not be otherwise persuaded but that she was slain, because she would not consent to her misusement, and in the vehemency of his sorrow cried out. 
Darius' exclamation in his sorrow  O Alexander what so great an offence have I committed against the whom of thy kindred have I slain, that thou shouldest require me with this cruelty? Thou hast done it without enye pervokement of my part. But be it so that thou do●●e move & just war against me yet is it thy part therefore to keep war with women? Tyriotes thereupon did swear by the gods immortal, that she had received no kind of violence nor harm, but that Alexander lamented her death, and wept no less than he himself would have done. Those words drive him into further suspicion and jealousy, conjecturing that Alexander's behaviour therein had risen upon the familiar conversation had betwixt them. Therefore he avoided all persons from him, saving only Tyriotes, & leaving his weeping, but yet near dead for sorrow said unto him: Thou seest now Ciriotes that lies can take no place. Torments straight ways shallbe brought before the● I require them therefore if any reverence of the Prince remain within thy heart, tell me without compulsion the thing that I desire to know and am ashamed to inquire. Is it possible being of th'age that he is, and having her in his hands, that he should notattempt her: Tiriotes offered himself to be racked in trial of the cause, and called the gods to witness, that she was never used but chastened & reverently. Atlength when he was once parsuaded that his words were true,. He covered his head, weeping long space. And afterwards the tears yet distilling down his cheeks uncovered his face, and holding up his hands to heaven, said. O you gods that I do worship I require you cheflie to stablish this kingdom unto myself. 
Darius' petition.  But if ye have determined my ruin and decay, than my request is that none may reign as king in my dominion, but even he that is so just an enemy, and so merciful a victorer. And therefore though he had twice before required peace at Alexander his hands & prevailed not, but had converted all his mind towards the wars: yet he was then so overcome with the continency of his enemy, that he sent ten of the chiefest of his blood as Ambassador's to treat with him upon condicons of peace. Alexander calling a counsel gave them presence. to whom the eldest spoke in this wise. That Darius hath now the third time demanded peace of you no power hath compelled him, 
The words of Darius Embasseadores.  but your justice & continency hath moved him. He should not perceive that either his mother, wife, or children were prisoners saving for want of their company, you take care of their chastities which remain on live, yea even as you were their father you give to them the honour aꝑtaining, & suffer them to continue in their former estate. Isee the dolorousnes in your face, that I saw in darius when I ꝑted from him, & yet he doth morn for his wife, & you for your enemy And if the care of her burial had not been, you had now stand in battle in readiness to fight. Is it any marvel therefore if he require peace of such one, that is so friendly disposed towards him? What shall they need to contend with arms, between whom there remaineth no hatred. In his former treaties he offered the River of Alys which boundeth upon Lydia to be the confines of your empire, but now he proffereth you in dower with his daughter to be delivered out of hand, all those countries that lie between Hellespont and Euphrates. For the performen of which his promise: and for the observing of peace. Occhus his son now in your possession shallbe the pledge for his part. His request is to have his mother, and his two daughters restored unto him, for which three you shall receive xxx thousand talents. Except I knew the moderation that is in you I would not be so bold to say that this is a time when you ought not only to grant peace, but also to seek for it yourself: Look back and behold what a great thing you leave behind you, and force how much it is that you covet before you. Over great an empire is daungerus. And it is hard to hold that you be not able to receive. Do you not see that those ships which be of exceeding greatness, that they cannot well be governed. judge that to be the cause that Darius lost so much. Because that overmuch is the occasion of much loss. It is more facile to get many things then to keep a few. How much more easily do our hands catch, then hold still. The very death of Darius' wife now doth show, that you have not so get at occasion to show your compassion as you had before. The Ambassadors were removed unto an other place and he debated in counsel his opinion. It was long before any durst utter what they thought, because they were uncertain how the king was inclined. 
Parmenio's opinion concerning the ransoming of prisoners  At length Parmenio spoke, and said: my opinion was ever that the prisoners taken at Damaseo should have been delivered to such as would redeem them, whereby a great sum of money might have been made of them, which now remaining in captivity pester the hands of many a man of service. And now I think most necessary of all, that you exchaunce for xxx talents of gold, this old woman and the two young damosels which be but impediments and disturbance to you in your journeys. The conquest (he said) was better that was gotten by treaty, rather than by force. And that there was never none before him that was lord of all the countries in length & breadth lying between Ister and Euphrates: he willed him therefore rather to have respect towards Macedonia, then to look forwards towards Bactria & the Indians. His words liked not the king, & therefore so soon as Parmenio had made an end of his tale, he made this answer: And I, if I were Parmenio, would rather desire money then glory. But now seeing I am Alexander, I am not in any doubt of poverty, & have consideration that I am a king & no merchant. I have nothing whereof I will make say, and much less sell my fortune. If I were in mind to deliver the prisoners it were much better to give them freely, then to ransom them for money. Hereupon he called in the Ambassadors & answered them in this sort. 
Alexander's answer to the Ambassadors.  Show you to Darius that the giving of thanks is but waste to a man's enemy, and let him not think. that I have had any respect to his friendship, in those things that I have done of mine own clemency & liberality, nor let him not impute the same in any wise towards himself, but to thinclination of mine own nature, and that I contend not against men's calamities, but against the force of mine enemies I use not to make wars with women & prisoners, for he must be armed to whom I shall show my hatred. And though it were so in deed that he meant good faith in his peace ask, yet peradventure I would advise me before I would consent. But seeing that at some time he hath by his letters provoked my soldiers to betray me and at other time stored up my friends with money to my destruction: I must pursue him to th'uttermost, not as a righteous enemy, but as one that worketh his things by treason. If I should accept the conditions of peace that you do bring, I should acknowledge him to be victorer, which liberally doth give me all that is behind the river of Euphrates, not considering in what place I speak now unto you. Have you forgot that I am passed the river of Euphrates. & encamped beyond the bounds ye proffer me in dower? drive me from hence that I may know the same to be yours, wherewith ye would enfeoff m●. He proffereth me his daughter with no greater liberality than he would do to one of his servants. Doth he think to do me a pleasure in preferring me to be his son in law before Mazeus? Go and show this to your king, that both that he hath lost, and that he hath yet in possession, shall be unto me rewards of the war, which war shall discuss the bounds of both our Empires, and by the fortune of the battle we shall fight to morrow, appointed to each of us our limits. Let him know that I came not into Asia to receive but to give. If he would have been content to be second person and not coveted to be equal with me. I would peradventure have granted his request. But as two sons cannot shine on the earth at once, so likewise two such great kingdoms cannot be at one time in the world without the subversion thereof. Therefore let him either this day yield himself, or else prepare himself against the morrows fight, nor let him not persuade himself to have other fortune, than he hath proved already. The Ambassadors replied: that seeing he was resolved to proceed with war he did royally in that he was plain, and did not food the forth with hope of peace, their request was therefore that they might be dispatched to the king to warn him to prepare likewise for the war: When they returned they declared that Alexander was determined out of hand to try the matter by battle. Wherefore Darius sent Mazeus out of hand with iii. M. horsemen to keep the passages whereby the Macedones should pass. When Alexander had performed the funerals of Darius' wife, leaving with a small guarrison all such as were unprofitable for the fight, within the strength of his camp, set forwards towards his enemies. His footmen were divided into two battles impaled with horsemen on both sides, and his carriage went in the mids. Then he sent Medina's with horsemen upon the spurs to discover where Darius was: Who coming within the view of Mazeus, durst not pass any further, but brought report that he could here nothing else but the noise of men and neighing of horses. Mazeus likewise discovered them and returned back to Darius, declaring that his enemies were coming: Then Darius, whose desire was to encounter his enemies in the plain and open fields, 
The order of Darius battilles.  commanded his men to armour, and divided them into two parts, whereof the one marched on the left hand, and the other on the right. In the battle on the left hand a. M. of the Bactrian horsemen had the first place, with the like number of Dahans and four M. Arac●osians and Susians, after which band of horsemen there followed, 
Bessus.  C. hooked wagons, and behind them Bessus with an other band of viii M. Bactrians horsemen & ii M. Massagetes. The footmen of divers nations came next in order of battle, not mixed together, but each countrymen by themselves. 
Ariobarzanes.  Ariobar●anes and Oribates had the government of the Percians, Mardians and Sogdians. But their charge was divided, and Orsines that was come of the vii Percians & of the blood of noble king Cyrus had the rule of the whole: Other nations followed whose names were scarcely known to their own company. 
Cradates.  Cradates was the next which having also fifty hooked wagons, placed a band of Caspians horsemen before them, and behind them the Indians and other the inhabiters of the red sea, rather names of men then good assistance. This square was impaled with fifty wagons, unto the which the mercenary soldiers were joined. After them followed the men of Armeny the less, than the babylonians, and next the Bellitans with such as inhabit the Cossean mountains. The Gortuans came next, which sometime followed the Medians out of Euboia, but at those days degenerated from their country customs. The Phrygians, Cathonians, and Parthians, enclosed the tail. This was the battle on the left hand. In the battle on the right hand were the people of the greater army, the Cadusians, Capadocians, Syrians, and medians, who had fifty hooked wagons. The some of his whole army was xlv M. horsemen, &. CC. thousand footmen. When they were placed in order of battle, they marched forwards ten furlongs, and they were commanded to stay. Whiles the Percians after that manner tarried for their enemies, the● fell a sudden fear amongs the Macedons: whereof there appeared no cause, & yet every man was amazed, & a certain bread entered into their hearts. The lightning that fell out of the air being in the summer season seemed like fire, and the flames suddenly appearing, were thought to come from Darius' camp. If Mezeus which was sent to observe their coming had set upon them while● they were in this fear, he might have done them some notable damage. But he was ●lack to do his enterprise & remained upon the top of an hill, content● that he was not assailed. Alexander perceiving the terror that was come amongs his men made a sign for them is stay, and gave order that they should warm themselves▪ & refresh their bodies: giving them to understand that there was no cause why they should so suddenly conceive a fear, seeing their enemies were yet a good distance from them. At length, when he perceived they had recovered their spirits, he exhorted them both to receive courage and to put on their armour. But yet he thought nothing more expedient for the case present, then to fortify his camp in the same place. The next day Mazeus which had planted himself on a high hill from whence he might behold his enemy's camp, either for fear or else because his commission was but only to discover, returned again unto Darius. Upon his departure the Macedons by and by t●ke the hill which he had forsaken, the same being of more strength than the plain where they remained before, from whence he might behold their enemy's camp. And though the mist which the moist hills did cast forth took not away clearly the use of the prospe●: yet it letted them to deserve the division of their enemies barteles, and there order: the multitude of whom overspread the fills, and the noise of such a number filled there ears though they weep far of. Then Alexander began to revolve in his head, and debase with himself, one while Pe●menyos opinion, and another time his own. For he was come so farforth that he could not retire except he were victoret with out the great destruction of his Army. The multitude of his enemies moved him much in respect of his small noumbre. yet on the other part he remembered what great acts he had done with them, and how many nations he had vanquished. So that hope surmounting his fear, he thought it most danger of all to differ the battle any longer, lest desperation might grow amongst his men, and therefore dissembling the matter caused the Mercenary horsemen, and the Peones to pass on before, and divided his Phalanx as it hath been said before, into two battles, and impaled the same with horsemen on both sides. By that time the m●ste avoided, and began to wax clear, the order of their enemies appearing manifestly. The Macedones then whither it were of courage, or for that they were impatient to tarry any longer, made such a shout as men of war use when they join in battle the like was also made by the Percians. So that the woods and vaille is round about, rebounded with the terrible sound. The Macedones then could not abstain any longer, but would have run forwards towards there enemies. But Alexander thought it better to fortify his camp upon that hill, and so commanded it to be entrenched about. Which work being speedily performed he enteres in his tent from whence he might behold his 〈◊〉 host. Then the hole fashion and form of the 〈◊〉 that was at hand was presented before his eyes: doth horsemen and footmen glistered in there bright armour, and all things were prepared with great diligence. He beheld the care of the captains in his enemy's camp how they did ride up & down to set things in order. And divers things which were but vain in deed: as the noise of men, the nying of horses & the glistering of their armour trouble ●he mind: that was careful in th'expectation of the matter, Therefore whither it were that he was not fully resolved in his mind or else to prove the minds of such as were abouts him, 
Permenio his opinion.  called his friends to consult what was best to do▪ Parmenio that was the most expert man amongs all the captains in the feats of war: thought 〈◊〉 not to give his enemies plain battle, but rather to set upon them in the dead time of the night whereby he thought they might easily be discomfited. Supposing that they amongs whom there was so great diversity of customs and alteration of language could never assemble well together▪ specially when they should be put suddenly in fear in the night time being a sleep: whereas in the day time the harp of the Scythians and Bactryans with their rough faces, and long hear, besides the hugeness of their bodies should appear terrible. And argued how soldiers were more moved with vain causes of fear and such were of no Moment then with such as were just causes in deed he declared also how their enemies by reason of the great multitude should be able to enclose there small number round about: and that they should not now fight in the straits and narrow passages of Cilicia, but in an open and large plain. They all in manner agreed to Parmenio's saying: and Policarpon was of a plain opinion, that the victory consisted in the point which he had devised. The king that before had taunted Parmenio more bitterly than he thought good, would not check him again. but beheld Polycarpon and said: That policy that you advise me pertaineth to robbers and thieves, 
A●exanders answer  for it is their property to work by fleshed and d●●ce it. I will no more suffer that either Darius absence, the straightness of the ground or the ●●elthe in the night, shallbe an hindrance to my glory. I am plainly determined to have to do with him in the open day, and had rather repent me of my fortune, than be ashamed of my victory. Besides this it is to be considered, that the Percians keep good watch and stand armed always in a readiness to receive us. whereof I have advertisement: So that they cannot be deceived that way. Therefore there doth remain no more, but that you prepare yourselves to the battle. When he had by these words put them in a courage, he dismisses them from counsel, to refresh there bodies. Darius' conjecturing that his enemies would have done the same thing that Parmenio did persuade, caused the horses to stand ready bridled, the hole night, and the more of his host to continue armed and keep good watch. His camp shone bright with the fires that were made, and he himself with his captains and kinsfolks went about his battles that stood in order and in arms making invocation to the Son, to Mars, and to the everlasting fire, that they would inspire unto them a fortitude of mind, that might answer to the ancient glory and acts of his predecessors. And showed if the mind of man were noble to conceive any tokens or signs of the gods favore or assistance, it was no doubt but that they were bend on their side, having already streken a sode● fear amongs the Macedones which (he said) might he seen by there ronning here and there by the ●arieng and casting of their Armour. And that the gods which took care of the Percians empire were new determined to punish those towards: Whose captain being of another sort than the rest was like unto these wild beasts, which through greediness of the ●ray, that they do covet, fall into the s●ares that be set f●● them. The like care was amongs the Macedones, for as though the matter should have been tried that night, they passed i● over in doubt and fear. Alexander himself that was never seen i● such scare before that time called for Aristander to meek vows & prayers, wh● in a white garment carieng V●rberies in his hand, with his head, covered went before the king calling upon jupiter, Mynerua & Victoria. When he had thus performed his sacrifice according to their religion returned into his 〈◊〉 him to rest the residue of the night. But he ●ulde neither rest▪ nor sleep, but continually debated with himself which way he should affaile his enemies: One while he was of opinion to give his first unset wone that battle of the Percians that should come on his right hand: Some time he determined to meet his enemies in a plain front, and an other while was in doubt whither it were better to set first on their left batteyll, atlength his body became heavy with travail of the mind and fell into a sound sleep. When the day appeared, the captains assembled about the kings Pavilion, to receive their charge. Where they stood amazed with greater silence than they were accustomed. For they could not but wonder that Alexander who was ever wont ●● cast upon other men, and to reprove such as were slow or negligent, not to be then storing when the matte● was come to the point of the extreme danger. And many were of opinion that he slept not but shrunk for fear, yet for all that none of them that were about his person durst attempt to wake him. In the mean season the time passed away, and the soldiers might neither put on their armour, nor go in order of battle without commandment of their hea●. When they had thus tarried a good while. Parmenio gave commandment they should fall to meat. At length when the time came, that of necessity they must set their battles, he entered into the kings l●dgyng, and called upon him divers times by his name, but when he could not awake him with his voice he stored him with his hand: 
Parmenio to Alexand.  It is farfourth day (quoth he) and your enemies come forwards in order of battle and your soldiers being yet unarmed, 〈◊〉 no commandment yet given them what they shall do● where is▪ that there fullness and courage of yours become which were wont to stir ●p other men▪ unto whom Alexander made answer: Think you that I could sleep before I had rid myself of the rare that letteth me to take my rest? and thereupon caused the trumpets to blow to the battle. But when Parmenio continued ●●ll in admiration that he in such a time could sleep so quietly. It is no marvel (quod Alexander) when Darius burned the country ●●sted the villages, and destroyed the victuals. I could then in no wise be quiet. But now what cause have I of fear, seeing he prepareth himself to fight? He hath now fulfilled my desire, res●●te now where your charge lie, and I will straight ●lyes come to ge●●e, order amongs you, and reason this matter afterwards. He use ● seldom to take his friends a●u●e when my 〈◊〉 ●● danger was at hand, when Parmenio was gone he armed himself, and came forwards amongs the soldiers. Who seeing him look so thereful as they had not done before 〈◊〉 yved by the boldness of his countenance a certain hope of the victory: Then he caused the trenches of he● camp 〈◊〉 cast down, that the soldiers might have free passage forth and so did set his battles in order. The horsemen which they call Age●a of whom Cli●us was captain, were set in the wing of his right hand battaylle: to whom he joined Philotas and other Captains. 
The order that Alexander used at the battle of Arbella.  The last hand of horsemen was Me●e●gers which went next unto the square battle of footmen that the Macedons name Phalanx. After the Phalanx those footmen went that he called Argyraspides, 
Argiraspid●  of whom Nycanour the son of Parmenio was captain. Cen●s with his hand was appointed to be a relief▪ Horestes and L●ta 〈◊〉 next ●n order, and after them Poly●arp●n that had the rule of the strangers Ph●lag●● had the rule of the Balacr●us. And this was the order of alexander's battle in the right hand whereof Ami●tas was chief. In the left battle. Cr●terus had the charge of the Peloperension horsemen and had with h●m also the bands of the Atheians Locrensians, and Mole●●●sians, and the last trops were the horsemen of Lassalia under Philip their captain. Thus the horsemen covering the foot men made the front of the left battle. And left thenemies through their multitude should enclose the battle about, he planted a great force behind for the relief of that matter, and set a relief also upon the wings not to front with the rest but upon the sides. to th'intent that if the enemies attempted to compass about the battles, that there should be ready to keep them doing. Those that occupied the places of relief were the Agrians, of whom Attalus was captain. and the archers of Crete joined unto them: such as stood in the hinder parts of the battles were ordered to turn their faces from the frontwardes; because that being in a readiness every way, the battles in every place should be of like force. They which stood with their faces contrariwise were the Illyrians & the mercenary soldiers, with the Thracians that were lightly armed. These his battles were set so aptly to be turned every way, that such as stood in the hinder parts could not be enclosed about, but might towards each part make their front: So the front, the flanks, and the hinder parts were also of like force. When he had set his men in order after this manner, he gave commandment that if the Percians should put forwards upon them their hooked wagons with a cry or noise, that then they should open their battles and receive them with silence, not doubting but that they should pass through without harm doing, if no man did resist them. But if they should come without any shout or 〈◊〉, that then they themselves should make a cry 〈◊〉 fear● the horse withal, and so with p●kes thrust them in on every side. They which had the charge of the battles were commanded to extend them so much in breadth as they might, lest by standing over close the might be environed, and yet not to stretch them so far out, to leave the places void or thin in the mids. The carriage and the prisoners amongs whom Darius mother was, were set in the top of an hill with a small guard about them. The charge of the left battle was committed to Parmenio as was accustomed before time and Alexander himself was in tother. When they were come near together one Bion came flying from the Percian camp in all the haste he could make, and declared unto the king that Darius had planted Iron galtroppes. Where as he thought his horsemen should pass, and by a certain sign showed him the place, because it might be avoided. Alexander willed the fugitive to be kept sauffe, and assembled all his captains together, declaring the matter and exorting them to make their soldiers privy to the danger, for eschewing the place pointed out to them. But all that were in so great an army could not hear the warning given, the noise of both armies taking away the use of the ears. 
Alexander's exhortation to his men.  But Alexander riding betwixt the battles, gave exhortation to the Capitains' and to all other that were within hearing. He declared that there was but one hazard remaining to them that had passed through so many countries in hope of the vitorie which they were now ready to fight for. Therupon he reduced to their memory the battles they had fought, at the river of Granike, in the mountains of Cilicia, and with what speed they had passed over both Syria and Egypt, the rehearsal whereof put them in great hope and pricked them forwards to the desire of glory. He showed that the Percians being withdrawn again from their former flying, were now compelled to fight of nesessitie because they could i'll no further, and how that three days together amazed for fear they had remained still in one place with their armour on their backs. Of whose despair (he said) there could be no greater argument, then that they had set on fire their own country, confessing all to be their enemies, that they destroyed not. He exhorted them not to fear the vain names of unknown nations, as a thing nothing pertinent to the war, which were called Scythians or Cadusians. For that they were unknown nations, was the greatest token that they were men of no valour. For that such as be valiant men could never be unknown in the world. And contrariwise dastards, when they come forth of their dens bring nothing with them but names of men where as you that be Macedons have obtained by your virtue & manhood, that there is no Country in the world ignorant of your arts. He willed them to behold the evil order that was in their enemy's host, of whom some had no weapon but a dart, other a sling to cast stones, & very few had such armour as they ought to have. So that though there were a great number on the other part, yet he said they had more on their side that should come to hand strips. And that for his part he would not require any man to adventure himself, except he were an ensample to them to show their valiantness & courage. For he promised that he should be seen fight with the foremost knowing that so many wounds as he should get, should be so many ornamenntes to his person. He said they themselves knew that he would be no partaker of the pray, but that ever his cus●ume was to bestow the rewards of the victory to their behove & commodity. His former words he showed to be spoken to such as were men of courage But if there were any that were otherwise, he had to say unto thee: that they were come to the place from whence they could not i'll, having lest so many countries behind them which they had passed over, & so many rivers & mounteyns at their backs. So that now there was no way to their houses and country, but such as they must make open with their own hands. This was the exhortation he gave unto the captains, and to such of the soldiers as stood next him. Darius that was in his left battle accompanied with a choice band of elect horsemen, & footmen, dispiced the small number of his enemies their battles appearing to him shin & void of men, when he saw their wings stretched so fat abroad. He stood therefore in his Chariot on high, & turning himself both on the right hand and the left, 
The oration of Daryus.  spoke in this sort to such as were abouts him. We that long ago were lords of all the countries lying betwixt Hellespont & the Occian Sea, are compelled now to fight not for fame and glori but for our safeguard and our liberty, with chiefly is to be esteemed. This day shall I either establish, or make an end of the greatest empire that hath been in any age. At the river of Granik we fought with a small part of our power. When we were vanquished in Cilicia, Syria was able to receive us, and the Rivers of Tiger and Emphrates were as bulwarks to defend our kingdom. But now we come to that point, that we have no place to i'll to, if we be put to flight. All things behind our backs are wasted with this long war, neither cities be inhabited nor men left to till the ground. Both our wifes and children do follow this army, a pray ready for our enemies, except we put forth our bodies for the defence of such as be dear unto us. So much as hath concerned me. I performed preparing such an army as this huge plain is scarcely able to receive: I distributed amongs you horse & armour provided the victuals should not want for such a multitude and have choose out an apt place to derayn the battles in All the rest remaineth in your hands. Do but dare, and the victory is yours, Despise you this fame which is but a week weapon against men of valeur. It is rashness which hitherto ye have feared as a virtue, whereof when the first brunt is spent, it waxeth then dull as the bees when they have once lost their thongs. This plain hath disclosed their final number, which the mountains of Cilicia did hide: you see how thin their ranks be, their wings how they be extended abroad. how their battles be empty, and void of men. And such as be hinder most have already turned their backs They may be overthrown with the horse feet though I send none against them but the hooked wagons And if we win the battle we make an end of the war for they have no place to fly unto. They be shut in with Tiger on the one side, & with Euphrates on the other: and such things as before made for their purpose, now be turned and make clear against them. Our Army is light, and without much baggage, and they be laden with prays and with booties. We shall kill them therefore as they be wrayt in our spoils. And the same one thing shallbe both our gain, and the cause of our victory. If any of you be moved with the fame of the nation you must think that the armour and outward show & not the bodies of the very Macedons be their present we have consumed so much of their blood since the war begun. And seeing they be but few, their loss must needs be to them the greater. For how great so ever Alexander doth seem to such as be fearful, and towards, he is but a man, and if you trust me, both rash and without consideration: and hitherto more fortunate through over fear, then by his own valour. There is nothing can continued that is not governed by reason. for though fortune seem to favour for a while, yet at length she shall not support his rasshenes. Besides that the estate of things be full of change, and no man hath perpetual felicity. It may be that the providence of the gods have so ordained it, that the Empire of the Percians increased with such prosperous success by the space of two hundred and thirty years, and brought to so great an height of fortune, should now rather be shaken, then utterly overthrown: Thereby to admonish us of man's fragility, which useth to forget himself overmuch in prosperous estate. It is not long ago since of our own motion and courage, we moved war against the Grecians, and invaded their dominions, but now we stand at defence in our own country. Thus we be tossed one against an other by exchange of fortune. For one nation cannot ●eare the greatness of the Empire which we both do ●ouet. But be it so that hope were taken from us, yet necessity ought to prick us forwards, the matter is come to such extremity. He keepeth now as prisoners, both my mother, my two daughters, and Occhus my son, borne to the succession of this Empire. He keepeth captive your princes, the issue that is descended of the blood royal, yea & your captains equal with kings, and if you do not now lay to your hands I myself am like to become captive. Deliver you therefore my bowels out of my prison, and restore to me my children, for whose sake I do not refuse to die. Be you all sure that both my mother and my children (for my wife is dead in prison be holding up their hands crying unto the gods, & calling for your help, your compassion and fidelity, that you would deliver them from servitude, from fetters, & from the state they are in, living at other men's will & appointment. Think you that they can be content to live under such as they could scarcely vouch save to have for subjects? I see that our enemy's battles do approach, & the near the danger is at hand, the less the words I have spoken do content me, I make request to you by the gods of our country by the eternal fire that is carried upon the altars, by the brightness of the son that riseth within the bounds of mine Empire, by the everlasting memory of Cyrus, which first did take the Empire from the Medes & Lidians & gave it to the Percians, deliver their name & this nation from shame & reproach. Go fourth cheerfully have you good hope, and see that you restore to your posterity, the glory you have received of your elders. Lo you carry now in your hands your liberty, your help, & your hope in time to come. Whosoever contempneth death, escaped death, & death overtaketh such, as do fly from death▪ I ride here in a chariot, not only for that it is my country, custom▪ but also that I may be seen of you al. And I desire nothing so much as the ye will follow me, whether I show you an ensample of proofs or of cowardness. In the mean season whiles Alexander did covet to escue the place of parill, that he was warned of, & enforced himself to encounter with Darius' left battle where he was in person, 
The battle ●ught or ●rbella betwixt Alexa●der & Darius.  was compelled to fetch a compass about. Whom when Darius perceived he turned likewise his own battle towards him, willing bessus to appoint the Massagites horsemen to geu a charge on Alexander's left battle. He set before him his hooked wagons, which by a sign given broke out suddenly upon their enemies with a full course to th'intent that by their coming unbewares they might do the greater destruction. The pikes that were set before in the wagons destroyed divers, & many were torn a sondre by the houkes that were on both sides. The Macedons gave not place to them by a little & little, but troubled their array with a main foot. When Mazeus saw their disordre, he put them in more fear, and appointed out a thousand horsemen to fetch a compass about the Macedons battles to spoil their carriage, supposing that the prisoners which were there kept, would break their bands, when they should see their own nation approach. Parmenio which was in the left wing perceived this matter well, & therefore sent by & by Polidamas unto Alexander to show him the danger, and know his pleasure what he would have done. When he understood the case by Polidamas: Go thy way (qd he) and show Parmenio, if we win the battle, we shall not only recover again our own, but shall have also the spoil of our enemies. Therefore I would not that any part of our force should be removed from the main battle, but let him fight it out manfully, and not regard the loss of baggage, wherein he shall observe the honour of me, & my father Philip whose custom was to do the like. In the mean season the Percians were entered amongs the carriages & had slain divers that were left in their defence whereupon the prisoners began to lose themselves, and taking up whatsoever came to hand, took part with the horsemen, & sharply assailed the Macedons. divers were so joyful that they ran to bear tidings to Sisigambis how Darius had won the victory, and had overthrown his enemies to their great slaughter, and also that all their carriage was won, thinking the like fortune had been every where, seeing they saw the Percians fall to spoil. And although they exhorted Sisigambis that she should leave her heaviness and rejoice, yet she continued in the same estate she was in before, not speaking one word nor changing colour nor countenance, but sat still immovable. She was so overcome (as it was thought) with sudden joy that she durst not stir nor attempt fortune, for such as did behold her, could not perceive which way she was inclined. In the mean season Amyntas, 
Amyntas.  that was master of the horse to Alexand, came with a few bands of horsemen to sucrour the carriages, but uncertain it was whither he did it of his own head, or by the kings appointment. He was not able to endure the force of the Cadusians & Scythians, for scarcely attempting the skirmish, he was driven back & fled again unto Alexander, being rather a witness of the loss of the carriage, them a rescuer of the same. The grief that Alexander conceived of this matter overcame the purpose he took before, & feared (not without cause) lest the soldiers through the carfulnes to recover their own might leave the fight, & resort toward their baggage: he sent therefore Aretes captein of the spearemen that were named Sarissopheros against the Scythes. 
Aretes.  By this time the hooked wagons, which had somewhat troubled the forefront, were come within the square which the Macedons call Phalanx, yet the soldiers never shrunk at the matter, but received them into the mids of their battle, where as, joining themselves close together, they stood like a wall on both sides▪ thrusting their pikes into the bowels of the horses, & ran about the wagons, throwing down such as stood in them at defence. The whole battle was entangled & troubled with the ruin, & killing of the horses, & such as governed them. They could not rule their horses when they were once gualled & hurt, which with much leaping & struggling not only brake out of their trace, but also overthrew the wagons, drawing at their tails the men that were slain, neither being able to stand still for the fear they were in, nor yet go forwards being so faint of their wounds, yet a few of them passed through the battle, whereby such as the wagons did light upon, were miserably stain, lying upon the ground with their members, cut in sunder, yet because that through the greenness of their wounds they felt little pain, they kept their weapons still notwithstanding they were maimed & without strength, till such time as by continual bleading, they sunk down dead. Aretes in the mean time had slain the captain of the Scythians that were spoiling of the carriages and repulsed them back. But straight way came the Bactrians by Darius sending, and turned the fortune of the field again. Many Macedons were slain at the first encountrey, but more fled unto Alexander. Then the Percians made such a shout as men are wont to do that win the victory, and fiercely assailed their enemy's thinking that they had in every place been put to flight. When Alexander perceived his men shrink, he rebuked such as he saw afraid, and encouraging very many that he saw alone restored the battle that began to faint, & give ground. When he had put them in heart, he required them to press forwards, and go on freely against their enemies. When Alexander perceiving that the Bactrians were departed to the defeating of the carriages, and by their going had left the right hand battle of Darius' thin & naked, he bent his force wholly that way, and there made a wonderful slaughter and destruction of his enemies, which by reason of their loose array were not able to withstand him. The Percians in the left wing seeing this thing, were in hope to have enclosed Alexender about, and came forwards to set upon his back part, whereby great danger had ensued to him being environed both before and behind. If the Agrians had not put their spurs to their horses and given a charge to their enemies, that had near hand environed their king about, and so compelled the Percians to turn their faces again towards them. The battles thus were sore travailed on both sides. Alexander had his enemies both before and behind▪ and his enemies that came on his back were sore oppressed by the Agrians. The Bactrians also that had spoiled the carriages, were excluded from their own company, and could not recover their place again. Thus the battles were divided in divers parts, and fought one against an other as their chance fell. The two kings, that joined their battles hard one to an other renewed again the fight. There were most of the Percians slain, but the number of the wounded were like on both sides. Darius did ride in a chariot and Alexander upon an horse. They both had a choice band about them which were careless of their own lives. For if their kings should miscarry, neither they could be safe, nor yet desired to live. Wherefore every of them thought it a noble thing to adventure themselves before the face of their prince. And he that coveted most to defend his master▪ was in most peril, for each man coveted the honour to kill the king on his contrary part. There (whether it were an imagination of the eyes or a thing done in deed) such as were about Alexander▪ believed that they saw an Eagle flickering above his head, which neither feared with classing of the harness, nor by the crying of them that were dying, hung still in the ayet a little above him. Then Arislander which ware a white garment, and carried laurel in his hand showed this thing unto the soldiers as they were busy fighting, as a certain token of victory, which thing did cause them, which before were in some doubt, cheerfully and with great confidence, to assail their enemies. The fight continued after this sort until the time that he was slain which governed the horse, that drew Darius' chariot. Then neither the Percians nor Macedons, doubted but that Darius had been slain. And the Percians upon that imagination made a barbarous noise, and a sorrowful howling, wherewith they sore troubled and astonished their whole host, that were yet fighting with equal victory. Darius' kinsmen and the Squires for his body that were on his left hand, left him and fled away with a main flight: but such as stood in his defence dn his right hand, convoyed him into the heart of the battle. It is said that Darius drew out his sword and was determined diverse times to kill himself, rather than to sustain the shame of flying away. But when he saw as he sat aloft in his chariot, that a great part of his army remained yet fight, he was ashamed to leave them in such sort. And whiles he thus wavered in his opinion betwixt hope and despair, the Percians by little and little gave ground, and shronck from their order. Alexander that had tired many horses, did change the same he did at that time ride upon, & struck at the faces of them that stood at defence. There was none then that made resistance any longer▪ but a manifest slaughter fell on the Percians, 
Darius' ●led  and Darius turned his chariot to fly away. The Macedons pursued them hard that fled, and the dust that slew up to the sky took away their prospect, so that they wandered as it had been in darkness, and ever drive together when they heard any voice that they knew. Only the rattling and noise of the chariot was a mark for the Macedones to follow after. As fortune was prosperous to the Macedons on this part. and contrarious to their enemies: so on the other side, where Permenio in the left wing encountered with the Percians▪ they had the better, and the Macedons the worse. 
Mazeus.  Mazeus with his whole band gave a great charge, and put the horsemen that stood in the wings to a sore distress. And thereupon by reason he abounded with multitude began to enclose the footmen about. Then Parmenio sent word to Alexander in what danger they were in which he signified to be such, that except they had secure in time, they could not resist, but he enforced to fly away. Alexander was gone far in the chase, when this sorrowful message was brought him. Wherefore he commanded the horsemen to stay and chafed wonderfully, that the victory was thus taken out of his hands, & that Darius had better fortune in fleeing then he in his following. In the mean season the fame of Darius' overthrow was brought unto Mazeus. And therefore though he had the upper hand yet he was stricken with such fear of his fellows misfortune, that he made astarke pursuit upon his enemies. Parmenio was ignorant of the cause why the fight did slake so willingly of there part, 
Parmenio encouraged his soldiers  but boldly using the occasion of the victory called the Tessalien horesmen unto him and said. See you not how our enemies that even now gave us a feirse onset, be suddenly afraid, and withdraw themselves. I see the fortune of our king doth give us the victoryie. All the fields be strown with the Percians that be slain. Why do you therefore stay? are you not good enough for men that be fleeing? They saw his words had an appearance of a truth▪ and therefore by and by they took courage, and putting their spurs to the horse made a full charge upon their enemies who retired not by little & littill, but marched away a great pace. And they wanted nothing of flying saving that they had not yet directly turned their backs: yet for all that insomuch as Permenio knew not what was become of the king, nor of his battle, stayed and would not pursue after them. Mazeus having leisure given him to fly at his liberty, passed the river of Tiger, not the next way, but by a further compass about with more surety, and so recovered the City of Babylon with the remains of that vanqueshed Army. In the mean season Darius with a few that accompanied him in his flying came to the River of Licus▪ where passing over he stood in doubt, whither he should break the bridge or no, for it was showed him that his enemies were at hand. But considering how many thousands of his men by the breaking thereof should be a pray to his enemies, he left the bridge standing, and at his departure, said that he had rather open the way to them that pursued him, then to shut it against them that fled after him. But Darius left not his flying till he came to Arbilla, where he arrived about midnight. Who is able to conceive in his mind or express in words, 
the discomfirture.  the manifold chasises in this discomfiture, the slaughter that fell both upon captains and soldiers, the chasing of them that were put to flight the destruction in particular and in general. Fortune heaped together that one day the chances of a whole world. Some took the way that came next to hand, another sort fled unto the woods, and sought out by paths, to escape such as followed after them. There was a confusion of horsemen & footmen mixed together without any head, the armed with the unarmed, and the whole with the hurt. At length the compassion that one had of an other was turned into fear, and they that could not follow, were left bewailing themselves one to another. But thirest chiefly afflicted the wounded and wearied, which lay along every where in the ways where any water was gasping after it with open mouth. And when for greediness they had gulled in the troubled water, they began to swell, when the mud once entered into their entrails. And bienge thus not in case to move, the enemy came and stirred them up with new wounds. Some when the brooks near hand, were taken up by other: sought out for springs in every secret place. Nor their was no puddle so dry nor so far out of the way, that could be hidden from the thirest of them that searched them out. The old men and women were hard howling and crying in all the villages near the ways side, how Darius was yet their king. Alexander as it hath been said before staying the chase, was come to the River of Licus, where as the multitude of the fliers was greater than could pass the bridge. So that many when their enemies pursued them, leapt into the water, and their laden with their armour, and wearied with fighting and flienge were consumed with the stream. But within a while neither the bridge nor the river were able to receive the companies that continually increased by their undiscreet flying. For when fear was once entered into their hearts, they doubted only that, which put them first in fear. The Macedons were eager in the pursuit of their enemies▪ and required Alexander that he would not suffer their enemies to escape free away. But he to stay them alledgid that their weapons were dull, their hands wearied, their bodies faint with long pursuit, and that the day drew towards night. But in very deed the care of his other battle which he thought to be yet fight, caused him to return to their succour. He had not so soon turned his ensigns, but the certain horsemen brought him word from Permenio that the victory was won also on their part. He was not in so great a danger all that day, as when he was coming towards his camp. 
The danger Alexander was in at his return from the chase  For there were but few that followed him and those out of order, as men that rejoicing of the victory, judged all their enemies either to be fled or slain in the field: then suddenly there appeared a band of horsemen of the contrary part coming against them, which at the first stayed but afterwards perceiving the small number of the Macedons, gave a charge upon them. The king road foremost rather disimuling▪ than despising the peril he was in: but his perpetual felicity never failed him in extremities. For at the first encounter he stracke thorough with a spear, the captain of the Percians, who in egernes of the fight unadvisedly came against him When he through his stroke was fallen to the ground▪ Alexander slew the next to him with the same weapon▪ and after divers other, wherewith his company seeing the Percians amazed, brack upon them, and threw many to the earth, yet they for their parts were not unrevenged▪ for the whole battle did not so earnestly fight as that small band assembled so by chance. But at length when they saw that flying in the dark should be more surety to them then fight shocked away in divers companies. Alexander having escaped this extraordinary peril, brought his men in safeguard unto his camp. There were slain of the Percians, 
The nobre of the dead.  which came to the knowledge of them that had the victory xl M. and of the Macedons less than three C. which victory Alexander won more by his own virtue, then by any fortune: and with hardiness & courage, more than through any advantage of the ground. For he both ordered his battles politicly, and fought manfully. With great wisdom he contemned the loss of the baggage, considering the weight of the whole matter to consist in the battle itself. Whiles the fortune of the field was yet doubtful, he used himself as assured of the victory. And when he had put his enemies in fear, he cess not till he had set them flying, and that which scarcely can be believed in that fierceness of spirit, he pursued in the chase more wisely then greedily. For if he should have followed on still, part of his power yet fight in the field, he should either have lost the battle through his own fault, or else have won the victory through the prows of other men. Or if after he had gotten the victory he had showed himself afraid of the horsemen that he met, he must either have shamefully fled, or have been miserably slain Nor his captains were not to be defrauded of their commendation: For the wounds that they did receive, were tokens of their manhood. Ephestions arm was wounded with a spear. Perdiccas, Cenos, and Menidas, with shot of arrows were near slain. And if we will give a true judgement of the Macedons that were there, we must confess that he was a king worthy such ministers, and they men worthy of such a master.   

¶ The fift book of Quintus Curtius of the acts of the great Alexander King of Macedon.  
IF I shall make mention of the matters that chanced in the mean season both in Grece. Iliria, and Thracia, by the appointment and commission of Alexander in order as they fell the matters of Asia should thereby be interrupted, which I thought most convenient to put wholly together until the death of Darius, and then to join them in this work as they agree with the time. 
Darius' words to them that were fled from the field  I will first speak of those things that ensued after the battle at Arbella, where Darius arrived about midnight. And as it chanced the more part of his friends and of all other that were escaped from the field were come thither, he called them all together and made an oration to this effect: That he doubted not but Alexander and his men, gaping with greedy desire for the abundance of spoil that was in readiness for them, would visit such cities and countries, of his as were most notable & plentiful of riches: which thing (he said) considering his estate▪ could not but turn at length to his avail. His purpose was now with a small band to repair into the deserts. And seeing the uttermost parts of his kingdom were yet untouched, he should from thence easily repair his power again to renew the war, Let therefore that greedy nation (qd he) take my treasure, and satisfy their great hunger with gold, which shortly shall cause both the same and them also, to be a pray unto us. For he had learned (he said) by experience that the haboudance and excess of their precious furniture▪ their flocks of Concubines & Eunuches, were nothing else but burdens and impediments. Which Alexander possessing and carrying about should make him inferior unto them of whom before he was victorius. His oration seemed to all men to be full of desperation. For they saw thereby that the rich City of babylon should be given up unto the Macedons, & Susa shortly after with all other ornaments of the realm that were cause of the war. But he procedid in persuading them, how that men in adversity ought not do things that should seam goodly in the speaking, but necessary in th'experience. That wars were made with iron, and not with gold, with men, and not with the walls of Cities. For all things follow them that be armed and in strength. He showed that his auntetors were afflicted after this manner in the beginning, & yet recovered again quickly their former estate. After he had spoken these words. either for that they were thereby encouraged, or else that they rather obeyed his authority then liked his counsel, followed him into the bonds of Media. 
Arbella yeldid unto Alexander  Shortly after Arbella was given up unto Alexander, which was full of the kings riches and treasure, of precious stuf, and apparel. And besides in that town the substance of the hole army was less. The sickness that began in Alexander's camp, rising of the savour of the dead bodies scattered over all the fields, was the cause that he did the sooner remove. 
araby.  The champion country of Arabia very notable with the abundance of sweet odoers there growing lay upon the right hand as they marched. And so passed through the country lying between Tiger and Euphrates which is so fat and plentiful a ground. that the inhabiters be fain to drive their beasts from feeding, least they should kill themselves by eating over much. The cause of this fertility cometh of the moister that issueth from both rivers, 
Tiger.  distilling by veins through the ground. Both these river have their beginning in the mountains of Armenia, 
Euphrates.  where they be distant .v. thousand thousand .v. C. fuclonges and so run forwards keeping their distance, till they come near the bounds of Media and Gordia. For then by little and little the further they go they drove more near together leving les space betwixt them. They enclose of both sides the country that is called Mesopotania, 
Mesopotamia.  from whence they run through the bonds of Babylon in the red sea. After Alexander had changed his camp four times, 
Mennium.  he came to a city called Mennium where as there is a fountain within a cave: that boileth out great plenty of pycche so it appeareth that the babylonians had there cement from thence, which they employed about the making of their huge walls. As Alexander was going from thence towards Babylon Mazeus which was said before to have fled from the battle, came to meet him in most humble manner. where committing his children into his hands, yielded himself; and rendered up the city. His coming was very great full unto the king considering what travail he should have sustained in the siege of so strong a City, if it had been kept against him. And besides forsomuchas Mazeus was a man both famous and valiant, & much noted for his doing in the last battle, thought his ensamble should much provoke others do to the like. For that cause he received both him and his children with gentle manner, and yet gave order to his men that they should enter into the city in such array of battle as if they should fight. A great number of the babylonians stood upon the walls, desirous to behold him that was there new king. But the more part went forth to meet him. 
Bagistenes.  Bagistenes, that was captain of the castle, and keaper of the kings treasure, because he would show himself to be no less affectionate towards Alexander than Mazeus was, strewed all the ways where he should pass, with flowers and garlands, and set altars of silver on both sides the way, whereupon frankincense was burning, and all other kind of sweet odours. Next unto him came flocks of beasts, great numbers of horses with Lions, and Pardalies carried in cages, which he brought to give as presents unto Alexander. And after them the Magies singing according to their country manner. Caldees went next with their deviners and prophets, and then musicians with their kinds of instruments: their property was to sing the praises of kings. And the Caldeis used to declare the motions of the planets, 
The destruction of Babylon.  with the course & revolution of the time. last in order came the Babylonian horsemen, whose sumptuous furniture, both for themselves and their horses, tendid more to voluptuousness and delicacy, than to any magnificence. Alexander that was enclosed about with armed men willed that the babylonians should come behind his footmen, and he riding aloft in his chariot entered into the city, and afterwards into the palace, where the next day he surveyed Darius' treasure and riches. The beauty and plesauntnes of that City gave just occasion to Alexander and such as were with him to wonder much upon it. Semiramis was the builder thereof and according to some men's opinion Belus, 
Semiramis Belus.  whose palace is to be seen their. The walls be made all of brick set with pitch, which is called bitumen. And they be xxxii foot in breadth, so that two carts may easily go upon them affront. They be in height. C. cubits, & the towers be ten foot higher than the rest of the walls. The compass of them about is. CCClxviii. furlongs, being builded as it is left in memory in so many days. The houses stand the breed of an acre distant from the walls not builded through out the city, but only by the space of four score & ten furlongs, and those not joined near one to another, but for some consideration divided a sondre. The rest of the ground is sowed and tilled, to th'intent that if any foreign power cometh against them, they should be able to be relieved by the fruit thereof coming. The river of Euphrates doth run through the mids of the city, and is kept in on both sides with walls of a wonderful worckmanship, but the great caves made of brick, and in pitch in stead of mortar wrought low within the ground to receive the violence of the stream, do exceed all the relle of the works there made: for except the same were of quantity and largeness to receive the water when the stream floweth over the banks that be made to keep it in, the violence thereof should bear down the houses of the city. There is also over that river a stone bridge, which joineth both parts of the city togethers: counted amongs the marvelous works of the Orient. For by reason that Euphrates is so full of mud and owse, ground can scarcely there be found to lay the foundation upon, and the stream besides casteth up such heaps of sand against the bridge, that it is an impediment for the water freely to pass, and therefore beateth upon the bridge with greater force, 
The castle of Babylon.  then if it had his free recourse. There is also a castle that is: xx furlongs about, the towers, whereof be xxx foot deep within the ground, and four score foot in height above the ground. Where also the wonders are to be seen, that are so often mentioned in the Greek poesis. For in the same be whole groves of trees set by wonderful art above the ground, so high as the tops of the towers, which be marvelous beuteful and pleasant through their height and shadow that they make. The whole weight of them is sustained and borne by huge pillars made of stone, upon which pillars there is a flower of square stone, that both uphold the earth that lieth deep upon the same, & also the humour wherewith it is watered. The trees that grow thereupon be of eight cubits about and as fruitful as though they grew in natural earth. And though process of time is wont by little & little not only to destroy things made with hand, but also the very works of nature: yet this work, for all it is oppressed with the roots of so many trees, and burdened with the weight of so much earth, & of so great a wood, yet it remaineth unperisshed in any point, being sustained up with twenty broad walls distant xi foot one from another. When these trees be seen afar of, they feame to be a wood growing upon a mountain. It is said that aching of Syria reigning in Babylon builded this work for his wife's fancy, who for the love she had to woods and shadow places, moved her husband in doing thereof to counterfeit the plesauntnes of nature. Alexander tarried longer here then in any other city, which hurted more the discipline of the Macedons in their wars, them any other place. 
The customs of the babylonians  For nothing was more corrupt than the manners & customs of that city, nor any other was more abundantly furnished of all things, wherewith men be alured and stirred to excessive pleasures. The parents & husbands are contented for gain, that their children & w●es ha●tes company with such strangers as came amongs them. The kings & nobility of Pe●●e, delight much in banqueting pastime, but the Bablionians be specially given thereunto, to wine, and to drunkenness, where the women use such a custom, that in the beginning of the feast their apparel seemeth womanly & demure, but afterwards by little & little they put of the uppermost garments, and laying a side all shamefastness do discover themselves naked. Which vile custom is not used by harlots only, but by them all in general which count the making of their bodies comen, but a civility & good manner. In this voluptuousness and abomination the conqueror of Asia wallowed by the space of xxxiiii days, whereby he became much the weaker to have done other enterprises, if he had had an enemy to stand against him. But to th'intent the harm he took should be the less perceived, he increased his power with a new supply of men. 
Amyntas came to Alexander with a new supply of men.  For Amintas the son of Andromenes brought him from Antipater six thousand Macedons footmen, and .v. C. horsemen, & with them .v. C. Tracian horsemen, with iii m.u. C. footmen of the same nation. He had also out of Peloponese four M. footmen & four C.iiii score horsemen being Mercenary soldiers. Amintas also brought with him. L. young men of the nobility of Macedonia to attend upon Alexander's person: whose office was to serve the king at meat, to bring him his horse when he went to battle. They accustomed to be about him when he hunted, and kept the watch by course at his chamber door: These were they which afterwards proved great captains, and that was the race out of the which the rulers of their men of war did come. 
Agathon,  Alexander appointed Agathon captain of the castle of Babylon, with vii hundred Macedons and iii C. mercenary soldiers, 
Mynetas'▪ Appollydorus.  & left Minetas' & Apollidorus governors of the city and the country. to whom he assigned two. M. footmen and a. M. talentes, giving them in commission to wage more soldiers. He made Mazeus that gave the city into his hands, lieutenant of the whole, and caused Bagistanes that yielded up the castle to follow him in his wars. Armenia was given to Methrenes that betrayed the city of Sardoes, 
Armenia.  and to encourage his soldiers to the enterprising of other things, gave out of the treasure of Babylon to every Macedon horseman .v. C. deneres, to every horseman of the strangers .v. C. and to every footman two. C. When he had set order in all these things, 
The country of Atrapene.  he came into the country called Atrapene which being plentiful of all things and abundant of victual, caused the king to tarry the longer there. And lest idleness should be any abatement of his men's courages, devised to slur up their spirits and keep them occupied, by appoincting judges to try out such as had showed themselves most valiant in the wars, to whom he assigned rewards due to their deservings. There were eight found out, whose doings appeared above the rest, and every one of them was appointed the charge of a. M. men, and were called Chiliarchi: that was the first time that the soldiers were divided into such numbers, for before they used .v. C. in a band which was not as they reputed for any preferment or reward of valiantness. The number of soldiers was great that came to plead their right in this behalf, and that before the judges that gave sentence brought in testimony of their doings: So that it could not be known which of them had deserved justly such honour or not, the first place was adjudged to old Adarchias, 
Adarchias.  for his valiantness used in the battle at Alicarnasson, where he chief did restore again the fight, when the young soldiers had given it over, the second place of honour was given Antigonus, & Philotas, Angeus obtained the third, the fourth was adjudged to Amyntas. The fift to Antigonus. Amintas the son of Lyncestes obtained the sixth. Theodorus the seventh, and Hellacanicus the last. Hereupon to great purpose he altered many things that were used by his predecessors in the discipline of war. For where as before the horsemen of every country were in several bands by themselves, he without respect of any nation appointed to them such captains as he thought expedient. And where as at the removing of his camp warning was accustomed to be given by a trumpet, the sound whereof in any noise or tumult could not be sufficiently hard. Therefore he caused an high pole to be always set before his pavilion, whereupon remained a sign apparent to all men. The token that they observed was fire in the night & smoke in the day time. As he was marching towards Susa, Abulites that was ruler of that region, 
Abulites.  either by Darius' commandment thinking by means of the spoil to detain Alexander the longer there, or else of his own free will, sent his son against him, proffering the delivery of the city. The young man was entreated very gently, and by his conduction Alexander passed forwards, till he came to the river of Hydaspis', 
Hydaspis'.  which is counted to be a very delicate water. Abulites there met Alexander with princely and rich gifts, and presented him amongs the rest of other things. Dromedary camels, that were wonderful swift, with xii elephants that Darius had sent for out of India to be a terror to the Macedons, which now were become an increase of their strength, when the riches of the vanquished, 
Susa whei Alexander found incredible treasures.  was come into the victorers hands. He found in the city an incredible treasure l M talentes of massy silver that was uncoined: which riches gathered together in the space of many years by divers kings for their succession & posterity, thus in a moment came into the hands of a foreign prince. Alexander being lodged within the palace did sit down in Darius' seat which being higher than served for his stature, by reason his feet could not reach to the ground, one of the kings pages put a board underneath for him to tread upon. At the doing whereof one of the Enukes that belonged to Darius, looked heavily & fetched great sith: whose sadness when Alexander perceived, he inquired of him the cause. He answered that when he beheld the board whereupon Darius was wont to eat, employed to so base an use, he could not behold it without great grief. Alexander being therefore ashamed, so much to misuse the thing that before was had in such a reverence, caused the same to be taken away. Whereupon Philotas required him not so to do, but rather take it as a divination of his good luck and fortune that the table whereupon his enemy did eat, should now become subject under his feet. Alexander purposing from thence to pass into Percia committed the city of Susa to Archilaus with iii M men of war, 
Archilaus  
zenophilus.  and to zenophilus the charge of the castle, leving such Macedons as were aged, there in guarison. But he did betake the keeping of the treasure unto Callicrates & restored to Abulites the government & principality of the country of Susa, 
Callicrates  leving within the city Darius' mother & his children. And forasmuch as Alexander had at the same time plenty of cloth of purple sent him out of his country, with garments ready made after the Macedon manner for the honour he bore to Sisigambis (whom he had in reverence as if she had been his mother) thought good to present part of those to her, with the persons that used to make them, and willed it should be told her if she liked them, that she should accustom her neces to make the like, and give them for presents. At the declaring of which message the tears ran out of her eyes, which declared the gift not to be acceptable to her. For the Percian women take nothing in more despite the men to put their hands to wool. When report was made to Alexander in what sort she had received his present, thought both the matter meet to be excused, and her to be comforted. 
Alexander's excuse to Sisigambis of the present he sent her.  Therefore he came to visit her & said: This garment which I were was both of the gift & making of my sisters: our customs brought me into error. Therefore I require you that ye will not take mine ignorance in evil part. I trust that otherwise I have observed sufficiently all things which I knew to be your customs: When I understood that it was not lawful amongs you, for the son to sit in the mother's presence except she doth give him leave, whensoever I came unto your presence. I would never sit till you willed me so to do: you would oftentimes have fallen down & worship me, but I would not suffer you, but have ever honoured you and given you the name due to my sweet mother Olympiad's. When the king with these words had well pacified her, he departed, & by four encampinges came unto a river that the countrymen call Pasatigras, 
Pasatigras  which springing the mountains of the Vxions runneth step down amongs the rocks with woody banks by the space of .30. furlongs: but then descending into a plain it becometh navigable, & so runneth with a more quiet stream, & in a softer ground by the space of. vi.c. forlongs, till such time as it doth enter into the Percian sea. Alexander passing this river with nine thousand footmen of the Macedons, with the Agrians, the Mecenary Greeks and with four thousand Thracians, 
The uxione  came amongs the Vxions. Whose country is near unto Susis, and stretcheth out into Percia leving betwixt it and Susis a narrow straight. Madates had the rule of that country, 
Madates.  who was such a man as was rare at that time, for he determed to abide th'extremity for his duties sake. Such as knew the country did inform Alexander that their was a privy way through the hills, whereby men might get to the far side of the chief city that pertained to them, and if he would send a few that were light armed: they might be brought to a place, where they should appear above their enemy's heads. This counsel liked him so well, that he made the counsellors guides, and committed them to Tauron, 
Tauron.  whom he appointed chief of that enterprise He assigned to him, a thousand. u.c. mercenary soldiers and a thousand Agrians, with whom after the son was gone down he entered into his journey. Alexander in the third watch removed his camp, and by the springe of the day had passed the straits. There he set his men in hand to cut down timber for the making of Towers and all other such things as pretayned to the assault of a city, and so began his siege. It was a difficult matter to make the approach, the city stood so high, and the rocks gave such impediment, whereby the soldiers were repulsed, & received many h●rtes, contending both with th'enemies and the Scytuation of the place. Notwithstanding they gave it not over, by reason the king was ever amongs the foremost, ask of them if they were not ashamed being the conquerors of so many cities, to be so long in the winning of a small castle, that was so obscure & unknown in the world. As he was traveling amongs the rest they did shoot and cast stones at him from the walls, whom the soldiers defended with their tills, because they could not remove him away. At length Tauron appeared above the castle of the city at whose sight the enemy's hearts fainted, and the Macedons the more fiercely did assail them. When they saw themselves with this extremity and perceived they were not of power to withstand the Macedons they became of divers dispositions. For some were determined to die, and many to fly away. But the greater part retired themselves into the castle from whence they sent unto Alexander xxx Ambassadors to ask mercy. But he gave unto them a sorrowful answer that there was no pardon to be obtained at his hands, whereupon being in doubt of death and excluded from all other remedies, sent unto Sisigambes by a privy way unknown to their enemies, making their request that she would vouchsaufe to be a mean to Alexander for the pacefieng of his rigour & wrath towards them. In her only they put their hope, knowing how much Alexander loved her, & that he esteemed her as if she had been his mother. And they thought she would the rather incline to their desire because Madates that was captain there had married her sister's daughter, whereby he became a kin to Darius. Sisigambis stood long in denial of their request, sheweng that it agreed not with her fortune to become an intercessor for others. adding thereunto, that she feared lest she might misuse the victorers favour, and make him we by of her, for (she said) she had more remembrance that she was a prisoner then that she was a Queen. But at length she was overcome with there suit, and by her letters made intercession unto Alexander after that sort, that she first excused herself of her suit making and after required him that he would pardon them or at the lest ways that he would forgive her that was petitioner but for the life only of such one as was her friend and her kinsman, and now no longer any enemy to his majesty but in readiness to submit himself. This one matter is sufficient to declare the Moderation and clemency that was then in Alexander. For he did not only pardon Madates, but also left the City untouched granting to all that were within it both liberty and freedom, with enjoyment of their lands and goods, without paying of any tribute: more than the which she could not have obtained of Darius being her son. When he had thus subdued the Vxions he annexed them to the province of Susa, and purposing to pass forwards divided his army into two parts, whereof he committed the one to Permenio to be conveyed by them plain country, and reserving such a part as was pestered lest with baggage, took the way of the mounteins, which with a contiunall ridge run out in length from thence into Perce. In his passage he destroyed all the mounteine country, arriving the thirdday in the bounds of Percia The fift day he entered into the straits called Piloe, Susidoe, 
Ariobazzanes kept the straight betwixt Susys and Percia.  which were defended by Ariobazzanes with xv. M. footmen who keeping the tops of the high and steep rocks that hang over on both sides of the way, at the first kept themselves quiet of purpose pretending a fear until such time as the army was entered into the narrowest of the straight. But when they saw the Macedons pass onforwards in their contempt, than they threw down great stones upon them, which falling upon the tiethermoste rocks, and these breaking in pieces rebounded among the Macedons, fell with greater violence, and distressed hole bands at ones. And besides that did them great damage with shot of arrows, and stones that they did cast out of slings. Such as were men of courage were not so much grieved with the death & destrucion that they saw their presently, as that they should be slain after such a manner like beasts caught in a pit, where as they could not be revenged upon their enemies. Their wrath hereupon was turned into such a rage and woodness, that they ran up against the rokes. & there enforced themselves by taking hold, and by having up one of an other to mount up unto their enemies: But when they had caught hold upon some outward part, and thereby laboured to ascend, by force of so many hands that fastened to it at ones, they pulled a sondre the thing they held by, and so fell down all togethers. In this case they could neither stand, pass forwards, nor yet defend themselves, by any devise they could make with their targetes, seeing the stones were of such weight that were thrown down upon them. Alexander was in great trouble of mind not only for the grief he received by the destruction of his men, but much more for the shame that he had so rasheli brought his armi into such a daungerus straight He had been invincible before that day & never attempted thing in vain. He had passed that straits of Cilicia with out damage & opened to himself a new way by sea into Pamphilia. Which felicity of his seemed them to be stayed & plucked back, for he could perceive no other remedy than to return by the way he came, he caused the retreat therefore to be blown. & gave order to his soldiers to go close together & by casting their targets over their heads return back again, after they had merched xxx furlongs within the strait▪ When he was returned and had planted his camp in an open ground, he consulted what was best to do, and therewith such a superstition entered into his mind, that he called for the priests and deviners to help herein by their invocation. But Aristander, to whom he gave most confidence, could do nothing in the case, so that Alexander condemning their sacrifices which he thought then done out of time, called for such as knew the country: They showed him of an other way that was plain and open enough, but he liked it not, he was so ashamed to leave his soldiers unburied. that were slain. For amongs all other ceremonies observed in the discipline of their wars, there was none more religiously kept then the burying of the dead. He caused therefore such prisoners as were lately taken to be called before him, amongs whom there was one expert both of the Greek and Percian tongue, which showed to the king that he laboured in vain, if he thought to convoy his army over the tops of those mountains which (he said) begin at mount Caufasus, 
The description of the strait & the country thereunto adjoining.  and closed in the one side of Perce by the space of. M.vi. C. furlongs in length, and. Clx. in breadth, till such time as they come unto the sea, which also enclosed the country from the place where the mountains ceased. The country lying at the foot of the mountains, he dedescribed to be plain, fruitful, and replenished with many fair cities and villages, and that the river of Arares ronning through the same, 
Arates.  falleth into another river called Medus, 
Medus.  bringing with it the wa●eds of many small streams. Which river of Medus being much less than the same which it doth receive runneth from thence towards the south Sea: No place could be more abundant of grass, for everery where near unto the water, the ground was covered over with flowers. The river was shadowed over with plantyne and people trees, which by reason they stand somewhat high, and the water run low in a deep channel: seem to such as be a far, to be woods adjoinning to the Mountains. He counted no country in all Asia to be more wholesome, or to have more temperate air than this, both by reason of shadowing mountein that evermore defendeth the heat, and also of the sea which on the part being at hand with a certain temperature doth nourish the ground. When the prisoner had made a description of the country after this manner, the king inquired of him whither he knew those things by hearing say, or else had seen them with his eyes. He said, that he had been an herdman & knew the country very well and all the ways thither. And that he had been twice taken prisoner, one's by Percans in Licia, and now the second time by him. Upon those words Alexander called an oracle to memory, whereby it was signified to him that a Lician should be his guide into Perce. Wherefore promising to him such rewards as the present necessity required, & as his estate was meet to receive, willed him to be armed after the Macedons manner, and with good speed to go show on the way. Which though he had declared to be but straight and difficult, yet Alexander put no doubt to pass it with a few men, except any thought (he said) that Alexander would not attempt that thing for to win glory and perpetual commendation that the herdman had done often times in feeding of his beasts. Then the prisoner left not to allege the difficulties of the way, specially for such as aware armour. Then the king said: Take me for surety that never one of them that be appointed to thee, shall refuse to go, where thou shalt pass. 
Craterus.  That done he left Craterus with the charge of his camp, and he himself passed forwards with such footmen as were accustomed to his person, with those hands of whom Meleager had charge, 
Meleager.  and a thousand Archers on horseback, taking first order with Crateus that he should keep his camp in such form as it had been used before, & cause many fires to be made of purpose, that the enemies might that rather think, him to be there still present, advising him further that if Ariobarzanes should get knowledge of his enterprise, & send part of his power to stop his passage, that then Craterus should show all the terror they could to cause him convert themself to the defence of the danger that was next at hand. But if he should deceive his enemy & recover the hill upon him, that then upon the hearing of the alarum in the Percians camp, preparing themselves to his resistance he should not doubt to pass that way from which they were repulsed the day before, where he judged they should find no resistance, the enemies being converted towards him. In the third watch he set forwards in great silence, without blowing of trumpet, & passed on by such way as was showed him by the guide, Every soldier that was light armed carrying three days victual. But when he was on his way, besides the wild rocks and sharp stones, that caused them oft fail their foting, the snow also driven with the wind, was a great impediment to them in their journey. For they fell divers times down into pits, and such as coveted to pull them out were oft times drawn after. The night also with the country unknown, and the guide of whose fidelity they doubted, increased much their fear, considering ●hat if they should not deceive their enemy's watch, they should be taken like beasts, they weighed also that both the safeguard of them, and of the king lay in the hands of one that was a prisoner. At length they came to a mountain, where as the way towards Ariobarzanes lay on the right hand. Then he sent before by the guiding of such as they had taken prisoners, Philotas, Cenon, Amintas, & Policarpon with a band of the lightest Armed, whom he advised that forasmuch as they had both horsemen and footmen, and the country fertell and abound of fodder, that they should make no haste but pass forwards fair & easily. And he with the esquires of his body, & the band of horsemen that they called Agema, was guided by another bipath far of from that place where his enemies kept their watch But the way was so straight and so deep, that they suffered great trouble & vexation in passing thereof. It was middaie, & they were so wearied, that of necessity they must take rest, for they had so far to go as they had travailed all ready, saving that the way was not so difficult nor so rough. He refreshed therefore his men with meat & with sleep, & in the second watch, did rise up & passed the rest of his journey without any great difficulty. Saving in the part where the mountain began to fall aslope towards the plain, their passage was suddenly stopped, by a great gull made with the violence of the streams that ran down the mountains, by wearing away of the earth. And besides the trees standing so thick, & the bows that grew one within another appeared before them as a continual hedge. When they saw themselves stayed after this manner, such desperation fell amongs them that they could scarcely abstain from tears. The darkness being a great increase of their terror seeing they could not enjoy any benefit of the statres. For if any gave light, the same was taken away by the shadow of the trees. And the use of the ears could not serve for one to receive counsel and comfort at an other, the wind whyrlid so amongs the leaves, and the shaking of the bows made such a noise. But at length the day which they so much desired, demynished with his light the terrors that the darkness of the night did make. For by fetching of a little compass about, they passed the hollow gill, and every man began to be aguide. Finally they got up in the top of the hill from whence they might behold their enemies lying in camp. Then the macedons showed themselves stoutly in their Armour, appearing suddenly on their backs, when they mistrusted no such thing, and there slew such as came first to encounter with them. So that on the one part the grievous noise of them that were slain, and the miserable shout of such as ran in for succour amongs their own company, put the rest to flight without making any resistance. When the alarum was once hard in the camp where Craterus lay, the Army by and by passed forwards to go through the straits in the which they were repulsed the day before. Philotas also who with Policarpon Cenos and Amyntas were gone the other way arrived at the same time and gave a further terror unto their enemies. When the Perciens saw their enemies agreeing in all parts at on's, though they were so oppressed with their sudden invasion that at the first they were in doubt what to do, yet at length they assembled to githers and fought notably: Necessity stirring up the faintness of their hearts. For oftentimes despair is cause of men's good hope. They being unarmed, closed with them that were armed, and with the weight of their bodies drew their enemies to the earth and killed divers with their own weapons Arriobarzanes with forty horsemen, & five thousand footmen, that kept about his person, broke through the battle of the Macedons, to the great slaughter both of his own men and of his enemies, & by making of haste, recovered Persepolis the chief city of the country. But when he was excluded from thence by them that were within, he renewed again the fight with such as were with him, & so was slain: by the time Craterus that made all the speed he could devise, was come unto them. Alexander fortified his camp in the same place where he did disconfite his enemies. For though they were all fled, and he certain of the victory, yet because he found his way stopped in many places with great and deep ditches, he thought good to use circumspection, and not to make over great haste, not so much for fear of his enemy's force, as of the nature of the ground which he saw apt for them to work policy against him. As he was passing forwards, he received letters from Tyrydates the keaper of Darius' treasure, 
Tyrydates  sygnifieng that the inhabiters of Percepolis hearing of his coming were about to spoil the treasure, and therefore he should make haste to prevent the matter, for the way was ready enough, notwithstanding that the river of Araxes was in his way. There was no virtue in Alexander more commendable than his celerity, which he showed in this matter, for leaving his footmen behind, travailed all night with his horsemen, and by the daylyght came to the river of Arapos. There he found villages at hand, whereof the timber they broke down of the houses, a bridge was made in a moment, by the help of stones which were laid in the foundation. When Alexander was passed the river, and came near unto the city, a company met him so miserable, as seldom have been found in any memory: the same were Greeks to the number of four thousand, whom the Percians before time had taken prisoners, & afflicted with divers kinds of torments. For of them some had their feet cut of some their hands, & other their ears, but all were marked in the flesh with hot irons. Whom the Percians maiming & deforming after this manner, had kept & reserved amongs them, as a memory of the despite towards the nation. But when they saw that they should become under the obedience of another prince, they suffered the Greeks to meet Alexander. They appeared rather to be the Images of some strange monsters, then of men. For nothing could be discerned or known in them but their voice. The compassion of their wretched estate caused the beholders to let fall no fewer tears, than they did themselves. For it could not appear which of them were most miserable, though their afflictions were divers. But when they cried out before Alexander that jupiter the revenger of Grece had opened their eyes in beholding him that should deliver them: they judged then all their griefs as one. Alexander wiped the tears from his eyes, and willed them to be of good cheer, for that they should both see their country and their friends, & he encamped in the same place, where he met them being two furlongs from Persepolis. 
Persepolis.  The Greeks drew themselves together to consult what was best for them to demand of Alexander, and when some were of opinion to ask dwelling places within Asia, & others had more mind to return unto their countries: 
Entemeons' oration.  Entemeon Cimeus spoke thus unto them. We that were even now ashamed to show our heads out of the prison & darkness we were in, to make suit for our own aid and relief, or become of such simplicity, that we presently desire to show unto Grece as a pleasant spectacle our infirmities & maims, whereof we have as much cause to be ashamed, as to be sorrowful, you must think that such bear their miseries best, which can find the means to hide them most, & that there is none so familiar a country to men that be unfortunate as solitariness and forgetfulness of their former estate. For they which make an account of their friends pity & compassion, know not how soon their tears will dry up, no creature can love faithfully whom they abhor. For as calamity of his nature is querelous, so felicity is always proud, & every one doth use to consider his own fortune, when he determineth of an other man's. For except we had all been in misery, one of us long ago had been weary of an other. What marvel is it then though men infelicity seek always their equalies. My opinion is therefore that we as men which long ago were as dead in this life, seek us a place wherein we may hide our maimed members, and where exile may hide our horrible scars. For if we shall return unto our country, being in this case, we cannot be but ungrateful to our wives, whom we married young, shall our children, shall our brethren acknowledge us, being prison slaves? and though all things should there succeed as we would wish, yet there be but a small number of us able to travail through so many countries? How is it possible for us that be here banished into the uttermost bonds of the Orient, aged, impotent, and maimed, to suffer those things, which have tired men than were in force and victorious. It is to be axed what shall become of our wives whom chance and necessity hath gotten unto us here for the only comfort of our prisonment? what shall we do with our children we have begotten here? take them with us, or leave them behind us? If we return with such as we have here, none of those in Grece will acknowledge us, and shall we then be so mad to leave those comforts we have already, being uncertain whether we shall come to those that we seek or no? Verily much better it were for us, to hide ourselves amongs them which have been acquainted with us in our misery. These were Eutemon words: 
Theatus words.  But Theatus of Athens, reasoned to the contrary. There is no creature (qd he) in whom remaineth any spark of goodness. that will esteem us by our outward shape, seeing that our calamity is not come of nature, or by our own deserving, but through misfortune, and our enemy's cruelty, and such as be ashamed of fortunes chances, are well worthy to suffer misadventure. They give a grievous sentence upon the estate of man's mortality, & despair much of mercy, that deny their compassion to men in misery. Now therefore since the gods have offered to you the thing which ye durst never have wished for: that is your country, your wives, & your children, being the things which men esteem more than life, & redeame oftentimes with death: why do you doubt for the enjoyment of them to break out of this imprisonment? I judge that a yet of our own country most natural to us, where me thinks is an other manner of beholding the light, other customs, other religion, & another manner of tongue, which for the pleasantness is coveted of the barbarous nations: what great things therefore be those that ye would willingly leave, the want of which only is the cause of your misery. My opinion is plain that we visit our country & our home and not refuse so great a benefit as Alexander hath proffered us, and if any be so detained with the love of such wives & children as they have gotten here in servitude, let such be no impedement to others, that of all things esteem moste their natural country. There were but few of his opinion, for custom that is of greater force than nature, prevailed in that matter. They agreed to demand of Alexander that he would give unto them some place to inhabit in, and there choosed out an hundred to be suitors unto him in that behalf. Whom when Alexander perceived coming towards him, thinking that they would have required the thing that he conceived in his mind. I have appointed to you (qd he) beasts to carry you, and to every one a. M. denires, and when you shall come to Grece. I will so do for you, that excepting your misfortune, no other shall think themselves in better case than you. But when he saw them look still towards the ground, and that they neither lifted up their countenances, nor did speak, he inquired the cause of their heaviness. Then Eutemon rehearsed again those things in effect which he had spoken before in counsel. The king therefore pitying no less their demand than he did their misfortune, commanded iii M. deneres to be given to every one of them, & garments besides with sheep, cattle, and corn, whereby they might till and sow the land that should be appointed unto them. The next day he assembled all the captains of his army togethers, and showed them that there was no city more enemy to the Greeks, than the same that was the chief siege of the ancient kings of Perce, from whence all the great armies had been sent into Grece, and how Darius first, & after Xerxes had come out of that place to move their unjust war against Europe with the destruction of which city he thought good to revenge their predecessors. Thinhabiters had abandoned the city, 
The taking of Persepolis.  & fled where fear did drive them. Whereupon the king straight ways brought in all his footmen to the spoil thereof. He had before that time won many cities, some by force, & some by composition, that were full of substance, & prince's treasure. But the riches of that city, did excide all the rest, as in the place where the Percians had laid their whole substance. Gold and silver was there found in heaps, and great plenty of rich vestures and furnimentes of houses, not only for necessity and necessary use, but for excess and ostentation, which was so great that it gave the victourers' occasion to fight amongs themselves, each taking other for enemies that had gotten the richest spoil. The plenty there was such, that they could not employ to their use the riches they found, but when they saw things of value, esteemed them rather than took them away. Till such time that every one coveting to have a part of every thing, tore and broke a sunder the princely robes, and the precious vessels of curious workmanship, and the Images of gold and silver were either beaton in gobetes or plucked in pieces, as every one caught hold: nothing was left untouched, nor nothing carried away whole. Cruelty bore no less rule there then covetousness, every one was so laden with gold and silver, that they esteemed not the keeping of prisoners, but killed such as they first spared in hope of gain. There were many therefore that prevented their enemy's hands with voluntary death, and diverse that clothing themselves in their most precious apparel, leapt down from the walls with their wife's and children. Certain there were that set their own houses on fire, (which they judged their enemies would else have done shortly after) because they would burn themselves amunges their own family. At length the king did forbid any violence to be done to women, and that no man should meddle with any thing pertaining to them. The some of money taken within this City, was greater than any man can well credit: but either we must doubt of the rest, or else believe that hath been left in memory, how that the treasure there found, 
The treasure taken at Persepolis.  amounted to a hundred and twenty thousand talentes: which treasure because that Alexander purposed to employ in his wars, caused horse and camels to be brought from Susis and Babylon to carry the same. The taking of the City of Persagadis, 
Persagadis  wherein was found six thousand talentes, was an increase to this some, which City being builded by Cyrus, was yeldid up by Gobares that had the keeping thereof. 
Gobares.  Alexander left in the castle of Persepolis, three thousand Macedons in guarrison under Nycarides, 
Nicarydes.  captain of the same, and reserved to Tiridates that delivered him the treasure, the same honour that he enjoyed with Darius. Leving in this city the greater part of his army with his carriages under the rule of Permenio and Craterus. He with a thousand horsemen and a band of footmen without any baggage, went to visit in the winter season, the inward parts of Perce. There he was vexed & troubled with showers & tempests that were in manner intolerable: but yet he letted not to go forwards in his enterprise to the place that he appointed. In his journey he came unto a country that was covered all with snow, & the same also frozen by force of the could. The wildness and desert manner thereof, put the soldiers that were wearied of travail in such a fear and terror, that they imagened to have seen the uttermost bounds of the world. For when they beheld all things waste, and no sign appearing of habitation of man, they were amazed, and made request to return again, before that the light and the elements should fail them. The king would not chastise them being in this terror but leaped from his horse, and went one foot in the snow and ice. Which thing when his friends saw, they could not for shame but follow, than the captains did the like and finally the soldiers. The king was the first that did break the ice and made himself away, whose ensample the rest did follow. At length having passed the woods that were without way, they found here and there some appearance of habitation and perceived flocks of sheep. When th'inhabitors that dwelled in Cottages disparkled there abouts, saw men coming. whom they judged to be their enemies, thinking they had been enclosed about, slew such as were not able to follow them and fled, to the wild mountains that were full of snow. But at length by communication with such as they took prisoners, their wildness was somewhat mitigated, & they yielded themselves to Alexander, whom he hurted not any kind of way. When he had destroyed all that part of Perce, & brought the towns under his obedience, he came into the country of the warlike Mardons, 
The Mardons.  which differed much from the rest of the other Percians in their manner of their living. They with their wives and children did inhabit within caves in the mountains, and lived with the flesh of sheep, & wild beasts. Nor the women according to their kind had any more appearaunte of meekness or mildness than the men, either in their personages or dispositions. But their curled here did hang down before upon their faces, and their garments came but to their knee The band of their sling was a fillet for their forehead, which they used both for ornament, and for defence. This nation for all their uncyvill and rude manner, could not escape to be subdued with the same force of fortune that others were. So that the xxx day after he departed from Persepoles, he returned thither again. Then he gave rewards to his fredes, & to all the rest, according to their deserving, distributing in a manner all his riches which he found within that city. But all his excellent virtues of the mind, his princely qualities wherein he excelled all kings, both that constancy in all dangers & perils, that celerity in devising & performing his enterprises. his promise keeping towards that yelden, his clemency towards prisoners, & that temperance in lawful & accustomable pleasures: were all defaced through the intolerable desire & delight he had in drinking. For notwithstanding that his enemy which contended with him for th'empire, did chief then prepare for the wars, and was gathering of his power togethers, and though the people newly conquered, had not received quiet subjection, yet he gave himself continually to feasting and banqueting, where women were ever present, but not such to whom men had respect of honesty, but harlots which had there more liberty, than was beseeming in the company of men of war. And amongs them there was one Thays, 
Thays.  who upon a day in her drunkenness, affirmed to Alexander that he should wonderfully win the favour of the Greakes, if he would command the palace of Persepoles to be set on fire. The destruction whereof (she said) they greatly desired, forsomuch as the same was the chief Seat of the kings of Perce, which in times paste had destroyed so many great Cities. When the drunken harlot had given her sentence: their were other present who being likewise drunken confirmed her words. Alexander then that had in him more inclination of heat then of patience, said: why do we not then revenge Grease, and set this City on fire. They were all chaffed with drinking & rose immediately upon those words to burn that city in there drunkenness, which the men of war had spared in their fury. The king himself first, and after his gests, his servants and his concubines set fire in the palace. which being builded for the most part of cedar trees, became suddenly in a flame. When the army that was encamped near unto the city saw the fire, which they thought had been kindled by some casualty, came running to quench the same again. But when they saw the king there present nourishing of the fire, they powered down the water which they brought, and helped likewise the matter forwards. 
The destruction of Persepoles.  Thus the palace that was the head of the whole Orient, from whence so many nations before had fetched their laws to live under. The seat of so many kings that only terror sometime of Grece. The same that hath been the sender forth of the Navies of ten thousand ships, & of the armies that overflowed all Europe that made bridges over the Sea, and undermined mountains where the sea hath now his course: was consumed and had his eand, and never rose again in all the age that did ensue. For the kings of Macedon used other cities which be now in the Parthians hands. The destruction of this city was such that the foundation thereof at this day could not be found, but that the river of Araxes doth show where it stood. Which was distant from persepolis twenty furlongs as the inhabitants rather do believe then know. The Macedons were ashamed that so noble a City was destroyed by their king in his drunkenness: yet at length it was turned into an earnest matter, and were content to think it expedient that the City should have been destroyed after that manner. But it is certain that when Alexander had taken his rest and was, become better advised he repent him of his doing and said: That the Percians should have done the Greakes more harm if it had been his chance to have reigned in Xerxes' stead. The next day he gave xxx talents for a reward to him that was his guide into Perce, and from thence he took his journey into Media, 
Media.  where a new supply of soldiers, of whom Plato (of Athens had the conduction) came to him out of Cilicia, being. u.c. footmen and a thousand horsemen. When he had by this means increased his power, he dettermined to pursue Darius, 
Ecathana.  who was come to Ecathana the head city of Media, & was purposed from thence to have passed into Bactria. But fearing to be prevented by the speed his enemies made, altered his purpose and his journey. Alexander was not come near him by a. M.u.c. forlong but he could not think any distance sufficient to defend him against his celerity & therefore prepared himself rather to fight then to i'll. He had with him thirty. M. footmen, amongs whom there were four M. greeks whose fidelity never failed in all his adverse fortune He had also four M. archers & Slingers, & besides iii thousand. iii.c. Bactrian horsemen, which were under Bessus charge being governor both of the city of Bactria and the country. Darius with his band wythdrue a little from the high way, and commanding the varlets & such as had charge of the caring to pass on before, 
Darius' words.  called a counsel and spoke these words unto them. If fortune had matched me with cowards, and with such as esteemed any kind of life, before an honest death. I would rather have holden my peace, then consume my words in vain. But I have had greater experience than I would wish both of your valiant courage and fidelity towards me. So that I for my part ought rather labour to seem worthy to have such friends as you are, then to doubt whether ye yet remain the same men towards me that ye were before. For of so many thousands that were under mine empire, you are those that have followed and sticked by me. When I have been twice overthrown in the field, & twice enforced to fly away, your fidelity & your constancy maketh me think that I remain still a king. Traitors and fugitives reign in my cities, not for that they be thought worthy of such honour, but that you might be provoked by their rewards to revolt against me. Notwithstanding, you have chosen rather to follow me in my misfortune, then be partakers of the victorers felicity, you are worthy, whom the Gods shall reward (if I may not) as undoubtedly they will. There can no posterity be so silent, nor no fame so ungrateful, which shall not with due commendations extol you to the stars. Though I was determined still to have fled, whereunto my heart never agreed: yet now I have conceived such a trust of your virtue and manhood, that I purpose to pass against mine enemies. How long shall I be banished within mine own dominion, from a strange and a foreign prince? and fly within the bounds of mine own kingdom, when I may by hasarding of the battle, either recover that I have lost, or else die an honest death? Except peradventure it seemeth better to some men that I should submit myself to enemies will, and by th'ensample of Mazens and Mithrenes, to receive by petition the dominion of some one nation. Wherein I judge that Alexander had rather follow thinclination of his glory then of his wrath. No, let the gods never grant that it may lie in any man's power, either to take away, or give unto me, this Deadeame upon my heed, nor that I lose this empire so long as I remain on live. For in this I am determined that my breath and my kingdom, shall end both together. If this mind remain in you, and if this law be graffed in your hearts, their is none of you that can want liberty, their is none that shallbe compelled to endure the urkesomnes of your enemies, neither their proud port, nor their stately looks. For every man's right hand shall give unto himself either a revenge, or an end of all thes evils. Nothing can stand long in one stay. I myself am ensample of the alteration of fortune, nor it is not without cause that I look for a better change. And if the worst fall that the gods will neds be against us in our wars that be lawful and honest, yet it cannot be taken from us but that we may always manfully and honestly die. I require and make intercession to you by the honour of our predecessors that with such fame and glory possessed the kingdoms of the hole Orient, by those men to whom Macedon sometime was tributary, by so many navies of ships sent into Grece, and by so many victories won, that ye will take such courage and heart unto you, as may seem worthy your nobility and your nation. So that with the same constancy of mind wherewith ye have endured things passed, ye will prove and attempt what soever change send to you hereafter. For I am resolved for my part to get myself perpetual fame either by the victory or by the notable adventure I will give for the winning thereof. When Darius had spoken these words the representation of the present peril so amassed them all, that they were not able either to show there advise or to speak a word to the matter, 
Artabazus.  till such time as Artabazus the most ancient of his friends, which before time had been with king Philip, began to say his fancy: We are come into the field (qd he) with you that is our king, in our most precious apparel, and richest armour▪ with the intent to win the victory, and if nessessitie require, not to refuse death. To whose words the rest with their voice seamed to agree. Saving Nabarzanes who being present in that counsel with Bessus and of his opinion conspired a treason so wonderful that the like hath seldom been hard of before. Their determination was by force of the soldiers they had under their charge to put their king in hold. With this purpose, that if Alexander pursued them to deliver him then alive into his hands for to win thereby his favour, as a thing which they thought he would esteem greatly. But if they could escape conveniently, than they were in mind to kill Darius, and dividing the kingdom betwixt them renew again the war against the Macedons. They having imagined this treason long before in their mind Nabarzanes thought this an occasion to make a preparative to his wicked intent, by a persuasion which he their uttered. 
Nabarzanes words.  I know (qd he) that I shall speak the thing which in the first appearance shall not be grateful unto your ears, but phesitions use to cure diseases that be great with sharp & bitter medicines, and the shipmaisters when they fear a shipwreck accustume to redeem such things as may be saved, with the destruction and loss of the rest. But this matter that I mean is no parsuasion to loss, but a device by what means ye may preserve yourself & your kingdom. We make a war wherein the gods seem manifestly to be against us and fortune ceaseth not obstinately to pursue us. It is needful therefore that we lay new foundations, & seek out men which have other fortune. My opinion is therefore that you deliver up your kingdom unto some man's hands, which shall have the name of king, so long as your enemies remain within Asya. And when they be once departed (which my mind giveth me to be shortly) he shall restore the same unto you again. The country of Bactria is yet untouched: the Indians & Saeans be at your appointment, so many people, so many arms, so many thousands of horsemen & footmen have their force in readiness to renew this war again. So that a much greater force remaineth then that which is consumed. Why do we then like beasts wilfully run to a destruction that is not necessary? It is the property of such as be men of courage, rather to despise death then hate the life, and oftentimes by weariness of travail towards are driven to take little regard of themselves. But virtue leaveth nothing unprovided. So that death being the end of all things it is sufficient if we god not to it like sluggards. Therefore if we shall go unto Bactria which is now our next refuge: let us for the times sake make Bessus king, who is already ruler of the country, & when the matters be once brought to some stay, he shall restore to you th'empire again as to the righteous king. Although Darius perceived not the greatness of the mischief that lay hidden under his wicked words yet was it no marvel though he could not obstayne. He turned towards him, and said: thou vile slave hast thou now found out a time meet to disclose the treason that lieth in thy heart, and therewith all pulled out his sword to have slain him if Bessus had not strait way come and the other Bactrians about him and letted his purpose they pretended to be sorry for the matter, But mindid in very deed to bind him if he had continued in his purpose. In the mean season Nabazzanes escaped away, and Bessus followed after, who imedialy did separate the bands they had charge of from the rest of the army, because they would use them apart to their purpose. When they were departed Artabazus framed his talk according to th'estate of the time then present and began to pacify Darius with words putting him in remembrance how his case was such, that it behoved him to bear quietly the foolishness, or rather the error of his own men: For as much as Alexander was at hand, over sore an enemy for them though there were no discord nor disobedience. But if we shallbe at variance (qd he) when he doth pursue us, our matters shall stand in very evil plight. Thereupon Darius inclined some what to Artabasus advise, & though he was determined to remove, yet because he perceived every man to be troubled in mind, remained still in the same place. But he himself was so astoined with sorrow and disperation that he kept himself close and came not forth of his pavilion, Whereupon the camp being without government, the heads not consulting together as they did before, there rose amongs them great diversity of opinions, and motions of mind. Which thing when Patron saw that was capetaine of the Greake soldiers he willed his men to put on their armour, to be in a readiness to do as they should be appointed. The Percyan encampyd by themselves, and Bessus remained amongs the Bactrians, practising to carry away the Percians into Bactria, and to leave Darius: signifying to them, the riches of that region yet untouched and the peril they were in, if they remained still. But they were all in manner of one opinion, that it was over great an offence for them to forsake their prince. In the mean season. Artabasus executed the kings offence, and went amongs the Percians in their lodgings admonishing and exorting them, sometime apart, and otherwhile all togethers, and left them not before it appeared that they would do as the king would have them. That done with great pain & difficult he parsuaded Darius to take his meat, and to set his mind upon his business. But Bessus and Nabarzanes were so greedy to get the government into their hands, that they resolved to put in execution the thing, they had long conspired betwixt them. For so long as Darius was in safeguard, they could not hope to compass nor attain so great power and authority. The majesty of a king is had in so great veneration amongs those nations, that at his very name they use to assemble together. And the reverens of Darius former fortune, caused them to bear the like obedience to him in his adversity. The greatness and power of the countries whereof Bessus and Nabarzanes had the rule, not being inferior to any other nations in that part of the world, either in armour, men or largeness of their territory gave a great encourage unto their wicked dispositions in attempting of this matter. Which possessing the third part of Asia were able to make as great number of men, as Darius before had lost. In confidence whereof they not only despised Darius, but Alexander purposing when they were once become lords of that country to reinforce from thence again the power of th'empire, & maintain the wars against the Macedons. When they had long devised & debated these things, they determined to take Darius by the Bactrian soldiers, which were at there commandiment, & then to send word to Alexander that they reserved him on live to deliver him unto his hands. And if so be that Alexander should nor accept their doing, (which in deed they doubted) than their purpose was to kill Darius, and with their power to fly into Bactria. But for so much as they saw, that Darius could not be taken openly, seeing there were so many thousands ready to aid him. And fearing also the fidelity of the Greakes, determined to work by sleight, the thing that they could not bring to pass by force. Their devise was lo counterfeit a repentance of their former doings in excusing unto the king the fear they were in. And in the mean season they sent certain to practise with the Percians, & to prove their minds. The soldiers were tossed to & fro with hope and fear. Sometime they thought that by leaving of their king, they should commit themselves to manifest ruin and destruction: and again they remembered what entertainment was promised them in Bactria that lay open for them, where they should be received with such gifts and riches as they could not well imagien. Whiles Bessus & Nabarzanes were bearing of these things in their heads. Artabasus came unto them declaring how Darius was well pacified, and that they might of they would, be in the same estate and degree with him that they were in before. Thereupon they fell to weeping and purging of themselves, requiring Artabasus that he would take upon him the defence of there cause, and carry their request and submission unto the king. The night was consumed in this kind of business. When it was day Nabarzanes with the Bactrian soldiers stood at the entry of the kings lodging, colouring his privy treason with a solemn pretence of doing his duty. Darius' caused warning to be given for his remove, and so mounted upon his chariot after his accustomed manner, Nabarzanes and the other traytores fell upon the ground to worship him and shed tears in token of repentance, notwithstanding that they determined shortly after to put him in fetters: mens nature is so apart to dissimulation. Darius' being of a simple and gentle nature, was enforced through their behaviour not only to believe that they pretended, but also caused him to weep for joy: yet that could not cause the traitors to alter their purpose. When they perceived what kind of man, and what manner of prince they went about to deceive. Darius' doubting nothing of his peril that was next at hand, made all the haste he could to escape Alexander, whom he only doubted. 
Patron.  Patron that was captain of the Grecians commanded his soldiers to put on their harness, which they carried before in trusses, and to be ready and attended to every thing that should be appointed them. For he understanding the treason that Bessus went about followed the kings chariot seeking occasion to speak with him And Bessus doubting the same thing, would not depart from the chariot, but followed rather as a watch, than a waiter. Patron therefore having tarried long, & interrupted oftentimes as he was about to speak, stod in a stay betwixt fear and fidelity, beholding the king in the face. When Darius perceived that he beheld him after that manner he willed Bubace his eunuch that road next him, 
Bubace.  to inquire of Patron if he had any thing to say to him. Patron said ye, but his matter was such as he would no man should here. Then he was willed to come near, and without any interpreter. (Darius understanding somewhat of the Greek tongue) Patron said unto him. 
Patron's words to Darius.  Sir of thirty thousand Greeks that served you, there is a small number of us ramaining which have continually followed you in all fortunes, bearing unto you the same fidelity and affection that we did in your most florysshing estate. And are determined wheresoever you be, to take that for our country, and home, both prosperity and adversity hath so coupled us together, by which invincible fidelity that is in us. I desire and require you, that you would vouchsafe to lodge within our camp, and suffer us to be the guard of your person. We have lost Grece, we have no Bactria to go unto, all our hope is in you, and God grant that other had the like. It is not necessary I should speak any more, nor would not demand the custody of your person being an alien and a stranger, if I knew that others were well minded towards you. Although Bessus was ignorant of the Greek tongue, yet his conscience pricked him to believe that Patron had disclosed some such matter, & therefore carrying away some part of his words, by a greek interpreter, became out of doubt. Darius nothing afraid as it appeared by his countenance, inquired of Patron what moved him to give him such advise. Whereupon he thought not good to defer it any longer, but said: Bessus & Nabarzanes work treason against you, so that your life and your estate stand in extreme peril, and this day shallbe the last either to the traitors or to you: whose words if Darius had well weighed and regarded. Patron had received great glory of the presecuation of his prince. But let them mock that list, which be persuaded that thestate of man is governed at adventure and by chance, but I believe that every man runneth his race by an immutable order, and an everlasting appointment, by a knitting together of causes unknown appointed long before. 
Darius' answer unto Parron.  Darius' answer was: that although the fidelity of the Greek soldiers was sufficiently known unto him, yet he was determined never to depart from his own nation, by whom though he might be deceived, yet it was hard for him to mistrust them: whatsoever should chance to him he said. he was minded rather to suffer it amongs his own subjects, then to part from them. Not desiring to live if his own soldiers desired not his safeguard. Whereupon Patron despairing of the kings well doing, returned to them of whom he had the charge, ready to adventure any thing for his sake. Bessus in the mean season had utterly determined to slay Darius, but fearing that he could not win Alexander's favour except he delivered his enemy into his hands alive, deferred his purpose till that night following. In the mean season he came to Darius and gave him thanks that he had so warily and with such wisdom avoided the treason of that false Grecian, who being corrupted by Alexander, sought nothing but how to make a present of his head: whereat (he said) he could not marvel that a mercenary man should leave any thing undone for money, being without any pledge of his honesty, without house, home, banished out of the world, a doubtful enemy, tossed here and there at the back of all men, that will corrupt him. And then he fell to purging of himself, calling the Gods of his country to witness of his innocenty in the matter. Darius by his countenance seemed to believe him, yet he doubted not of the truth of the tale that Patron had told him, but he was come to such a point, that it was as dangerous for him not to believe his own men, as to be deceived. There were xxx thousand whose lytenes was feared to have consented to this conspiracy: and Patron had but four thousand, to whom if he had committed his safeguard, and thereby condemned the fidelity of his own nation, he saw that then they might have thereof a goodly colour and a pretence to perform the thing they went about, and therefore chose rather to be killed innocently, then to give any occasion whereby he should seam to have deserved death. And yet when Bessus purged himself, he answered that he knew there was no less justice in Alexander, than manhood, and that they were deceived that looked for any reward of treason at his hands, knowing that there was no sorer punyssher nor revenger of the breach of fidelity. When the night drew near, the Percians after their accustomed manner put of their armour, and repaired to the next villages to provide things necessary. But the Bactrians as Bessus had commanded them stood still armed. In the mean season Darius had sent for Artabasus and showed him what Patron had declared. Whereupon Artabasus made no doubt, but that he should straight ways commit himself amongs the Greeks, thinking that the Percians when the kings peril should be published abroad, would join with the Grecians. But Darius predestinate to his chance, could not bear then any wholesome counsel nor sought for any help in that case, but embraced Artabazus, as though he should never see him more, and being wet with the tears that one of them let fall upon another, caused Artabazus to be taken away that clave fast unto him, and because he would not see his sorrow in departing from him, he covered his head and fell flat upon the ground. Then such as were accustomed to the guard of his person, which should have been his defence in all perils, fled away, thinking themselves over weak, for such number of armed men, as they supposed to be coming. Then there was great solitariness within his lodging, for none remained about the king but a few Enukes, that had no place to repair unto. Then he debated and devised with himself alone▪ sometime one thing, and sometime another, and by and by waxed weary of that solitariness, which before he took for a comfort, and called Bubace unto him, whom he beheld, and said: Go provide yourselves, which according to your duties have been true to your prince till the last hour, Here I do tarry for the fatal law of my destiny. peradventure ye do marvel that I do not end mine own life. I had rather die through other men's wickedness, then by mine own. After those words Bub●ce filled both the kings lodging, and also the hole camp with morning and lamentation, and diverse brake into Darius, which tearing their clothes, bewailed his case with a barbarous howling out. When the cry came unto the Percians they were so amazed for fear, that they durst neither put on their armour. lest they might give occasion to the Bactrians to set upon them, nor they could not remain quiet, lest they might seem so wickedly to leave their king. There were clamours through out the camp of divers sorts and tunes, without any head, and without any appointment. Such as pertained to Nabarzanes and Bessus deceived by such lamentation as they hard, brought them word that the king had killed himself. Whereupon the prepared thither so fast as they could gallop, 
Darius' taken prisoner by Bessus and Nabarzanes.  and such followed after as they had chosen to be ministers of their mischief. When they were entered into the king's pavilion, because the Enuches declared that he was on live, they commanded him to be bound. Thus he which before was carried in a chariot and honoured of his men like a god, was made prisoner by his own servants, without any foreign power, and put into a vile cart covered over with beasts skins: and spoil was made of the kings stufe in such sort, as if it had been taken in the wars. And when they had laden themselves with the pray gotten after so foul a manner they conveyed themselves into their countries. But Artabazus with those of whom he had the charge, and with the Greake soldiers, took the way towards Parthina thinking to be more sure any where, then in the fellowship of those traitors. The Percians whom Bessus had burdened with so many fair promises, specially because they had no other man to follow, joined themselves to the Bactrians, and the third day overtook them. But to th'intent Darius should not want such honour as was due unto his estate Bessus caused him to be bound with golden fetters. such were the despightes that his fortune made him subject unto. And for that he should not be known by his apparel▪ they covered the cart with foul hides of beasts, and caused unknown men to drive it forwards. And lest by inquiring the Army he might be discovered, such as had the charge of him followed afar of. When Alexander hard that Darius was removed to Echatane, he left the way that he was in, and with all the speed he could make, followed after Darius' that was said to be gone into Media. But when Alexander was come to Taba, which is the chief City of Paratacene, 
Taba. Paratacene.  it was there showed him by fugitives that came out of Darius' camp, that he was fled with all speed into Bactria. And afterwards understood the matter more certainly by Bagistenes of Babylon. who could not affirm directly that Darius was used as a prisoner, but declared that either he was in danger of death, or of captivity. Alexander upon those news called his captains together, and showed them that he had a great enterprise, but such one as the travail was very short. Darius (he said) was not far of, forsaken of his own men, and either taken as a prisoner or slain. In whose parson he showed their whole victory to consist, and the greatness of the matter, to be reward sufficient of their haste making. They all cried with one voice that they were ready to follow him where he would go, and that he should neither spare there labour nor their peril. Whereupon he conveyed his army forwards with marvelous speed, rather in post, then after the common order of marching, neither resting day nor night till they had passed. u.c. furlongs, & come to the village where Darius was taken. There Melun, 
Melun.  Darius' Interpreter, who by reason of his sickness could not follow the army, was taken through Alexander's celerity, who feigning that he fled away from his master, declared the whole matter, but how great so ever his desire was to overtake his enemies, it was necessary for him to give his men rest of their travail. So that determining to leave the teste of his army behind, did chose out six thousand horsemen, and added to them. iii.c. which they call Dimichas, that were footmen heavy harnessed, but yet did ride on horseback, and when the matter and place required, lighted & fought on foot. When Alexander was taking order about these things. Orselloes and Mythracenes which for the hatred they bore to Bessus for his treason, fled from him, declared to the king that the Percians were but. u.c. furlongs of. and proffered to guide him by a nearer way. Their coming was grateful to the king, for by their conduction, in the beginning of the nigh, the took his journey with such horsemen as he had appointed, willing his foot battle to follow after with all speed possible. He marched forwards in a square battle, and kept such an order that the first might join with the last, and such as came behind, relieve them the went before. When they had passed ccc furlongs of their way. 
Broculus.  Broculus the son of Mazeus that sometime had been governor of Syria met Alexander and declared that Bessus was within two hundred furlongs marching with his men out of all order, as one that did cast no doubts, seeming to him that they went towards Hyrcania. wherefore if haste were made (he said) they might soon be overtaken, & found disparckled here & there, out of all array. He affirmed also that Darius was yet alive, Alexander that was hot before in his pursuit, was with his words much more pricked forwards, so that he caused them put spurs to their horses, and passed forwards a gallop, and went so far forth, that they might hear the noise of their enemies, made as they marched. But the dust that did rise took away their fight, and therefore he stayed a while, till the dust was vanished away. And then both Bessus perceived the Macedons, and they saw the Percians as they fled. Notwithstanding they had not been able to have matched with them, if Bessus had had as great courage to fight, as he had to betray his master. For besides that they excedid the Macedons in number and power, who being forweried and sore travailed, should have had to do with them that were lusty & fresh. But the name of Alexander and his fame, which is of great moment, ever in the wars put them in such fear, that they could not stay themselves. Then Bessus and other that were partners of the conspiracy came to the cart, where Darius was, & parsuaded him to leap on horseback, and i'll from his enemies that were at hand. But he affirming that the gods were come to his revenge, and calling for the assistance of Alexander, 
Darius' wounded to death.  said that in no wise he would go with traitors: wherewith they were so stirred to wrath, that they threw darts at him, and left him wounded in many places of his body. They thucst in the beasts also that driew the cart, to th'intent they should not be able to pass forwards. & slew his two servants that did wait upon him. When they had committed this act, they thought it expedient to disperse themselves in their flying. And so Nabarzanes took the way to Hyrcania, and Bessus to Bactria, with a few horsemen that each of them had in their company. When their soldiers were forsaken of their Captains, they scattered here and there, where hope and fear did lead them. There were only five hundred horsemen which assembled themself together, and stood in a mammoring, whither it were better to resist, or to flee. Alexander understanding the fear his enemies were in scent Nycanor before with part of his horsemen, by keeping of them occupied, and he with the rest followed after. Where were slain about the number of iii thousand that stood at their defence, and they did drive before them the rest of the army like beasts, from killing of whom, the king gave commandment to abstain. amongs all the prisoners there was none that was able to show which was the cart that carried Darius, for every one was so desirous to find him, that as they saw any cart they sought Darius therein, and yet they could perceive by no means where he was become. Alexander made such haste that scarcely three thousand horsemen followed him, of all his number, but the whole army of the Percians, fell into their laps that followed behind. It is scarcely credible to be believed, that there should be more prisoners taken, then there were men to take them. But fortune in that fear had so taken away their sense, that they could not consider their own multitude, nor the small number of their enemies. In the mean season the beasts that drew Darius' waggon, having no man to govern them, were swerved out of the high way, and wandering here and there, had drawn Darius four furlongs from the place he was wounded, into a valley, where they fainted, by reason of their heat and their hurts. There was a spring there at hand, which certain that knew the country, 
Polistratus  had showed to Polistratus a Macedon, that was overcome for thrust. And whiles he was drinking water out of his helmet, he spied the beasts that were thrust in with dares, and marueiling that they were not rather carried away, then hurt after that manner. He looked, & found in the foul cart the body of a man haulf alive, and at length perceived it was Darius that lay there sore wounded, & drawing of his breath. Then Polistratus drought to him a Percian whom he had taken prisone●. Whom when Darius knew by his voice, to be of his country, said: he took that for a comfort of his present fortune, that he should speak before he died, to one that understood him, 
The message that Darius sent to Alexand before his death.  and not utter his last words in vain. He required him to declare unto Alexander, that though he had never deserved any thing at his hands, yet it was his chance to die greatly his debtor, and had great thanks to give him, for the favour and goodness that he had showed towards his mother, his wife, and his children, to whom he had not only granted life, but also the reverence of their former estate & dignity, where as he of his kinsmen & friends to whom he had given both life and lands, was now by them bereaved of al. He prayed therefore that he might always be victor, and that the Empire of the whole world might come unto his hands requiring that he would not neglect to take revengaunce of so foul an act, not only for his cause, but for ensample and the love of other princes, which should be a thing honourable unto him, and profitable in time coming. When he had spoken these words, he fainted and called for water, & after he had drunk, said to Polystratus that presented it unto him. Whatsoever thou art, this is unto me the last misery in all my adverse chance, that I am not able to requite the this benefit. But Alexander shall reward thee, & the gods shall requite him for his great humanity & clemency showed towards mine. Unto whom, in my behalf thou shalt give my hand as a pledge of a kings promise. When he had spoken these words, and given Polistratus his hand, he died. When these things were reported to Alexander, he repaired where the dead corpse lay, & there be wailed with tears, that it was his chance to die, a death so unworthy for so great an estate, and taking of his own clock to cover the dead course withal, adorned the same with all things that pertained to a king, and sent it to his mother Sisigambis to be buried, in such sort as the country manner was to bury kings, and to be laid amongs the rest of his predecessors.  
☞ Here the first part of the sixth book doth want, wherein was contained the cause of the war betwixt the Lacedæmonians and Macedons: with the preparation of both nations to the battle that was fought betwixt Antipater Alexander's lieutenant in Macedonia, and Agis, king of the Lacedæmonians.   

¶ The sixth book of Quintus Curtius of the acts of the great Alexander King of Macedon.  
HE pressed forwards where the fight was most dangerous, 
The battle betwixt Agys' king of Lacedaemon and Antipater laeutenant in Macedonia  and slaying such as made most resistance put the greater part of his enemies to flight. Then such as were victorers before began to fly, till they had drawe● their enemies, greedily following them, out of the strait into a more plain ground. In the retire many of them were slain, but when they had once recovered such a ground where as they might stay and fall in order, the battles joined equally again on both sides. amongs them all, the king of the Lacedæmonians, appeared most notable in all men's eyes, not so much by the beauty of his armour and goodly parsonage, as through the greatness of his courage, wherein only he could not be overcome. He was laid to on all parts, both near hand, and a far of ye● for all that he endured long in arms against his enemies, avoiding their strokes part with his target, and part with his body, till such time as he was thrust through both these with a spear, when by great effusion of blood he was not able any longer to endure the fight: Then the esquires for his body took him up upon his target, and carried him into their camp, that with great pain endured the slurring of his wounds. The Lacedæmonians for all their kings departure, gave not over the fight, but assoon as they could recover any ground of advantage, they cloosed themselves in battle together, and received stoutly their enemies that came full upon them. Their is not found in any memory of a battle more vehemently fought then that was, where the armies of two nations that were most excellent in the wars contended togethers the victory not yet inclining to any part. The Lacedæmonians called to mind there ancient manhood and prows, and the Macedons considered there present estimation they had in the world. The Lacedæmonians strived for their liberty, and the Macedons for the sovereyntye. The one party lacked a captain, and the other room to fight in. The manifold adventures and causes that fell that day, increased both the hope and fear of both parties, fortune as it were of purpose bringing such valiant men to fight togethers, neither of them prevailing upon other. But the straightness of the place, wherein they fought, did not suffer them to join with there whole force at ones: for more were beholders the fighters, and such as stood without danger encouraged the other with their cry. Atlength the Lacedæmonians began to faint, and scarcely able for sweeting to sustain their armour began to draw back, to have the more liberty to i'll from their enemies that pressed sore upon them. When they were once broken and scattered abroad the victor pursued after. And passing the place whereupon the Lacedæmonians batteyll was first arranged, with all haste, made a sore pursuyt upon Agym, who seeing his men flying and his enemies approach at hand, willed his men to set him down. Where stretching out himself, to feel if the force of his body could answer unto his heart. When he found himself unable to stand, remaining upon his knees, put on his helmet, and covering his body with his target, shaked his spear and provoked his enemies to draw near, if any were desirous of his spoil, but there was not one that pressed near him, but did cast darts afar of, which he always took and threw at his enemies again, till such time as he was thrust into the bare breast with a spear, 
Agi● was slain.  which pulled out of the wound, he fainted and bowing down himself upon his target, shortly after fell down dead blood and life failing both together. There were slain of the Lacedæmonians .v. M.iii C.lx and of the Macedons, not passing iii C. but there was scarcely any of them that escaped unwounded. This victory broke the hearts not only of the Lacedæmonians and of their confederates, but also of all other which lay in wait looking for the success of that war. Antiparer was not ignorant how the countenances of such as did gratify his victory, differed much from the intents of their hearts: but desirous to finish the war that was begun, perceived it necessary for him to dissemble, & suffer himself to be deceived. And though he rejoiced much in the fortune of the thing, yet he feared the envy that might ensue thereof, being a greater matter than the estate of a lieutenant did bear. For Alexander was of the nature, that he desired that his enemies had won the victory, showing manifestly that he was not contented with Antiparers good success, thinking that what honour soever chanced to any other man, was a derogation to his own glory. Antipater therefore which knew full well his stomach, durst not use the victory according to his own will. But assembled a counsel of Greeks to advise, what they thought expedient. The Lacedæmonians made no other request, but that they might send Ambassadors unto Alexander, which upon their repair to him and their suit made, obtained pardon to all men. saving to such as were the authores of the rebellion. The Megapolitans whose city did abide the sieg, 
Megapolitane.  were compelled to pay as a fine for their rebellion twenty talentes to the Aheians and the catolians. This was the end of the war, 
How Alexander in prosprytie ●ell to vice.  which being suddenly begun was ended before that Alexander had overthrown Darius at Arbella. Assoon as his mind was delivered of those present cares, as one that could bear better the wars than quietness or rest, gave himself all to pleasures. By the vices whereof ensuring he was overcome, whom no power of the Percians or any other was able to subdue. He was given to banqueting out of season, & to a fond delight of drinking & watching, in plays, and amongs flocks of Concubines that drwe him into strange manners & custumes. Which he following as things better than the usagies of his country, offended thereby greatly both the eyes & the hearts of his own nation, & caused many that loved him before entirely, to hate him then as an enemy. For the Macedons that were obstinate in keeping their own discipline, & accustomed not to be curius, but so scarce in their diet as might suffice nature. When they saw he went about to bring in amongs them the vices of those nations which they had subdued: conspiracies than began to be made against him, mutyne risse amongs the soldiers, & every one complaynning to an other freely uttered their griefs, thereby he was provoked to wrath, to suspicion & sudden fear, divers other inconvenience ensuing thereupon which shallbe declared hereafter. Alexander being given as it hath been said before to unreasonable banqueting wherein he consumed both day & night. When he was satisfied of eating & drinking, passed over the time with plays & pastimes. And not contented with such musicians as he brought out of Grease, caused the women that were taken captive tosing before him such songs as abhorred the ears of the Macedons not accustomed to such things. amongs those women Alexander spied one more sadder than the rest, which with a certain shamefastness did strive with them that brought her fourth. She was excellent of beauty & through her shamefastness her beauty was augmented. Because she did cast her eyes towards the earth, & covered her face so much as she might: caused him to suspect her to come of greater nobility, then that she ought to be showed forth amonsuch banqueting plays. And therefore being demanded what she was: she showed herself to be the daughter of the son of Occhus that lately reigned in Perce, & the wife of Histaspis which was Darius' kinsman, 
Histaspis.  and had been his lieutenant over great armies. Their yet remaynned in the kings heart some small sparks of his former virtue. For in respect of her estate being come of kings blood, & the reverence he bore to such a name as the sneeze of Occhus, commanded her not only to be set free, but also to be restored to her goods and her husband, whom he willed to be sought out. The next day he appointed Ephestion to bring all the prisoners unto the court, where enquering of the nobility of every one commanded them which were descended of noble blood to be severed from the rest amongs whom they found Oxatres brother to Darius, that was no less noble of mind then of blood. There was made of the last spoil xxvi M. talentes, whereof xii M. were consumed in rewards amongs the men of war: & the smoe amonted to no less value that was conveyed away by them that had the keeping thereof. There was one Oxydates a noble man of Perce that was put in prison by Darius, and appointed to suffer death, 
Oxydates.  whom Alexander delivered and gave unto him the signory of Medya, and received Darius' brother amongs the number of his friends, reserving to him all the accustomed honour of his nobility. Then they came to the country of Parthenia, 
Parthenia.  then being but obscure & unknown: but now the head of all those countries which lie upon Tiger & Euphrates, & be bounded with the read seas. This country, being fruitful & abundant of all things, was taken by the Scythians, which possessing part both of Asia & Europe, be troubleous neighbours to them both. They, which inhabit upon the Bospheron sea, 
Baspheron.  are ascribed to be in Asia. And such as be in Europe, possess the countries lying on the left side of Thracia so far as Boristhenes, 
Boristenes.  & from thence right forth so far as the river of Tanais, that parteth Europe & Asia. It is certain that the Scythes, of whom the Percians be descended, came not from Bospheron, but out of Europe. There was a noble city in those days called Atomphilos builded by the Greeks, 
Ato●philos  where Alexander remained with his army, convoieng victuals thither from all parts. 
A tumult that rose upon a rumour.  amongs the soldiers lying there in idleness, there did rise suddenly a rumour, that entered into their heads without any certain author or beginning. The rumour was, how that Alexander satisfied with the acts he had done, purposed immediately to return into Macedon. This fame was not so soon sown abroad, but that they ran like mad men to their lodgings, and trussed up their baggage and their stufa: making such preparation to departed, that every man judged warning had been given to remove, and that the thing had been done by appointment. The tumult that rysse in the camp by lading of carriages, & the calling that one made unto another, came unto the kings ears. This rumour obtained the sooner credit, by the dispatch of certain Greek soldiers, whom Alexander had dismissed into their country, with the gift of vi thousand deneres, to every horseman, whereupon they took occasion to think that the war had been at an end. Alexander, whose purpose was to pass into India, and the uttermost bands of the orient, was no less afraid of this matter, than the case required. And therefore called before him the captains of his army: And with the tears in his eyes, made a great complaint unto them: that in the middle course of his glory should thus be pulled back, and compelled to return into his country, rather as a man vainquished then as a victor. Which misfortune (he said) he could not impute to his soldiers, nor judge in them any cowardness, to give impediment to his procedings, but that it was only the envy of the gods, which put so sudden a desire of their country into the minds of valiant men, that within a while should have returned with great glory and fame. Thereupon they all promised him to travail in reformation of the matter, offering themselves in all things (were they never so difficult) to do as he would have them. And they promised also, the obedience of the soldiers, if so be that he would make some gentle & apt oration to pacify them: which were never yet seen depart from him in any desperation or disturbance of mind, if they once beheld the cheerfulness of his countenance and the courage that proceeded from his heart. He promised that he would so do. & required at their hands to prepare in the multitude an aptness to give ear unto him. When all things were prepared which were thought expedient for the purpose, he assembled all his army together and made this oration unto them. 
Alexander's oration unto the soldiers.  When ye consider (my soldiers) the greatness of the acts which ye have done, & the manifold conquests that ye have made, it is no marvel at all, though ye be inclined to the desire of quietness, and fully satisfied with fame and glory. For leving to speak of the Illirians, & tribals, of Boetia, Thracia, & Sparta, of the Acheians & Peloponesians, whom I have subdued part in person, & the rest by my appointment. I will not make rehearsal of the war we began at Hellespont, and how we delivered from the intolerable servitude of the Barbarians nations, jonas and Aeolides, and got unto our possession both Caria, Lydia, Cappadocia, Phrigia, Paphlagonia, Pamphilia, Pisides, Cilicia, Syria, Phenices, Armenia, Perce, Mede, and Parthenia. We have gotten more countries, than other have taken cities, & yet (I am sure) the multitude of them, have caused me to leave some of them unrehearsed. If I could think that the possession of these lands that we have conquered in so short time could remain sure unto us, them (my soldiers) I would, though it were against your wills, break from you, to visit my house and my home, to see my mother, my sisters, & my countrymen, to enjoy there the laud & glory that I have gotten with you. Where as the joyful conversation of our wives, our children, & parents, peace, quietness, & a sure possession of things gotten through our valiantness, do tarry for us, as large rewards of our victory. But if we will confess the truth, this new empire which we have not yet at commandment, but is kept as it were by way of entreaty, doth require a time, that this stiff necked people, may learn to bear our yoke, & framing their dispositions to a more humanity, bring their cruel nature to a more civil conversation. Do we not see that the corn in the field asketh a time for his riping? and though the same be without sense, yet hath it his course to be brought to perfection. Do you believe that so many nations not agreeing with us in religion, in customs, nor in use of tongue, accustomed to th'empire, and name of an other man, will be conquered and brought to subjection with the winning of one battle? No, trust me, they be kept under with the fear of our power, and do not obey us of their own good wills. And they which show you obedience when ye be here amongs them, when you be absent, willbe your enemies▪ you must think, that ye have to do with wild beasts, which, being fierce of nature, when they be first taken, must be shut up, and tamed with time. Hitherto I have reasoned with you as though we had conquered the hole dominion that pertained to Darius, which is nothing so: For Nabarzanes possesseth Hyrcania, and the traitor Bessus not only enjoyeth Bactria, but also threateneth us. The Sogdians, Dahans, Massagetes, Sagans, and the Indians, remain yet in their own liberty and jurisdiction, which shall not see our backs so soon turned, but they will follow us in the tails. They all have a certain friendship and amity one with an other, but we be all strangers and foryners unto them. There is no creature but that will more gladly be obedient to rulers of his own nation, then to foryners, be their government never so terrible. We are driven of necessity therefore to win that we have not, or else to lose that we have all ready gotten. As physicians in sick bodies will leave no humour that may hurt, so likewise we must cut away whatsoever shall be impediment unto our Empire. Have you not seen great fires risen of small sparks not regarded? We may not neglect any thing in our enemies, whom the more we despise, the more strong we make them. And because you shall not think it such an impossibility for Bessus to make himself king, where as a king wanteth: you shall understand that Darius came not to his Empire by inheritance, but got into the seat of Cirus by the benefit of Bagoas his eunuch. We commit an heinous offence (my soldiers) if we made war to Darius, and put him down for the intent to give his kingdom unto his servant, yea, and to such one as attempted so vile an act against his master, at such a time as he had most need of help, and whom, we being his enemies would have spared, he being his subject, put him in chains as a captive, and finally slew him, because he should not be preserved by us. Shall you suffer this kind of man to reign? no, let us make all the speed we may to see him crucified, and so to show unto all kings and nations a justice done upon one, that so vilely falsified his faith. If the report should come unto you, being in your own countries, that the same man were destroying of the Greek cities about Hellespont. O God how sorry would you be then, and how much would you lament, that Bessus should enjoy that you have gotten, and usurp the rewards of your victory? Then would you make haste to recover your own, then would you bend yourselves to the wars. But how much better is it now to oppress him whiles he remaineth in such fear, and is uncertain what way to take? Shall we spare to spend four score days journey to come to him, that have overtrodden such snows, that have passed so many rivers, that have climbed so many mountains? to whose journey the flowing sea could be no impediment, nor the strait of Cilicia could shut up our way. Now all things are made plain and open, and we stand in the entry of our victory. There be but a few fugitives, and killers of their masters that do remain. What more notable work can you leave unto your posterity, to be registered by fame unto your glory then in revenging such as were traitors to Darius? you shall thereby show that when you were enemies unto him, yet your hatred ended with his death, & that no wicked person could escape your hands. Which thing if you bring to pass, how much more obedient do you think the Percians shallbe unto you, when they perceive that you take just wars in hand, and it was not Bessus name wherewith ye were offended, but with his faults and evil doings? His oration was received of the soldiers with such gladness, that they streightwaies desired him to carry them whether he would. And he that could use the occasion of their good mode, passed through Parthenia, and came to the bounds of Hyrcania, 
Hyrcania.  leaving Craterus with the band whereof he had the rule, and six thousand horsemen, of whom Amyntas had the charge, with the like number of archers to defend Parthenia from the incursion of the barbarous nations. He appointed Erigonus a small power to attend upon his carriages, willing him to pass with them through the plain country. And he himself with his footmen, and with the rest of his horsemen, marched forwards C. thirty furlongs, and encamped in a valley at the entry of Hyrcania. In the same place, be great woods full of high and thick trees, and the bottom of the valley is very fruitful, by reason of the springs that come forth of the rocks. Out of the foot of the mountains, there riseth a river called zioberis, 
zioberis.  which with in three furlongs of the head, is divided by a rock, standing in the mids of the stream, causing the water to go two sundry ways. Which afterwards coming again into one channel, runneth more violently than before, by reason of the fall of the rocks. And suddenly it sinketh into the ground, and so runneth hidden by the space of ccc furlongs, and then cometh forth again as it were out of a new spring, the same being then in breadth xiii furlongs, and as it runneth forwards draweth more narrow, and falleth into an other stream named Rhydago. 
Rhydago.  The inhabiters of the country affirmed that all things cast in, where the stream sunk into the ground, would appear & come out again at the next issue. For the proving of which conclusion. Alexander caused two bulls to be cast in where the water entered, whose bodies were found by such as were appointed for the purpose, where the stream broke out again. In this place he refreshed his army four days, during which time Nabarzanes which was confederate with Bessus in killing of the king, did write l●es to him, in effect, 
The effect of Nabarzanes letters to Alexander  how that he was no enemy unto Darius, but counciled him ever to do such things as he judged most profitable, and for his faithful counsel was put in danger of his life by him, who went about against all reason to commit the custody of his person to strangers, condemning thereby the fidelity of his own nation, which they had kept unspotted towards their kings by the space of ccxxx years. Wherefore seeing himself in that peril and danger, took counsel of his present necessity. And alleged that it was always admitted lawful for a man to kill such one, whom he knew to imagine his death, which was an excuse (he said) wherewith Darius satisfied the people, when he had slain Bagoas. He alleged that nothing was more dear to mortal creatures than life, for the love whereof he was driven to this extremity, in committing an act which necessity rather compelled him to do, than his own disposion. For in a general calamity every man hath his fortune. If he would command him to come to his presence, he said he would not refuse to do it, for he could not fear that so great a king would violate his promise, seeing one God is not wont to deceive an other. But if he should seam unworthy to whom he would give his assurance, there were many countries for him to i'll unto. For all men having virtue in them, count always that for their country, where they make their dwelling place. Alexander made no stay in giving him his faith, after such sort as the Parcians used to receive it: which was to do him no harm if he came to him. Notwithstanding he marched in order of battle sending ever scourers before to discover the ground. The light armed were appointed to the vanguard, the phalanx followed after, & the baggage behind. For by reason the same was a warlike nation, & the country hard to enter upon, caused the king to look earnestly upon the matter. The same valley stretcheth out to the Caspian sea, the banks thereof resembling the horns of the moan before it cometh to the full, the sea lying betwixt them like a great bay, upon the left hand the people inhabit that be called Cercetes, 
Cercetes,  which lie open towards the north, and upon the other part the Leucosyrians, 
Leucosirians  Mossynes, 
Mossynes. Chalybes.  and Chalibes and the plains of the Amazons lie towards the west. This sea which some call the Caspion and some the Hyrcanian sea, 
The caspyon sea,  being more sweater than any other, bringeth forth Serpents of a wonderful bigness, and fishes differing in colour much from all the rest. Their be divers of opinion that the lake of Meotis should run into this sea, which they conjecture of the water, thinking the same to receive his sweatnes of the lake. Towards the north the sea groweth into a fleat shore and putteth forth his waters far upon the land, which rising high make many meres and plashes. And as by certain course of the planets they flow out, so at certain time by an ebb, they return in again restoring the ground to his former estate. Some believe those waters to be no parcel of the Caspian sea, but that they come out of Ind and run into Hyrcania, which lieth low in the foresaid vailey. The king being removed from that place, marched forwards twenty furlong in a wild desert way. Where great woods hung continually ner their heads, and brooks of water and mire gave great impediment to their journey. But at length with out any impediment of his enemies he passed those difficulties, and came unto a more fair countrei, wherein besides other vittells (whereof it did abound) grew great plenty of appulles, and the ground was very apt for wines. There were also plenty of a certain kind of trees, much like unto oaks, whose leaves were covered with honey, which the inhabitors gather before the son rising, for else the moister would be dry up with the heat. When Alexander had passed xxx furlongs more forwards. Phrataphernes met him, yielding both himself, & such other as fled away after Darius' death, whom he received gently, and came to a town called Aruas. 
Aruas. Phradates.  Thither came Craterus and Erigonus bringing with them Phradates that had the rule of the Tapurians: 
Tapurians  whose friendly receiving and gentle entertainment was the cause that many followed his ensample in committing themselves to Alexander's mercy Menape was made their prince of Hitcania, 
Menape.  who, being a banished man, in the time of Occhus, came to king Philipp for refuge & Phradates also was restored to the office he had before. When Alexander was come to the uttermost bounds of Hi●cania, Artabasus, 
Artabayus yielded to A●exander.  whom we declared to show himself faithful always to his Master, met Alexander with Darius' kinsmen and children, and with a small band of greek soldiers. The king at his coming proffered him his hand, because he had been entertained before by king Philippe when he was banished by Occhus? but the chief cause that he accepted him so well, was for the continual fidelity that he observed towards his prince. He being thus gently received by Alexander, said unto him: Sir, long may you flourish and reign in perpetual felicity. I that rejoice in all other things, with one any chief grieved, that by reason of mine old age. I shall not be able long to rejoice your goodness. He was iiii. score .v. years of age, & brought, with him ix sons borne of one mother, whom he presented before the king, praying god to continue their lives: so long as their service might be acceptable unto him. Alexander was accustomed much to walk on foot, but then left he the old man might be ashamed to ride, he going on foot called for horses for them both. When he was encamped, he sent for the Greeks that Artabasus brought. But they made request first that he would give assurance to the Lacedæmonians that were amongs them, or else they would take advise amongs themselves what were best to do: The same were the Embasseadours that the Lacedæmonians had sent unto Darius. After whose overthrow they joined themselves to the Greakes that were in his wages. The king willed them to leave all assurances & compositions & come to receive such appointment as he would give them. They stood long in a stay vareing in openions but at length they agreed so to do: Saving Democrates of Athens which chiefly had ever oppugned the success of the Mace dons, despairing of pardon flew himself. But tother, as they had determined, submitted themselves to Alexander's will, being ten M. uc. in numbered, besides iiii score & x of such as were sent Embassadores unto, Darius. The more part of the soldiers were distrubuted amongs the bands, to fill up the numbers that wanted, and the rest were sent home except the Lacedæmonians, which he commanded to be put in prison. There was a nation called Mardons bounding next to Hyrcania, 
The Mardons  rude in their manners and usagies, accustomed to live by theft: They neither sent Embassadores, nor gave any signification that they would be at Alexander's commandment, he took thereat great indingnation that any one people should give impediment to his victory. And therefore leving a guard for his carriages, went against them with a strong power. He merched forwards in the night, and by the time that the day appeared his enemies were in sight. But the matter came rather to a larom then to any fight. For thenemies were soon driven from the hills. Who flying away left their villages to be sacked by the Macedons. But the army could not pass into the inward parts of the country without great trouble & veration, the same being compassed about with high mountains, great woods & desert rocks▪ & the parts which were plain were defended with a strange kind of fortification, that is to say with tres set thick of purpose, the bows whereof when they were young were wreathed one within an other: The tops bowed down were put into the ground again, from whence as out of an other rote there sprung new branches. Which they would not suffer to grow as nature brought forth, but did knit them so one with an other, that when they were full of leaves they covered clean the earth. The trees thus wreathed one with an other, enclosed in the country as it were with a continual hedge, and were as snares to entangle such as would go about to enter, there was no way could be devised to pass through the same but onliby cutting down of the wood. And therein they found a great difficulty and much travail, by reason that the wreathing & wrapping together of the bows kept them of from the bodies of the tres. And the weakness of the bows so yielded to the strokes that they could not well be cut a sunder. The inhabiters of the country were accus●umed to creep amongs the brush like wild beasts, and by privy sallies break out upon their enemies. Alexander therefore caused his men after the manner of hunters to sake out there lurking places & killed many of them. But at length he environed the wood with his soldiers round about, to th'intent they might break in at every place, where they should spy any entry, Whereby many wandered & lost their company in places that they knew not, and were taken prisoners: And amongs them Bucephalus Alexander's horse, 
Bucephalus Alexander's horse.  whom he did not esteem as men do other beasts, for he would not suffer any other man to come upon his back. and when the king would ride he would kneel down upon his knees to receive him, so that he seamed to have the sense to understand whom he carried. Alexander was more sorrowful and stirred to a greater wrath for the loss of the horse them was expedient for such a cause, for searching about to get the horse again caused proclamation to be made by an interpreter, the except he were restored he would not leave one of them alive. When they heard this terrible threating, amongs other gifts they presented unto Alexander his horse. yet he was not therewith pacified but commanded the woods to be cut down, & earth to be brought for making of the ways smooth, which he cut through the woods. This work went so well forward, that the inhabiters despairing of ability to defend their country, yielded themselves to the king, who receiving their pledges, committed them to the keeping of Phradates. And from thence the fift day returned again to his camp. There he gave to Artabasus the double honour that Darius did unto him, and sent him home again into his country. After that he came to that city of Hyrcania where Darius Palace was Nabarzanes upon assurance, came thither bringing with him great gifts, and amongs the rest presented unto Alexander Bagoas an eunuch of singular beauty, being in the first flower of youth, whom Darius accustomed, and after Alexander. 
The Amazons.  At whose intercession speicially he did pardon Nabarzanes. The nation of the Amazons being near unto Hyrcania (as hath been said before) did inhabit the plains of Themiscirae about the river of Thermodoonta, 
Thermodoonta.  & had a queen reigning over them called Thalestris, which kept under her dominion all the countries between the Mount Caucasus, and the river of Phasis: 
Phasis.  who for the great affection she had to see Alexander, travailed out of her own country, and being come near where he was, she sent certain before, to declare that a queen was come of desire to visit him, and to make her acquaintance. When liberty was given her to come to his presence, she caused all the rest of her band to stay, and the came forwards accompanied with ccc women. Assoon as she perceived Alexander, 
Thalestries me●te Alexander.  she leapt from her horse carrying two Launces in her hand, The Amazons apparel is such that it doth not cover all their bodies, for their breasts be bare on the left side, nor their garments which they use to knit up with a knot, come not to their knees. One breast they always reserve untouched wherewith they nourish their woman children, but their right breasts they use to sear, to make them more apt to draw their bows, and cast their darts. Thalestis beheld Alexander with a bold countenance, and considered in looking upon him, that his parsonage answered not to the same that she had heard of his acts. For the barbarous nations give great veneration to the majesty of the parsonage, thinking none to be sufficient for the doing of great acts, but such as nature have endued with great personages. It was demanded of her, if she had any request to make unto Alexander: Whereat she abashed not to confess that she was come thither to get children with him, thinking herself a parsonage worthy of whom he should get heirs to inherit his kingdom. Covenanting that if it were a woman she would keep it still, and if it were a man child, she would restore it to the father. Alexander inquired of her, if she would go forwards with him in his wars, but therein she excused herself, that she had left no order for the defence of her kingdom. But she continued still in declaration of the cause of her coming, and required that her hope therein might not be in vain. The woman's appetite, seamed to be more vehemently given to lust then the kings was, yet she obtained of him to stay for her cause, and consumed thirteen days in satisfying of her desire. 
Here Alexander first forsook virtue and fell to vice.  That done she departed to her own kingdom, and Alexander went to Patthinia, which was the place where he first showed manifestly the vices that were in him: there he turned his continency, and moderation, being the most excellent virtues appearing in any kind of estate, into pride and voluptuousness, not esteaming his country customs, nor the wholesome temperance that was in the usagies and discipline of the kings of Macedon, which judged their civil usage and manner to be over base for his greatness, but did counterfeit the height and pomp of the Kings of Perce, representing the greatness of the Gods. He was content to suffer men there to fall down flat upon the ground, and worship him, and accustomed the victors of so many nations, by little and little, to servile offices, coveting to make them equal unto his captives. He ware upon his head a diadem of purple, interpaled with white, like as Darius was accustomed, and fashioned his apparel of the manner of the Percians, without scrupulesitie of any evil token that it signified, for the victorer to change his habit into the fashion of him whom he had vanquished. And though he advaunted that he ware the spoils of his enemies, yet with those spoils he put upon him their evil manners, and the insolency of the mind, followed the pride of the apparel. Besides he sealed such letters as he sent into Europe with his accustomed seal, but all the letters he sent abroad into Asia, were sealed with Darius ring. So it appeared that one mind could not bear the greatness that appertained to two. He appareled also his friends, his captains, and his horsemen in Percian apparel, whereat though they grudged in their minds, yet they durst not refuse it for fear of his displeasure. His court was replenished with concubines, for he still maintained three hundred & lx that belonged to Darius, & amongs them were flocks of Enukes accustomed to perform the use of women. The old soldiers of Philippe naturally abhorring such things manifestly withstood to be infected with such voluptuousness and strange customs. Whereupon there rose a general talk and opinion throughout the camp: that they had lost more by the victory, than they had won by the war. For when they saw themselves overcome in such excess, & foreign customs so to prevail amongs them, they judged it aslender reward of their long being abroad, to return home in the habit of prisoners. They began to be ashamed of their king that was more like to such as were subdued, then to them that were victorious, and that of a king of Macedon, was become a prince of Perce, & one of Darius' courtiers. When he understood that the chief of his friends, and his men of war, were grievously offended with his doings, he went about to recover favour again with gifts and liberality, but it is to be thought that the rewards of servitude, be ungrateful to free men. And therefore lest this matter might turn into a sedition, he thought good to break the imaginations increased by idleness, with the exercise of wars, whereof an apt occasion was given. For Bessus investing himself as a king, 
Bessus took upon him as king.  took upon him the name of Artaxerses, drawing to his part the Scythians and other that were the inhabiters of the river of Tanais: which things were reported to him by Nabarzanes, whom he had received into his favour, & given the rule of the country that he had before. When he had determined this new expedition, he found his army so overcharged and laden with spoil, & other furnimentes of voluptuousness, that they could not scarcely move. Wherefore he commanded the baggage and stuf of the whole army to be brought together in one place, excepting only such things as were very necessary. The place was large and plain whether the carts were brought laden, and when every one stood waiting and musing what he would command them to do, he caused the beasts to be removed first out of the way, and then set his own farthels on fire, and after all the rest. Whiles these things were burning the owners were on fire, to see those things consumed, for the saving whereof they had oft quenched the flames in Cities of their enemies, yet no man durst lament the price of his own blood, seeing they saw the fire consume the kings riches, as well as their own, but the rather to pacify them, the king did mitigate their dolour with a brief oration. Whereupon they that were ever apt for the wars, and ready to do all things, began to be joyful that with the loss of their baggage, they had saved their discipline accustomed in the wars. As they were setting forwards towards Bactria. 
Nycanour.  Nycanour the son of Parmenio died suddenly, whom every man greatly lamented, but chiefly the king was so sorrowful, desiring to have stayed for the celebration of his burial but that want of victuals. caused him to haste forwards. Philotas therefore was left behind with two thousand and six hundred soldiers to perform the ceremonis appertaining to his brother's burial, and he himself marched towards Bessus. In the way letters were brought to Alexander from the lords there about, that Bessus was coming towards him with a great army, 
Satribarzanes.  adding thereunto that Satribarzanes whom he had made prince of the Arians, was newly rebelled against him. For that cause notwithstanding he was come near unto Bessus, yet he thought it best first to oppress Satribarzanes, and for that intent brought forwards his horsemen and footmen that were light armed, to come suddenly upon his enemies. His coming was not so privy, but Satribarzanes knew and fled into Bactria with two thousand horsemen. For by reason he was not able to assemble any more in so short a time, the rest took the next mountains for their refuge. 
The siege of a rock.  There was a rock which towards the west was high and steape, but towards the east more low and easy to be clymbed, upon which part it was full of trees. The same rock had a fountain that ran continually with great plenty of water, and was in compass two and thirty furlongs. In the top was a green plain full of grass, where they placed the weaker multitude, but the rest that were apt for defence being to the number of thirteen thousand, got themselves to the eggies of the rock, and there threw down stones and stocks of trees against the Macedonians that came to assail them. He left Craterus to besiege this rock, going himself to pursue Satribarzanes. And because he understood that he was gone far on his way, returned back again to the siege of them that were upon the rock. first he caused all things to be taken away, that might be any impediment to them in the assault thereof. But when they came to the bare and steape rock, the labour seemed waste, where nature had wrought against them. But he that was of a disposition always to strive against difficulties, considering how hard a matter it was to go forwards, and dangerous to return back again, did cast in his head all the ways and devices that could be Imagined, and now fantesied one thing, and then an other, as men be wont when the ways they have found out first, do not please them. As he stood in a stay in doubt what to do, fortune did minister unto him a mean, which neither wit nor reason could invent. It chanced that the wind blewe sore at the south-west, what time the soldiers had felled great plenty of wood, whereof they thought to make themselves away up against the rock, and the heat of the son had made the same dry. When Alexander perceived the wind to blow after that sort, and the wood lying in that place, conceived by and by his purpose, and willed more trees to be cut down, & laid upon them, putting all other things to it, that were apt to kindle and nourish fire: So that trees heaped upon trees, became as it were a mountain, so high as the top of the rock. The same being set a fire in all parts at once, the wind carried the flame into the face of their enemies, & the smoke covered over the sky. The noise was then great that the fire made, which burned not only the trees that were fired of purpose, but also the rest of the wood growing near there about. The enemies were so tormented with the flame & heat of the fire, that they were enforced to forsake their place of strength, & attempted to escape away where the fire gave them lest impediment. But where the fire gave place, the Macedons stood in readiness to receive them, so that they were consumed & slain, divers kind of ways. Some threw themselves down the rocks, some ran into the mids of the fire, other fell into their enemy's hands, and a few, haulf consumed with fire were taken prisoners. When Alexander had done this act, he returned to Craterus, which besieged Artacnan, 
Art●cnan.  who having prepared all things in readiness tarried only for the kings coming to give him the honour of the winning of the City. When Alexander was come he approached near the walls with the towers of timber that he had prepared for the assault, at the sight whereof the inhabitants were so afraid that they held up their hands from the walls requiring him to spare them, and execute his wrath upon Sattibarzanes that was the author of their rebellion. Alexander pardoned them freely, and not only levied his siege, but also restored to the inhabitants, all things that pertained to them. As he removed from this City, there came unto him a new supply of soldiers. zolus brought out of Grece five hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, which Antipater sent out of Iliria, and hundred and thirty Tessalian horsemen that came with Philip, who also brought of soldiers strangers out of Lydia, two thousand five hundred footmen with iii hundred horsemen. Alexander having thus increased his power, entered into the country of the Drangans, 
Drangans.  which were a warlike nation, and under the government of Nabarzanes, who being of counsel with Bessus in the treason that he committed against his prince, when he heard of Alexander's coming, for fear of the punishment that he had deserved, fled into India. Thus had they lain in camp nine days, when Alexander being without fear of any enemy, and invincible against all foreign powers was brought in peril by treason of his own people. 
A treason conspired against Alexand  It chanced that one Dymnus a man of mean behaviour and authority with his prince, was greatly enflambed in the love of a young man called Nicomachus, with whom he used much familiar conversation This Dimnus on a time being in a passion, 
Dimnus.  as it well appeared by his countenance, alured this young man into a Temple, where remaining alone togethers, declared that he had certain secrets to show him, which in no wise were to be reported again. Thereby he brought Nycomachus in great suspection, 
Nichomacus.  what the matter should be: For before he would tell him, he made a protestation by the love & familiarity betwixt them, that he would assure him by his oath to keep the thing secret, who supposing the matter to be of no such weight, that he ought with perjury and breaking of his oath to disclose the same again, swore by the gods there present. Then Dymnus opened unto him how there was a treason conspired against the king, which within three days should be put in execution, whereof (he said) he himself was pretty with divers men of nobility and estimation. When Nicomachus did hear it to be such a matter, constantly denied then that his promise extended to conceil treason, whereunto no oath nor religion could bind a man. When Dymnus heard him say so, he became in a rage betwixt love and fear, and clasped the young man by the hand, requiring him with weeping eyes that he would not stick to be a partaker in the execution of this conspiracy, or at the least, if his heart would not serve him, that he would keep his counsel secret, in respect that he had found such proof of love in him, to commit his life into his hands without any further proof of his fidelity. But in conclusion when he perceived that Nicomachus would in no wise agree to his purpose, but manifestly abhorred the act, he used divers means to bring him to his counsel, one while entreating him with fair words, and an other while threatening to kill him. He called him toward and traitor to his friend, commending the goodliness of the enterprise, and put him in hope of great preferments, in that he should be part●ener of the Kingdom they went about to get. When he had proved all these ways, and yet found him strange, he thrust his sword one while to Nicomachus throat, and another while to his own, so that at length by threating and fair speaking, he brought him to promise, both to keep his counsel secret, and also to be assistaunte to the deed doing, yet nevertheless as one of a constant mind (though for the time present he seamed to be won with the love of his friend, & become agreeable to his requests) changed no part of his former purpose. This done, Nicomachus required to know what the men were, that had confederated themselves in so weighty a matter, because the persons (he said) were much material that should take so great an enterprise in hand. Then Dimnus, though he were in great trouble of mind that he had brought the matter so far forth, yet when he heard him ask that question, rejoiced, and thanked him greatly, that he would freely associate himself with such manner of men, as Demetrius of the privy chamber was, Peculaus, Nichanor, Aphobetus, Loceus, Diosenus, Arche●●is, & Amintas This communication once ended betwixt them, Nicomachus departed, and disclosed all the ma●er which he had heard before, to a brother of his called Ceballinus: 
Ceballinus·  agreeing betwixt them two, that Nicomachus should remain still secret in his tent, lest by his coming to the kings lodging, not using to have access unto the king, the conspirators might perceive themselves bewrayed.  
Ceballinus repaired to the kings lodging, and tarried before the gate, waiting for some man near about the king, to bring him to his prince. It fortuned that amongst many which passed by, only Philotas the son of Parmenio, 
Philotas.  demanded why he waited there. To whom Ceballinus with a bashed countenance (well declaring the unquietness of his mind) reported all those things which he had heard of his brother, requiring him that he would declare the same immediately unto the king. Philotas' departed from him unto the king, with whom that day he had much communication of other things, and yet opened no part of the same matter which was told him by Ceballinus. At night as Philotas came forth. Ceballinus met him at the court gate, and inquired whether he had done his message to the king or not. He excused the matter, that he could find him at no leisure. The next day Ceballinus met him again going to the king, and put him in remembrance of that he had told him before, to whom he answered that he remembered it well, but yet for all that? he disclosed no part of the matter. Ceballinus began then to suspect him, and intended no longer to differ the thing, but opened the same to one Metrone master of the Kings armoury, 
The treason disclosed.  who immediately conveyed Ciballinus into the armoury, and went straight to the king which was bath●nge, and informed him of all that he had heard Alexandre then made no delay, but sent certain of his guard to take Dymnus, and after came himself into the armoury. Whom assoon as Ceballinus' law, he ran to him with great rejoicing, and said: lo, I have preserved the from the hands of thine enemy. But Alexander examined him of all the circumstances, and when he again answered to every point in order. The king was earnest to know how long it was sense Nicomachus had given him this information, he confessed that it was three days, whereupon the king considering that he could not with truth have concealed this matter so long, commanded that he should be put in ward. Then cried he out, and declared that at the same instant he knew of the conspiracy first, he opened it to Philotas, of whom (he said) he might inquire the truth. Therupon it was demanded of him, whether he had required Philotas to be brought to the kings presence or no. Which thing when the king by his confession perceived to be true, and that he did stiffly abide by his first tale, he lifted up his hands to heaven, the tears falling from his eyes, greatly complaining that Philotas should requite him with such untruth, whom he most assuredly trusted. 
Dimnus slew himself,  Dymnus' in the mean season knowing for what cause he was sent for, wounded himself to death, but yet somewhat letted by them that were sent to take him, was brought before the king, whom as soon as he beheld, said unto him. Dymnus, what have I offended thee, that thou shouldest think Philotas more worthy to be king of Macedon than I. At which words Dymnus became speacheles, and casting forth a great sigh, turned his face from the kings sight, and fell down dead. 
The king's words to Philotas  The king called Philotas before him, and said: this man whom thou here seest should have suffered death if it could have been proved that he had concealed two days. the treason prepensed against me. with the which matter he chargeth Philotas, to whom (as he saith) he gave knowledge immediately: the more near thou art about me, so much more greater is thy offence, and the fault had been more tolerable in him then in the. Howbeit thou hast a favourable judge, for if there be any thing that cannot be excused, yet at the lest it may be pardoned. 
Philotas' answer  To this Philotas nothing abashed (if the heart may be judged by the countenance) made answer, that Ciballinus brought him a tale, the reporter whereof was over light of credit to be believed, and that he feared lest by the presenting of such a matter which did rise upon brabbling betwixt two persons of evil disposition, he might have been laughed to scorn: But afterwards when he once knew that Dymnus had slain himself, he was clearly then resolved no longer to have prolonged the thing. And so falling down before the king, be sought him that he would rather have respect to his life paste, then to his fault which was only a consealement and no act done. It is hard to say, whether the king believed him, or grounded his displeasure more deeply in his heart, nevertheless in token of pardon, gave him his hand, saying: how it appeared that th'accusation was rather miscredited by him, than consealed of malice. 
Alexander called a counsel,  Notwithstanding he called his counsel together, amongs whom Philotas was not admitted, but Nycomachus was brought in before them, where he declared all such matters as he before had showed to the king. There was one Craterus in special favour with Alexander, which for thenvy he had to Philotas' advancement, bore him always grudge: Who knew very well that the king had often been displeased with Philotas, for the overmuch avaunting of his good service and valiant acts: but yet for all that in those matters he was not suspected of treason, but only noted of presumption and arrogancy. Craterus thought that he could not have a better occasion to oppress his enemy, by colouring his private hatred with a pretence of duty towards his Prince. Would God (quoth he) ye had taken our counsel in the beginning of this matter: for if ye would needs have pardoned ye should have kept from his knowledge how much he was in your danger, rather than to have brought him in fear of his life, whereby ye shall make him more mindful of his own peril, then of your goodness. For he may always imagine your death, but you shall not be always in case to pardon him. Let it never sink in your heart, that he which purposed so heinous a treason, would change his purpose for the benevolence of a pardon. you know well that such as offend are often in despair of mercy. And though he perchance either with repentance of his fault, or remembrance of your goodness would change his mind, yet I am sure that his father Parmenio, general captain of so great an army, and of so grounded authority amongst your soldiers (that is with them in manner as yourself) would be evil content to be in your debt for his sons life. There be certain benefits hateful to men, and it is shame to confess to have deserved death. Therefore I conclude, that he had rather it should be thought you had done him wrong, than that ye had given him his life. I can not see therefore, but you shall be enforced to destroy them for your own surety. There be enemies enough remaining yet unconquered, against whom we be going: make yourself sure from your foes at home, so shall ye have less need to fear your enemies abroad. 
The opinion of the counsel.  These were Craterus words, and the residue of the counsel were of opinion that Philotas would never have conseiled this conspiracy, except he had been either principal or privy thereunto. For they thought there was no true man, or of honest heart, though he had been none of the kings familiars but one of his mean Servants, hearing so much as Philotas heard, but would forthwith have opened the martyr, yet he being the son of Parmenio, the master of the kings horse, & of his privy counsel, did not so much as the stranger, which strait ways made relation of that his brother had told him. And where as he pretended that the king was at no leisure, that they judged to be done to th'intent the accuser should not seek any other to whom he might utter it. Where as Nicomachus albeit he was bound by his oath to the contrary, yet would he never rest till he had discharged his conscience. But Philotas when he consumed in manner the whole day in sport and pastime with the King, could not find in his heart to cast forth a few words, specially in a matter so much concerning the kings safeguard. But admit (quoth they) he had given no credit to the matter through the lightness of the reporter, why should he have differred the accuser ii days, as though he had believed it. For if he had misliked the tale, he might have dismissed the party. It was also alleged that every man's mind much misgiveth him, when the matter concerneth his own jeopardy. Much more ought men to be credulous when it touched the surety of a kings person, in which ease it ought to be examined though it be of small weight. They all therefore determined that Philotas should be enforced to disclose the partners of the conspiracy. The king commanding them to keep the matter secret, departed, and to the intent no ingling should appear of this new counsel, he caused it to be proclaimed that the army should set forwards the next day. The same night the King called Philotas to a bancquete, with whom he vouchsafed not only to eat: but also familiarly to comen, notwithstanding he had before in the counsel determined his death, after in the second watch of the night, Ephestion, Craterus, and Erigonus which were of the Kings counsel, came privily into the court without light, and of the esquires, there came Perdiccas, and Leonatus, by whom commandment was given, that all such as lay near the Kings lodging should watch in harness. By this time soldiers were appointed to all the Passages, and horsemen were sent to keep the ways, that no man should pass privily to Parmenio, which then was governor of Media with a great power. Then Attaras came into the court with ccc armed men, 
Attaras  unto whom there were appointed ten of those that had the charge of the kings person, every one of them accompanied with ten esquires, which were sorted into divers companies to take the other conspirators. But Attaras with his ccc was sent to Philotas' lodging, where with fifty of the hardiest brake up his chamber door that was shut against them. The residue were commanded to beset the house, lest he might escape by some secret way. Philotas, whether it were through the surety of his own conscience, or through weariness of such travail of mind, was in so profound and dead sleep, that Attaras brake in upon him before he wist.  

Philotas' taken.  But at length when he was awaked and come to himself, perceiving them about to bind him: he exclaimed and said: O Alexandre, the malice of mine enemies have prevailed above thy mercy. Speaking these words, they covered his face, and brought him into the court. The next day the king gave commandment that certain of the men of war should assemble in harness to the numbered of vi M. besides slaves and rascals that filled full the court, which being assembled together, the guard compassed in Philotas with their band, to the intent he should not be espied of the people, until such time as the king might speak unto them. For by an old law of the Macedons the kings in their own persons were wont to inquire in matters of treason, yet could not the kings authority prevail to condemnation, except it were confirmed by the consent of the men of war. Therefore the body of Dymnus was first brought into the place (the most part unknowing what he had done, or by what chance he was slain.) Then came the King forth to speak unto the multitude, which in his countenance declared the dolour of his heart, and the sadness of such as were near about him, caused unto the rest great expectation of the matter▪ He did cast his eyes towards th'earth, and stood long astonished and in a muse, but at length he plucked up his spirits, & spoke unto them on this wise. 
The Oration of Alexandre against Philotas.   
By the treason of some men I was almost taken from you, but through the mercy and providence of the Gods, I am yet preserved, your honourable presence doth constrain me more vehemently to be moved against those traitors. Because the only comfort and fruit of my life is, that I remain to give thanks to so many noble men, to whom I am so much bounden. With speaking of these words the murmur of the multitude did interrupt his tale, and the tears did fall from their eyes. Then the king began again his tale. How much more will you be moved when I shall show you the authors of so horrible a treason, the rehearsal of whom I yet refrain, as one very loath to discover their names. But I must overcome the memory of my former favour & utter the conspiracy of my unnatural people, for how is it possible for me to hide so great a treason. Parmenio a man of that age so deeply in my debt, through the most ample benefits both of me and my father, and whom I most esteemed of all my friends, is the captain & contriver of all this mischief. His minister Philotas hath procured Lencolaus, Demetrius, and this Dymnus (whose body here you see) with other partners of their fury to my destruction. When he came to that point there rose throughout the multitude a great cherme of a murmur and complaint, such as is wont to be amongs a number, and specially of men of war, when they are moved either with affection, or displeasure. With that Nichomacus, Metron, & Ciballinus were brought forth, every one of them giving in evidence that they had spoken afore. Yet appeared it not by any man's tale that Philotas was privy to that conspiracy. But at the last when the noise was cessed, & the witnesses had said all they could, the king proceeded in this wise. Of what manner mind think you was this man which hearing the whole report, could find in his heart to conceal the matter the truth whereof is well declared by the death of Dimnus. Ceballinus that reported an uncertain tale, for the trial thereof was afraid of no torments, & never delayed the least moment of time, until he had discharged himself, insomuch that he broke into the place where I was bathing, but Philotas only feared nothing, he believed nothing. O how great a heart had this man which having knowledge of the danger of his king, did never change countenance, neither take so much pain as to hear out the tale of thaccuser: but in this silence and consealement there is treason hidden, and the greedy desire he had to reign, did drive him headlong to attempt extreme mischief. His father is governor of Media, and heareth such a stroke amongs the captains and men of war thorough mine authority, that he hopeth for a great deal more than he hath. And because I am without children he esteemeth me not. But Philotas is deceived. I have children, friends, and kinsfolk amongs you. So long as you be in safeguard, I shall not reckon myself without heirs. Then did he recite a letter that was taken, which Parmenio had written to his sons Nicanour, & Philotas, wherein there appeared no great proof of any great treason intended. 
A letter.  Theffect was this: First take good heed to yourselves, and then to those that long to you, so shall we bring to pass that we have purposed. Which letter the king enforced, saying: it was written after such a manner, that if it came to his sons hands it might be perceived of them that knew the matter. And if it were caught by the way, it should deceive them that knew it not. Then proceeded he: now will Philotas perhaps say that when Dymnus named all that were partakers of his conspiracy, he named not him: as for that it is no proof of his innocency, but a token of his power and authority, because he was spared of them that might best bewray him, that confessing of themselves, durst not yet speak of him. But what manner man he hath been, his life doth show. He was fellow and companion to Aniyntas my kinsman, which conspired high treason against my person in Macedon. He gave his sister in marriage, to Attalus, than whom I had never greater enemy. When by reason of old friendship and familiarity I wrote to him of the title given to me by the oracle of jupiter Hammon, he did not stick to answer: that he was very glad that I was admitted into the number of Gods, howbeit very sorry for those that should live under such o●e● as would oxhide the state of a man. These were plain tokens that his heart was turned from me and that he ●pitedony glory. Which I kept close in my heart so long as I might. For I thought my bowels pulled from me, if I should make a little store of them, for whom, I had done so much. But, now it is not their words that must be punished for the rashness of their tongues is turned to sword, which (if ye believe me) Philotas hath wh●tted to my destruction. Whom if I should suffer to escape, alas my soldiers whether should I go? to whom should I commit my person? He was the man that I made general of my horsemen of the greatest part of mine army & of all the noble young gentlemen. To his troth & fidelity have I committed my saveguarde, my trust, & victory. His father did I preserve unto the same estate, whereunto you advanced me. Media then which there is not a richer country, with many thousands of your friends and fellows I have put under his governance, and authority. Where I trusted of most surty, there found I most peril. How much more happy had I been to have died in battle, and rather slain of mine enemies, than thus betrayed of my subjects. For now being saved from the dangers that I most feared, I have fallen into those that I ought to have doubted lest. You have been wont often times to warn me that I should regard my surtie. It is you that may make me sure of that that you counsel me. To your hands & to your succour I i'll. I would not live though I might against your wills, & though you would yet can I not, except I be delivered from these my enemies. Hereupon Philotas was brought forth in an old garment, his hands bound behind his back. It well appeared how much this miserable sight moved them which late before envied him. The day before they saw him general of the horsemen, they knew that he was at supper with the king, & suddenly they saw him both prisoner, bound like a thief, & also condemned to die. So did it pity their hearts to consider how Parmenio so noble a man, so great a captain, which late having lost two of his sons, Hector, & Nicanor, should be put to answer absent, with the third son, whom evil fortune had left him. The multitude being thus inclined to pity. Amintas one of the kings officers, 
Amyntas' tale.  with a cruel tale set them all against the prisoner, we be all (qd he) betrayed to the barbarous nations, none of us shall return home to his country, wife nor friends, but as a maimed body without an head without honour, without fame, in a strange country, shallbe a mocking stock to our enemies. His tale was nothing pleasant to the king, because he put the soldiers in remembrance of their wives & country, whereby he thought they would be the less willing to go forwards in his wars. There was one Cenus which though he had married the sister of Philotas, 
Cenus.  yet did he more extremely inveigh against him then any other, calling him traitor against his king, to his country & to the whole army. And thereupon took up a stone that by chance lay at his feet, to have cast at Philotas; which he did (as some thought) to th'end he might rid him from racking. But the king kept back his hand, & said that the prisoner should have liberty to speak for himself, & would not suffer him to be condemned otherwise. Then Philotas being admitted to speak, were it through the conscience of his offence, or through the greatness of his peril, as a man astonished, and besides himself, durst neither look up nor speak, but burst out into tears. Whereupon his heart fainted, and he swooned down upon those that led him But afterwards when he had wiped his eyes, and by little and little recovered his heart, and tongue, he made countenance to speak. What time the king beheld him and said. The Macedons shallbe thy judges. I would know therefore whither thou wilt speak unto them in thy country language or not, to whom Philotas answered? There be divers nations here besides the Macedons, which as I trust shall perceive my words the better. If I use the same language that you did, because the more might understand your tale. Then said the king mark how this man hath his own Country tongue in hatred, for there is none but he that will disdain to speak it: but let him say what he will so long as you remember, that he not only disdaineth our custumes but also our language. And with that word the king departed from th'assembly. Then said Philotas. 
The answer of Philotas.  It is easy for an innosent to find words to speak, but it is very hard for a man in misery to keep a temperance in his tale. Thus standing betwixt a clear conscience & most unhappy fortune. I know not in what wise I shall satisfy myself, & the time both together. For he that might best have judged my cause is gone, what the cause is he would not hear me, I cannot well imagen, sith upon the matter heard, it lieth only in his hands both to discharge, & condemn me. For the matter not heard, he can not acquit me being absent, since he condemned me when he was here present. But not withstanding that the defence of a prisoner is not only superfluous, but also hateful, which seemeth not to inform, but to reprove the judge. Yet will I not forsake myself, nor so do, that I shall seem condemned by mine own default. I see not of what treason I should be guilty, among the conspirators no man named me. Nichomacus said nothing of me. Ceballinus' could not tell more of me then he heard. And yet doth the king believe that I should be head of this conspiracy. Was it possible that Dymnus should forget to name him that was chief? or is it likely that he would have overslipped me, when the names of the conspirators were demanded of him? he would rather have named me falsely to allure the young man the sooner to his opinion, yet when he told the matter privily to Nichomacas, which he believed verily would have kept it secrede, naming himself and all the rest, of me only he made no mention: wherein it can not be gathered: that he omitted me, for because he would have spared me. I ●raye you my fellows if no man had come to me, no●ge●●en me knowledge of the matter, should I this day have been put to answer, when no man could have accused me? But beit that Dimnus were alive & would spare me, what think you by the other? would they confess of themselves, & forbear me adversity as subject to many miseries. An offender when he is punished himself, useth not to keep silence to spare another man. commonly he that goeth to death will spare no man nor no man will spare him that is ready to die, & yet so many as be guilty & put to torments, will there none confess the truth? But now I must answer to the point that was offence, if there were any. Why did I conceal treason? why did I hear it with so small regard? this fault, if it were a fault, thou hast pardoned me O Alexander wheresoever thou a●t, by giving me thy hand, & bidding me to thy banc●uet in token of atonement. If thou didst believe me, I am clear. If thou forgavest me, I am quit. Stand at the least to thine own judgement. Alas what have I done since this last night▪ I went from thy board? What new report hath changed thy mind?  
I rested in a sound sleep, when mine enemies by their binding waked me that was sleeping in mine, own misfortune? Offenders when they can not sleep through their unquiet conscience are wont to be vexed with rages, not only when their mischief is intended, but also when it is ended. But this quietness came to me first through mine own innocency, and then by the kings pardon. I feared not that others cruel●y, should take more place than his mercy. But lest he should forethink that he believed me, ye shall understand that the matter was first showed me by a light fellow, who could not bring any witness or warrant of his tale, which if I had disclosed, should have put many men to trouble. O unhappy man. I thought mine ears had been seduced, with the brabblementes of two boggerers, and I suspected the troth of the party, because he did not utter the matter himself, but procured his brother to do it. I was in fear that the one should have denied that ever he showed any such matter to the other, and then should I have seamed to procure much trouble to many of the Kings friends.  
So that where I offended none, I have found some more desirous to procure my death then to save my lief What hatred suppose ye should I have gotten if I had accused innocents? But Dymnus slew himself? could I therefore divine afore that he would so do? no surely Thus his death being the thing that only tried thaccusation true, could not move me to utter it being prevented by an other. And if I had been conspirator with Dymnus of so great a treason: It is not like that I would have dyssimuled by the space of two days after it was discovered? As for Ceballinus it had been small mastery to have dispatched him out of the way. After the thing disclosed wherefore should I have delayed the matter? I entered into the king's chamber alone having weapon about me, why deferred I my purpose? durst I not attempt it with out Dymnus? no parchance ye will say, because he was the chief conspirator how then standeth it together, that I should be his underling, which did covet to be king of Macedon? which of you all hath been corrupt of me with bribes, what captain, what officer have I made of above other? It is laid to my charge that I abhor the speaking of my country language, and that I disdain the manners of the Macedons. What? do I so despise the kingdom that I covet? Ye know well that our natural tongue through the conversation of strange nations is gone out of ure, as well we that be victorers as they that be subdued must learn a new language. But surely these things make no more against me than did the treason that Amintas the son of Pardycas intended against the King. With whom I had friendship I will not deny, except ye will make it a thing unlawful to love the kings brother. But sithence it was our duty to honour a man called to the degree of fortune I beseech you am I guilty because I could not guess before that he would offend. Is the law so that the friends of offenders must suffer being innocents? If that be reason why live I so long? if it be no reason why am I condemned to die? But then I wrote that I had piety of those that should live under such a one as believed himself the Son of jupiter. O faithful fendship and dangerous liberty of true counsel, that deceived me, that compelled me not to hide that I thought I confess that I wrote so to the king but not of the king. I did it not for spite, but for my duities' sake. Me thought it more meeter for Alexander to have knowledged the kindred of jupiter with silence, then to have made avannt thereof with vain boasting. But forbicause the truth of god's Oracle is certain, let god be witness in my cause. Retain me in prison till ye may know jupiters' answer concerning this conspirasie. And in the mean season he that hath vouchsafed our king to be his son, will suffer none of them that have conspired against his offspring to be unknown If you suppose torments more certain than Oracles I will not desire to be saved from them in trial of the truth. There is an old usage that such as be put to answer upon life & death are wont to bring there parents and kinsfolks before you. Two brothers of late have I lost, my father neither I can bring forth, nor dare call for, because he is accused of this treason likewise. Is it a small thing for him that was the father of many children, and having but one son lest him in whom to take pleasure, not only to lose him, but also to lease his own life with him? Therefore my most dear father shalt thou die for me, & with me it is I that take thy lief from the. It is I that end thine old days. Why didst thou beget me unhappy wretch in hatred of the gods? to take such fruit by me, as is prepared for the. I am in doubt whether my youth be more unhappy or thy age. For I in the very flower of mine years am wedded up▪ & there cutioner shall bereave the thy life. Which if fortune would have suffered to continue, yet nature would have asked or it had been long. The remembrance of my father doth put me in mind, how loath & timorous that I ought to have been in reporting of tales. For when my father was informed that Philip the physician had prepared poison for the king, he wrote a letter to warn the king, that he should not receive the medicine, that his physician had prepared: was my father believed? was his letter of any authority? I myself when I have reported such things as I hard, how often have I been shaken of with a check for my light belief, so that when we tell things we are hated, & when we hold our peace, we are suspected: what would you have us do? Then one of the company that stood by, cried out, that none ought to be traitors to them that put them in trust. Thou sayest well (qd Philotas) whosoever thou art. And therefore if I have done treason. I require no respect of my pain. And here will I make an end of speaking, because my last words seem tedious to your ears.  
And as he was speaking so, his keapers led him away. There was amongs the captains one Belon, 
Belons' evidence,  a hardy man, but very rude of all honest manner & civility, who being an old soldier, was promoted from low estate to the room of a captain. This Belon presuming upon a foolish audacity (when all others had done) began to tell them: that when divers had taken up their lodgings in the camp, how they were thirst out by the servants of Philotas, which would lay their baggage, where other men were placed before. And how all the streets were full of his wagons, laden with gold and silver. He added further that Philotas would suffer none to lodge near him, but always appointed certain to wait whiles he stepped, which should void all men alowf to th'intent he should not be disquieted with any noise, not so much for wakening of him. as for his diseasing. And how he was so haut that he despised the plain men of Phrigia, and Paphlagonia, & being a Macedon borne, would not be ashamed to here men of his own nation by an interpreter. And where as Philotas had before moved to have the oracle of jupiter inquired of, he said it was meant thereby to make God a liar, for knowledging Alexander, to be his son, as though any man should envy the king for that title which the gods had given him. But why (qd he) did he not ask counsel of jupiter afore he did offend, For now he would have us send for an oracle, that in the mean season his father which ruleth in Media might raise a power up, & with the money that he hath in custody might assemble disperat persons to the fellowship of his mischief. Nevertheless we shall (qd he) send to jupiter, not to inquire of any thing touching the matter, but to give him thanks, & do him sacrifice, for the preservation of so good a king. Then all the company was moved, and amongs the kings household there began a cry that the traitor should be rend in pieces. Which thing Philotas (who feared more grievous punishment) was content to hear. The king returning into the press, deferred the counsel till the next day, to th'intent to commit Philotas either to prison there to be racked, or else in the mean season to get further knowledge of things. And albeit, it drew towards night yet commanded he his counsel to be called together. Some of them thought it best Philotas should be stoned to death after the Macedons laws. Ephestion Craterus, and Cenus determined to have the troth tried by torments, and then they which counseled the contrary turned to their opinion. Therefore when the counsel was broken up. Ephestion, with craterus and Cenus arose to take Philotas' thexamination. The king called Craterus unto him, and commauding the rest to avoid, had secret commuinication with him in the innermost part of his lodging, th'effect whereof came not to any man's knowledge. And their tarried till the night was far passed, 
Philotas. ●acked  to here th'end of thexaminationexamination The executyoners set forth all sorts of cruel torments in the sight of Philotas who of his own mind said unto them. Why defer you to kill such one as hath confessed himself the king's enemy and a traitor? what needeth more examination? It was mine intent, It was my wil Craterus mind was that whatsoever was confessed before, should be confessed by Philotas again upon the rack. Which whiles he was taken up. his eyes bounden, and spoiled of his clothes, cried out upon the law of nature, and the gods of the country. But all was in vain to their death ears. Finally as a condemned man, he was torn with most extreme torments by his enemies, that wrong him sore for the kings pleasure. And notwithstanding that at the first fire on the one side, and scourges on tother were ministered unto him, more to pain him then for any examination sake, yet he had power of himself to refrain both from speaking and groaning. But after that his body began to be bollen with stripes, & that he could not abide the scourges that pierced unto the bare bones Then he promised if they would torment him no more, he would confess whatsoever they should require to know. But first he would have them swear by the life of Alexander, that they should cease their torments, & set the rack aside. The which thing obtained, he said to Craterus: Tell me what will ye have me to confess? Thereat Craterus was displeased, thinking by those words that he had mocked him, 
The confession or Philotas.  & caused his torments to be renewed. Then Philotas besought him to have a time of respite, whiles he might take his breath, & then he would utter all that ever he knew. In the mean season, the chief of the men at arms, & especially such as were near to Parmenio in any degree of kindred, after that the fame had bruited that Philotas was tormented, fearing the Macedons law, wherein it was ordained that the kinsfolk of such as had done treason against the king, should be put to death with the traitors: Some slew themselves, some fled into wild mountains, and waist wildernesses, & great dread & fear fell through all the host, until such time as the king having knowledge of that uproar, made proclamation that he would pardon the rigour of the law to the kinsfolk of the traitors. But in conclusion Philotas made this confession, whether it were to deliver himself out of pain, by accusing himself falsely or not it is doubted. Seing it is commonly seen, that both such as truly confess, & falsely deny, come all to one end. You are not ignorant (quoth he) how familiar my father was with Egilocus. I mean the same that was slain in the field: he was the cause of all our mischief: For when the king took upon him the title of jupiters' son, he disdained thereat. Shall we knowledge him (quoth he) to be our king that taketh scorn that Philip was his father? We are all undone if we can suffer this. He doth not only despise men, but the Gods also, which will be reputed a God. We have lost Alexander, we have lost our king. We are fallen to presumption, neither tolerable to the Gods with whom he compareth, neither to men whom he despiseth. Have we with our blood made him a god, which despiseth us which disdaineth to be in the numbered of men? Trust me that we also if we be men shall be adopted likewise of the Gods. Who hath revenged the deaths of Alexander his great grandfather, or of Archilaus or Perdiccas? But this man (quoth he) hath forgiven them that slew his father. These were the words that Egilocus spoke about supper time, and on the morrow early my father sent for me, who was heavy and saw me sad, for we both had heard that, which made us out of quiet. Therefore to prove whether he babbled those words through excess of wine, or of an advised purpose conceived before, we thought good to send for him, & seeking occasion of the same communication he of his own mind said further: that if we durst undertake the adventure, he would not shrink from us, or if our hearts served not he would keep our counsel. Yet so long as Darius was living my father thought all the matter out of time because the death of Alexander should be to the avail of our enemies, and not of ourselves. But Darius once rid out of the way, than he that could destroy the king should obtain the empire of Asia, and all the orient for his reward, which counsel being approved, faith and troth was given thereupon. But concerning Dimnus I know nothing. When he had confessed all this matter, I perceive (quoth he) that it doth not avail me that I am utterly guiltless of this treason. Then they renewed his torments again, and so beat his face and his eyes with the troncheons of their spears, until they enforced him, not only to confess of himself, but also to show the circumstances of the whole treason prepenced. 
The second confession of Philotas.  Because (quoth he) it seemed that the king would sojourn long among the Bactrians, I was afraid lest my father that had so great a power in his hands, and the keeping of so much treasure, (being lxx year of age) should hap to die in the mean season, & then being disarmed of so great a strength, should not get opportunity to slay the king. Wherefore I hasted the matter, while the pray was in hand. Thus discovered he the conspiracy, whereof if they believed his father to be author, he said for his trial he refused not to be tormented again, though it were to grievous for him to endure. The officers then whispering together thought the examination to be sufficient, returned therewithal to the King, which on the morrow caused all the confession there to be openly recited before Philotas, whom he caused to be led into the place, because he was not able to go, where he confessed all the matter again. Then Demetrius was brought forth, 
Demetrius  which was counted the greatest doer in this conspiracy next to Philotas. But he with great protestation and incredible sloutenes both of heart & countenance, denied that he ever intended any evil against the king, and for his trial desired to be tormented. Then Philotas casting his eyes about, 
Calis  spied one Calis standing by, and made a sign to him to draw near. Who being abashed, & refusing to come forwards. Wilt thou (quoth he) suffer Demetrius to lie, & me to be strained again. With those words Calis became speechless, & changed colour. Then the Macedons begun to suspect that he would accuse innocent, because the same Calis was neither named by Nichomacus, nor by Philotas himself in his torments. But finally Philotas before the kings officers standing thereabout, confessed that all the treason was conspired by himself & Demetrius. Wherefore as many as were appeached by Nichomacus, upon a token given, 
Philotas' put to death  were stoned to death according to the Macedons law. Thus was Alexander delivered from great peril not only of his life, but also of his surety. For Parmenio and Philotas, being of such power▪ if they had not openly been found culpable, could not have been condemned without the great grudge of the army. So long therefore as Philotas as denied the thing, the matter seemed doubtful, and many men thought him cruelly handled. But after he had confessed the circumstances, no man, not so much as his near friends took any pity of him.   

The seventh book of Quintus Curtius of the acts of the great Alexander King of Macedon.  
LIke as the men of war thought Philotas justly put to death, his offence being fresh in memory, even so after he was gone, whom they before hated, their envy was turned to pity. The nobleness of the young man moved them much, so did the remembrance of the old years and desolation of his father. He was the first that made the way open for Alexander into Asia, always partaker of his perils, as he which in the wars was ever captain of his vanward, chief a counsel with the king his father, and so trusty to Alexander himself, that in oppressing of Attalus his enemy, he would use no other man's service. The remembrance of these things was ripe among all the soldiers, & seditious words came to the kings ears, who being little moved therewith, did wisely with travail avoid the evil occasions coming of idleness. Wherefore he made it so be proclaimed that all men should be in readiness before the court gate, where they being once assembled, he came for●h to speak unto them. And as it was before devised, required the band of the Agrians to bring forth one Alexander Lincestes, which long before Philotas. 
Alexander Lincestes  had conspired the kings death. This man being accused of two witnesses (as afore is said) had remained in prison iii years together. It was also proved that he was of counsel with Pansanias in the kill of king Philip. But because he saluted first Alexander by the name of king, his punishment was deferred, rather than his offence forgiven. For at the intercession of Antipater his father in law, the king had respected his just indignation for the time. But the old festered sore broke out again, and the consideration of his peril present, renewed the remembrance of that that was passed. Therefore when he was brought forth of prison, & commanded to say for himself, albeit he had iii years leisure to devise his answer, yet stammering and trembling could bring forth but little of that which he purposed to say, & finally both his memory and his heart failed him. Wherefore there was none that doubted, but that his fearfulness was a token of a guilty conscience, and no default of memory, so that whiles he was staggering and hacking in his tale, they that stood next thrust him through with their pikes, whose body conveyed out of the place the king commanded Amintas and Simmannas to be brought forth, 
Amintas & Simmannas brought to judgement.  for Palemon their youngest brother after he had knowledge of Philotas torment fled away. Of all Philotas friends, these ii were most dear unto him, & through his commendation, advanced to high & honourable offices. The king remembering with what earnestness and labour Philotas had brought them into his favour, doubted not but they were privy to this last conspiracy. And thereupon he declared to the multitude, 
Alexander's accusation against them  that he had occasion of suspection against those men long ago by his mother's letters, whereby he had warning to beware of them, and that now fearing the sequel of worse inconveniences, had made than sure, whereunto he was enforced by apparent presumptions. First he said that day before Philotas' treason came to light, it was well known that they had much conference with him in secret, & also their brother which fled away when Philotas was on that rack, had declared by the absenting of himself the cause of his flying. He showed also that of late, contrary to their accustomed manner of waiting, without any cause moving them thereunto, but only by pretence of diligence pressed next about the king of all other, whereat marueiling that they would furnish a room whereunto they were not appointed, became so in doubt of their clustering together, that he returned into the train of the gentlemen that followed him. He declared besides that when Antiphanes clerk of the stable, 
Antiphanes  the day before Philotas' treason came to light, according to his accustomable manner, gave knowledge to Amintas that he should deliver of his horse to such as had lost their own: He proudly answered again, that except he would content himself, he should know shortly what manner of man he was. Which violence of tongue, & rashness of words bulked out (quoth he) was nothing else but a declaration & token of his traitorous heart. These things being true (he said) they had no less deserved than Philotas, and if they were otherwise, he desired they might answer unto the points. Thereupon Antiphanes was brought in to give evidence of the horse not delivered and of his proud answer given with threatening. When Amintas had gotten liberty to speak, he desired of the king, that whiles they answered for themselves, their bands might be loosed, which thing obtained, he made suit to have his garment cast upon him. 
Thanswer of Amintas  Which Alexander not only granted, but willed also such a spear to be delivered to his hands as other esquires used. When he had received the same, he eschewed a little the place where the corpse of Lincestes lay, & said in this wise. Whatsoever shall become of us (sir king) we must think if our chance be good, the same to proceed of your favour & if it be yil, we must judge the fault to be in our fortune seeing you suffer us to plead our cause without prejudice, setting our minds free, & our bodies at large, with the same apparel restored us, wherein we were wont to follow you. Our cause is such that we can not doubt of it, and we are passed the fear of fortune. Therefore with your favour I will answer first those points wherewith you charged us last. We know most assuredly that we be innocent of any kind of words spoken to the derogation of your majesty. And durst affirm that you had overcome all envy of men, but that peradventure you would think that I went about with fair words to excuse things that have been maliciously spoken. Though it were so that words sometime did escape us, either when we were faint, or wearied in marching, hasarding ourselves in fighting, or else when we were sick, or dressing of our wounds, our honest doings otherwise do deserve, that ye should rather impute the same to the time, then to any evil disposition in us. For it is commonly seen where any thing chanceth amiss, all men in manner become guilty of this fault. We do violence sometime to our own bodies which we hate not. Yea, the coming of the fathers unto the children sometime is both ungrateful, and also hateful. But on the other side, when we receive rewards or gifts, or when we come laden home with spoil, who can the stay us? who can restrain our cheerfulness? or who can resist our courage in fight? The nature of man is neither to keep measure in displeasure, nor in gladness. Thus are we driven by the violence of affection, sometime with pity, & sometime with fury, as our present desire doth govern us. One while we are in mind to pass through India as far as the Ocean sea, & by & by the memory of our wives, children, and country, call us back again, & doth alter our purpose. But as soon as the trumpet bloweth, strait all these imaginations do pass away, and every man than runneth into his array, and revenge upon their enemies, the displeasures they have conceived within their lodgings. I would Philotas had offended but only in words, but passing over that, I will return to the other point whereof we be accused. The friendship that was betwixt Philotas & us. I will not only not deny, but also confess that we did covet the same, & received thereby great commodity. Do you marvel that we did honour and esteem the Son of Parmenio, whom you did chose to be next about your person, and did advance above all other your friends? you yourself (if it please you to hear the truth) are the cause of this our peril. What other thing moved us to covet Philotas' friendship, then that we desired to please you. By his preferment we were advanced to that degree of your favour. He stood in such case with you, that it behoved us as well to sue for his benevolence, as to fear to get his displeasure. Have not we sworn that we should repute your enemies our enemies? and honour your friends as our own? Should we have been found disobedient in this bond of our duty? and specially towards him, whom ye did prefer above all men. If this be a fault, ye have few innocentes, or surely none at all. All men desired to be Philotas' friends, but all that did covet could not be accepted. So if ye will make no difference between the partners of his treason, and such as were his friends, than so many be offenders as would have been his friends. What presumption have you now that we should offend? I think because yesterday Philotas talked with us familiarly alone. Thereof I can not excuse myself, if yesterday I changed any thing of mine accustomed manner & living, but if so be we used every day to do the like, than custom must needs make it to be none offence. But it may be said the horses were not delivered to Antiphanes? and the day before Philotas was detected, this matter was between Antiphanes & me, for which cause if he would make me to be suspected because I delivered him not my horses that day. There shall rise a doubtful plea between the denier & the demander, saving that his cause is better that keepeth still his own, than his that requireth another man's. I had ten horses, of the which Antiphanes had distributed viii to such as had lost their own, so there remained behind only two, which when he would proudly, & wrongfully have taken away. I was enforced to keep them still, except I would have served on foot. I can not deny but this communication was had between a man of a free stomach, & a person of a vile nature, which could do no manner service, but take away men's horses, & give them to other. What mischief is this, that at one time I must purge myself both to Alexander and to Antiphanes. But to the other point that your mother did write to you of us, as of your enemies. I would god she had more wisely been careful of her sons safeguard, them doubtfully imagined such feigned figures. Why doth she not also express the cause of her fear? Besides she showeth not her author, nor yet signifieth one word whereby she was moved to write to you such letters of fear. O wretched estate of mine, which standeth in less hazard to how my peace, than to speak. Yet howsoever the matter shall pass. I had rather mine excuse should displease you, than my cause. If you remember when ye sent me to fetch new soldiers out of Macedon, ye showed me that in your mother's house there lurked many lusty young gentlemen, wherefore ye commanded me that in executing your commission I should spare none, but bring with me perforce all such as refused the wars. Which thing I did, and fulfilled your will therein more largely than was expedient for me. For I brought unto you Gorgeas, Herateus, and Gorgata, which now minister unto you right acceptable service. What creature therefore is more wretched than I? which if I had not fulfilled your will, should rightfully have suffered, and now perish because I obeyed you. For truly there was none other cause that moved your Mother to persecute us, then that we preferred your utility before a woman's favour. I brought unto you of Macedons vi M. footmen. & viii hundred horsemen, of the which, the more part would not have followed me. If I had released such as would not have come. It is reason therefore, that in as much as your mother is displeased with us for your cause, that ye mitigate her, in whose displeasure ye have put us. Whiles Amyntas was thus pleading his cause, they that had pursued his brother Palemon (of whom we spoke before) came leading him bound into the place. 
Palemon.  Then the rage of the people could scarcely be pacified, but as the manner was in such causes, they would have stoned Palemon to death. Yet he boldly spoke to them and said. I desire no favour for myself, so that my flying be not hurtful to the innocency of my brethren, whom if ye can not think clear, let the fault be laid to me. For their matter appeareth the better, because I which fled away am suspected.  
Assoon as he had spoken these words, the whole assemble were inclined in his favour. and resolved to tears, being so suddenly contrary turned, that now they were all converted on his part, which a little before were all against him. He was in the prime stour of his youth, & through other men's fear, fled away amongst those horsemen, which were amazed at Philotas torments. His company had left him behind, & whiles he was in doubt whether he might turn again, or i'll further forwards, was taken by them which pursued after him. He then began to weep, and beat himself about the face, not so much lamenting his own chance, as the case of his brethren being in danger for his cause, with which his behaviour he moved the king, and all the company there present. Only his brother Amintas could not be pacified, but beheld him with a fierce countenance, & said: O mad creature, then oughtest thou to have wept, when thou didst put thy spurs to thy horse, as a traitor to thy brethren, and a companion of traitors. Thou wretch, whether & from whence diddest thou fly? Thou hast now brought to pass that both I am thought worthy of death, & also must become an accuser of other. Palemon thereupon confessed himself to have offended in that point, but more grievously against his brethren, then towards himself. Then the multitude could not abstain from weeping & shouting, being tokens whereby men in an assemble are wont to declare their affections, and with one consent they cried all to the king with one voice, that he would spare innocentes, and men of service, his friends also upon that occasion did rise, and with weeping eyes required the king of mercy.  

Amyntas' pardoned.  Then he commanded silence, & said: By mine own judgement I do pardon both you Amyntas, & your brethren, desirous that ye should be more mindful of my benefit, then of your own jeopardy. Come in favour again with me with that fidelity I am reconciled unto you, except those things which were brought in evidence had been debated and tried to the uttermost, my dissimulation might have been suspected in this matter, better it is therefore to be cleared, then to remain in jealousy, and think that no man can be acquitted except he be first detected. Thou Amintas pardon thy brother, & let that be a token of thy heart reconciled unto me. This done, the king dismissed the assemble, & sent for Poledamas, 
Poledamas  whom of all men Parmenio loved best, accustomed always to stand next him in battle, and though the clearness of his conscience did assure him to come boldly, yet after he was commanded to bring forth his brethren being but young & unknown to the king. his confidence was turned into fear, and began to doubt, imagining in his mind rather such things as might hurt him, then by what means he was thus circumvented. In the mean season the guard which had commandment thereunto, brought forth his brethren. When the king saw Poledamas pale for fear, he called him near, and commanding all men apart, said unto him. Through Parmenio's treason, 
Alexander's words to Poledamas  we were all in danger, but chief I and thou, whom under colour of friendship, he deceived most: In the pursuing and punishment of whom, see how much I trust thy fidelity, for I am determined to use the as a minister therein, and whiles thou goest about it, thy brethren shallbe thy pledges. Thou shalt go into Media and bear my letters to my officers, written with mine own hand. It is necessary haste be made, that the swiftness of the fame may be prevented. I will that ye come thither in the night, and that the tenor of my writing be executed the day after, ye shall carry letters likewise to Parmenio, one from me, and an other written in the name of Philotas, I have his signet in my custody. So that when Parmenio shall see both thee, & the letter sealed with his sons ring, he willbe without any suspicion. Polydamas being thus delivered of his fear, promised his diligence a great deal more earnestly than he was required. When Alexander saw his promptness in the matter, both commended his good will, and rewarded him accordingly. And Polidamas changed his own apparel, and took other after the Araby fashion with two men of the same country, to be his guide, for whose truth their wives and children were pledges in the mean season. And so they passed on Camels through such places as were desert for lack of moisture, and within xi days came to their journeys end, before any knew of their coming. Polydamas then took again his Macedons apparel, and in the dead of the night, 
Cleander.  came into Cleander's lodging, which had the chief authority there, next unto Parmenio. When Cleander by his letters understood the kings pleasure, Polydamas having more letters to deliver likewise to others, agreed by the spring of the day to go all togethers unto Parmenio. As they were going, tidings came to Parmenio of Polydamas arrival, who rejoicing both for the coming of his friend, and for the desire he had to know of the kings estate (the rather because he had received no letter from him a long space) commanded Polydamas to be sought out. The houses of that country have large backsydes, and pleasant orchards, full of trees being the chief delight of princes, and great lords there. The captains which had received commandment by the kings letters to kill him, came to Parmenio, walking under the shadow of the trees, being agreed amongs themselves to execute the thing, when he should begin to read his letters. So soon as Parmenio had spied Polydamas coming a far of, with a semblant of joy (as it appeared by his countenance) ran to embrace him, and after salutation given each to other, delivered the kings letter. As he was unclosing it, he demanded of Polidamas what the king intended to do: you shall know that (quoth he) by the content of your letters. Which when he had red. I perceive (quod Parmenio) that the king purposeth a voyage against the Arochosians, surely he is a painful prince, and never in rest. But now after so much glory won, it were time for him to take his ease, & have consideration of his health and safeguard. And then he red the other letter written in the name of Philotas, whereat he was joyful as appeared by his countenance. 
Parmenio slain.  With that Cleander stabbed him with his sword into the side, & after striking him over the throat the residue thirst him in as he lay dying. But Parmenio's men which stood near at hand, and saw the murder, whereof they knew not the cause, ran into the camp, & with their troublous tidings, set all those soldiers in a roar. Which straight ran all to harness, & clustering together about the place where the murder was done, made an exclamation, that except Polydamas & the other doers of that deed, were delivered to their hands, they would overthrow the wall and make sacrifice to their dead captain, with their blood. Cleander willed the chief of them to be let in, & recited the kings letters, wherein was contained the treason of Parmenio intended against him, with a request to them to see it revenged. Then immediately upon the kings pleasure known the sedition was appeased, but the grudge was not rid out of their hearts. The most part departed, saving a few which required instantly that at the lest they might be suffered to bury the body. It was denied them long by reason of Cleander, who dreaded the kings displeasure, but because they began to wax more earnest, intending to avoid matter of sedition, he cut of the head which he sent to the king, and left them the body to bury. This was the end of Parmenio, a noble man both in war and peace, many things had he done valiantly without the king, but the king with out him did ever any thing worthy praise. He served and satisfied in all affairs, a king most happy & fortunate, and being lxx years of age, executed th'office of a captain, as lively as though he had been young in years, and pretermitted not oftentimes the parts of a common soldier. He was quick in counsel, doughty of dead, well-beloved of all princes, but most dear to the common sort of soldiers. yet whether those things did move him to cover to be king, or else caused him to be suspected thereof, it is yet doubted. For whether the words that Philotas spoke, when he was overcome with the pains in his last torments were true or false, or else that he sought and end of his pain, by accusing himself falsely, it was much doubtful, seeing there was nothing proved at such time as the matter was most fresh in memory. Such as Alexander perceived to grudge at the death of Philotas, were separated from the rest of the army, and put into one Cohort under Leonidas their captain, 
Leonidas.  which in times past was of near familiarity with Parmenio, the king bore privy displeasure against them, and therefore willing to prove the disposition of every man, gave warning throughout the army, that all such as would write into Macedonia, and have their letters surely conveyed, should bring them to be carried with such as he would send. Whereupon every man did write frankly to their friends, such things as were in their hearts. Some showed themselves to be offended with the long wars, and some seemed to be well pleased. But all their letters were intercepted aswell of such as commended the king, as of those that grudged at his doings. Wherefore he willed such as by their letters disclosed themselves to be weary of the travail of the wars, for their reproach to be put in a band apart from the rest. Whereby he both gave them occasion to show their hardiness, and besides removed the liberty of their tongues, from the credulous ears of the rest. Which rash devise, as all other things, turned to the setting forth of the kings felicity. For in all extremities they showed themselves the readiest and the most forward, and whiles they coveted to redeem their reproach, their valiant doings could not be hidden in so small a number separate by themselves. These things being ordered after this manner, he appointed a ruler over the Arians, 
Arians,  and proclaimed his journey against the Ariaspians, which by changing of their name, were called Euergitans, 
Euergitans  since the time that they relieved Cyrus' army with lodging and vitel, being afflicted with cold and penury. It was the fift day before he entered into their country, where he understood that Satibarzanes which took Bessus part was with a power of horsemen entered again amongs the Arians. He sent against him Caranus & Erigius, and in their aid Artabasus, and Andromacus, with six thousand Greek footmen, and two hundred horsemen. Alexander continued lx days in setting order amongs the Euergitans, upon whom he bestowed a great sum of money, for the notable fidelity they showed towards Cirus, & leving Amydines to be their governor, 
Amydines' Arachossians  (who was Darius' secretary) He went to subdue the Arachosians, which border upon the sea of Ponte. The men of war that were under Parmenio's rule, came then to Alexander, being six thousand Macedons, with two hundred of the nobility, v. M. Greek footmen, and two hundred horsemen, which were the chiefest portion of all his power. To these Arachosians, 
Mennon.  Mennon was appointed lieutenant with four thousand footmen, and vi C. horsemen. Alexander from thence entered with his army into a country not known to such as bordered upon it. For thinhabitauntes would not have conversation with any other people. They were called Paramisadans, 
Paramisadans.  being a rustical kind of men, & most rude amongst all the barbarous nations. The hardness of the country had so indurated their dispositions. They lie most towards the cooled north pole, joining with the Bactrians upon the west, and bend towards the Indian sea upon the south. They use to build their houses of brick, and because the land is full of barren mountains & void of timber, they make their whole houses of the same. Which beginning broad beneath, growing evermore narrow towards the top endeth like the keel of a ship, whereas a hole is made above to receive light. Such of their wines and trees that bring forth fruit, as they will preserve from the violence of the cold, they cover them with earth during the winter season, & when the snow is vanished away, they restore them again to the air and to the son. The earth was there covered with such snow frozen so hard, that there remained no sign of any bird or best within the country. The air besides was so dark that little light appeared, but the earth covered as it were with a dim shadow, men could scarcely deserve things very near at hand. The army brought into this country destitute of all cultivation of man, suffered all the discomodities and miseries that might be endured, both of hunger, cold, weariness, and despair. There were many of them that died for cold, and the snow destroyed their feet, but specially it perished many men's sight. When they were wearied and not able to travel any further, they laid themselves down upon the frozen snow. Which having once left the motion of their bodies, which stored in them their natural heat. They were straight ways so numbed for cooled, that they could not rise again till they were lift up by their companions. And remedy was there none in this matter but to compel them to go forwards, for then by storing of themselves their natural heat was revived, and they recovered again some strength. Such as recovered the Cotagies wherein the countrymen dwelled, were very well refreshed. But the darkness was so great, that the houses could not be otherwise discerned then by the smoke. The inhabiters that had never seen strangers before amongs them, when they beheld the armed men come suddenly upon them, were amazed for fear, and brought forth what soever they had, to save their bodies from violence, Alexander went on his feet amongs his men, raising such as were lying, & relieving such as he saw afflicted with the cold, with his own clothes. He was seen, one while in the forward, another while in the mids, and some time in the rearward to the great travail of his body. At length they came to places better manured, where he refreshed his army with plenty of victuals, & there remained in camp till such time as all that were left behind, came unto their fellows. Then he went forwards with his army to the mount Caucasus which divideth all Asia into two parts. 
Caucasus.  For on the one side it stretcheth towards the sea of Cilicia, and on the other side, to the Caspian sea, to the river of Araxes, and the deserts of Scythia. To this mount Caucasus, there joineth another mountain, called Taurus, 
Taurus.  next unto it in bigness, which riseth from Capadochia & passing by Cilicia, closeth with the mountains of Armeny. Out of these mountains joining thus together as it were in one continual ridge, all the rivers of Asia do descend. Some of them ronning into the red sea, some into the Caspian and Hyrcanian sea, & other into the Sea of Ponte. In xvii days Alexander with his army passed the mount Caucasus, wherein a rock that is ten furlongs in compass, and four in height, 
Prometheus.  the antiquity feigned that Prometheus lay bound. At the foot of this mountain Alexander chase out a place to build a city, wherein he placed vii thousand of the most ancient Macedons, and such other besides, whose service he would not use any more in the wars, and called the same Alexandria. 
Alexandria  But Bessus that was put in fear with Alexander's celecyte, made sacrifice unto the Gods of his country, and according to the custom of those nations, consulted with his friends and his captains, for the maintenance of the wars being at meat. And when they were well charged with wine, they extolled greatly their own power, and despising the rashness of their enemies, and their small numbered. But chiefly Bessus was most arrogant in his words, who puffed up with pride by reason of the kingdom he had newly gotten by treason, 
Bessus' words.  and not master of his wits began to declare how that Darius by his folly had increased his enemy's fame, who would needs fight with them in the straights of Celicia, when by retiring back he might have drawn them (before they should have been ware) into desert places, and there have put rivers and mountains between his enemies and him, and amongs the sane so enclosed them, that they could by no possibility have fled away, and much less make any resistance. Wherefore (he said) he was become of opinion to go back amongs the Sogdians, whereas the river of Oxus should be as a wall betwixt him and his enemies, till such time as he might assemble a strong power of the nations thereabout: knowing very well that the Chorasmyons, the Dahans, and Sacans, the Indians, and Scythyans inhabiting beyond the river of Tanais, would come to his assistance, of whom there was none so little, that any Macedon with the top of his head could reach to his shoulders. They all in their drunkenness assented to him, affirming that only to be the wisest way. Whereupon Bessus caused the wine to be carried about plentifully to conquer Alexander upon drink. There was at that feast one Cobares a Median, which in the Art Magic, (if it be an Art, and not rather a disobeyed of s●me vain man) was more notable by his profession then by his knowledge, but otherwise a moderate and an honest man. He making a preamble before his tale: 
Cobarus' words.  said. He was not ignorant how much more better it was to be obedient to others counsel then to be a counsel giver. For such as be followers of other men's devices, are sure to have no worse fortune than the rest, but such as be authors and persuaders of any matter, commonly prepare their own peril, and therewith delivered the cup he had in his hand, and proceeded thus: The nature of man in this respect may be called perverse and evil, because every one can see better in other men's matters, then in their own. Their counsels must needs be always full of perturbation, which take their own advise. For fear is impediment to some, desire unto other and to many, the self love of the thing that they have devised, I will not speak of pride nor impute it unto you. Ye have seen experience how every man doth exteme that thing only to be best, which he himself hath invented. The diadem of a king that you were upon your head is a great burden, which if it be not borne moderately, the weight thereof will oppress the bearer: It is not fury can avail in this case, but wise and prudent counsel. When he had spoken those words, he rehearsed a proverb commonly used amongs the Bactrians which is, that the fearful dog doth bark more than he doth bite, and that the deepest rivers doth run with lest noise. Which things I have rehearsed, because such prudence may appear, as remained amongs the Barbarous. As he talked after this manner such as hard him, wondered to what end his tale would come to. Then he began to show his advise, which was more profitable to bessus then grateful. Alexander's celerity (qd he) is such that he is come in manner to the entry of your court. He can remove his army before you can remove this table. You say that you will draw your assistance from the river of Tanais, and that you will put rivers betwixt you & your enemies. I would know if he be not able to follow, wheresoever you shall flee. If the way be indifferent, it must needs be most easy and assured to the victorer. And though you think fear will make much speed, yet hope is more swifter. It were therefore me thinks expedient to procure the favour of him that is the mightiest, and yield yourself unto the stronger. How soever he shall accept it, your fortune is more like to be better that way, then to remain still an enemy. Consider that you possess another man's kingdom, and therefore ye may the better depart therewithal. For ye cannot be a just king, till you receive the kingdom of him that is able to give it, and took it away. This is a faithful counsel, wherefore it is not necessary to delay the execution thereof. The horse that of noble courage is governed with the shadow of a rod. But the dull beast is not pricked forward with the spoores. Bessus that was fierce of nature and well set forwards with drinking, became in such a fury with his words that he could scarcely be holden by his friends, from the sleing of Cobares, for he pulled out his sword to have done the deed, and departed out of the feast in a great rage. But Cobares in this store escaped away & came unto Alexander. Bessus had viii M Bactrians armed attending upon him. Which so long as they judged the by reason of the intemperatnes of the air in those parts that Macedons would rather have gone into Ind then into Bactria, were very obedient at his commandment. But when they understood that Alexander was coming towards them, every one shrunk away, and forsook Bessus. Then he with a band of his family which were yet faithful unto him, passed the river of Oxus, 
Oxus  burning such bo●●es as carried him over, because that the same should not serve his enemy in following him, and assembled a new power amongs the Sogdians. Alexander as it hath been said before passed the mount Caucasus, but for lack of corn his army was brought in manner to the extremity of hunger. In stead of oil they were feign to 'noint themselves with juice which they wring out of Sesema, but every measure thereof called Amphora, was sold for ccxl deners, every like measure of honey for cccxc. and of wine for ccc and yet of the same was very little to be gotten. They have in that country certain vessels called Sylli, which thinhabitauntes use to hide so privily that they can not be found, except they be digged for within the earth. The country men bury their corn after that manner, for want whereof the soldiers were fain to live with herbs, and such fish as they caught in the Rivers. But that kind of food wanting also, they were enforced to slay their beasts that carried their baggage, and with the flesh of them lived till they came into Bactria. 
The description of Bactria.  The nature of the soil of which country is divers and of sundry kinds. Some place is plentiful of wood and vines, and abundant of pleasant fruit, the ground fat, well watered, and full of springs. Those parts which be most temperate are sowed with corn, and the rest be reserved for feeding of beasts. But the greater part of that country is covered over with barren sands, & withered up for want of moisture, nourishing neither man, nor bringing forth fruit. But with certain winds that come from the sea of Ponte, the sand in the plains is blown together in heaps, which seem a far of like great hills, whereby the accustomed ways be damned, so that no sign of them can appear. Therefore such as do pass those plains, use to observe the stars in the night, as they do that sail the seas, & by the course of them direct their journey. The nights for the more part be brighter than the days, wherefore in the day time the country is wild and unpassable, when they can neither find any tract nor way to go in, nor mark or sign whereby to pass, the stars being hidden by the mist. If the same wind chance to come during the time that men be passing, it overwhelmeth them with sand. Where the country is temperate, it bringeth forth great plenty both of men & horse So that the Bactrians may make xxx M. horsemen. Bactria which is the head city of that region, standeth under a mountain called Parapanisus, 
Parapanysus. Bactras.  the river called Bactras runneth by the walls, whereof both the city and the country take their names. Alexander lying there in camp, received advertisement out of Grece, how the Lacedæmonians, and the whole country of Peliponese had rebelled against him. For they had not lost the battle at such time as the messengers were dispatched that brought the news of their revolt. In the neck of this evil tidings, there came another present terror: which was that the Scythians inhabiting beyond the river of Tanays' were coming to aid Bessus. And at the same time tidings was brought him of the battle that Caranus and Erigius had fought amongs the Arians, 
Caranus, Erigius.  where Satybarzanes that was newly revolted being chief of the country, saying the battle to stand equal on both sides rid into the fore front, and plucked of his helmet, forbidding any of his side either to cast dart or strike any stroke, and there make a challenge to fight hand to hand, if any man durst come forth and prove his strength. Erigius captain to the Macedons was a man stricken in years. But yet not inferior to any young man, either in stoutness of stomach, or strength of body, who could not bear the proud arrogancy of Satibarzanes, but stepped forwards, and plucking of his helmet likewise, showed his hoar here. The day is come (quoth he) that I will show either by the victory or by my honest death what kind of men Alexandre hath to his friends and his soldiers, and without more words made towards his enemy. It could not be judged but that both armies had stayed their hands by appointment. For they gave back immediately on both sides to let them have free scope each party standing in expectation what should become of the challengers, for they could not but think themselves partakers of their adventure. Satibarzanes first charged his staff, which Erigius avoided by bending his head aside but he in the mids of his race, struck ●he other with his spear through the throat, so that it came forth again at his neck. Satibarzanes upon that stroke fell from his horse, 
Satibarzanes slain  but yet made resistance, till such time as Erigius plucked the spear out of the wound, and thrust it again into his mouth who to rid himself out pain, furthered his enemy's stroke. Then the Arians seeing their captain slain whom they had followed rather of necessity then of their own free wills, called to remembrance Alexander's benefits and yielded themselves to Erigius. Alexander rejoiced much of the good success of this matter, doubting greatly the Lacedæmonians, but he bore out the rebellion stoutly, saying: that they durst never disclose their meaning, till they knew he was come to the confines of India. Alexander having removed his Camp, and going forwards in the pursuit of Bessus. Erigius met him, presenting the spoil of his Enemy, as a memory of his victory. Whereupon he committed the rule of Bactria to Artabasus. Where with a guarison he left his carriage, and with a power that was light to journey, entered into the deserts of the Sufitanes, 
The Susirans,  conveiing his army by night. In the want of water (that hath been declared before) desperation moved them to thyest before they had desire to drink. For by the space of four C. furlongs, they found no water at all. The vapour of the Sun being in the summer season did so burn the sand, that when it began to wax hot it starched all things as it had been with a continual fire. And then the light somewhat obscured by a mist that rose out of th'earth by the immoderate heat, caused the plains to have appearance of a main Sea. Their journey in the night seamed tolerable, because their bodies were somewhat refreshed with the dew and the cooled of the morning.  
But when the day came and the heat rose, then the drought drying up all the natural humours both their mouths and their bowels were inflamed for heat. Then their hearts failed, and their bodies fainted, being in case that they could neither stand still, nor pass forwards. A few that were taught by such as knew the country, had gotten water which refreshed them somewhat, but as the heat increased, so their desire grew again to drink. Then was there no remedy but to give amongs the soldiers all the wine & oil that remained in store. For drink was so sweet unto them, that it took away the fear of any thirst to come. But such as had gulled in greedily the water that they goat, became so heavy, that they were neither able to bear their armour, nor go forwards, so that they seemed then most happy that had gotten no water at all, for such as had taken of it inordinately, were enforced by vomit to put up the same again. As Alexander careful in this calamity stood with his friends that were persuading of him to have respect to himself, for that he only, and the greatness of his heart, should be relief of this adversity. There came two soldiers, which going before with such as had taken up the camp, had found water, and were carrying of it in bottelles unto their sons which were sore afflicted for want of drink behind in the army. When they saw the king, one of them opened his bottle, and filling a cup that he had, presented water to the king, who receiving it at his hand, demanded to whom they carried that water: they said to their sons. Then he restored to him the cup again full as it was given him, and said: I will not drink alone, for so little can not be divided amongs us all. Make you haste therefore to carry to your Sons that you have gotten with your travail.  
But he travailed so long that before night he came to the river of Oxus, the more part of the army, not able to follow, for feebleness were left far behind: to th'intent therefore that such as followed after, might know where the camp was become. He caused a fire to be made in the top of an hill, and gave order that when the vanguard had refreshed themselves with meat & drink they should fill their bottles, with water and go back with the same to relieve their fellows. The breath of such as drunk intemperately closed up, and they died immediately, the number of whom was greater, than ever Alexander lost in any battle. But he would neither put of harness, refresh himself with meat or drink, nor ease his body: but stood in the way where his army passed, not departing till the last man was come into the Campe. He watched all that night, and passed it over in great trouble of mind. And the day that ensued, brought no release of his care. For there were neither boots to pass the river with all, nor he could make any bridge seeing there was no wood growing near at hand. But at length he found out a devise whereunto only necessity did drive him, they took beasts skins & stuffed them full of straw, whereupon they laid themselves, and some swam over the water. And such as first recovered the further side, stood in order of battle till the rest were passed: by which means in six days he convoyed over his hole army. Having thus passed over the river of Oxus, his purpose was to pass forwards in the pursuit of Bessus, till he understood such things as had chanced amongs the Susians. 
Spytanicnes conspired against Bessus.  There was one Spitamenes, whom Bessus chief honoured of all his friends. But there be no benefits that can stay a man given to perfidy and falsehood, which in him was the more tolerable because he judged no mischief to great for him that hath slain his prince. For the revenge of Darius was a fair colour to his offence, but it is to be thought that his present fortune was more envied, than his doings by past, hated. When it was known that Alexander had passed the river of Oxus, Spitamenes did associate with him in counsel of his enterprise Dataphernes. 
Dataphernes. Cathenes.  and Catenes, whom Bessus specially trusted. They agreed to the matter more readily than he would desire them, and taking to them viii young men that were strong of parsonage, used this kind of policy. Spitamenes repaired to Bessus, and getting him alone, informed him that he had found out how Dataphernes, and Catenes, had conspired to deliver him alive into Alexander's hands, whereas (he said) he had prevented them, whiles they were about their purpose, having taken them both, & put them fast in prison. Bessus then thinking himself much bound to him for so great a good turn, gave him many thanks. And for the desire he had to be revenged of his enemies, willed Spitamenes to bring them to his presence. He caused their hands to be bound behind their backs and to be brought by such as were privy to their counsel, when they came in Bessus presence, he beheld them with a fell countenance and rose up to have stricken at them. But then they left their counterfeiting & straight ways enclosing Bessus about, bound him fast which struggled in vain and pulled the diadem from his head, tearing his garment from his back, which was part of the spoil of his prince, whom he had slain. When he saw himself thus used, he confessed that the gods had rightfully revenged his treason, and perceived by the plague they sent him, that both they favoured Darius, and were friends to Alexander, whose enemies evermore preferred his victory. It is uncertain whether the multitude would have assisted Bessus or no, but that spitamenes had devised the thing to be done by Alexander's appointment, whereby he put them in fear being yet doubtful of mind, and set Bessus upon an horse whereupon he brought him unto Alexander. He in the mean season had chosen out nine hundred such as for their age, were not meet any more for the wars, and gave to every one of them b●yng horsemen two talentes, and to every footman three thousand deneres: whom he dispatched home, and gave thanks unto the rest, because they promised to continue with him till he had brought his wars to an end. Bessus was presented unto him at a little town whereof the inhabiters be called Branchidans, 
Branchidans,  which in times passed by the commandment of Xerxes when he came out of Grece, were brought from Miletum and placed there, because that in his favour they had violated a temple that was called Dydyma. They had not all together forgotten their country customs, but had mixed their tongue that by little and little they were fallen from their own language, and yet had not attained the country speech. They received the king with great joy, yielding themselves and their city unto his will. Whereupon he called unto him the Mylesians that served him in his wars, 
Milesians  (who bore an ancient hatred against the generation of the Branchidans) & put it in their hands to determine where they would save them for the country sake, or else destroy them for the injury they had do it in times past. But when the Milesians could not agree in opinion, he said he would order the matter himself. The next day when the Branchidans came to meet him, he returned them all again into the city, & commanding his footmen to enclose the city about, entered with such as he appointed for the purpose, and by a token given put all to the sword, and spoiled the city as a receptacle of traitors. They which were without armour and unprovided were slain in every place. For neither the affinity of their tongue, nor any prayer or intercession could mitigate their enemy's cruelty. Which after the destruction of the town, did cast down the walls to the foundation, so that no memory thereof should remain. That done they did not only cut down the woods wherein they used their sacrifice, but also plucked up the trees by the roots, that the ground might be left barayn as a desert. If the same things had been done against the very offenders, the revenge might have been thought righteous, but to lay the fault of the predecessors upon the posterity it might be thought a cruel act, seeing there was not any of them that had ever seen Myletum or done to Xexes any kind of pleasure. As Alexander removed from thence towards the river of Tanays', Bessus was brought before him, 
Bessus presented unto Alexander.  not only bound as a captive, but also spoiled of all his garments, whom Spitamenes led in a theme put about his neck: a pleasant sight to behold as well to the Barbarous, as to the Macedons. When Spitamenes was come with him in Alexander's presence, he said: I have brought here unto you the killer of his own master, after the same manner that he himself gave then sample, wherein I have both revenged Darius that was my king, and you also that now have got the sovereignty. Let Darius open his eyes, and rise from death to behold this sight, that was unworthy of such an end, and worthy to receive such a comfort as this is. After that Alexander had given Spitamenes thanks, 
Alexander to Bessus.  he turned himself unto Bessus and said: what beastly woodness was in thy mind, that durst first take thine own prince prisoner, & afterwards kill him, that had so well deserved of that, of which thy doings thou hast received sufficient reward, by the sergeant name of a king which thou didst usurp. He had no heart to make answer, nor excuse his offence: saving that he said he took upon him to be king, because he might deliver him possession of the country. Which thing if he had omitted, some other would have taken in hand. Then Alexander called for Oxatres Darius' brother, whom he had placed about his person, and committed Bessus to his keeping, to th'intent he should cut of his ears and his nose, and hang him upon a cross, causing his own men to shoot him thorough with arrows, so preserving his body that birds should not touch it. Oxatres promised to perform all the rest, saving the keeping away of the birds, which for the desire he had to set forth Cathenes cunning, affirmed that none could so well keep them away as he, who did shoot so assuredly, that he could strike the birds flying in the air. And though it was a cunning not so much to be marveled at, in a nation so expert in shooting, yet was it greatly wondered at of such as did behold him, & was great honour unto the doer. He gave rewards to all such as were the bringers of Bessus, but he differred his punishment because he minded to put him to death in the same place where he slew Darius. The Macedons in the mean season going a foraging, without order were overthrown by their enemies, that came ronnidg down from the next mountains they took more than they did kill, and driving their prisoners before them returned again into the mountains. There were of them to the number of twenty M. which accustomed to live by theft, used slings and bows in their fight, whom whiles Alexander did besiege, & in a skirmish pressed forth with the foremost, he was stroiken with an arrow in the mids of his leg, where the head did stick still. The Macedons that were sorrowful and amazed for their kings hurt, carried him into his camp, of whose departure out of the field his enemies were not ignorant, for they might behold all things from the mountain, Whereupon the next day they sent Ambassadors unto Alexander, whom he admitted to his presence, & unfolding his wound, whereby he thought to dissimule the greatness thereof, showed his leg unto them. When they were commanded to sit down, they said: that he ring of his hurt, they were as sorrowful for it as his own subjects which should welbe known, for if they could find out the person, that did the deed, he should be delivered unto his hands. Seing they could not judge them but sacrileges that would fight with gods, of whose virtue they supposed him to be, and therefore were determined to yield themselves. Thereupon he gave them assurance & received again his men that were taken prisoners, and admitted them as his subjects. That done he removed his camp & was carried in a foot litter, for the bearing whereof the horsemen and footmen contended together. The horsemen alleged it to be their office, because the king accustomed to fight amongs them. And the footmen argued for their part, that in asmuch as they used to carry the hurt soldiers, that thought no reason their office should be taken from them, chief when the king should be carried. Alexander therefore in so great a contention of both parts, thought it a difficult matter to give sentence, because the judgement should be grievous to them that should be put from the office, & therefore ordered that they should carry him by course. From thence the fourth day he came unto a city called Maracanda the walls whereof were lxx furlongs about, 
Maracanda  but the castle was without any wall, he set a guarrison in the city & then burned and destroyed the country thereabouts. Ambassadors came unto him, 
The Scythians  there from the Scythes called Auians, which had been free since the time that Cyrus was amongs them, but yet they showed themselves then ready to be at his commandment. They were known to be the most righteous people of all the barbarous nation 〈◊〉 that never used to make war but when they ●e provoked, whose moderation and temperance in using of their liberty, made the inferriours equal unto the supperiours. Alexander received them gently, and sent Penidas a friend of his to those Scythes that inhabited within Europe, 
Penydas.  to forbid them to pass the river of Tanais without his appointment. Who had also a secret commission to view the situation of the country, & to visit those Scythians that inhabited about Bosphorus, he willed him besides to choice out a place upon the brink of Tanais where as he might build a city, to remain as a fortress for the subduing of those people that he intended to visit. 
The rebellion of the Sogdians  But this devise was delayed by the rebellion of the Sogdians who had also drawn the Bactrians to their part. There were of them vii in horsemen, whose authority the rest followed, for the daunting of whom Alexander caused Spytamenes and Catenes (the betrayers of Bessus) to be sent for, thinking by their means to bring the country again to his obedience and to subdue such as had made this stir. But they which were judged meet to stay the rebellion, and were sent for to that intent, were the chief authors of all the revolt, which caused it to be noised abroad, that Alexander had sent for the Bactrian horsemen of purpose to kill them all. Which commission (they said) being appointed to them, they would not execute because they thought it over foul an act to commit against their countrymen. And for that cause could as il bear then Alexander's cruelty, as in times past Bessus treason. By this means when fear of death was put into their heads, they were easily stirred to arms which before were sufficiently inclined of their own minds. When Alexander was advertised of their doings, he willed Craterus to besiege Cyropolis. 
Ciropolis.  And he himself warm an other city of that country by an assault which he gave to it on all parts at once, and by a sign given, caused all the children to be put to death, making the rest a pray for the soldiers. This done the city was razed to the ground, to th'intent that others by their ensample might be kept in obedience. There was a valiant people called Memacenans, 
Memacenans.  who were determined to abide the siege, not only for their honesties sake, but also for that they thought it most for their surety. For the mitigating of whose wilfulness the king sent to them fifty horsemen to declare his clemency towards such as submitted themselves, and how inexorable he was to such as he won by force. Their answer was to them, that they neither doubted of the kings promise, nor of his power, but after their answer given, they lodged them without their walls, where as entertaining them with great there till it was the deep of the night, they set upon them, and slew them all. Alexander was no less moved with this matter, than the case required, but made an assault unto the city on all parts at once, which he found furnished in such wise, that he could not take it at the first attempt. Wherefore he appointed Meleager and Perdiccas to the siege thereof, which first were at the siege of Ciropolis, minding to spare the same, because it was builded by Cyrus. For he had not so great admiration of any king that had reigned in those parts as of him, and Semiramis, whose magnanimity of mind and fame of their acts, seemed to him to exceed all the rest. But the obstinate wilfulness of the inhabitants, stirred up his wrath. For when he had taken the city, he willed the Macedons to spoil it, which had great cause to be moved against them, and so returned again to Meleager and Perdiccas. There was not one city that did more valiantly abide the siege then the same did, for both the hardiest of the soldiers were slain, and the king was brought in great danger, being stricken in the neck with a stone, so that he lost his sight, and was felled to the earth so that he lost his sense. The army lamented, thinking he had been dead: but he was invincible against those things which put other men most in fear. For without tarrying he dressed his wound, and returned to the fight, and after anger had stirred up, the egernes he had of nature, he renewed the assault again more fiercely than before. At length a great peace of the wall was overthrown by a mine at the which he broke in, and put the whole city to sack and to ruin. 
Menedemus  He sent from thence Menedemus with iii M. footmen and viii C. horsemen to the city of Maracanda, which Spitamenes had newly taken and put out from thence the guarrison of the Macedons. Yet the citizens were not of his opinion, but when they saw they could not let him it was of necessity for them to agree to his will. 
Alexander builded a new city upon Tanais  Alexander in the mean season came to the river of Tanais, where he enclosed about with a wall so much ground as his Camp did contain, extending in compass lx furlongs, and named the same city Alexandria. This thing was done with such expedition that within xvii days after the walls were v●, the houses also were builded. And the whole was performed in a very small season, through the contention amongs the soldiers who should perform his work first, when the same was divided into parts amongs them. The prisoners they had taken, whose ransoms Alexander paid to their takers, were appointed to inhabit this city. Whose posterity after so long time, be not yet worn out, such favour hath been showed to them, in the memory of Alexander. The king of Scythia whose Empire was then beyond the river of Tanais, judging that the fortifieng upon the rivers side should be as a yoke to his neck, sent his brother Carcasis with a great power of horsemen to defeat the fortification, 
Carcasis.  and to remove away the Macedons from the water's side. Which is the river that divideth the Bactrians from the Scythians of Europe, and is the limit which parteth Asia and Europe a sondre. But the countries that the Scythes inhabit begin not far from Tracia, & lie betwixt the north & thest, joining with Sarmacia, & possessing part of it. the country also that lieth beyond the river of Ister is inhabited by them, 
Ister.  & their uttermost bounds stretch to Bactria, & to the further bounds of Asia northwards, whereas be wondered great woods & wild deserts. But such of them as bounded near unto Tanais & Bactria lack not much the civility of other nations. This being the first time that Alexander had to do with these people, when he saw that then he had to enter into a war, for the which he was not provided, his enemies riding up & down in his sight, and he diseased of his wound, specially not having those of his speech, which failed much by reason of this long abstinence, 
Alexander's words to his friends  and the pain in his neck, called his friends to counsel, & declare unto them: that he was not troubled with any fear of his enemies but with the iniquity of the time, the Bactrians rebelling, & the Scythians provoking him, when neither he was able to stand upon the ground, or strong enough to ride on horseback, or in case to give advise or exhortation to his men. In consideration therefore of the doubtful danger he saw himself wrapped in he accused the gods, complaining that he was then enforced to lie still as a stock, whose swiftness before time, none was able to escape. 
Adversity maketh men religious.  The matters grew so great that his own men believed he had counterfeited his sickness for fear. And therefore he which since the overthrow of Darius had left consultation with the deviners & prophets turned himself again to the vanity & superstition of man, willing Aristander (to whom he was addicted in belief) that he should try out by Sacrifice what his success should be. The custom of them which were called Auruspices was to consider the entrails of the beasts without the king, 
Auruspices  and to make report to him of there signification. In the mean season whiles they were searching secrets that kind of way he willed Ephestion, Craterus, Erigius & other his friends to draw near about him, lest by straining of his voice he might break out his wound again, & said thus unto them: 
Alexander's words.  The danger I am in, hath caused the time to serve better for mine enemies, then for me, necessity I see chief in the wars to go before reason. For it is seldom given to men, to choice their own time. The Bactrians be revolted, upon whose shoulders yet we stand, purposing to try what courage we be of, by our behaviour towards the Scythians. If we leave of with doubtful fortune, and meddle not with them, which of their own minds have provoked us, we shall at our return be had in contempt of them whom we intend to visit. But if we shall pass the river of Tanais, and by the destruction of the Scythians & shedding of their blood, show ourselves invincible every where. Who will then doubt but that Europe will lie open & give obedience to us being victorers? he is deceived that doth measure by any distance the bounds of our glory that we intend to pass. There is but one river that letteth us now for bringing of our power over into Europe, which if we shall bring to pass what an estimation shall it be for us: whiles we be subduing of Asia, to set up the monuments of our victories as it we●e in a new world, joining so soon together with one victory, the thing that nature seem to have divided with so great distance? but if we shall stay never so little and give ground, the Scythians will then come after us, & pursue us in tail. Be there no more but we that have passed rivers? there be many inventions yet remaining amongs ourselves, whereby we have gotten victories. But fortune of the war doth teach policy to such as be overcome, we have showed a precedent of late, how to swim over rivers upon bottles. Which thing if the Scythians can not do, the Bactrians shall teach them. It is but the power of one nation, that now come against you, all the other yet stand in a stay to understand of our doings. So that by eschewing battle we shall nourish war, and be compelled to receive those blows, which it lieth in us to give to other. The reason of my advise is manifest. But whether the Macedons will suffer me to use mine own disposition, I doubt, because that since I received this wound, I have not ridden on horseback, nor gone on foot. If you will follow me my friends I am whole. I have then strength enough to endure these things, if th'end of my life be at hand wherein can I spend it better. These words that he spoke were uttered with a broken and weak voice, so that they could scarcely be hard of such as were next him. But when his meaning was perceived all that were present went about to fray him from so rash an enterprise. 
Erigius.  But Erigius wrought chief in the matter, which perceiving that his authority could not prevail against the kings obstinate mind, attempted to work him by religion, which was of greater force. For he declared to him that the Gods were against his determination, which had signified great peril to ensue, if he passed the river. (He said) he had understand that thing by Aristaunder, who told him at his coming into the pavilion what he had perceived in the beasts entrails. Alexander upon his words was wonderfully troubled both with anger and shame, when he saw the secrets of the religion brought to light, which he thought to have kept secret to himself: and therefore caused Erigius to go aside, and Aristander to be called in unto him. Whom he beheld in the face, & said: I seem to the rather a private man then a king. Seing I commanded the to make sacrifice, and thou hast declared the signification thereof to other & not to me. For Erigius by thy report knoweth the privities pertaining to me. But sure I judge that through his own fear he devised an interpretation of himself. Therefore let me hear of thine own mouth what thou hast found in the entrails, to th'intent thou shalt not deny that thou hast spoken. Aristander thereupon was amazed, & looked pale not able to answer one word for fear. But at length the same fear that made him hold his peace, pricked him forwards to speak, lest the prolonging of the kings expectation might provoke him to further wrath, answered: I said (qd he) there was in the enterprise great danger and difficulty, but yet that your attempt should not be in vain. There is nothing that I have perceived by my science trouble me so much, as the love I bear towards you, for I both consider your infirmity, & what a moment consists in your own person, fearing you should not be able to endure the things, that fortune is disposed to give unto you. When Alexander heard him speak after that manner, he willed him to have confidence in his felicity to whom fortune had granted glory in greater things, & thereupon dismissed him. Afterwards as the king was debating with such as he consulted with before, by what means he should pass the river. Aristander came amongs them, affirming that he had found the entrails contrary to that he did before, with as likely signs of good success as any that ever he saw, showing them as great causes to rejoice, as he did before to fear. But immediately hereupon he received news that much appaired the continual felicity he was wont to have, in all his procedings. Menedemus being sent (as it hath been said before) to besiege Spitamenes, the author of the Bactrians rebellion. When he understood of his enemies coming both in avoiding to be enclosed within walls, & trusting besides to take some advantage of the Macedons, laid an imbushement to entrap them. There was a wood through the which they should pass very apt for the purpose, where he laid the Dahans, whose custom was to carry two armed men upon one horse, from whence they used to leap down by course. And by reason the swiftness of the footmen was little inferior unto the horsemen, they troubled greatly the order of the horseman's fight. Spitamenes gave order to them that when their enemies should enter into the wood they should environ them about on all sides, which when they performed according to their appointment, Menedemus seeing himself enclosed on all parts, & not equal in number unto his enemies, resisted a great while, crying out to the soldiers, that there remained no hope to them being entrapped after that manner, but by making slaughter upon their enemies, receive the comfort of an honest death. Menedemus rid upon a strong horse charging oft times upon his enemies, whereby he broke their order, and made great slaughter, till such time, that he being laid at on all parts, 
Hispydes.  received many wounds, and fainted for want of blood. Then he exhorted Hispides that was one of his friends to leap upon his horse, and escape away, and with that word he swooned & fell to the ground from his horse. Hispides might have got away, but after he had lost his friend determined there to die, taking no other care but how to spend his life, with the loss of his enemies. Wherefore he put his spoores to the horse, and ran in amongs them, where he fought notably, and at length was slain. When the rest saw this overthrow, and loss of their captain, they recovered an hill, where Spitamenes did besiege them, thinking to subdue them for want of victual. There were slain in that battle two. M. footmen, and iii hundred horsemen. Which misadventure Alexander with great policy kept secret, commanding them that parted from the field, under pain of death not publish this matter abroad. But when he could not bear out any longer a countenance contrary to his heart, he went alone unto his pavilion which he had set of purpose upon the rivers side. There he waked all the night devising with himself, what was best to do. And divers times he lifted up his tent to behold the fires in his enemy's camp, thereby to conjecture their number, when the day appeared he put on a corselet and came forth amongs the soldiers, being the first time they had seen him since he received his hurt. They bore such a veneration unto their king that with his presence only, they put away the remembrance of the fear which caused them before to shrink, and rejoiced so heartily, that when they saluted him, the tears distilled from their eyes, and earnestly required the fight, which before they had refused. He took order there amongs them that the horsemen, and such as were of the square battle of footmen should be carried over in boats, & that the light armed should swim upon bottles. Neither the matter required any more to be spoken, nor the king could not say any more by reason of his infirmity. For the soldiers went about the matter with such good will & cheerfulness of mind that within three days they had finished xii M. boats. When all things were prepared in readiness for their passage there came xx. ambassadors of the Scythians riding by the camp, which required that it might be declared unto the king that they had matter in commission to declare unto him. When they were received into his pavilion, and commanded to sit down, they fixed their look continually upon the kings countenance, whereby it was thought, that waiing the greatness of his courage by his parsonage that they saw present, it appeared to them but small in respect of the same they heard of him. The wits of the Scythians be not rude and without knowledge as other barbarous people be. For it is said that many of them attain to such learning as is possible for a nation being always in exercise of the wars. Whose words spoken unto Alexander be left in memory, which though they differ from the manner of us that have happened in more civil times, and framed ourselves to a more humanity. Yet the fidelity of the matter is not to be despised, though the phrase of their speech be not allowed. And therefore I shall declare uncorruptly the sayings which the eldest of those Ambassadors did speak after this manner.  
If the Gods had given the a body according to the unsatiable desire of thy mind, 
The oration of the Scythians unto Alexander.  the world should not be able to receive thee, but shouldest touch the Orient with the one hand, & the occident with the other, which once obtained, thy desire should be to know where ●o place thy parsonage, haboundinge with such excellency. Thus thou dost covet the thing thou art not able to compass. From Europe thou goest into Asia, and from Asia pass into Europe. It must come to pass that if thou overcome all mankind, thou must keep war with woods and snows, with rivers & wild beasts. What? art thou ignorant that trees do grow till they be great, and then be plucked up from the rote in a moment? He is a fool that doth covet the fruit, and considereth not the height of the tree whereon it groweth. Take head lest whiles thou dost labour to attain unto the top, thou falleste with the boous which thou dost embrace. The Lion hath been some time the food of small birds, and the rust doth consume the Iron. There is nothing so sure, that is not in danger of his inferior. What have we to do with thee? we never touched thy country. Is it not lawful for us that live in the waste woods, to be ignorant what thou art, and from whence thou comest? we can neither be subject to any man, nor desire to rule over any creature. And because ye shall not be ignorant of thestate of our nation we have certain gifts in proper unto us, the yoke of Oxen, the plough, the spear, the bow, and the bowl: which be the things that we use both with our friends and against our enemies. We do give unto our friends of the fruits gotten with labour. With the bowl we sacrifice wine unto the gods. With our bow we strike our enemies afar of, and with the spear near at hand. After that sort we in times past overcame the king of Scythia, and afterwards the king of Perce and Media making the way open to us into Egypt. But thou which dost glorify, that art come to be a parsecuter of thieves, art a robber of all nations, that thou comeste amongs. Thou haste taken Lydia, possessed Syria enjoyed Perce, and haste the Bactrians under thy power. Thou dost visit the Indies, and now streachest forth thy ravenowes hands unto our cattle. Why dost thou covet that riches that cause the to be poor. Thou art the first of all men which with abundance hast prepared thyself hunger and that with the more thou haste the more greedily thou dost covet the things thou haste not. Dost thou not remember how long thou hast stiked about Bactria. And whiles thou goest about to subdue them, how the Sogdians begin to rebel. Thus war doth grow unto the of thy victory. For be thou never so great, and of force above any other yet there be none that can endure to be governed by strangers. Pass now Tanais, thou shalt perceive what breadth it beareth, and yet thou shalt never overtake the Scythians whose poverty is swifter, than thy army, which carrying the spoil of so many nations can attain to. For when thou shalt think us to be far of, thou shalt see us within thy Campe. with like swiftness, we follow, and i'll away. I hear that our deserts beskorned by the Greake proverbs, we covet rather the deserts and places unhabited, than cities and plentiful countries. Therefore hold thou thy fortune fast for, she is slipper and cannot be kept against her will. Follow thou the counsel that is good, and specially whiles the time doth serve. Put a bridle to thy felicity, and thou shalt govern it the better. We say that fortune is without feet, & that she hath only hands, & wings & when she putteth forth her hand, she will not suffer her wings to be touched. If thou be a god then give benefits unto mortal men, and take not away the commodities they have already. If thou be a man considre alway thine own estate. It is foolish to remember those things, which cause the to forget thyself. Such as by war: thou makest thy enemies, by peace thou mayst make them thy very friends. The most firm friendship is amongst them that be equal, and they seem equal which have not yet made any trial of their force Take heed thou take them not for thy friends, whom thou dost subdue and bring to subjection. There is no friendship between the Lord & the slave, and in peace the law of Arms is observed. Think not that the Scythians do confirm their friendship with any oath. For they think they swear in keeping of their faith. The custom of the Greeks is to justify their doings by calling their Gods to witness. But we acknowledge Religion to consist in the faith itself. They which do not their due reverence to men, deceive the Gods. Think not those friends to be necessary unto thee, of whose good will thou shalt need to doubt. Thou mayst use us as keepers both of Europe and Asia. For we should join with Bactria, but that Tanais doth divide us, and beyond Tanais out dominion stretch so far as Tracia, and the fame is that Tracia confineth with Macedon. Consider therefore whether it be necessary for the or no to have us as friends or foes to both thine empires.  
These were the Scythians words, to whom the king made answer: that he would both use his own fortune and their counsel which advised him well. He would follow his fortune because he had great confidence in it, and other men's counsel, because he would do nothing rashly nor upon a sudden. Thereupon he dismissed the Ambassadors and embarked his army in the boats he had prepared. 
Alexander passed the river of Thanais against the Scythians.  In the fore parts of the boats he set such as had targets, willing them to kneel upon their knees for their more safeguard against the shoot of arrows. And they were placed behind them that had the charge of the Engines, who before, and on both sides were enclosed with armed men. The rest which stood beyond the engines being armed them selves, defended with targets such as rowed the same order was also observed in those boats that carried over the horsemen. The more part drew their horses after them by the reins swimming at the boats tails, and such as were carried upon trusses filled with straw, were defended by the boats that rowed betwixt them and their enemies. Alexander with such men as he had chosen to be about his person, first launched from the land, and directed his course towards the further side. The Scythians came against them with their horsemen in order of battle, standing upon the brinck of the further shore to let their landing: whose show being a terror to the Macedons, they had also an other cause of fear in their passing over, for the boatemaisters were not able to keep their course against the force of the stream. And the soldiers swaying to and fro, for the doubt they had to fall in the water, troubled the mariners in doing of their office. By reason where of the Macedons could not have scoop to cast their darts with any force, taking more care how to place themselves out of peril, then for to avoid their enemies. Their ingyns stood them in great stead, which seldom did shoot in vain against their enemies that stood thick before them, proffering to resist their landing. When the Scythians saw them near the shore, they did shoot an infinite number of arrows into the boats, so that there was not in manner any target that had not many heads sticking in it. At length the boats arrived at the land, than the target men did rise upon their feet, and having more scope and sure footing, threw their darts more certainly & with greater force: whereby when they perceived their enemies to shrink, and reane back their horses, they then leapt cheerfully unto the land, one exhorting and encourging an other, and freely pursued the Scythians whom they saw fall out of array. By that time Alexander's horsemen which had assembled themselves in tropes, broke upon their enemies, and put them to great dysordre. In the mean season the rest being defended by them that were fight landed and prepared themselves to the battle. Nor Alexander letted not with stoutness of courage to supply the impotency of his body. His voice could not be hard when he spoke & exhorted his men (the scar of his wound not yet closed) but all men might see him fight. Wherefore every one used the office of a captain in giving exhortation unto his fellows, and ran upon their enemies without respect of their own lives. Then the Scythians could not endure any longer the countenance, the force, nor the cry of their enemies, but being all on horseback fled away upon the spoores. Whom the king pursued four score furlongs, notwithstanding that with great pain he endured his informitye. When his heart fainted he commanded his men that they should follow still in the chase so long as the day lasted, and not having strength to sustain any further travail returned into his camp to rest himself. The Macedons in their pursuit passed the bounds of Bacchus. In mounment of whom their were great stones set up by equal distance, and high trees, whose stocks were covered over with I vie. But no bounds could be a stay to the Macedons▪ being carried forwards in there fury for it was mid night before they returned again to their camp who having killed many, and taken great number of prisoners. did drive before them. M. viii.c. horses There were slain of the Macedons lx horsemen, of the footmen to the point of one hundred, & a thousand of them were hurt. This enterprise with the fame of the victory falling in so good a season, kept the more part of Asia in obedience, which was of the point to have rebelled. For they believed that the Scythians were invincible. Who being veinqueshed they judged no nation able to withstand the power of the Macedons. 
Sacans.  The Sacans therefore after this victory, sent their Ambassadors unto Alexander offering themselves to come under his obedience. To the doing whereof they were not so greatly moved with fear of his force, as they were with report of the clemency he used towards the Scythans after he had discomfited them. For he delivered home all their prisoners without ransom to witness to the world that he made war with those first nations, to show his power, & his virtue, & not for any malice, nor to show his wrath upon them. That was the cause that he so gently received the Ambassadors of the Sacans causing Excipinus to accompany them, 
Excipinus.  who being a beautiful young man in the first flower of his youth, was in that respect in great favour, and familiarity with Alexander. In parsonage he was like to Ephestion, but inferior to him in pleasantness of speech. After this Alexander giving order to Craterus to follow him by small journeys, with the greater part of his army, he himself came to the city of Maracanda from whence Spitamenes that hard of his coming, was fled into Bactria. The king therefore making great journeys four days continuially, came into the place, where as under the conduct of Megedemus he had lost two. M. footmen & iii C. horsemen. Whose bones he caused to be gathered togethers & buried, celebrating their funerals after his country manner. By that time Craterus with the phalaux was come unto the king, & to th'intent he might punish with the sword all such as had rebelled, he divided his power into diverse parts commannding them to burn in every place where they went and to kill all the children. The country of the Sogdians is for the more part waist, by reason of the great deserts that be there, whereof some be iiii. score, furlongs in breadth. The river called Bolytimetum passeth in manner through the length of the country, which runneth violently in a narrow channel, and then is received into an hole of the earth from whence it goeth underneath the ground whose course is manifest by the noise of the water that may be hard. And yet in all ground under the which such a river doth run, there do not appear any moisture put forth. Of the captives that were taken amongs the Sagdians, there were xxx of the most noblest brought unto Alexander. Which understanding by an interpreter, that by the kings commandment they should be put to execution. They began as men in mirth to sing and dance, and by a certain lasivious motion of their bodies expressed a great joyfulness of the mind Alexander marveling that they took their death with such s●owtnes and magnanmitye of heart, called them unto him, enquering why they showed so great a gladness, when they had death before therface. They aunswerrd that if they had been put to death by any, saving by such one as he was, that they should have taken their death sorofully. But now seeing they should be restored to their predecessors by a king that was a conqerour of all nations, they rejoiced in their honest death, as the thing that all men should wish & desire. The king then marveling at there magnavymitye: I inquire of you (qd he) if you can be content to live, & become friends to him, by whose benefit you shall receive your life. They said that as they never were his enemies, but as they were provoked by occasion to the wars, even so if he would make an experiment of them rather by a benefit then an injury. They would labour not to be overcome in good will, nor in doing the thing that pertained to their duty. They were axed what pledge they would lay of their promise. They said their lives they had received, should be their pledge ready to be yielded again, when it were required, wherein they broke no promise, for such of them as were returned home into their country kept the people in good obedience, & four of them that were appointed to be of the kings guard, gave place to none of the Macedons in love or affection towards their prince. When he had ordered all things amongs the Sogdians, he left Pencolaus there with iii M. men of war, 
Pencolaus.  and removed into Bactria. From whence he commanded Bessus to be carried to Echatan, there to suffer death for the kill of Darius. About the same time Ptololomeus and Menidas brought iii M. footmen and a thousand horsemen of mercenary soldiers, and one Alexander came to him out of Licia with iii M. foot men and .v. C. horsemen. Asclexeodorus had levied the like number out of Syria, and Antipater sent viii M. Greeks amongs whom there were .v. C. horsemen. When he had thus increased his army with the supply of his new power, he went about in every place to quiet those slures that been raised up by the rebellion. And having slain them that were the authors and beginners thereof, the fourth day came to the river of Oxus, which being a water unwholesome to be drunk, because it is ever troubled & full of mud. The Macedons fell to digging of wells, & when by digging deep they could find no water, there was a spring suddenly found under the kings tent, which because it was not found at the first, they feigned that it came by miracle. Wherewith the king was pleased, and content, men should believe that the same was sent by the gift of god. When he passed the river of Ochus and Oxus, they came unto a city called Marginia, 
Marginia.  near unto that which he chose out places for the building of six towns: whereof he planted two towards the south, and four towards the east. Every one distant a small space from an other, to th'intent, that their mutual assistance in time of need should not be far to seek. They were all situate upon high hills, as bridles to keep under those wild nations. But now they have forgotten their original, 
A rock kept against Alexander by Arimazes.  & be subject to those they were wont to rule. The king having subdued all the rest, one rock only remained which Arimazes a Sogdian had taken with thirty. M. armed men, & furnished the same of victuals for two years. Thesame rock was, thirty. furlongs in height &, Cl, about, being in all parts steape & broken, having one straight path only to pass up unto it. In the mid way to the top it had a cave which was narrow and dark in the entry, but by little and little it waxed wider, and had large lodgings within for a great multitude, and was besides so full of springs, that when they met together they ran down the rock like a great river. Alexander beholding the strength of this place, & the difficulty to win it: Determined to departed from thence. But there entered suddenly into his heart a desire to weary nature, and work against her power. Yet before that he would attempt the fortune of any siege, he sent Cophes the son of Artabasus, 
Cophes.  to persuade them to give it over, Arimazes upon trust of the strength of the place answered in all things arrogantly, but specially in that he axed whether Alexander could fly. Which words reported to the king, did put in such an heat, that straightways he called for such as he used to consult with all, declaring the pride and presumption of Arymazes, and after what manner he had scorned him. But shortly (he said) he would devise such way, that he would make him think the Macedons had wings. He required them therefore that out of the whole army, they would chyse out and bring to him three hundred of the most lightest young men, which had been accustomed to drive beasts amongs the rocks and straight paths of the mountains. Whereupon they brought such to the king, as both for lightness of body, and hardiness of heart were most meet for such a purpose. Unto whom he said: 
The exhortation that Alexander made to them whom he had appointed to climb the rock.  my fellows that be of mine own age, with you I have won Cities that were counted inexpugnable, and have passed the tops of mountains, covered continually with snow. With you I have gone through the straights of Cylicia, and have without weariness sustained the violence of the cold, whereby I have experience of you, and you of me. The rock which you see have but one entry, which our enemies do observe, the rest they neglect. They keep no watch but towards our camp. If you diligently search, you shall find some way to bring you to the top. Nature hath made nothing so high, but that it may be attained to, by the industry of man. In putting things in proof, whereof other have despaired, we have gotten Asia into our possession.  
devise you the means to get up into the top, which when you have taken, you shall give a token to me by setting up of some white cloth, you shall see me then come forwards with my power, and turn the enemies from you towards me. He shall have ten talents for a reward that doth recover the top first, & he that getteth up next, shall have one less, & the like order shallbe observed with ten of the first. I am assured that you regard not so much my liberality as my favour. When they had heard the king speak after that manner, they imagined the thing won, and departing out of his presence, prepared strong ropes and iron hooks, which they might asten to the rocks, and so climb up. The king brought them about the rock, where as it seemed lest steep and most plain to mount upon, and in the second watch willed them to pass forwards with good speed. They being furnished with two days victual, and arm only with sword and spears, at the first went forwards without any great difficulty. But when they came to the steapnes of the rock, some took hold of the broken crags to lift up themselves, & some fastening their hokes on the rocks, claim up by the ropes. They were compelled to rest & stay divers times, and so consumed the day in travail & in fear. When they had passed many difficult places, further difficulties always appeared, the height of the rock seeming to to grow more & more. When they failed either of their hold or of their footing, it was a miserable thing to see how they fell down headlong, showing to the other by their misfortune, an ensample what was likely to become of them. Notwithstanding at length through all these difficulties they got up into the top, where they all wearied with the travail of their continual labour, & some with the hurts & maims they had received, slept there all that night, amongs the wild and rough rocks, unmindful of the peril they were in. When it was day they wakened out of their deep sleep, and beholding the valeis underneath them, were ignorant in what part of the rock so great a multitude of their enemies should lie, but at length they perceived by the smoke in what place they were. Then upon the points of two spears they set up the sign that was appointed them, and found that in their coming up, they had lost of their number two and thirty. The king being careful not so much for the desire he had to win the rock, as for to save those whom he had sent to so manifest a danger, stood all day beholding the top of the mountain. And when darkness of the night took away the prospect of the eyes, he departed to refresh his body. The next day before it was full light, he perceived the white cloth set up in the top of the rock, but the variety of the air, and the son beginning to appear and yet hidden, caused him to doubt a while whether his sight had failed him or no. But when it was full and open day, it appeared manifestly, and all doubt was taken away. Then he called Cophes, by whom he had attempted their minds before, willing him ones again to exhort them to be better advised. And if so be that in trust of their strength, they would not submit them selves, that then he should show to them the men that had taken the rock over their heads. When Cophes came thither, he began to persuade Arimazes to give up his strength, thereby to win the kings favour, and not enforce him to stay in the siege of a rock, having so many weighty affairs in hand: But he found him more obstinate and proud than he did before, and willed Cophes to departed and move him no more in the matter. Then he took Arimazes by the hand, and required him to go with him out of the cave. When they were come where as they might look about, he showed him those that were gotten to the top of the nag, and scorning them his pride: axed of him whether Alexander's soldiers had gotten wings or no? but that time the trumpets were blown in the Macedons camp, & they might here the alarum that was made in the army. Which matter as many and vain and trifling things are wont in the wars to grow to great effect, so that was the cause why they yielded themselves. For fear so troubled them, that they could not consider the small number that were over their heads, but called Cophen again in great haste, who was departed away, and sent with him Alexander xxx of the chief men, authorised to yield up the rock with composition for to departed in safeguard. But Alexander not withstanding that he doubted, lest his enemies discovering the fewnes of his men, might put them to distress: yet trusting in the felicity of his own fortune, and offended with the pride of Arimazes, would agree to no condition, but that they should yield simply. Arimazes thereupon despairing more of his estate, than he had cause. Descended down to the camp with the chiefest of the nation, that were of kin to him. All the which Alexander caused to be scourged with rods, and be crucified at the foot of the rock. The multitude that yielded with the money that there was taken, were given in gift to th'inhabiters of the new cities. And the rule of the said rock was committed to Artabasus, with the charge of the country there about.   

The eight book of Quintus Curtius of the acts of the great Alexander King of Macedon.  
ALexander having won this rock, with greater fame than glory, because his enemies remained in no place certain, it was necessary for him to separate his power, & so divided his army in three parts. He gave the charge of the one part to Ephestion, to Cenon the other, & took the third part unto himself. His enemies were not all of one opinion, for some of them seeing their defence could not avail, yielded themselves before the fight, to whom he gave the cities and the lands of those that continued still his enemies. 
Messagetes Atynas'.  But the outlaws of Bactria with viii C. horsemen wasted the villages of the Messagetes. For the redress whereof, Attynas governor of that country, went against them with iii C. horsemen, not knowing that his enemies lay in wait for him, which had laid their imbushement in a wood joining to a great plain, whereas they had appointed a certain to drive cattle, thereby to draw their enemies with the greediness of the pray, within danger of the bushemen. When Attinas men saw the drivers of the cattle, they pursued them without order, and when they were passed the wood where thambushment lay, their enemies broke out upon them casting no such perils, and slew them every one. The fame of this overthrow, came immediately unto Craterus, which drew thither with the horsemen. But the Massagetes being fled before his coming, he slew. M. 
Dahans.  of the Dahans that took their part, whereby the whole rebellion of the whole country cessed. Thus Alexander having subdued the Sogdians, returned to Maracanda. Whether (beards whom he had sent to the Scythians inhabiting about Bosphrous) came to him with Ambassadors of that country. 
Phrataphernes.  Phrataphernes also that had the chief rule of the Masagetes and Dahans, (which nations were joined by affinity togethers) sent certain messengers to Alexander offering to be at his commandment. The Scythian Ambassadors made request that Alexander would marry their kings daughter, & if the affinity pleased him, that he would suffer the princes of the Macedons to enter in marriage likewise, with the noble men's daughters of their country: promising that the king should come in person to visit him. He hard gently both the Embassades, and still continued in that place, till Ephestion and Artabasus came unto him, and then joining his power again together, came into the country that is called Basaria. 
Basaria.  There is nothing more esteemed in that nation, then to have great herds of wild beasts enclosed in parks, which be very pleasant, and full of springs. Those parks be enclosed with walls, and towers builded within them to be lodges for the hunters. There was one park in that country that had remained unhunted, during the time of four men's ages. Wherinto Alexander entered with his whole army, chase the wild beasts in every quarter. amongs the rest there was a lion of a rare bigness that came ronning towards Alexander. 
Lysimachus.  Which thing when Lysimachus (that afterwards was king, perceived standing by chance then next to Alexander) perceived, he stepped before him, to receive the lion with his hunting spear. But Alexander plucked him back, and willed him to avoid, saying: that he was able to kill a lion so well as Lysimachus. This Lysimacus on a time hunting in Syria killed by himself alone an huge lion. But he was torn to the bones under his left shoulder, & put in great danger of his life. Which being the matter that Alexander meant, he performed with that word, no less than he promised for he did not only receive the lion, but killed him with one stroke. Whereupon the fable rise how Alexander should have cast Lysimachus to a lion. But though Alexander's chance was good herein, yet the Macedons knew that by the custom of his country, he should not have hunted on foot without the chiefest of his nobility and friends about him. He killed within that park four M. wild beasts, and there did banquet his army, returning afterwards to Macicanda. Actabasus excusing himself there by his age, that he was unapt for the rule of that country, Alexander committed the same to Clitus, 
Clitus.  which was he that defended him with his target when he was fight bareheaded at the river of Granick, & there cut of with his sword Rosaceris hand, that was in a readiness to strike the king. He was an old soldier of Philip'S his father, & notable in many feats of war that he had done. Hellanice his sister was Alexander's nurse, 
Hellanice.  whom he loved no less than his own mother. For these causes he committed the strongest part of his Empire to his fidelititie. The king that purposed to set forward in his journey the next day, 
Alexander offended his friends with overmuch advaunting of himself.  made that night a solemn banquet, wherein (being overgreat an advaunter of himself) when he was chafed with drinking, began to set forth the acts that he had done, in such sort that his words offended the ears of such as knew them to be true. The ancient men kept silence till such time as he began to deface the doings of Philippe his father, advaunting the notable victory at Cheronese to be his deed. The glory whereof (he said) was taken from him by the malice and envy of his father. For he alleged how in the mutiny which rose between the Macedons and the Greek soldiers, when Philippe lay hurt of a wound which he received at that fray. thought himself sure no otherwise then to counterfeit to be dead: When he defended his body with his buckler, & slew them with his own hand that ran upon Philip to have killed him. Which act (he said) his father would never gladly confess, nor never could abide to acknowledge his safeguard to come by his son. He also declared how after the journey he made by himself into Illiria, in writing unto his father he ascribed the victory unto himself, which overthrew his enemies & put them to flight, when Philip was away. He said that in his opinion it deserved but small commendation to make a journey into Samothracia, when Asia ought to have been spoiled & brent. Nor he thought no man worthy praise in deed but such as do so great acts, that they exceed all men's credit. The young men that were present were glad to hear these words and such other like, but they were ungrateful unto the ancients specially for Philip's cause, under whom they had long served. Then Clitus which in like case was not very sober, turned to such as sat beneath him, rehearsing verses of Euripides, whereof the king might rather hear the sound then the words. The effect of them was, that the Greeks did evil, which in the monuments of their victories, did subscribe only the names of their kings, which usurped the glory to themselves the other men did win by shedding of their blood. Alexander therefore which judged his words to been worse than they were, inquired of such as sat next him what Clitus said. But when they kept silence: Clitus with a louder voice rehearsed Philip'S doings, & wars he made in Grease one after an other, prefarring them before any acts done since that time. Whereupon there did rise a contention between the young men and the old. But the king enforcing a paciens in himself, when he hard Clitus deface his praise, conceived a wonderful wrath in his mind. Yet it seemed that he would have bridled his affection, if Clitus would have made one and of his presumptuous talk. But when he would not cease, he gave occasion to Alexander to be further moved. Then Clitus did proceed so fareforth, that he durst defend Parmenio case and prefarred the victory that Philip wan of the athenians, before the destruction of Thebes, & going further & further, not only through drunkenship but even of a forwardness of a contentious mind, at length said: If we must die through thee, 
Clitus words.  Clitus is the first. For they receive greatest rewards of thy victory that can most shamefully deface thy father's memory. The country of Sogdian is given unto me, that hath so often rebelled, and now not only unsubdued, but such one as by no means can be brought to subjection I am placed amongs those wild beasts, that be of such an uncivil disposition. But I could pass over things pertaining to myself: if the soldiers of Philip were not despised, forgetting that if the old Atharias had not turned again the young men▪ that gave over the fight, we had yet styked about Alycarnasus. How is it then that Asia is conquered with thes young men? But I see it is true that your uncle said in Italy he chanced upon men & you upon women. There was nothing that Clitus speak or did in his rashness, that moved more the king, than the honourable mention made of Parmenio yet for all that he kept in his grief & was contented to command him only to departed out of the festnor speak any evil words against Clitus, Saving that he said: if he should talk a little longer he would brayed me with the saving of his life: whereof in very deed he would oftentimes proudly advance himself. But notwithstanding that the king had willed him to depart, yet he tarried still and would not rise. And therefore such as sat next him took him by the arms to lead him away blaming and giving him exhortation, for his better usage. When Clitus saw himself drawn forth against his will. Ire was added to his drunkness, and declared then aloud: how that he with his breast defended the kings back, but now when the good turn was past, the very memory of his benefit was hated. And therewith laid to his charge the death of Attalus, and finally mocked the Oracle of jupiter whom Alexander claimed to be his father and said, that he told him better truth, than his father did. At those words the king was stirred to such wrath, as he could scarcely have borne being sober. But having then his senses overcome with drink leaped suddenly from the table. His friends were amazed with throwing down the cups for haste, risse to wait the end of the thing, they saw him go about in such a fury. He took a spear out of a squire's hand and would have stricken Clitus that was yet raging with thintemperance of his tongue. But he was stopped by Ptolomeus and Perdiccas who took him in their arms & stayed him for all his striving. And Lysimachus and Leonatus took away the spear. Then he called to his soldiers for aid, crying out that he was taken by his next friends as Darius was of late, & willed the trumpet to be blown, that the armed men might assemble unto the court. Then Perdiccas and Ptolomeus fell down upon their knees, requiring him that he would not persever in his wrath, which he so suddenly had conceived, but rather respite his displeasure, saying that he might the next day much more better order the matter But his wrath prevailed so much, that his ears were shut up, and he ran in a fury amongs the watchmen, plucking a spear from one of them, which once gotten, he stood in the entry, through the which they that supped with him must needs pass. When all the the rest were come forth, Clitus came last without light And because Alexander could not discern him, he asked what he was, but that was done so terribly, that the cruelty of the act he went about appeared in his voice. But Clitus which seeing the king in a fury, had no respect how much he had offended him before, answered that he was Clitus, which was coming from the kings banquet. With the word he struck him through the body so that he fell down stark dead, & was all besprinckeled with his blood. Go now (quoth he) to Philip, Parmenio, & Attalus. Herein it may be seen that nature provided evil in the disposition of man, which for the more part can not consider so well things to come as those that be past. For after that Alexander's ire was assuaged, and his drunkenness past, weighing advisedly the foulness of the act he had done: considered then that though Clitus had used overmuch liberty in his talk, that yet he ought not to have slain so noble a man of war: yea, and the saver of his own life, though he were ashamed to confess it. He saw that he being a king had used the detestable office of an hangman, in revenging with wicked slaughter the liberty of words, which might have been imputed to wine. When he beheld the blood of him which a little before he had bidden to his banquet run over all the entry, and that the watchmen were so astonished and amazed that they stood a far of, and durst not come near, his solitariness caused his repentance to be the greater. Then he plucked the spear out of the dead corpse, and would have thrust it through his own body, if the watchmen had not come running, and with great striving wrong the same out of his hands. That done they took him up, and carried him into his lodging. Whereas he fell down flat upon the ground, filling full all the court with the miserable noise of his howling and lamentation. He tore his face with his nails, & required such as stood about him, that they would not suffer him to live in such a shame and dishonour. In these requests he consumed the whole night, and caused diligent search to be made whether it were the ire of the Gods or no, that had caused him to commit so heinous an act. At length it was found that the yearly sacrifice due unto Bacchus was not done in due time. And therefore it appeared manifestly that it should be the wrath of the Gods, that had moved him to commit murder upon eating and drinking. But the greatest thing that increased his sorrow, was the amazement of his friends, when he saw them shrink from him, & that none of them after that deed done, would gladly use such familiar communication as they did before. Then he perceived that he should live as a wild beast in a desert both fearing others, and also afraid himself. The next morning he commanded the body bloody as it was, to be brought into his chamber, which when he saw lying before him fell in weeping and said Shall I after this sort requited my norse whose ii 
Alexander's lamentation for the deal of Clitus.  sons slain for my glory at milatun. I have now killed her brother that was her only joy at mine own board? What refuge shall that wretched woman have. I was all the comfort that did remain to her, and now she shall never be glad to be hold me. Shall I the wicked killer of my preservers, return into my country, when I shall not be able to present my hand unto my nurse without the remembrance of her misery? When he could put no end to these kind of bewailinges & complaints, the body was taken away by the appointment of his friends. After he had lain three days shut up in his chamber, sorrowing after this manner, the squires & such as had the keeping of his person seeing him given obstinately to death, broke all into his lodging, and with great pain brought him (though he long withstood their prayers) at length to take some relief and sustenance And to the intent he should be the less ashamed of Clitus death the Macedones decreed that he was lawfully killed and would not suffer him to be buried, but that the king commanded it. Having consumed ten days at Maracanda specially to confirm the shame he had conceived of Clitus death, sent Ephestion with part of his army into bactria to provide vitells against winter. And committed the same provience unto Amintas which before he had given to Clitus.  

zenippa.  From thence he went into a country called zenyppa that confyneth with the Scythians: which being well inhabited and full of villages, doth with the plentifulness thereof not only detain theinhabiters to dwell their still but also invite strangers to come amongs them. The same was a refuge to the outlaws of Bactria that still rebelled, but after Alexander's coming was known they were driven forth by the country men and two. M. and two hundred of them assembled together which were horsemen accustomed to live by theft and spoil in time of peace. And then not only the war but also despair of forgiveness, had made there cruel and wild dispositions worse. They gave an onset suddenly upon Amyntas, 
Amyntas.  that was Darius' lieutenant. The battle was long doubtful betwixt them. But finally they lost vii C. of there number whereof three c. were taken presoners, and turned their backs to the victorers not without a revenge for they slew of them four score besides iii C.L. that they wounded. And yet notwithstanding after this second rebellion they obtained pardon. When Alexander had brought them to obedience, He came with his hole Army into a country called Naura the lord whereof was called Sysymithers, 
Naura.  
Sysymythres.  who had gotten two sons by his own mother, it being lawful there for the parents to use their children. The same Sysimythres with two thousand armed men fortified and kept the straight at the entreye of the country where as it was most narawe. The passage was defended both with a river and with a rock, through that which rock the way was made by force of hand. The light is received in at the entry but further inward there is non, but such as men bring with them. From this rock there goeth a vault  
From this rock there goeth a vaure underneath the ground that hath issues into the plains, which be not known but to such as be of the same country. Though this strait was naturally strong, and defended besides by a strong power, that letted not Alexander to attempt it, but brought engines which they call Arietes, to beat down such fortification as was made with hand, and with slings and shoot of arrows, did beat his enemies from the places of their defence. When he had driven them away, he passed through the fortifications he had won, and made approach unto the rock. But the stream that grew of the assemble of waters falling from the mountain was an impediment to him therein. And it seemed a wonderful work to fill the channel of the river, yet he caused trees and stones to be brought to the place, and set the thing in hand. When his enemies that never had seen any such work before, saw the work rise suddenly like a mountain, were put in a marvelous fear, whereby the king supposing they might have been brought to render it up: sent one Oxatres of the same nation to persuade Sisymythres to render up the rock. And in the mean season to put them in the more terror, he caused towers of wood to be brought forwards, and did shoot with engines so out of the same, that the enemies forsaking all other strengths, retired into the top of the rock. Oxatres finding Sisymythres in this fear, persuaded him rather to prove Alexander's benevolence than his force, saying that all creatures submitted themselves unto him, & that he only should not be his let, going with his victorious army into India, whereby he should turn other men's plague upon his own neck. Sisymythres would have been contented to follow his advise, but that she which was both his mother and his wife affirmed how she would rather die then commit herself into any man's hands. And therefore being ashamed that the love of liberty should remain more in a woman then in him, altered his purpose, taking that way which was more honest than sure, and dismissed him that was the mean for peace, determining utterly to abide the extremity of the siege. Yet when he had weighed well his enemy's power and his own togethers, began again to repent him of his wives counsel, which was more rash than necessary, & made suit that Oxatres would return, proferinge then to commit himself to the kings will, only requiring of Oxatres that he would not utter his wives mind and opinion, for fear lest she should not obtain her Pardon.  
He sent therefore Oxatres before, and he came after with his wife his children, & all his kinsfolk without tarrying for any assurance promised to him by Oxatres. Alexander hearing of their coming, sent his horsemen before to cause them to stay and tarry for his coming. And when he was come to the place where they were, he offered Sacrifice to Minerva and Victoria, restoring to Sysymythres his former rule and authority, and put him in hope of a greater country, if he would faithfully continued his friendship, and took his two sons presented to him by the father, to serve in his wars. Alexander left his footmen to subdue such as were yet unyelden, and went forwards with his horsemen into other parts. The way was craggy and difficult, which at the first they endured indifferently, but afterwards when their horse hooves were torn asunder, and they utterly forweried, many were not able to follow, but rid disperkled, and out of order, the weariness of their travail so much overcame shame. The king notwithstanding changed often horse, and pursued without ceasing his enemies that fled before him. By reason whereof all the noble young men that were wont to accompany him were left behind, saving only Philippe Lysimachus brother, 
Philip  who then being in the flower of his youth, and of great likelihood to become an excellent man, followed on foot the king that did ride on horseback by the space of fifty furlongs, Lisymachus divers times profring to him his horse. But in no wise he would departed from the king, notwithstanding that he had on his corselet and all his armour. When the king passed through a wood where his enemies lay in embushement, he fought notably, and rescued the king fighting with his enemies. But after they were ●ite to flight and driven out of the woods, the greatness of his courage which had sustained him in the heat of the fight, fainted with his body, and being all on a sweat, leaned himself to a tree, which did not so stay him, but that he fell to the earth, and being taken up again by the kings hands, shrunk down from him and died. The king being sorrowful for his death, received an other tidings, no less to be lamented. For before he came to his camp, he was advertised of the death of Erigius, one of his most notable Captains, whose funerals were both celebrated with great pomp and ceremonies of honour.  
From thence he determined to go unto the Dahans, where he understood that Spitamenes was. But Fortune that never ceased to favour him, finished the journey of his, 
spitamenes.  as she did many other. Spytamenes was inflamed with the overmuch love of his wife, whom he carried with him in all his hazards and adventures. But she that could not well endure flying, nor to change places like an outlaw, became so weary of travail, that by flattery and fair means, she enticed her husband to leave his flying, and go about (seeing he saw no way to escape) to procure Alexander's favour, of whose clemency (she said) he had seen so great experience. And to move him the more in the matter, she brought before him their children begotten betwixt them, making request, that at the least ways he would take pity on them, wherein she thought her prayer would be the more effectual because Alexander was so near at hand. But Spitamenes judging her not to do this by way of counsel, but of purpose to betray him, and that she desired to submit herself unto Alexander in confidence of her beauty, drew out his sword to have stricken her, if he had not been letted by his brethren. When they would not suffer him otherwise to hurt her, he commanded her to avoid his sight, threatening to kill her, if she proffered to come again to his presence. And to mitigate his love towards her, he spent the night amongs his concubines. But his love that was so deapelye grounded thereby ceased not, but rather kindled the more towards his wife. Wherefore he reconciled himself again unto her, making his continual request, that she would not counsel nor move him any more in the matter, but be content with such chances as Fortune would send him, for he esteemed, death lighter than to yield himself. She purged herself of her former persuasion, which appeared to her she said to have been good, and though it were after a woman's manner, yet it proceeded of a faithful meaning. But from thence forth she was contented to do as it should please him. Spitamenes overcome with her counterfeit affection, made a great feast, and after much eating and drinking became drowsy, and was carried into his chamber. When his wife perceived him to be in a deep sleep, she pulled out a sword which she had kept secretly for that purpose, and cut of his head, delivering the same being sprinkled with blood unto her servant that was privy to the fact, and with him only as she was embrued with blood came unto the Macedons camp, willing it to be signified to Alexander that there was one come, that had to speak with him. He by and by gave commandment that she should enter, but when he perceived her defiled with blood, thinking that she had come to lament some injury done unto her, willed her to declare what she would have. She desired that her servant might come in, from underneath whose garment she took Spitamenes head, and presented it unto Alexander. The paleness of the face wanting blood had taken away the knowledge whose it was. But when the king perceived it to be a man's head he departed forth of the tent, and by inquiry understood the matter. The case brought him in great perplexity, and was driven by divers imaginations into sundry opinions. He judged the killing of such one being a fugitive and a rebel to be great benefit unto him, which living might have been a great let and impediment to his proceedings.  
But one the other side, considering the horribleness of the deed, that she should kill him by treason deed, that she should kill him by treason which loved her so entirely, and by whom she had had children, the violences of the acts, overcame the thank of her benefit. & she was commanded to depart the Camp, lest the ensample of such lycencyousnes might corrupt the manners and civil dysposion of the Greakes. When the Dahans understood of Spitamenes death they brought Dataphernes bound that was partner with him in his conspiracy, 
Dahans.  & yielded themselves unto Alexander. Who being delivered from the greatest part of his precent care, determined to revenge the injuries of them which had been misused by the pride and covetousness of his deputies & officers. Therefore he committed Hyrcania with the Mardons and Tapirious to Phrataphernes, to whom he gave in commission to send Phradates his predeeessour to him as a prisoner. 
Stasamer.  Stasamer was substituted ruler of Caria in the place of Arsamus. Arsaces' was sent into Media to th'intent that Oxidates should remove from thence. 
Arsaces'.  Babylon upon the death of Maseus was committed to diditamenes. 
Dydytmens'  When he had ordained these things the third month, he drew his Army out of their winter lodgines to go unto a Country that was called Gabasa. 
Gabasa.  The first days journey was quiet, and the next not very tempestuous, but yet darker than had been accustomed, and not without some signyfycatyon of their calamities that were coming. The third day the element was full of lightning & when the lightning cessed, 
A tempaste.  it was very dark. The beholding whereof amazed the soldiers & put them in great fear. It thundered in manner continually, & the lightning fell in strange symile●udes, So that the Army stood astonied, and durst neither go forwards nor remain still in a place  
Then there came suddenly a shower of hail driving like a stream, which at the first they defended by coverture of their harness. But shortly after their hands were so cold and wet, that they could not hold their weapons, nor yet devise which way to turn themselves, finding always where they turned their faces, more violence of the tempest then before. Every man therefore broke his array, wandering about the woods, and many that were wearied, by fear rather than by travail, lay down upon the ground, notwithstanding that the force of the cold had converted the shower into a frost. The trees against which they leaned, was a great refuge & help to many. And yet they were not ignorant when they rested, that they chose themselves a place of death, for when they left to move their bodies, the natural heat left them. But ease was so pleasant to such as were wearied that they refused not to die in resting of themselves. Their affliction was not only vehement for the time, but also continued very long to the increase whereof the light which is a natural dilectation unto men, through the darkness of the shower, and the shadow of the wood was so taken away, that it appeared as it had been night. The King only was able to endure this mischief, which ceased not to go about the army, drawing the soldiers together when they were disperkled, lifting them up that lay on the ground, and to encourage them, he showed them the smoke that rose afar of from the Cottages, whether he exhorted them to draw for succour. There was not any thing more effectual to their saufeguarde, then that whiles they were ashamed to leave their Prince, whom they saw▪ endure this mischief, they chafed themselves with their labour and travail. But necessity which in adverse fortune is of more force than any reason, found out a remedy for this cold. They fell to cutting down the wood making every where heaps and stacks thereof, and set them on fire. Then a man would have judged that the whole wood had been on a flame. For there was scarcely space left betwixt the fires for men to stand. Then their numbed members began to be moved with the heat, and their spirits which were oppressed by force of the cold, began to have their free recours. Some recovered the cotagies which necessity caused them to seek out in the furthermost part of the wood, & the cest recovered the camp, which was plonted in a moist ground. But by that time the shower was ceased. The same tempest consumed a thousand soldiers, veriets and slaves. It is said that divers were found frozen to death leaning against trees, and yet seemed as though they had been living and speaking together. It chanced that a common soldier of the Macedons which had much pain to go and carry his armour, came at the last into the camp where the king was, who notwithstanding that he was chafing of his own body against he fire, yet he did rise out of his chyre, and pulling of the numbed soldiers armour that was passed his remembrance, set him down therein. He a great while knew not where he sat, or who had received him. But at length when his natural heat came to him, and perceived it to be his kings seat, and the king to be there present, was afraid, and start up again.  
But Alexander beheld him in the face, and said: Perceivest thou not now my soldier with how much better condition thou livest then the Percians do under their king? For it is death for them to sit in the kings seat, and the same hath been the saveguarde of thy life. The next day he called his friends, and the captains of the army togethers promising to restore to them whatsoever they had lost. Wherein he performed his promise. For Sysimithres bringing unto him many beasts of burden with two. M. Camels and great number of sheep and oxen, he distributed all amongs the soldiers, wherein he both restored to them their loss, and also delivered them of their hunger. The king gave great thanks unto Sysimithres, and commanded his soldiers to carry six days victuals ready dressed, went to the Sacans, 
Sacans.  where he destroyed all their country, and of the botie there taken gave xxx thousand sheep in gift to Sysimythres. From thence he came unto a country belonging to a noble prince called Cohortanus, 
Cohortanus  which submitted himself unto the king. And he again restored his country unto him, exacting nothing of his, but that of his three sons, he should send two with him to serve in his wars. But Cohortanus offered to him all three and made a feast unto Alexander with all such sumptuousness as belonged to the manner of the country. Wherein all the pleasures being showed that could be devised, thirty virgins of the noble men's children were brought in before Alexander, amongs whom, there was Cohortanus daughter called Roxane, 
Roxane.  which in beauty, excellens of parsonage, and in comeliness of apparel (rare amongs those nations) excelled all the rest. And notwithstanding that they were all elect with whom she was accompanied, yet she drew all men's eyes towards her and specially the kings, that could not well now govern his affections in such prosperity of fortune, which is the thing that the frailness of man seldom can avoid. So that he which beheld the wife of Darius and her two daughters (to whom Roxane was nothing comparable) with no other intent than he might have done his mother, was then so far overcome with the love of a young virgin, being but of a base stock, if she should be compared to kings blood, that he affirmed it to be a thing necessary for the establishment of the Empire, for the Percians and Macedons to marry togethers: by which only means shame might be taken from the vanquished, and pride from the victorers. He also for his purpose alleged a precedent how Achilles (of whom he was descended) joined himself with a captive. And lest his doings should be thought injury, he would couple himself by way of marriage.  
The father joyful of these news that he looked not for, gladly confirmed the kings words. Who in the heat of his desire, 
A ceremony of marriage amongs the Macedons.  caused bread to be brought forth according to the custom of his country, the same being the most religious ceremony of marriage amongs the Macedons. Which bread was cut a sunder with a sword, and each of them made of it a sacrifice. It is to be thought that such as established the customs of that nation, coveted by a moderate and a scarce diet, to show to them that were the gatherers of great riches with how small a thing they ought to content themselves. Thus he that was both king of Asia and Europe, joined himself in marriage with a maid brought in at a mask, to beget upon a captive, that should reign over the victorious Macedons. His friends were ashamed that he should choose upon drink a father in law, of them that he had lately subdued. But after the death of Clitus all liberty and franckenes of speech being taken away, they seemed to agree with their countenances, the most apt instrument to declare the consent of the mind. After this was done, he prepared his journey towards India, purposing to visit the Occian Sea. And because he would leave nothing behind his back that might be impediment to his expedition: took order for thirty thousand young men to be levied out of all the provinces, and to be brought unto him armed, minding to use them both as pledges and soldiers. He sent Craterus, to pursue Haustenes, and Cathenes, of whom the one was taken and the other slain. Polycarpon also subdued the country that was called Bubacen. 
Bubacen.  And so having set all his things in order, he set his whole imagination upon the war of Ind, which was counted to be a very rich country, and to abound both with gold, pearls, and precious stones, things more appertenent to voluptuousness, then to magnificence, and it was said that the Soldiers there had their targets made of ivory, and of gold. And therefore lest he which thought himself to excel the rest, should be passed in any point, caused his soldiers to set their targets with plates of silver, the horsemen to make their bridals of gold, and their corseletes to be bewtefied, some with gold, and some with silver. There a were hundred & twenty thousand armed men that followed Alexander to that war. When all things were in readiness, for the purpose he long before conceived in his evil disposed mind, 
Alexander coveteth to be honoured as a god.  thought it time to compass how he might usurp the name and honour of a god, and so willed himself not only to be called, but also believed to be the son of jupiter: as-though his power had been aswell to restranie men's thoughts as their tongues. His intent was that the Macedons should fall grovelinges upon the ground and worship him after the like manner the Parcians did their kings. And to such his desire, there wanted not Parnicious flattery: the perpetual poison of princes▪ whose estate hath had more often overthroves by flattery, then by any force of enemies. The Macedons were not in blame of this, for none of them suffered gladly their country custumes to be subverted. But it was the fault of the Greakes, which with their naughty conditions, corrupted the profession of honest sciences. 
Hagys. Chyrillus. Cleo.  There was one Hagys of Argive as evil a poet as was since Chirillus' days and another called Cleo a Cicilian given to flattery both of nature and by the cus●ūe of his country. They with other the dredge and refuse of their countries (whom Alexander reputed more than any of his captains or his kinsmen) would have made it apere to the world, that heaven had lain open for Alexander, and stiked not openly to pronounce that both Herculus, and Bacchus Chaster, and Pos●ux should all give place to his new godhead. For the bringing of this thing to pass the king commanded upon a lolempne day a feast to be prepared with great pomp, inviting there unto all the great lords, and gentlemen bosh of the Macedons and the Greakes with whom when he had sitten and eating a while he departed from them out of the feast. Then Cleo (as was before determined) set forth his talk with great praise & wonder of the king's virtues rehearsing his exceeding benefits towards them all which to requite (he said) there was but one way, and that was: if they would acknowleg him a god whom they knew to be one. For it is a small thing (qd he) to recompense such great benefits towards you all with the cost of alitel frankincense. He showed the Percians custom to be both religious and wise in worshipping there kings as gods, thinking their defence & saveguard to consist in the majesty of their prince. He said, that Hercules & bacchus were defied when they had once overcome the envy of such as lived ● there time. And men that come after do easily believe such things, as have been confirmed by there predecessors. And if any of you (qd he) will stick at this matter, ye shall see me the first that at the kings coming in, shall fall down grovelling on the earth and worship him. Which precedent others ought to follow, & spicially men of most wisdom, that should always be ensample to others in doing their duties towards their Prince. His tale tended direcly aghast Calisthenes whose gravity and prompt liberty of speaking was hateful unto the King, for he thoutht him the man. which only had stayed the Macedones, that else would readily have done to him that honour. hereupon every manes eyes were inurned towards Calisthenes, 
The word of Calis●enes.  which ●●ter silence made, said in this wise: If the king were present, Cleo, to hear thes thy words, it should not be needful then to answer thee, for he himself would make request that he might not thus serve out of his kind, into the custumes of strangers. Nor he would not suffer that thou shouldest deface & bring in the obloquy & envy of men, with such thy parnicious flattery, his noble acts brought to pass with such f●●icety● and good fortune. But because he is away, I for him will thus answer the. There is no fruit soon ripe that will continue long. This I mean by the divine honours, which whiles thou goest about to give unto the king, thou takest his honour from him. There is a time required that men should believe him to be a god, for that gift hath always been given to great men. When they are once dead, by such as came after them. I wish unto the king immortality after his death, & that his life may be long and his estate continual. But sanctifying is a thing that sometime doth follow ● man, but it doth never accompany him. Thou didst rehearse ensamples of the defyeng of Hercules, and Bacchus. Thinkest thou that they were mad gods upon drink, and by the decree of one dinner? the nature of Alexander's manhood must be removed from our mortal eyes, before the fame can bring him into heaven. Are not they goodly gods (Cleo) that thou and I can make? Would the king (trowest thou) be content to receive of us the authority of his godhead. I have great desire to prove thy power. If thou canst make a good, first make a king. It is much more easy to give a worldly kingdom, than the possession of heaven. Thinkest thou (Cleo) that the immortal gods will hear the without disdain, or suffer these thy wicked devices to take effect? they would we shou●● hold us content with the customs of our fore fathers and for my part I am not ashamed of my country, nor I requi●e not to learn after what manner I should honour my prince. For in mine opinion, we acknowledge him sufficiently to be king and victorer, of whom we receive laws to live under. Calisthenes was favourably hard of all men, as the person whom they counted the recoverer of their universal liberty. He did not only in his tale paint out such flatterers, but also lively expressed the opinion of the Macedons, specially of such as were ancient men, to whom the exchange of their old usages were grievous. The king was nothing ignorant of the words that had passed betwixt them, for he stood behind a partition of the hall and heard all the matter. He sent word therefore to Hages, and Cleo, that at his coming in, they should move the strangers only to fall down and worship him after their country custom. And after a while the king as though he had been about some matters of importance, returned again into the feast, than the Percians fell down and worshipped him after such sort as was devised. But Policarpon that sat above the king at the bo●de, 
Polycarpon.  asked one in scorn that touched the ground with his chyrine, why he kissed no harder. With which words he moved Alexander to ire, whereof he was ever unpatient. So that, he said unto Polycarpon: It is thou that disdaynest to honour me? shall I be mocked of the alone? He answered that it was not seamely that a king should be scorned, nor yet a subject be despised. With which word the king plucked him from the table, and threw him down, to whom he said, failing grovelynges upon the earth: Loo hast thou not done thyself, that before thou didst scorn in an other man, & thereupon he commanded him toward, & so broke up the feast. Polycarpon being thus punished, was afterwards pardoned. But Calisthenes whose contempt & stobburnes the king had long grudged at, grounded his displeasure then more deaper, upon whom, there chanced shortly after an apt occasion, to be revenged. It was a custom (as it hath been said before) amongs the noble men of Macedon to put their sons when they were past their childhood in service to the king, as pages to do necessary business about his person. Their usage was to watch nightly by course at the chamber door where the king lay. The concubines were brought in by them, by an other way then where the guard watched. They likewise received the horses of the grooms of the stable, and brought them to the king when he leaped on. They always were about the king both in hunting and in battle, and were brought up in the study of liberal sciences. The chiefest honour was given unto them, because they might sit and eat with the king, none had power to correct them with stripes but only the king himself. This company was like a mass or store, from whence all the captains and governors of the Macedons did come. From thence came their latter kings whose lineage the power of the Romans long after did extinct. 
A treason conspired against Alexander.  Harmalaus one of that number, because he had stricken a hore whom the king had thought to have stricken himself, was by his commandment beaten, and scourged with rods, which rebuke he took grievously, and complained to Sostrates his friend that was one of the same company. 
Sostrates.  Which seeing the body torn, whereunto he had so great affection, and peradventure offended also with the king before for some other cause. Stirred so Harmolaus (which was provoked sufficiently already) that each gave faith to other to find a way to destroy the king. Which they executed not with any childish proceeding, but wisely agreed to bring Nycostratus, Antipater, Asclepiodorus, and Philotas, into the fellowship of their conspiracy. And afteawards they joined unto them more Anticles, Elaptonius & Phimanes. But the mean how to perform this purpose seemed very difficult. It behoved all the to watch togethers, the usage being, the according to their course some watched one night, and some another. For if any should happen amongs them that were not privy to the matter, might be a let to the whole enterprise. Therefore about changing the course of their watch, & in other preparation for th'execution of their purpose; there passed xxxii. days. At length the night came when the whole number of the compiratours should watch togethers, who renjoysed greatly amongs themselves, that each had kept faith to other, whereof so many days silence had given good proof, during which time neither fear, nor hope, had altered any of their minds: so great was the displeasure they had conceived against the king or else the fidelity they bore each to other. They were standing at the door where the king did eat, to th'intent that at his rising from the banquet, they might bring him to his chamber. But Alexander's fortune, & the plesauntnes of such as were in his company, moved him to drink largely, whereby & with other pastimes & devices, the time was so prolonged, that the conspirators stood in a marvelous perplexity, one while glad because they trusted to find him drunk when they should go about their enterprise, & an other while in great agony lest he should sit till daylight for then the custom was to relieve the watch. & other to succeed in their places, and since their course should not come again till the vii night after, they could not be assured that every one of them would keep the thing secret during the same time. But when the day began to appear, & Alexander was risen from the banquet they were so glad to execute their malice, that they were joyful to receive the king. There was a woman accustomed to haunt the court (which being extraught of her mind and seeming by some inspiration to show things to come) met Alexander, and would in no wise suffer him to pass, but persuaded him by all means she could devise to return and sit down again. He said to her in sport that the gods gave him good advise, and thereupon called back again his familiars and sat drinking till it was two ours after day light. By which time an other company had relieved the watch, and were standing before the kings chamber door: notwithstanding whose coming the conspirators remained still after the time of their watch expired. So vehement is the hope which men's minds conceive, when they be drowned in the desire of great things. The king spoke more gently to them then he was accustomed, and willed them to go to their rest, forsomuch as they had watched all the night before, & gave unto every one of them in reward .50. sesterces, with commendation of their diligence that they continued their watch longer than their time. Being thus deceived of the great hope they were in, they departed to their lodgings, in expectation of the night when their course should come again. 
Ephimanes disclosed the conspiracy.  But Ephimanes which either by the genlenes the king showed him amongs the rest, or else that he thought the providence of God had withstand their purpose, suddenly changed his mind, and opened the matter they had gone about to his brother Eurylochus, 
Eurylochus  that was not privy to the matter before. The punishment of Philotas was so fresh in every man's memory, that Eurylochus laid straightways hands upon his brother, and broughth him into the court. He called to the watch and showed them, that he brought ●ewes pertaining to the kings saveguarde. Which thing well appeared, all 〈◊〉 by their coming at such a time as also by their sadness, which was a testimony of their rebubled minds. The watch men called up Ptolomens & Leonatus that lay within the kings chamber, which straightway brought them into the king, & wakened him which by reason of his much drinking lay in a dead sleep. It was long or he awoke, but by little & little he came to himself, and asked what the matter was. Then said Eurilothus, thanked be the gods that have not utterly determined the ruin of our ●amely. For though my brother purposed an heinous act, yet is he come to repentance, & by him the matter is brought to light. This same very height treason was conspired against you, the authors thereof be such as you would scarcely think. And thereupon Ephimanes declared all things in order, with the names of the conspirators. 
Calisthenes.  It is certain that Calestines was not named as one privy to that treason out it was confessed that he gladly gave care to others take, when they blamed & spoke evil of the kings procedings. Some do add thereunto, that when Harmoleus did complain to Calis●enes how the king had beaten him, he had him remember how he was a man. But whether he spoke it to cause him to take the thing in patience, or else to stir him to further malice, it remaineth in doubt. When the king was fully awaked, & called to his memory the peril he was in, gave Eurylochus fifty talents, with the forfeit of a rich man's goods called Tyridates, & forgave his brother before his pardon was required. He commauded the principal of this treason to be kept bound, & amongs them Calisthenes which being taken & brought into the court, the king slept all that day and the night ensuing he was so 〈◊〉 with drinking and watching. The next day he called a great counsel, whereat the fathers and kinsfolks of the conspirators were present, not very well assured of their own safeguard, because that by the law of the Macedons all aught to die, that were any thing a kin to traitors. All the conspirators except Calisiynes by the kings commandment were brought forth. Who immediately confessed the whole treason they had devised. Then every man present reviled them, and the king inquired what he had done to them, why they should conspire his death. When all the other stood still and held their peace, 
The words of Harmolaus to the king.  Harmolaus answered thus. Thou dost demand this thing of us as though thou knowest not the matter. We went about to kill thee, because thou began to reign over us, as slaves and not free borne. As he was speaking those words his father Persepolys first of all called him traitor and murderer of his parents, stopping his mouth with his hand, that he should speak no further. Then the king plucked his father back, and willed Harmolaus to speak, such things as he had learned of his master Calisthenes. Then Harmolaus proceeded: I will use thy benefit, and declare those things which I have learned to the great mischief of us all. How small is the number of the Macedons remaining, that have escaped thy cruelty? Attalus, Philotas, Parmenio, Lyncestes Alexander, and Clitus, be now dead, but to our enemies behove alive. They stood in the fight, and defended the with their sword, receiving wounds for thy glory and victory, whom thou haste very well rewarded. The one be sprinkled thy table with his blood, and the other could not be suffered to die a simple death. Thus the captains of thy people be tormented and put to death: a pleasant spectacle to the Percians, of whom they were victorers, Parmenio by whom thou didst sie thine enemy Attalus, was put to death without judgement. Thus thou usest thy hands of us wretches, as instruments one to kill another, and whom thou didst make thy tormentors, a little before, straightways thou commandest them to be tormented of others. At those words the multitude began to shout against Harmolaus, and his father drew his sword of purpose to have slain him, if he had not been letted by the king, which commanded Harmolaus to speak, & required the rest to hear him patiently, which (he said) enforced the cause of his own punishment. At length with great labour they held their peace, & then Harmolaus began again: how liberal is he to suffer rude children to speak? When the voice of Calisthenes is shut up in prison, because he alone is able to tell his tale, and why? because thou fearest the frespeche of an innocent, & because thou canst not endure to behold his face, & yet I will justify he is not privy to this matter. But other there be here that purposed with me a noble enterprise, of whom there is not any that can accuse Calisthenes of consent, and yet thou that art our patient and righteous king hast determined here his death. These be the rewards of the Macedons, whose blood thou dost misuse as vile and of no valeur. Thou hast xxx M. mules carrying spoil and treasure, and yet the poor soldiers carry nothing with them but unrewarded wounds and scars. All which things we did easily suffer before thou didst betray us to the barbarous, and after a new trade, of victourers make us slaves. Thou allowest the apparel and discipline of the Percians, and despisest the manners of thine own country. And therefore we determined to kill thee, not king of Macedon but king of Perce, and as a fugitive we persecuted the by the law of arms. Thou wouldst have the Macedons kneel to the and worship the as a god. Thou dost refuse Philip for thy father, & if any God had been before jupiter, thou wouldst have refused him likewise. Dost thou maruaille if free men can not bear this thy pride? what can we hope for at thy hands? seeing we must either die as innocentes, or else that is worse than death, live and remain in boundage as slaves. Thou art greatly in my debt, if by this thou couldst amend, for thou haste begun to learn of me, the thing that free hearts cannot endure. Spare them whose age shallbe sufficiently tormented with the loss of their children, but upon us cause execution to be done, to th'intent we may obtain by our own death the thing we sought for by thine. When Harmolaus had spoken these words, the king than answered after this manner: 
The oration of Alexander   
How false these things be which he hath learned of his instructor, my patience doth declare. For notwithstanding he before confessed this treason. Yet my mind was ye should hear what he could say. Knowing very well that when I gave liberty to this thief to speak, that he would use the same rage and fury in his talk, which before moved him to have killed me, whom he ought to have loved as his father. Of late when that in hunting he used a great presumption. I commanded him to be chastised after the custom of our country used by the kings of Macedon. Which chastisement we must grant needful to be done, like as the people be accustomed of their tutors, the wives of their husbands, and servants of their masters.  
This was all the cruelty I used towards him, which he would have revenged with murder and treason. But how gentle I am to all persons, that suffer me to use mine own disposition, since you yourself do know, it were superfluous for me to rehearse. I can not marvel at all, though the punishment of traitors be displeasant to Harmelaus, since he himself is in the same case, for when he commendeth Parmenio and Philotas, it maketh for his own purpose. I pardoned Lyncestes Alexandre, which was accused by two witnesses, that he twice conspired treason against me. And again convicted, yet deferred I his punishment two years, till you yourselves required he might have his deserving. touching Attalus ye remember very well how he wrought treason against me before I was king. And for Clitus I would God he had not moved me to ire, whose rash tongue speaking rebuke and shame both of me and you, I suffered longer than he would have done me, speaking the like. The clemency of kings and rulers, consists not only in their own dispositions, but in theirs, that be under their subjection. For the rigour of such as be rulers, is mitigated with humility. But when men's minds be void of reverence, & high & low be confounded as a like, then force is necessary to repulce violence. But why marvel I, that he did lay cruelty against me, that durst object towards me covetousness. I will not call you to witness one by one, lest I should braid you with liberality, by making declaration what I have bestowed upon you. Behold the whole multitude, which a little while ago, had nothing else but their bare armour, do they not lie in silver beds? be not their tables charged with plate, and possess they not whole flocks of slaves? They are not able to sustain the spoils of their enemies. But it is said the Percians be honoured of me whom we have conquered. Truly they be so, & yet, what greater proufcan there be of my moderation, 
 than that I do not reign proudly over such as I have subdued. I came into Asia not utterly to subvert the nations, nor to make the one half of the world desert, but to give the conquered cause, not to repent them of our victory. This is the occasion they gladly fight for you, and for your kingdom they spend their blood: which if they were proudly used, would straight rebel against you. The possession is not durable which is possessed by violence, but the thanks of gentleness received, endureth everlastingly. If we purpose to enjoy Asia, and not to make a progress through it, we must make them partakers of our clemency and then their fidelity shall make our empire stable and perpetual. And truly we have now more than we can well wish or desire. Covetousness is an unsatiable thing, specially when men desire to fill the vessel that runneth over. But ye will say that I mix and bring their customs amongs ours: It is so, and why? because I see in divers nations right many things which we need not be ashamed to follow. And so great an Empire as we have gotten, cannot otherwise be aptly governed, except we deliver some things to them, and receive likewise some again. One thing is to be laughed at, that I should refuse jupiter for my father, being so acknowledged by his oracle, as who saith, the answer of the gods were in my power, he proffered the name of his son unto me which was not unmeet for the things we purposed. I would wish that the Indians believed me to be a god, for the success in war stand much by fame, and that which is faulsely believed sometime worketh th'effect of things true. Do you me give too excess and prodigalyte, because I garnished your armour with gold and silver, my purpose was to show to men accustomed with it, nothing to be more vile than such kind of metal, and to declare that the Macedons invincible in other things could not be overcome with gold itself. After this manner I shall blind the eyes of the barbarous, which are wont at the first sight to wonder at things be they never so base and wile. And in that we show to make no estimation of it. We shall declare to every one that we are not come for desire of gold nor silver but to subdue the hole world. From which glory, thou traitor, wouldest have bereaved me, and betrayed the Macedons (I being slain) to the barbarous nations Thou dost exhort me, to spare your Parents, It is needful I should make him privy what I have determined upon them? no and to that intent he might die with the greater dolour, if he hath any care or memory of them. It is long ago sins I did fordo the custom of putting th'innocent parents and kinsfolks of traitors to death with them. And I now profess to pardon, and have them all in the same estimation I had before. I know why thou wouldst have thy Master Calisthenes brought forth which only esteemeth the being of his sort because thou desirest to here pronounced of his mouth, those railing words, which even now thou didst spit out against me. If he had been a Macedon borne I had brought him in with the a worthy master for such a desiple. But being borne in another country, he is subject to an other law.  
When he had spoken these words, he dismissed the counsel, & commanded all such as were condemned, to be delivered to the soldiers of their own bands, who because they would declare by some cruelty, the love they bore towards their prince, flew them all by torments. Calisthenes also died upon the rack, innocent of the conspiracy against the kings person, but a man not pliable to the custom of the court, and abhorring from the disposition of flatterers. There was never thing that brought the Greeks in greater indignation against Alexander, then that he not only killed, but caused to be tormented to death, and that without judgement, a man endued with Godly manners & good sciences, by whom he was persuaded to live, when he purposed to have died for sorrow that he had slain Clitus with his cruelty, repentance followed that came to late. But lest he might nourish idleness, apt for sowing of seditious rumours, he marched toward India, always more glorious in war then after his victory. 
The description of India  The whole country of India lieth chiefly towards the East, containing more in length, than it doth in breadth. The North parts be full of mountains and hills, but all the rest of the land is plain, having many fair rivers, which running out of mount Caucasus, do pass pleasantly through the country. 
Indus  Indus is more cold than any of the other rivers, whose water is not unlike the collar of the sea. But of all the rivers in the orient Ganges is most excellent, 
Ganges.  which running from the south passeth directly through many great mountains, until that by the encountering of rocks, his course is turned toward the east, where it is received into the red sea, the violence of the stream breaketh down his bakes, swallowing in trees, & much of the ground. In many places the stream is kept in with rocks, whereupon it beateth. But where the ground is more soft, there the river becometh more larger, & maketh many Islands. The greatness of Ganges is much increased by Acesines, 
Acesynes.  whereunto Acesines doth enter into the sea, where these two rivers meet, the water is violently troubled, whiles the one resisteth the others enter, neither of them seem to give place? Diardenes is a river of the less fame, 
Diardenes.  because it runneth in the uttermost bonds of India, but yet it bringeth forth Crocodiles as Nilus doth, & also Dolphines', with other monsters unknown to other nations. 
Erimanthus  Crooked Erymanthus with his many turnings and reflections is consumed by the inhabitors with watering their ground which is the cause that when it draweth near the sea, it becometh very little, and beareth no name There be many other rivers that do divide the country but none of them be so famous as these, because they do not run so far. The north wind doth blast and harm most those parts that be next unto the sea. But those winds be so broken with the tops of the mountains, that they can not endamage the inward parts of the country, wherefore fruits be very plentiful there and perfit. But that region doth differ so much for th'ordinary course of time in other parts of the world, that when other countries be burned most with the sun, India is covered over with snow. And when other places be frozen, the heat is there most intolerable, & yet there appear not any natural cause why it should be so.  
The colour of the Indian sea not differing much from the water of other seas, did take his name of king Erithrus, whereof the ignorant took opinion that the water of those Seas was red. The land is very abundant of flax whereof the more part of their garments be made. The twigs of the trees be so tender, that they receive the print of letrs like wax. The birds by teaching counterfeit men's voice. There be many beasts that are not bred, amongs other nations. Rinocerities, be there brought forth, but not bred. The elephants of that country be stronger than those that be made tame in Africa, and three bigness do answer unto there strength The water of the Rivers do carry down gold, and run mildly without any great fall. The Sea doth cast upon the Shore both parles and precious stones: Whereof proceeded the cause of there great riches after their Merchandise was once known to other nations? the purgings of the seas being then esteemed as man's fancy would make the price. The dissposysions of the men (as in all other places) be according to the scytuation of the countries they dwell in. They make there garments of lynnyn cloth which cover their bodies down to there feet. They bind souls under there feet of beasts skins, & wrap rolls of linnine about there heads. Such as be in any degree either of nobility, or riches, have precious stones hanging at there ears, and cover all there arms with bracelets and ornaments of gold. They use great curiosity in kymminge of there heads, which they round very seldom. They shave without any form of gravity, all parts of there face saving their chin. 
The voluptuousness and excess in the kings of India.  But thexcess in voluptuousness (which they call magnificence) used by the kings there do exceed the vices of all nations. When there will is to be seen abroad there seruamite carry about them parfuming pans of silver, & fill all the ways where they go●● fine are savours, and they themselves be borne in litters of golds hanging full of pearls, and the garments they were be of gold and purple enpaled together. The armed men follow their litter, & such as be of their guard, among whom there be birds borne upon boughs, which they have taught always to sing, when they be occupied in earnest matters.  
In the kings palace there be pillars of gold carved about with wines of gold, wherein the images of those birds they delight most in, be artificially wrought. The court is open to all comers, when the Kings do comb and dress their heads, than they use to gave answer to the imbassadoures, and to do justice unto their people. When their soles be taken of their feet be anointed with sweet odours. The greatest travail they take, is when they hunt wild beastis enclosed in parks, which they strike whiles their concubines be singing and daliing with them. The arrows that they shoot be of two cubits long, which do not the effect of the force they be shot withal, by reason of their weight, which is an impediment to their swiftness, wherein the property of the arrow chiefly consisteth. In small journeys they use to ride on horseback, but when they have to travail further, they be carried upon Elephants, the huge bodies be covered all over with gold. And because no vice should want amongs their corrupt manners, great routs of concubines do follow them in golden litters. The Queens have their bands separate by themselves, which in all excess of voluptuousness be nothing inferior unto the kings. It belongeth to the women there to dress meat, & they also serve men of wine, whereof there is great plenty amongs the Indians. When the king hath largely drunk, and is fallen in a sleep, his concubynnes use to carry him into his chamber, calling upon their Gods, with a song after their country manner. Who would think that amongs all these vices, there were any regard had of virtue. 
The wise men of India.  There is amongs them a rude and an uncivil kind of people, whom they call wise men, which count it the most glorious thing to prevent their own deaths, and they use to burn themselves whiles they be a live. It is imputed for a great shanie to such as either can not well steer for age, or have not their perfit health if they prolong their life till their natural death approach. Nor there is no honour given to those bodies that die for age. They think the Fires be defiled if the bodies be not alive that be burned in them. Such as live in cities after a civil manner, attain to the most apt knowledge of the stars mo●yng, and to the prophesying of things to come. Nor they can not think that any man doth shorten his life, that looketh for death without fear. They esteem those for Gods that they begin once to worship, and specially trees, the violating of the which, they forbid under pain of death. They count after fifty days to the month, & notwithstanding limit their years as they do in other places. They note not their times by such course of the moune as is commonly used, that is from the full moune, but from the first quarter when she beginneth first horned, & by counting of them after the same manner, make them the shorter. There be many other things reported of them, with the which I thought not necessary to interrupt the order of this story. As Alexander entered into India, the Princes of the country came unto him submitting themselves, declaring that he was the third man that ever came amongs them being begotten of jupiter. They said that Hercules & Bacchus was not known to them, but only by fame, but they rejoiced that they might behold him presently with their eyes. Alexander received them with all gentleness he could devise, & willed them to accompany him, because he would use them as guides in his journey. But when he saw that the whole numbered came not, he sent Ephestion & Perdiccas with part of his army before, to subdue such as would not submit them seluee, and willed them to go forwards till they came to the river of Indus, and there to make boats, whereby he might transport his army. And because they had to pass many rivers the boats were so devised that they might be taken asunder to be carried in carts, and afterwards joined again together. He appointed Craterus to follow him with the phalanx, and he with such horsemen and footmen that were lightarmed went before, and being encountered in his way, fought a small battle, and did drive his enemies into the next ●itye. When Craterus was come, to th'intent he might strike terror amongs those people that had not yet proved the Macedons force, commanded that when they wan the city, they should kill both man, woman, and child, and burn the same to the hard ground. But whiles he rid about the walls, he was stricken with an arrow. Notwithstanding the city was won, and all put to the sword: the very houses not escaping the victorers cruelty. After this he subdued an obscure nation and came to a city called Nysa. 
The city of Nisa.  It chanced the whiles there encamped in a wood before the city, there fell a cold in the night that more afflicted the Macedons than ever it had done before in any other place. Against the which they prepared the remedy that was next at hand, and cut down the wood to make them great fires. The flame whereof caught the sepulchres belonging to the city, which by reason they were made of cedar, were soon set on fire, and never left burning till they were all consumed. That fire made both alarm to the City, and to the camp: for thereby the citizens judged that their enemies would make some attempt against them, and the Macedons perceived by the barking of the dogs and noise of men, that the Indians would salye out upon them. Wherefore Alexander issuing out of his camp in order of battle, slew such of them as attempted the fight.  
Whereupon they within the City became of divers opinions, some were minded to yield, and other thought good to adventure the extremity. When Alexander understood of their divison, he caused his men to abstain from slaughter, & only to maintain the siege. At length they were so wearied with the discommodities of the war, that they yielded themselves. They affirmed their original to come of Bacchus, who in deed builded their city at the foot of a mountain called Meroe. 
The mount Meroe.  The quality of which mountain being reported to Alexander by th'inhabiters he sent victuals before, & passed thither with his whole army, ascending up to the top. The mountain grew full of wines & ivy, abounding with springs that flowed out in every place. The same was also plentiful of many kinds of Apples of most pleasant taste, the ground also brought forth corn without any cultivation. There grew also plenty of Laurel trees, with many kind of wild fruit. I can not impute it to any m●cion of religion, but rather to plenty and wantonness, that caused them to repair thither, whereof the ivy and the vine leaves they made themselves garlands and ran up and down after a dissolute manner, all the holowes and valleys there about rebounding with the voice of so many thousands, calling upon Bacchus, to whom that place was dedicated. Which licence and liberty begun a few, was spread sosodeinly through out the hole army, that the soldiers scattered abroad without order, lay hear and there reposing themselves upon the grass and leaves they had gathered together, as it had been in a time of quiet and most assured peace. Which lycensiousnes of the soldiers rising by chance, Alexander did not withstand, but ten days together made feasts to Bacchus during which time he plentifully banketed his hole army. Who can therefore deny but that greatness of fame and glory, is oftentimes a benefit rather of fortune then of virtue? for their enemies had no heart to set upon them whiles they were drowned in this excess of banqueting, drunkenship, and drowsenes but were as much afraid of there drunken noise, as if they had hard there cry encountering with them in battle which felicity preserving them here, did afterwards defend them after the same manner in the mids of their enemies returning as it were in triumph from the Ocean Sea, when they were given all to feasting, and to drunkenness. When Alexander descended from the mountain he went to a country called Dedala which th'inhabiters forsook & fled to the woods and the wild mountains, 
Dedala.  and therefore passed from thence into Achadera, 
Achadera.  which he found both burned and abandoned likewise of th'inhabiters, whereby of necessity he was compelled to use the war after an other manner. For he divided his army into divers parts & showed his power in many places at ones. By which means he oppressed them before they could provide, and subdued them to their utter ruin. Ptolomeus took most Cities but Alexander wan the greatest, and afterwards joined again his army together, which he had thus divided. 
Coaspe.  That done he went forwards and passed a river called Coaspe where he left Cenon to besiege a rich City called Bezira, 
Bezira.  
Amazaga.  and he himself went to Amazaga where Assacanns being dead had left the dominion both of the country and the City to his mother Cleophes. 
Queen Cleophes.  There were xxx thousand footmen to defend that City which both was well fortified and strong of situation▪ being enclosed upon the este with a swift river that hath s●epe banks defending the city▪ that it cannot be approached on that side, upon the South and the west parts nature as it were for the nonce, had planted high rocks betwixt the which there lay deep holowes and pits made of old antyquitie, whereas the rocks cessed, there began a dike of a wonderful depth and wideness. The wall wherewith the city was enclosed was xxxv furlongs in compass, whereof the neither parts were builded of stone, and the upper parts of Clay. Yet stones were mixed with the clay, to the intent that the fraille substance clinging to the hardre, the one should bind the other. And left the earth washed upon with the rain might fall altogether, there were stanchinges of Tymbre put betwixt to stay the holle worck: Which covered over with boards was a way for men to go upon.  
Alexander beholding this kind of fortification was uncertain what to do, For he saw he could not approach to the walls but by filling of those dikes and hollow places. And that he could not otherwise fill them, then by making of a mount, which was the only way he had to bring his engines to the walls. But whiles he was viewing the town after that manner, he was stricken from the wall with an arrow in the thieghe. Which he pulled out and without wrapping of his wound called for his horse, and letted not for his hurt to give order for such things as he though expedient But at length when by hanging of his leg, the blood drew from the wound and waxed cold, whereby his hurt began to pain him, he then said: That he was called the Son of jupiter but he felt in himself the passions of a diseased body. Yet notwithstanding he would not return into the camp before he had viewed all things that were necessary, and appointed all things he would have done. After that the soldiers had received there appointment, by plucking down of houses without the town, they got great plenty of stuff to make the mount withal. And by casting stocks of trees on heaps into the dykes and hollow places, the mount within nine days was raised up to the top of the wales, and the towers were planted upon the same: such was the labour and diligence the soldiers used in the matter.  
The king before his wound was closed up went to see how the works went forward and, when he perceived them in such case, commended the soldiers for there diligence, & caused thyngynes to be brought to the walls out of the which they that defended the walls were sore afflicted with shot. And by reason they had not seen any such kind of work, were wonderfully amazed, spesially when they beheld the towers of such bigness come forwards, and yet could not perceive b● what means they were moved judged those things to be done by the power of the Gods. And besides they could not think it a mateir of man's invention that so great darts and spears as came amongs them, should be shot by engines, dispering therefore of the defence of there City, they retired into the Castle. And because they could not be satisfied any manner of way till they had yielded themselves▪ they sent Embasseadors to the king to ask pardon. Which thing obtained at his hands, the Queen with a great train of noble women came forth bearing in there hands cups of gold full of wine. Who presenting her little son before the kings feet, not only obtained pardon but also restorement of her former dignity. Wherefore some thought that her beauty procured her more favore, than his mercy. But this is certain that the child which afterwards she brought forth, who soever did beget it. was called Alexander. From this place Polycarpon was sent with a power unto a City called Ora, 
Ora.  where he overthrew in battle th'inhabiters that encountered with him, whereby he got the City into his possession. There were many other Cities obscure of fame, that came into Alexander's hands by thabandoning of th'inhabiters, which assembled themselves together in arms and kept a rock called Aorun. 
The rock called Aorun.  The fame was that Hercules had besieged the same before time in vain, and by reason of an earthquake enforced to depart.  
When Alexander viewed this rock, and saw how stepe it was and unpassable, became void of counsel till such time as an old man that knew well the place came to him with his two sons, offering for a reward to guide his men away up to top.  
Alexander promised them four score talents, and keeping one of his sons as pledge, sent him to perform that he had promised. Mulinus the kings Secretary was appointed with certain soldiers light armed to follow the guide, whose purpose was to receive the Indians by fetching a compass about the rock. But the same rock was not as the more part be, which lying aslope hath ways up unto the top by degrees. For it stood bolt upright after the fashion of a but, broad beneath and ever as it groweth upward less and less, till it becometh sharp in the ●oppe. And it is enclosed on that on side with the River of Indus that hath high & steep banks & upon the otheirwith deep dikes & hollow places, full of water and mud. Wherefore there could be devised no way to win it except those dikes were first filled. There was a wood at hand which the king commanded to be cut down, and causing the bows to be shred of for the carriage, filled the holowes with the bare stocks. Alexander bore the first tree, and all the soldiers followed after with a courageous shout, for there was no man that would refuse to do that they saw the king begin: So that within vii days the dikes and hollow places were filled up. Then the king appointed the Agrians and the archers to go to the assault of the rock, and did chose xxx young men of such as he judged most apt for the purpose out of his own band, 
Charus and Alexander.  to leading of whom he appointed Charus and Alexander whom he put in remembrance of his name that was in comen to them both. At the first because the hazard was so manifest, the king was not determined to adventure his own parson. But when the trumpet blewe to th'assault, he was of such a ready courage that he could not obstaine, but making a sign to his guard that they should follow him, was the first that set foot upon the rock. Then there were few of the Macedons that would gladly have tarried behind, but many left their array where as they stood in order of battle, and followed the king. The cause of many was miserable whom the river that ran by swallowed in, when they fell down from the rock. Which sight was sorrowful to such as were out of daungeir being admonished by the peril of other, what they ought to fear themselves So that their cumpassion being turned into fear, lamented aswell themselves, as those whom they saw slain after that manner. At length they went so far ●urth, that without the getting of the rock they could not return back again without there great destruction. For there enemies rolled down great stones upon them wherewith they were easily beaten down, the rock having so slippar and unstable standing. Yet for all that Charus and Alexander which were appointed the leading of the xxx chosen soldiers, had gotten to the top, and began to fight hand to hand. But there were so many darts cast at them from afar, that they received more wounds than they could give. Wherefore Alexander both mindful of his name, and of his promise, whiles he fought more eagerly then warily, was enclosed about and slain. Whom when Charus saw dead, he ran upon his enemies, and unmindful of all things saving of revenge, slew many with his pike and divers with his sword. But being laid at by so many at onse, he fell down dead upon the body of his friend. The death of thes two so hardy young men▪ and of the rest moved Alexander greatly, yet perceiving no remedy in the matter, caused the retract to be swooned. It was greatly for their salfgard▪ that they retired by little and little without appearance of any fear and the Indians contented to have repulsed their enemies, pursued not after them. Alexander hereupon was determined to leave of his purpoce, seeing he saw no hope how to win the rock, yet he made a countenance as though he meant to continue the sieg still. For both he caused the ways to be closed up. And made an approach with towers of wood, always putting fresh men in place of them that were wearied. When the Indians perceived Alexander's abstinacy, two days and two night they banketed contiunially, and played upon timbrels after there manner, to cause there enemies think that they had no doubt in the siege, but trusted surely to prevail. The third night the noise of there ●imbreles ceased, and many torches were seen burning, which the Indians had lighted to see which way they might escape down the rock in the dark night. Alexander sent Balacrus to descover the matter, 
Balacrus.  who found that the Indians were fled, and that the rock was abandoned. Then asigne was given that the holle Army should give a shout at once, whereby they did strike such fear amongys' their enemies that fled without order. That many of them thinking their enemies had been at there backs, leapt down the rocks and slew themselves, and some main in there falling were left behind by there fellows that fled away, Thus the king being victorer of the place, rather then of the man testyfied natwithstanding with solemn sacrifices unto the gods a greatness of victory, and set up altars upon the rock to Minarua and Victoria. And though the guides that he appointed to his light armed men, performed not so much as they promised, yet there reward was truly given them. And the rule of the rock with the country thereabouts was committed to Sysocostus. 
S●socostus.  And he himself went forwards with his army from thence to Echolyma. 
Echolyma.  But understanding that certain straits through the which he should pass were kept by one Erix with, 
Erix.  xx. thousand armed men. He committed that part of his army that were heavy armed to Cenon to be brought on by soft journeys, and going before in parson with the slingers and Archers, put his enemies to flight, making the way clear for his army to pass that followed after. The Indians whither it were for the hatred they bore unto their captain, or else for to get the favour of the victorer, killed Eryx as he fled away, and brought his head, and his armour unto Alexander. Who considering the foulness of the act would n●t honour the doers, for then sample sake, nor punish them because they served his purpose. From thence by xvi removings he came to that part of the River of Indus, where Ephestion had prepared all things in such sort as he had commission. One Omphis was king of that country, 
Omphis on of the kings of juda  which before had persuaded his father to submit himself unto Alexander. Who in meadiatly upon his father's death sent Ambassadors unto him to know his pleasure, whither he should take upon him as a king before his coming or else live privately in the mean season? And although it was permitted him to govern as a king, yet he would not use the authority that was granted him. He had caused Ephestion to be received in the beast sort he could devise, but notwithstanding had not visited him, by cause he would not commit his parson to any man's fidelity but to the kings. But when he under stood of Alexander's coming, he went against him with his holle power. whose elephants by small distance mixed in battle amongs his footmen, showed afar of, like castles. At the first Alexander did not take him as a friend, but as an enemy, and therefore set his men in order of battle, and his horsemen in wings in readiness for to fight. When Omphis understood the error of the Macedons, he commanded his men to stay, and putting his spurs to his horse rid forwards alone. Alexander did the like making no doubt whither he were afrend or an enemy but thought himself sure, either through his own manhood, or the others fidelity. Their me●ing as it appeared by their countenances was very friendly, but for want, of an interpreter they could not speak togethers. Therefore after they had called one unto them: the Indian king declared unto Alexander, that the cause he met him with an army. was to put in mediately his hole power into his hands, nor that he had not tarried to treat for any assurance by messengers, but upon trust only had committed both his parson and his kingdom to him whom he knew to make war for the winning of of glory and fame, and therefore could not fear in him any parfidye. Alexander rejoiced to see his simplicity, and prouffred him his right-hand as pledge of his promise, and restoring to him again his kingdom, he presented unto Alexander lvi Elephants with many other beasts of exceeding greatness and iii, thousand bulls, which is a cattle of great value in those countries, and much esteemed of kings. Alexander enquited of him whither he had under his dominion more soldiers or tillers of the ground. He answered that he was driven of necessity to have more soldiers because he was at war with two kings whose kingdoms lay beyond the river of Hidaspis'. There names were Abyassares and Porus, but the authority remained in Porus. And said that he was prepared and resolved to adventure the hazard of the battle with such of them as should invade him first. Hereupon Alexander granted unto Omphis both to take upon him the diadem and the name of his father that was called Taxiles: the custom of the country being such that the name ever followed the kingdom whosoever enjoyed it. When he had received Alexander honourably in hospitality three days, the fourth day declaring how much corn he had delivered to Ephestion and to his army, presented to the king and to all his friends Crowns of gold, and besides of coined silver lxxx talentes. Alexander rejoiced so much in his good will that he both returned again to him his gifts, and gave him besides a thousands talentes of the pray he brought with him, with much plate of gold and silver, many garments after the Parcian manner, and xxx of his own horses with the same furnymentes they war, when he did ride upon them. Which liberality as it bond Omphis, so it greatly offended the minds of the Macedones. For Meleager at supper when he had well drunk: said he was very glad that Alexander had yet found one in India whom he judged worthy to receive the gift of a thousand talentes The king bearing in mind, how much he had repent the swaying of Clitus for the rashness of his tongue, refrained his anger but yet ●old him: That envious men, were ever torments to themselves. The next day the Imbasseadours of king Abyasares came, 
King Abyasares.  unto Alexander, who according to there commission offered all things unto his will. Whereupon promise and assurance being confirmed, 
King Porus.  they returned again to their Master. Alexander therefore thinking that through the greatness of his name Porus might be brought to do the like, sent Cleochares to him for to demand tribute, and to somone him to come and make his homage, when he should entre the bounds of his kingdom. Porus made answer that of those two requests he would perform on, which was to meet him at the entry of his kingdom, but that should be in arms & with a power. Alexander therefore being determined to pass the river of Hidaspes. 
Barzentes.  Barzentes that had been author of the rebellion amongs the Arachosias was taken & brought to him bound with xxx Elephants which was an apt assistance against the Indians, that were wont to put more trust in those beasts then in the force of there own nation. 
Gamaxus.  Gamaxus king of a small portion of India, which had confederate with Barzentes, was brought likewise bound unto him. Wherefore committing them both to prison, & the Elephants to Omphs, came unto the river of Hidaspes. But Porus lay in camp on the further side to let his passag having four score, v. Elephants of huge strength of body, CCC. wagons of war, & xxx M. footmen, amongs whom there were many archers whose shafts (as hath been said before) were more heavy than they could well wield. Porus himself did ride upon an Elephant greater than all the rest, who also being of a big stature, appeared notable in his armour that was garnished with gold and silver, having also a courage equal to the strength of his body, and so great a wisdom as was possible to be found amongs such rude nations.  
The Macedons were not so much afraid with the sight of their enemies. 
The River of Hyda●●is  as they were with the greatness of the river that they had to pass, which being four thousand furlongs in breadth and so deep that no ford could be found, appeared to them like a great Sea. And yet the largeness thereof mitigated nothing the violence of the stream, but ran with no less fury then if it had been narrow, apering by the reparcussion of the water in many places to be full of great stones in in the bottom. This river being sufficient to fear them of itself, the sight of the further bank full of horse and men was an increase of there terror. Where the Elephants that had bodies of unreasonable greatness stood in there sight being provoked to bray of purpose, to th'intent that with their terrible noise, they should fill their ears full of fear. Though the Macedons were courageous and had there hearts full of good hope, as they which often times had had expeyience of there own acts. Yet there enemies and the River both together made them wonderfully amazed For they could not think how to keep a steadfast course to the further shore, in so weak, and tottering boats. nor when they were there, could see how to arrive with surety. There were many islands in the mids of the River, into the which both the Indians and the Macedons did swim holding there weapons above there heads. And there skirmished together in the sight of both the kings, which by experiment of such small things, made trial of the success of the holle. 
Symachus Nycanor.  But amongs all the Macedones there were two noble young men called Symachus and Nycanor excelling in boldness & in desperate attempts and through there continual good fortune had gotten a courage to despice all peril. Other young men of the most hardiest took them for there captains, and without any other armour saving there pikes swum over into an Island that was full of their enemies, where through boldness only they slew many of them, and so might have returned with glory, if rashness where it findeth prosperous success could ever be content with measure. But whiles with scorn and pride they tarried for their enemies, they were suddenly enclosed of such as privily swum over the river and were killed with darts which they cast at them from afar. Such as in this case escaped there enemies, were either drowned with the violence, or the Eddyes of the stream. This fight put Porus in great courage, that saw all their doings from the further shore. And though Alexander was long uncertain what way to take, yet at length he deceived his enemy by this policy. 
The policy Alexander used in passing of Hydaspys.  There was an Island in the river greater than the rest, & apt to hide his devise, by reason it was full of wood, and had a great rampire cast upon that bank that was towards his enemies. Where both his footmen and horsemen might stand covered from the sight of the Indians. And the rather to turn there eyes another way from the spying out of the opportunity, he caused Ptolomeus with a great number of his horsemen, to show themselves against there enemies far of from the Island and to put the Indians in fear of there cry, making ever a show as though they would swim over the river. Which thing Ptolomens did many days continially together, to the intent that Porus should be enforced to remove his power to that part to withstand him, and by that means brought them out of the sight of the Island. Alexander also caused his own pavilion to be set upon the rivers side over against his enemies, and all the pomp that pertained to the state of a king, to be set forth within there view, with the same band standing in sight, which was wont to remain about his parson. Furthermore Attalus that was equal with Alexander in years, and like to him of face and parsonage, stood there openly aparayled like a king that it might appear to Porus, that Alexander was still remaining there, and went not about to pass the river. Thexecution of this devise was first letted by a tempest, whereby afterwards it was furthered, & brought to good effect: fortune ever used to turn her dyscommodities into good success towards him. For when the enemies were thus attended to observe Ptolomeus, that lay beneath upon the river against them, and Alexander with the rest of th'army busy about the passing of his men into the Island before mentioned. There fell suddenly a great storm scarcely tolerable to such as lay within there cabbens, which so much afflicted the soldiers abroad, that they forsook the boats and fled again to land. And yet for all this there clamour and there noise was not hard of their enemies through the vehemency of the shower. As this tempast began suddenly, so it suddenly cessed. But the clouds remained dark, that there appeared not so much light, as the soldiers might know one an other by the face when they spoke togethers.  
Which darkness might have feared some other man, considering they had to row in a river that they knew not, their enemies peradventure waiting for them at there landing, whither they went as blind men, that for glory, sought for parill.  
But Alexander used that thing that put other men in terror to serve for his purpose and willed that every man upon a sign given should enter into there boats wi●h silence. His boat was the first that launched from the shore towards the further side that was void of his enemies, Porus only keeping his watch against Ptolomeus. There was but one boat that sticked by the way upon a rock, and all the other recovered the land. Alexander then commanded the soldiers to prepare there armour, 
The batteil betwixt Porus and Alexander.  and fall into array and whiles he was dividing his men to put them in order of battle▪ and marching towards his enemies, it was reported to Porus, that a great number of men of war were come over the river and landed, which would straight ways give him the battle. But he at the first according to the fault that is in man's nature, through the overmuch confidence he had in himself, believed not the matter, but thought that Abyasares which was confederate with him, had come in his assistance. But when the day appeared, and the matter was manifest, Porus then put forth. C. armed wagons and four thousand horsemen under the leading of Hages his brother, to keep Alexander doing. 
Hages Poras brother  They counted those wagons there principal force, for every one of them carried vi men, two archers, two with targets, and two that ruled the horses, which were not unarmed, but when it came to the fight, they let there reaynes lose, and bestowed there darts amongs there enemies.  
But the use of those wagons served that day to small purpose, for the shower that had fallen more violently than was accustomed, had made the fields so wet & slabbye, that the wagons could not stir but sticked in the mire & became immovable.  
Whereas Alexander being without baggage or any other thing that might be impediment unto him firesely invaded his enemies. The Scythians and the Dahans were the first that gave the onset and Pardicas was appointed with the horsemen to charge upon the right hand battle of the Indians. Then the battles beginning to join in all parts, they that had the charge of the wagons counting them the last refuge slacked there reins, and rushed forwards into the mids of the fight. The coming of thes wagons appeared to be a matter dangerous, and doubtful to both parties. For at the first brunt both the Macedons were borne over, and over thrown by them, and when the wagons came in any rough or miry places, the Indians were thrown out of them. For when the horses that drew were once galled, and put in fear, they carried the wagons without government, and tumbled part in the mire, and part in the river. A few travarsed the fields & fled for succour unto Porus: who seeing his wagons scattered over all the fields. and wander about without there rulers distributed the charge of his Elephants amongs his friends and placed his footmen and archers behind them.  
He had many the soundyd upon Timbrels, being instruments that the Indians use in stead of trumpets wherewith there ears were so filled that the noise of there enemies little moved them. They bore also the Image of Hercules in the frunt of there foot battle, which was done for an encouragement for them to fight well, and for a note of a reprouf & offence to them that should flee from that there standard. For it was loss of life to them that left it in the field. So that So that the fear which they conceived of Hercules that sometime had been their enemy, was then turned into a veneration and a religion. The sight both of the Elephants and Porus himself, astonished the Macedons, and caused them a while to stay. For the beasts being set in order amongs armed men, showed a far of, like high towers, and Porus himself exceeding in manner the stature of man: the Elephant whereupon he did ride, was a setting forth unto his bygnes, which excelled so much all the other Elephants as he himself excelled the rest of men. So that Alexander beholding both Porus and his power, said that at length he had found a peril equal unto his heart. For we have to do (〈◊〉 he) both with terrible beasts, and with notable men of war. And thereupon looked towards Cenon, & said unto him: When I with Ptolomeus, Perditas, and Ephestion, shall set upon the left battle of our enemies, and shalt see us in the heat of the fight, do you then set forwards my right battle, and freshly assail them, when you see them begin to fall out of order. Antigonus, Leonatus, and Tauron, do you bend against their main battle, and set upon their front. Our pikes be long and strong, and can not serve to any better use, then against the Elephants and such as they carry overthrow them, & thrust the beasts through. The Elephants be but an uncertain force, which use to do most harm to their own part.  
For as they use to go against their Enemies so long as they be at commandment: so when they be once put in fear, they turn against their own side, and show most rage towards them. He had not so soon spoken those words but he put spurs to his horse, passing against his enemies, and when according to his appointment he had given the charge, Cenus with a great force broke upon the left battle. And the Phalanx at the same instant broke in amongs the mids of their enemies. When Porus saw the horsemen give the charge, he put forwardꝭ his Elephants to encounter them. But they being slow beasts & not apt suddenly to move, were prevented by the swiftness of the horses, and their bows were not to them of any great effect.  
For by reason their arrows were so long and heavy that they could not knock them within their bows, except they stayed first their bows upon the ground, and the ground being so slippery that they could have no perfit foting: 
The confusion that ●ell amongs Porus men.  whiles they were preparing themselves to shoot, their enemies were come amongs them. Then every man fell from thorder that Porus had given, as it chanceth oftentimes amongs troubled minds, where fear beareth more rule than the captain's appointment. For in so many parts as their army was divided, so many generals there became amongs them, Some would join all their battles in one, other would have them divided. Some willed to stay, & other to go forwards, and enclose their enemies about. There was no general consultation amongs them. Porus notwithstanding accompanied with a few, with whom shame prevailed more than fear, assembled such together as were disperkled abroad, and went forwards against his enemies, setting his Elephants in the front of the battle. They put the Macedons in terror, troubling with their unwonted cry not only the horse; that naturally do fear them, but also amazed the men, and disturbed their order. In so much that they which a little before thought themselves victorers, looked about which way to flee, and save themselves. Which thing when Alexander perceived, he sent against the Elephants, ●he Agrians, and Tharians that were men light armed, and apt to skirmish a far of, then to fight hand to hand. They gave the Elephants and their governors much a do, and sore afflicted them with the multitude of their darts and arrows, that they bestowed amongs them. And the Phalanx came constantly forwards against them that were in fear. But such as pressed over forward in fighting with the Elephants, procured their manifest destruction, who being trampled to death with their feet, were an example to other, not to be over hasty in adventuring themselves. The most terrible sight was when the Elephants with their long trunks, (which they called probostides) took men in their armour from the ground, and delivered them up to their governors. The battle was prolonged doubtfully till the day was far spent. The Soldiers sometime flying from the Elephants, and sometime pursuing after them, until that with a certain kind of weapons called Copida (which crooked like scythes, and prepared for the purpose) they cut the Elephants upon the legs. Those the Macedons had right aptly devised, for not only the fear of death, but also the fear of a new kind of torment in death, caused them to leave nothing unproved. Finally the Elephants wearied with Wounds, with their violente struggling did razed their governors to the Earth, and tore them in pieces, for they were put in such fear, that they were no more hurtful to their enemies but driven out of the battle like sheep.  
Porus being forsaken of the more part of his men, ceased not to cast Darts (whereof he had plenty prepared upon his Elephant) amongs them that flocked about him, whereby he wounding many, by reason he lay open to every man's blow, was laid at on all parts, till he had received nine wounds behind and before, through the which he bled so much, that he had no power to cast any more, but for feebleness they fell out of his hands.  
The Elephante also which he did ride upon, pricked forwards with fury, made a great disturbance amongs the Macedons, until that his governor saying the King so faint, that he let fall his Darts, and to be almost past his remembrance, stirred the beast to flee away, whom Alexander followed in all that he might, but his horse that was thrust in with many wounds, fell down dead under him. Wherefore whiles he was about to change and take an other, was cast far behind. In the mean season Taxiles brother, that was sent by Alexander unto Porus, began to exhort him that he should not be so abstinate to prove the extremity, but rather yield himself unto the victorer. But he notwithstanding that his strength was near passed, and his blood failed, yet stirred up at a known voice, said▪ that he knew him to be the brother of Taxiles, A traitor to his king and his country, and with that word took a dart which by chance was not fallen away, and threw it so at Taxyles brother, that it passed through the mids of his breast unto his back. And having showed this last proof of his manhood, he fled again more faster than before.  
But when the Elephant through many wounds that he had received fainted in like sort, than he stayed and turned his footmen towards his enemies that followed. By that time alexander was come near him, who understanding the wilfulness of Porus, willed none to be spared that made resistance. Whereupon every man threw darts against Porus, & such footmen as stood in his defence, wherewith at length he was so oppressed that he began to fall from his Elephant. Then the Indian wyiche was his governor thinking that Porus desired to have lighted, caused the beast after his accustomed manner to bend toward the earth, which submitting himself, all the rest as they were taught bowed down their bodies likewise, which was the cause of Porus taking and of the rest. When Alexander saw Porus body upon the ground, caused him to be spoiled, thinkyhg he had been dead, and divers ran about him to pull of his harness and his vesture, which thing when the Elephant saw, He began to defend his master, running upon his spoilers and went about to lift him again upon his back. Whereupon they all setting upon the Elephant, slew him, and laid Porus in a cart. Whom when Alexander did behold lifting up his eyes, moved with no hatred but with compassion, said unto him. What mischief and madness was in thy mind, hearing of the fame of my acts, 
Alexander's words to Porus.  to hazard the battle with me and my power, seeing Tapyles was so near an example of the clemency that I use to such as submit themselves? To whom he made answer. Forsomuch (quoth he) as I am demanded a question: I will answer as freely as I am spoken unto, knowing mine own strength, 
Porus answer.  & not having yet proved thine, thought no man of greater power than myself But now the success of this battle hath declared the to be mightier. And yet therein I do impute to myself not a little felicity, that I have gotten the second place and am next unto the.  
He was asked more over his opinion, after what manner he thought good the victory should be used. Use it (quoth he) after such sort, as this days fortune shall put in thy mind, wherein there hath been sufficient proof showed you, how transitory the felicity of man is. This admonishment advailed him more, then if he had submitted himself or made any suit. For when Alexander saw the greatness of his courage, and his heart so void of fear that it could not be broken with any adversity, was moved not only to give him his life, but also honourably to entertain him. For so long as he lay diseased of his woundis, took no less care of his curing than if he had fought in his quarrel. And when he was once healed contrary to that which all men looked for he received him amongs the numbered of his friends, and enlarged his kingdom greater than before. There was nothing in Alexander's nature more perfit or more constant, then that he would ever have virtue in admiration when it was such, that it deserved true praise and glory. And specially when he saw the same in his enemy. For when it chanced in any of his own men, it was somewhat terrible unto him, thinking that their fame might be a destruction to his own greatness, which he ever thought to grow more greater, as they were of greatness that he subdued.   

The ninth book of Quintus Curtius of the acts of the great Alexander King of Macedon.  
ALexander rejoicing in so notable a victory, whereby he saw the confines of the Orient opened unto him, offered up sacrifice unto the Sun, & to cause his soldiers to be more willing to go forwards in finishing the rest of the wars, assembled them togethers, & after he had commended their doings: declared how in that latter battle, they had defeated & broken the force of all the Indians, and should find from thenceforth nothing but a plentiful pray. For (he said) that in the country whereunto he was going, the riches chiefly remained, that was so much spoken of throughout the whole world. In respect whereof, the spoils of the Percians were but vile and baggage, and that occasion now was given them, not only to fill their own houses, but also all Macedonia and Grease with pearls. with precious stones, with gold, and with ivory. The Soldiers being desirous both of riches and of glory, because they had never found his words vain, promised him to do whatsoever he would have them. Whereupon he dismissed them full of good hope, and set them about the making of ships, to the intent that having overrun all Asia▪ he might visit the Ocean Sea, that was in the end of the world.  
The Mountains next at hand were plentiful of Timber, to make Ships withal, in cutting down whereof the Macedons found Serpents of such bigness, as they had not seen before, & also Rhynocerites, 
Rinocerites  beasts that be seldom found in any other place, which name was given to them by the Greeks, for in the Indian language they be otherwise called. Alexander builded a City upon either side of the River of Hidaspys, which once performed, he gave to every one of his captains a crown of gold, and a thousand pieces of gold besides, preferring and rewarding every other according to their quality, degree, and deserving. Abyazares which had sent Ambassadors unto Alexdnder before the battle fought with Porus, sent then Ambassadors to him again, offering to do all things that he would appoint, so that he keep his body at liberty. For he desired not to live, except he might remain a king, and he thought himself unmeet to reign after he had been once a captive. He signified by them to Abyazares, that if his coming should be grievous, he would not stick to visit him in parson. Having thus vainquished Porus, and passed the river of Hidaspis', he went forwards into the inward parts of India, which was a country full of great woods, and high trees, the air very wholesome & temperate, the shadow of the trees mitigating the heat of the sun, and the plenty of springs keeping the ground moist. There were also many Serpents seen, whose scales glistered like gold. There was nothing more dangerous than the poison that proceeded from them, for immediately upon the stinging, Death followed, till such time as the inhabitors of the Country showed a remedy. from thence through Deserts they came unto the great river of Hyraotys, 
Hyraotys.  whereunto there joined a great wood. Which having such trees as are not wont to be seen in other places, was also full of wild peacock's. Alexander removing his camp from thence wan a town by assault, and taking pledges, appointed them to pay tribute. After that he came to a great city (after the manner of that country) which was both well walled, and also environed about with a marisse. The inhabitance came forth against Alexander, and joining their carts together in a front (wherein their custom was to fight) they proffered him the battle. Some occupied darts, some spears, and other axes, and with great agility leapt to and fro their carts, when either they would relieve their fellows that were weary of fight, or else secure or rescue such as were in distress. This unwonted kind of fight put the Macedons at the first in fear, specially being hurt a far of by their enemies, and not able to come to hand stripes with them. But after they had considered their disordered manner, they esteemed not their force, but enclosed their enemies about & thirst them in with pikes, & the sooner to defeat them they cut the bands wherewith the carts were tied to separate them asunder. When they had after that manner lost eight hundred of their men, they fled again into the city, which the next day the Macedons did win by assault: Certain there were that saved themselves by flying, which seeing the city lost, swam over the water, and filled all the towns thereabout with fear. They declared of what invincible force their enemies were of, judging them in respect of their power rather gods than men. When Alexander had gotten that city, he sent Perdiccas with a part of his army to destroy the country, and committing another part to Emnenes for the subduing of such as would not become obedient, 
Emnenes.  he with the rest of his power came unto a strong city which was the refuge of all the country thereabout. Notwithstanding that the inhabitants sent to Alexander for peace, yet they prepared nevertheless for the war, by reason of a sedition which rose amongs them, that made them to be of divers opinions. Some would rather have endured any extremity then to yield, and other thought they were not able to make resistance, and whiles they differred so in opinions, and made no comen consultation amongs them. Such as held opinion to yield up the city▪ opened the gates, and received in their enemies. And notwithstanding that Alexander had just cause of displeasure against the country faction, yet he pardoned them all, and receiving their pledges, removed towards the next city. When the Indians that stood upon the walls, saw the pledges that were brought before the army, whom they perceived to be of the same nation, desired communication with them, who declaring both the kings clemency, and his force did move them to render up their city: whose ensample the rest of the city did follow. 
Sophytes.  From thence he came into the city of Sophites which is a nation (as the Indians think) most excelling in wisdom, best governed, and that have the best customs amongs them. The children that be there gotten, are not nourished and brought up, according to the will of their parents, but by the order of such as have the charge committed unto them to view the state of the infants. If they perceive any not apt to be come active, or else wanting any of their limbs, they cause them straight ways to be killed. They use to marry without any respect of the kindred they come of, or the greatness of parentage, making no chose, but in the shape of the body, which is the sh that is only esteemed amongs them. The king himself was within the chief city of the country, against the which Alexander brought his power. The gates were shut, and no man appeared in arms upon the walls to make any defence, wherefore he stood in doubt a great while, whether the city was abandoned, or else that the inhabiters had kept themselves secret for some policy. Whiles he remained in that expectation, suddenly the gate was opened, & the king (which in good lines of parsonage excelled all the rest) came forth with his two sons, he ware a garment of gold and purple enpaled, that covered the caulf of his leg, & the soles he ware on his feet were set with pricious stones. All his arms were garnished with pearls, and had hanging at his ears two precious stones which were excellent, both for bigness, and brightness, & there he had a sceptre of gold set with precious stones called Berillis, which he after his salutation made, with humble submission delivered unto Alexander: yielding both himself his children, and his kingdom into his hands. There were in that country very notable dogs for the hunting of wild beasts, which specially were given to be eager upon the lion. The king therefore to show their force and property unto Alexander, put four of them unto a great lion, which straightways caught him fast. Than one which was accustomed to that office, took one of those dogs by the leg to pluck him of the lion, and because he would not lose his hold cut of his leg wi●h a sword. But when the dog sticked nevertheless unto his game, he was cut a sondre in peace meal, till such time as he died: having his teeth still fastened in the lions flesh. Such a ferventness nature had wrought in those beasts, as we understood by the report. Some time I am enforced to write things that I can scarcely believe. For I neither dare affirm the things whereof I doubt, nor counceale such things as I have received for truth. Alexander leving this king within his own kingdom, came unto the river of Hipasis, 
Hyspasis. king Phegelas.  and there joined with Ephestion, which had subdued the country thereabout. One Phegelas was king of the next nation, which commanding his subjects to continue in tilling of the ground as they were wont to do, met Alexander with rich presents, refusing nothing that was commanded him. When he had tarried with him two days, and was determined the third day to have passed the river, he found therein great difficulty by reason that the stream was so large, and full of great stones. He stayed therefore a while, to be more fully advertised of the estate of those countries, & of all such things as were necessary for him to know. He understood by Phegelas how beyond that river the●e lay a desert of ten days journey, & next to that desert, the river of Ganges, which was the greatest river in all the Orient. He showed that beionde Ganges there inhabited two nations called Gangaridans, 
Gangaridans. Pharrasians Agramenes  and Pharrasians, whose king was called Agramenes, which used to come to the field with twenty thousand horsemen, &. CC. thousand footmen, two thousand armed wagons, and three. M. Elephants, which were counted the greatest terror. Those things seemed incredible unto Alexander, and therefore inquired of Porus, if the things were true that had been told him. He confirmed Phegelas' report concerning the force of the nation▪ But he said their king was come of no noble blood, but of the basest sort of men, whose father being a Barbour and with great pain getting his daily living, came in favour with the queen, by reason of his parsonage, who brought him to have all the doings about the king her husband, which was afterwards swayn by their treason, and under colour to be come tutor unto the children, usurped the kingdom to himself, and putting the children to death, did beget him that was now king, which was in hatred and disgrace of the people following more the manners of his father's former estate, them such as did beseem the dignity he was come to. when Alexander hard Porus affirm this matter he became in great trouble of mind, not that he regarded the multitude of his enemies, nor the force of their Elephants. But he feared the greatness of the rivers and the situation of the country, so difficult, to entre upon. He thought it a hard enterprise to seek out nations so far inhabiting in the uttermost bounds of the world. Yet on the other side the greediness of glory, & the unsatiable desire of fame, made no place to s●me to far, nor no adventure to be overhard. He doubted also that the Macedons which had passed so many countries, and were waxed daged with wars, would not be content to follow him over so many rivers and against so many difficulties of nature lying in their way. For he judged, that since they habounded, & were so laden with spoil, they would rather seek to enjoy such things as they had gotten then to travail any further in getting of more. He could not think the same appetite to be in his soldiers that was in himself. For he compassed in his mind how to get the Empire of the hole world, into which matter he had but made his entry: where as they wearied with travail and thinking to have past all peril, looked now to enjoy with speed, the fruit of all their labour: yet for all that, his assertion overcame reason. For he assembled his army together & spoke unto them after this manner. 
Alexander's Oration to his soldiers.   
I am not ignorant (my soldiers) how that there be now many rumores sowed amongs you by the Indians, of purpose to put you in fear. But the vanity of their lying is not so new a thing, that it is able now to deceive you. The Percians after that manner would have made both the straights of Cili●ia, and the plains of Mesopotamy terrible unto you, yea & put you in fear of the rivers of Tiger & Euphrates, & yet we wadyd over th'one of them, and passed the other by a bridge. The fame never report things truly, but maketh all things greater than they be in deed. Even our glory, though it be grown to certain perfection, yet it is more in fame, then in effect. Which of you of late did think, that you should have been able to endure the Elephants, showing afar of like castles. Who thought I could have passed the river of Hydaspis', when I hard it reported to be much greather than it was? We should long ago (my soldiers) have fled out of Asia, if tales could have caused us to turn our backs. Think you that the number of the Elephants be greater, than you have seen herds of beasts in other places? seeing they be so rare in the world and being hard to be taken, are much harder to be tamed. Thesame vanity that hath reported them to you to be of such number, have numbered also their horsemen and their footmen. Concerning the rivers, the more brother they be, the more gently they must run. For such as be narrow and of small breed, run always with most vehement stream. Where as contrariwise the broad river pass their course more mildly. But you will peradventure say that all the peril is at the shore, where your enemies shall wait for your arrival. Whatsoever the river be the hazard is all one at the landing. But imagine that all those things were true. Whether is it the greatness of the beasts, or the multitude of the men that put you in fear? As concerning the Elephants we have had experience of them of late, how much more vigorously the rage against their own party then against us. What should we esteem them, but only abate the greatness of their bodies, with such weapons as we have prepared for the purpose. What matter is it whether they be of the like number that Porus had, or whether they be iii M. seeing that we perceive, that when two or three be once wounded, the rest bend themselves to ●le away? And forasmuch as they cannot well be governed when they be but few, when there be so many thousands together they must then needs be an impediment one to another, and breed a confusion amongs themselves, they be so unwieldy by reason of their huge bodies, that they be neither apt to pass forwards, nor yet to i'll. I have always so little esteemed them, that when I have had plenty of that kind, I would never use them: knowing very well that they be more dangerous to such as occupy than, then they be to their enemies. But peradventure it is the multitude of their horsemen & footmen that do move you? have you been accustomed to fight, against small numbers, or is it the first time that you have encountered with disordered multitudes? The rivers of Granick is a witness how invincible the power of the Macedons is against any multitude. And so is Cilicia the flowed with the Percians blood, and Arbella whose plains be strewed with their bones. It is over late to count the number of your enemies, after that with your victory ye have made Asia desert. When ye passed over Hellespont, you should then have considered your small number. Now the Scythians do follow us, we have aid at hand from the Bactrians, & we supply our power with the Sogdians. Yet for all that it is not in them I put my confidence. I have a regard unto your force, I reserve your manhood about me, as a pledge and assurance of my acts and doings. So long as I may stand in the field amongs you, I will neither way myself nor mine enemies. Do you but show an appearance that there is hope in you & cheerfulness. We are not now newly entered into our travails, but have passed all our labours, being come to the rising of the son, and to the Ocean sea, except our own slougthe be our impediment. From thence having subdued the world, we shall return as victorers into our country. Do not you as these negligent husbandmen, that lose their fruit after it is once ripe. The rewards of our journey be greater than our peril. The country that we go unto, is rich and of no force, thither I purpose to bring you both to win glory, & to get you spoil, for worthy you are to carry such riches in to your country, which be so plentiful there, that the sea doth cast them up against the shore. You be men of that virtue, that ye ought to leave not ●yng unproved, nor nothing undone for fear. I desire and pray you by the glory ye have gotten in which ye exceed the state of men, and by all that I have deserved of you, and you of me, wherewith ye remain as invincible: that ye will not forsake me, purposing to visit the end of the world, me I say, that have been brought up as a child amongs you, I will make no mention how I am your king: In the rest of things I have commanded you, let me now entreat you in this one point. It is I that make this request unto you, which never commanded you any thing, but I put myself foremost in thadventure & danger, and the which often times in mine own person, have been the foremost in defence of the battle, take not the victory out of my hands, with the which (if envy be not the let) I shall become equal in glory, both to Hercules and Bacchus. give your assent to mine intercession, and at length break your obstinate silence. Where is your shouting become that was wont to be a declaration of your cheerfulness? Where be the countenances of my country men? I know you not my soldiers, and it seemeth that I am not known of you? Me thinks I cry to your deaf ears in vain, and go about in waste to stir up your unwilling and unmovable minds. Notwithstanding all these words, they hung down their heads towards the earth, and persevered still in silence. Then he proceeded: I know not (quoth he) wherein I have unwitting offended you, that you will not once vouchsafe to look me in the face. I seem to be solitary and in a desert. Is there none of you that I speak unto will answer me? Is there none at the least ways will deny my request? What is the thing that I require? even your own glory, and your own greatness. Where be they now, whom I saw not long ago contending, who should first take their king when he was wounded, and now ye leave me alone▪ ye forsake me, ye betray me to mine enemies. But I will not leave mine enterprise though I go alone. Put me forwards to those rivers, to those beasts, & to those nations, the very names of whom ye fear so much. The Scythians and Bactrians shall go with me, which of late were mine enemies, and now be my soldiers. I had rather die then be a king, to be ruled, and at other men's appointment. Depart you home, go I say, and triumph of the habandoninge of your king. For I will either obtain here the victory, whereof you have despaired, or else die a death that shall be honourable. Notwithstanding all that he had said, there was not one soldier that would open his mouth to speak, but stood waiting that some of the princes, and great captains, should declare unto the king their estates, and how that there remained not in them any obstinate refusal of the wars, but that they were so exhausted with wounds, and wearied with continual travail that they were not able to endure any longer.  
As they stood thus astonished and afraid, keeping silence and looking upon the ground, there began first a whispering and a rumour, and afterwards a lamentation amongs them, and by little and little they began more manifestly to show their dolour, the tears falling from their eyes. The kings anger was then so turned into compassion, that he was not able to keep himself from weeping. At length the whole assemble braced out into an excessive weeping. And when all the rest were at a stay to speak Cenus took upon him to press forward towards the judgement seat where Alexander stood, signifying that he had somewhat to say. When the soldiers saw he pulled his helmet from his head (for so it was the custom to speak unto the king) they began to require him that he would utter the cause of the whole army. Then Cenus began in this wise▪ 
Cenus words in the name of the whole army.  The Gods defend our minds from all wicked thoughts (as I doubt not but they will) there is none of your soldiers but be of the same mind towards you that they have been in times past. Whether it be your pleasure to command them to go forwards, to fight, to hazard themselves, or with their blood commend your name unto the posterity. And if you will needs persever in your opinion, though we be unarmed, naked, and without blood, we will either come after you, or go before, as you shall think expedient. But if you will be content to hear the griefs and complaints of your soldiers that be not feigned, but expressed by force of very necessity, I humbly beseech you then that ye would vouchsafe favourably to hear them, that constantly have followed your authority and fortune, and are yet ready to follow wheresoever you will appoint. O Alexander with the greatness of your acts, ye have not overcome only your enemies, but also your own soldiers. Whatsoever man's mortality is able to fulfil, that is performed by us, having passed over so many Seas, and countries, better known to us then to the very inhabiters, now remaining in manner in the uttermost end of the world. And yet for all this, your purpose is to pass into an other world and seek out an Ind unknown to the Indians. Ye covet to pluck out the wild beasts, and serpents out of their dens & lurking places, minding to search further with your victory, than the son hath visited with her beams, which truly is an imagination meet for your heart, but far exceeding our capacity and power. Your manhood and courage is always an increase, but our force groweth in declination. Behold our bodies destitute of blood pierced with so many wounds, and rotten with so many scars. Our weapons now be dulled, and our armour is wasted & consumed, we wear our apparel after the Percians manner, because our country garments do fail us. We are degenerate out of our own fashion, & grown into a strange habit. What is he that hath his corselet, or horse particular to himself? 'Cause it to be inquired how many servants, do follow their masters, and what remaineth to every man of the spoil. Being the victorers of all men, of all men we are the poorest. It is not hadoundaunce or excess that trouble us, but the very war itself. Our munition is consumed, and yet your will put forth this goodly army of yours naked unto those beasts. The multitude of whom though the Indians purposely do increase, yet of their lying we may perceive the number to be great. But if ye be utterly determined to pass yet further into Ind, the country that lieth southward is not so desert, which being subdued you may pass to that Sea, which nature hath appointed to bound in the world. Why do you seek that glory afar of, which remaineth to you ready at your hand? Here the Ocean sea doth meet us, and except your mind be to wonder, we are come to a place whether your fortune hath brought us.  
I had rather speak these things before you, then behind your back, for I seek not to win favour amongs the men of war that stand here about me, but desire you should rather hear their minds expressed in plain words, then to hear their grief and their grudge, uttered in muttering & in mumur. When Cenus had made an end of his tale, them rose a cry, and a lamentation, which with confused voices every where called Alexandre their king, their father, and their lord. Then the other captains & specially th'elders, which by reason of their age had the more honest excuse, and greater authority, made the like request. So that the king was not able to chastise them being in that obstinacy, nor mitigate them being so moved. Therefore uncertain what to do, he leapt from the judgement place, and commanding his lodging to be shut in, admitted no man but such as were accustomed about his person. Two days he consumed in his anger, and the third he came forth amongs his men, causing xii altars of square stone there to be set up as a monument of his expedition, & willed the trenches of his camp to be made greater, and the places of men's lying, to be enlarged bigger, then served for their bodies. For he thought by the increasing, of the form and shape of things to leave a deceitful wonder unto his posterity. From thence he returned again by the way he had passed before, & encamped upon the river of Acesines. Cenus chanced there to die, whose death the king lamented, but yet he said: that for a few days he had made a long oration, as though he alone should have returned into Macedon. By that time the navy of ships which he had appointed to be made, stood in readiness afloat. Memnon in the mean season brought him out of Thrace a supply of vi M. horsemen, 
Wemnon.  & besides from Harpalas vii M. footmen, with xxv M. armours that were wrought with silver & gold, which he distributed amongs his men, & commanded the old to be burned, purposing to pass unto the Ocean sea with. M. ships. But before his departure he reconciled together by affinity Porus & Taxiles, betwixt whom there was a new discord risen, upon the old hatreds that had been betwixt them. He had of them great aid both in the making and furnishing of his navy. During the time he was about that business, he builded there two cities whereof he called th'one Nycea, 
Nycea. Bucephalon.  & the other Buchephalon, dedicating the latter by the name of his horse that was dead. He gave order that his Elephants and carriage should pass by land, and he sailed down the river, proceeding every day about xl furlongs, so that he might ever land his power in such places as he thought convenient. At length he came into a country where as the river of Hidaspis' and Acesynes do join togethers & run from thence into the bounds of a nation called Sobyons. 
The Sobians.  They declared that their predecessors came of Hercules army, which being left there sick, did inhabit the country. They were clothed in beasts skins, using clubs for their weapons, and though they had left the customs of the Greeks, yet there appeared many things amongs them, that declared from whence they were descended. Here the king landed and merched. CCx. furlongs within the country, which he wasted, and took the chiefest city in the same. There were xl M. men that stood in defence against him upon a river side, but he passed the water, putting them to flight, and after they fled into the city, he wan it by force. The children were slain, and the rest sold as slaves. He assaulted an other city where he was repulsed, with the great force of the defendants, and lost many of his men. But when the inhabitants saw, that he continued still the siege, despairing of their saulfeguarde, they set fire on their houses, & burned themselves, their wives and their children. Which fire when the Macedons quenched, they kindled again, it seamed a strange contention. The citizens destroyed their own city, their enemies laboured to save it: the wars so contrariously changed the laws wrought in man by nature. The castle was saved, wherein a guarrison was left. Alexander went about this castle by water which was environed with three of the greatest rivers in all India, Ganges except. Indus passing upon the north side, and Acesynes ronning into Hidaspis' upon the south. Where these rivers met, the waves rose, like as they do in the sea. They be full of mud and ●oes, which by the course of the water driven unto the sides, for all that the rivers he broad, yet the channels be but narrow the ships must pass in. The waves did rise so high and thick breaking sometime upon the puppes of the ships, and sometime upon the sides, that the shipmen began to vale their sails. But they were so troubled through fear, and the violent swiftness of the stream, that they could not order their tackling, so that two of their greatest ships were drowned within sight. And the smaller vessels which they were as unable to govern, were driven upon the shore without any harm. The king chanced upon the place where the waves went highest, wherewith his ship was so tossed and traversed, that the helm could not direct his course. Wherefore the king doubting of drowning, pulled of his garment ready to cast himself into the water, and his friends did swim near there about ready to receive him. It appearing to him doubtful, which peril was greatest, either to swim, or to continue still aboard. But the mariners laboured wonderfully with their ●ers, adding all the force that lay in man's power, to cut through the waves. By whose importunate travail, the water seemed to divide a sondre, and to give place. So that at length they haled out of the surges, and yet not able to bring the ship to the shore, dashed upon the next flat, it appearing that the ships, and the stream had fought a battle togethers. Alexander having escaped this peril, set up to every river an altar, whereupon he offered due sacrifice, and that done, passed forwards thirty furlongs. From thence he came into the country of the Sudrychans and Mallians, 
●●drichāe ●allians.  which accustomed to be at war amongs themselves, then for their own defence joined in society. They assembled in arms to the number of ix thousand footmen ten M. horsemen, and ix C. armed wagons. Whereof when the Macedons were advertised, which believed that they had passed all perils, seeing a fresh war arise, with a new fierce nation, were amazed with a sudden fear, and began again with seditious words to reprove their king. 
The ●uty ●●s words of the soldiers.  They alleged that he would lately have compelled them to pass the river of Ganges, for to make war upon those nations lying beyond the same. Which enterprise though it were left, they had not for all that ended the war never the more, but rather made an exchange of a new labour, being put forth amongs these wild nations, to make the Ocean sea open to him with their blood and to be drawn beyond the son and stars. They were compelled (they said) to visit those places which nature coveted to remove from man's knowledge. They grudged that to their new armour, th●● were now enemies raised up, whom if they should van●●ishe and put to flight, they could not see what benefit they should receive thereby, but only darkness and obscurity of the air, which always covered the deep sea, which sea was replenished with multitude of monsters, wallowing in those immovable waters, where as Nature decaying, failed of her force. The king little moved in his own respect, was greatly troubled with those passions of his soldiers. 
Alexander persuaded his soldiers.  Wherefore he assembled them altogether, declaring of how feeble a force those nations were, whom they feared so much, which only remained, and were impediment unto them (having passed over so many countries) to attain both to the end of their travail, & to the end of the world. He showed how that in respect of their former fear, he had left his enterprise over Ganges, with the conquest of the Nations, inhabiting beyond the same, and had directed his journey this way, where as their glory should be as great, and their peril much less, and wherein they had not far to travail, saying the Ocean was in manner within sight, the air whereof he felt blowing in his face. He required them therefore that they would not envy the glory that he sought, by passing the bounds of Hercules, and Bacchus, seeing that with so little pain they might give unto their king perpetual fame and immortality. In doing whereof they should depart out of India as victorers, where as otherwise they should seem to fly from thence. It is the property of every multitude, and specially of men of war, to be drawn with every little motion, amongs whom, as sedition doth soon rise, so it is soon pacified. There was never a more cheerful cry made of any army before, them the Soldiers then made unto Alexander, which willed him to lead them whether soever he would, and make himself equal in glory to them, whose acts he did counterfeit. Alexander rejoicing in the willyngnes that appeared in them, removed straightways towards his enemies that were the stoutest people of all the Indians. They prepared themselves boldly for the wars, and chose for their captain one of the Oxidracans that was of an approved manhood, who encamped at the foot of a mountain, made fires all abroad, to cause his numbered appear the greater, and went about in vain to fear the Macedons when they were at rest, by making of ala●oms, with their cries and manner of howling. When the day appeared, Alexander having an assured trust to win the victory, commanded the Soldiers to put on their armour, & cheerfully to fall in order of battle. But the Indians whether it were for fear, or by reason of some sedition risen amongs them, suddenly fled into the desert mountains, whom Alexander followed in vain, and not able to overtake them, took their carriage. After this he came unto a city of the Oxidracans whereunto great numbered were fled, 
The Oxidracans.  aswell in trust of the strength of the place, as of their own power. As Alexander was about to make the approach, Demophon his diviner admonished him, 
Demophon.  that he should eiher defer the matter, or else not meddle with it at all, for that there appeared signs that his life should be in peril. When Alexander had heard his words, he beheld him and said. If any man should interrupt thee, when thou art busy about thy science, or considering of the entrails, should not he seem unto the troublous, and his coming ungrateful? Yes truly quoth he. So art thou now unto me (quod Alexander.) For having so great matters in hand, which pass the entrails of Beasts, I find no greater impediment, than a superstitious diviner.  
And as soon as he had spoken the word, he caused them to rear, up ladders, and whiles other men sticked and stayed at the matter, he mounted up the wall. The same was very narrow in the top, not divided with lopes (as is commonly used,) but enclosed with one whole and continual battilment round about, which caused it to be the more hard to scale.  
Alexander therefore having no convenient room to stand at his defence, stayed upon the wall, receiving upon his target the darts which were cast at him from all parts. His soldiers could not get unto him, they were so beaten from the walls by casting of Darts, and multitude of shot that came from above. Yet at length when by their staying they saw their king given up into their enemy's hands, shame overcame their immaculate danger. But their overmuch haste was over great a let, and the cause why they could not come to the rescue of their king. For whiles every man coveted up the ladders, they were so sore laden that they broke asunder, and such as were mounted upon them fell down again, deceiving Alexander of his only hope. So that in the sight of all the army, he stood destitute as in a desert without any aid or succour, and had wearied his left arm (with the which he held his Target) in receiving the blows. His friends cried unto him that he should leap down unto them, who stood in readiness to receive him. But he giving no ear unto them, undertook an incredible enterprise, and such one as hath not been heard of before, deserving rather fame of rashness, then of any commendation that might sound to his glory. For with a full leap he did cast himself into the city that was full of his enemies, whereas he could s●arselye have any hope to fight for his life, or in dying to be revenged upon his enemies. For before he could recover his feet again, it was likely either he should have been slain, or taken alive. But he by chance so conveyed his body, that he fell upon his feet, and standing, encountered with such as came against him, Fortune so providing that he could not be enclosed about by reason of an old tree, which (as it had been of purpose) stood near unto the wall, whose broad boughs full of leaves covered him from above, and the greatness of the stock kept his enemies from coming on his back, and upon the fore front he received the darts that were cast against him with his target. For though there were never so many that contented with him a far of, yet durst there no man come near unto him, and the boughs kept of the arrows and the darts so well as his target did. In this extremity the greatness of Alexander's fame chief fought for him, and next desperation, a great encouragement for a man to die honestly. At length through the multitude of his enemies that continually flocked about him, both his target was laden with shot, his helmet was broken with stones, and his legs fainted and failed under him, by reason of his continual travail. Which thing when his enemies perceived, they took less regard to themselves, and drew more near him, of whom he received two with his sword in such sort, that they fell down dead at his feet. And from that time forwards none was so bold to approach again so near him, but threw darts and shot arrows at him a far of. He lay open to every man's blow, and yet though it were with great pain defended himself upon his knees, until such time as an Indian shot an arrow at him that was two cubits long, which a little above his right thigh passed through his corselet. By reason of that wound he shed so much blood, that he let his sword fall, as one at the point of death, and therewith so faint, that he had not strength to pluck out the arrow. Then the Indian which had hurt him, came with great joy to spoil his body. But when Alexander felt his enemy's hand upon him (moved as it is to be thought) with despite, to receive an infamy to that extremity, called again his spirits that were passing away, and with his sword thrust his enemy (being unarmed) through the body. When he had thus slain two of his enemies which lay dead before him, all the rest stood amazed a far of. Then Alexander desiring before his last breath should fail him, to be killed fighting, began to raise up his body upon his target, but his strength would not serve him thereunto, & therefore reiched at a bough that hung over his head, coveting thereby to have raised up himself, but his strength not suffising thereunto, he fell down again upon his knees, and by a sign made with his hand, challenged his enemies, if any of them durst come and match with him. At the last Pencestes repulcinge his enemies upon an other part of the city, got into the town, 
Pencestes  and coasting along the walls, came unto the place where the king was. When Alexander espied him, though he had no hope to live, yet he took his coming for a comfort to his death, and for all his feebleness began to rear up himself. 
Timeus. Leonatus. Aristonus.  Then came Timeus, and within a while Leonatus▪ and after them Aristanus. When it was once published amongs the Indians, that Alexander was entered within the walls, they left their defence in other places, and came flocking thither, where as they fiercely assailed such as stood in defence of the Kings person. Tymeus after that he had fought notably, and received many wounds, was there slain. Pencestes also notwithstanding that he was stricken and wounded with their Darts, yet with his Target he defended the kings person, without any reguarde of himself. And Leonatus whiles he resisted the Indians, that egerlye pressed upon Alexander, received so sore a stripe upon the neck, that he fell down in a swoon at the kings feet. By that time Pencestes became so feeble of his wounds, that he was not able to defend him any more. The last hope and refuge remained in Aristonus, who also was so grievously wounded, that he could not endure any longer the force of the Indians.  
In the mean season the fame was spread amongs the Macedons, that their king was slain, which being a matter that should have put others in fear, stirred up their harres, and made them the hardy. For from that time forwards, there was none that had respect of his own peril, but adventured to the wall, and breaking down the same with pikeaxes, entered at the breach making slaughter of their enemies, of whom few stood at defence, but fled away. There was never man nor woman spared, old nor young. For they met none but they judged him to be the person that had hurt their king, and so at length with the murder of the multitude, their just ire was satisfied. 
Clitarchus Timagenes  Clitarchus and Tymagenes do write that Ptolomeus which afterwards became king of Egipte was present in this encounter. But he himself that used not to deny any thing that stood with his own glory, did put in memory how that he was then absent, and sent about an other enterprise. Such a negligence was in them that did write the antiquities of things, or else an overmuch credulity, which is a fault, no less than the other. When Alexander was brought into his lodging, the Surgians cut of the stolen of that shaft in such wise, that they moved not the head that was within the flesh. And when they saw the wound bare, they perceived hokes to be within the arrow head, so that without the destruction of his body it could not be pulled out, except by incision they made the wound greater. And yet in that point they feared, least abundance of blood should be impediment unto them. For the head was very great, and it seamed to be entered far within his body.  
There was one Critobolus that was very cunning and most excellent amongs all the Physicians and surgeons, 
Crytobol●.  and yet in so dangerous a matter as this, he was fearful and in doubt to set to his hands, lest if any thing should chance to the king otherwise then well, whiles he remained in his cure, the blame might light upon his head. Therefore when Alexander perceived by his weeping the fea● he was in, and that through trouble of mind he looked pale in the face, said unto him: What is it that thou lookest for, or why dost thou stay in ridding me quickly out of this pain, at the least ways by death, if thou canst not otherwise bring it to pass? For seeing my wound is uncurable, why dost thou fear that any thing should be laid unto thy charge. When Critobolus heard his words, he either ceased, or dissimuled his fear, and exhorted Alexander that he would suffer himself to be holden whiles they pulled out the arrows head that was within his flesh, for the least motion (he said) might be hurtful unto him. The king would not be holden, but held his body at a stay without moving in such sort as they appointed him. When they had cut the wound wider, and pulled out the head, there issued such abundance of blood, that the king fell in a sound, & dimness came over his sight, he stretching out himself as one in the point of death. Then they wrought all the means they could to staunch the bloulde, but when they perceived it would not avail, his friends began to cry out and lament, thinking verily that there had been no way but death. Notwithstanding at length he ceased his bleading, and recovering again his spirits, began to know them that stood about him. All that day and the night ensuing, the men of war stood in arms about the kings lodging, confessing that all their lives depended upon his breath and would not remove from thence, before they understood that he took some rest. But when they knew that he was fallen a sleep, they returned into the camp, bringing unto the rest more certain hope of his recovery. Alexander about the curing of his wound, remained there seven days, and understanding that a constant fame of his death was spread abroad amongs the Indians, he caused two ships to be fastened together, and a lodging to be made for him in the mids. So that remaining upon the water, he might be seen from both sides of the land, of them that thought he had been dead. When the country men by the view of him, perceived he was on live they took away the hope that some had conceived upon the false report. From thence he passed down the stream, leaving a distance between his ship, and the rest of the navy, to the intent that with the beating of the oores, they should not disturb him of his rest, which was necessary for his weak body. The fourth day after his enbarking, he came into a country abandoned of the inhabitors, but yet plentiful both of corn and cattle, in which place he thought expedient both to rest himself and his soldiers. It was a custom amongs the Macedons, that when their King was diseased, the chief Princes, and the great men, watched about his lodging. Which manner being then observed, they entered all together into the chamber where Alexander lay, at whose sodoine coming he was some what amazed, specially because they came all together. He thought they had brought him some strange tidings and enquered of them if they understood of any new assemble of his enemies. Then Craterus which was appointed to speak in the behalf of them all, said to him after this manner.  
Do you think that the coming of any enemies could make us so careful, 
Craterus words to Alexander.  though they were entered within your camp, as we be of your health and saufeguarde, for all that it is a thing which you reguarde least. Though all nations conspire: against us with their power, though the whole world were filled full of men of war, the Seas overspread with ships and never so many strange beasts brought against us, it consisteth in the moment of your person to make us victorers. But how can any God promise that you which be light and star of Macedon, can be of any continuance▪ saying that you be so desirous to put your person in such manifest perils, not remembering that with your death you draw with you into ruin, the lives of so many of your countrymen? What is he that either can or doth desire to live after you? We are come so far forth following your fortune and authority, that without you, none of us is able toreturne home again.  
If ye were yet contending with Darius for the kingdom of Perce, though we all would wish that you would not adventure your person so per●louslye yet in that case we could not marvel so much of your prompt audaritie. For where the danger and the benefit that ensueth thereof is equal, than the fruit is the greater when the matter succeadeth well, and the comfort is the more, when the thing chanceth evil. There is no man, not only of us that be your soldiers, but even of such as were your enemies, having any understanding of your greatness, that can suffer so base a town and of so little fame, be bought with the price of your life, my heart shrinks at the remembrance of the thing, which we but late did see with our eyes. I am amazed to rehearse how those vile hands were in readiness to have carried the spoils of your invincible person, if Fortune of her mercy had not preserved and delivered you from their cruelty. So many of us as were notable to follow you, were all traitors and forsakers of our Prince, and though it were a matter that lay not in our power, yet if it please you to note us all with reproach, there is none that will refuse any punishment in the purgation of the matter. notwithstanding we would require that you would space us for some other purpose▪ We will gladly go whether soever ye will have us, we require war be it never so obscure, and covet the battle, though our fighting shall want fame. So that you will reserve yourself to those hazards which be meet for the greatness of your estate. How soon doth glory vanish away, and become of no praise, amongs such enemies as be of no reputation? And what thing is there more unworthy, then to consume the glory ye have gotten else where amongs them, where as your glory can not appear. When Craterus had told his tale, Ptolemy and the other spoke to him in like effect. And required him all at once with weeping eyes, that he would not from thence forth be any more so thirsty to win praise, but saying he had got sufficient all ready, he should content himself therewithal, and regard his health and safeguard whereupon their universal estate did depend. The king took so gratefully their loving affection, that he familiarly embraced every one of them, and after he had willed them to sit, repeating more deeply their former communicasion, he said thus unto them.  
My faithful loving friends and countrymen, 
Alexander unto his friends.  I give and render to you my hearty thanks, not only for that ye prefer my safeguard before your own, but also for that sense the beginning of the wars, ye have not pretermitted any thing, wherein your love & benevolence might be showed towards me. So that I must confess that my life was never so ●eare as it is now, because I desire long to enjoy you. You be desirous to offer yourselves to death in my quarrel, because you judge that I have deserved that benevolence at your hands. But your imagination and mine is not after one sort. You peradventure do ●oue● continually to enjoy me, & to take of me continual fruit. And I measure not myself by the continuance of my time, but by the greatness of my glory. I might have been content with the riches my father left me, and with rest of my body have looked for with the bounds of Macedon, an age obscure and without any fame. And yet I can not see that they which live in slougth and idleness can assure themself of their own destiny. For even such as esteem felicity in long life, be oftentimes prevented with bitter death. But I which number not my years but my victories, have lived long, if I will weigh the gifts of Fortune. For beginning mine Empire in Macedonia, I have Grease in mine own hands, I have subdued Thrace and the Illirians, I reign over the tribals and the Medeans, possessing an Asia that lie betwixt Hellespont and the red Sea, and now am not far from the end of the world, the which I determined to visit, and to make open to men a new nature, and a new world. I passed out of Asia into Europe in the moment of an hour, and being but xxviii years old, & having reigned but nine, am become victorer of both regions.  
Do you think it then meet that I should now cease from winning of that glory, whereunto I have only addict myself? No I will never cease, but wheresoever I shall have occasion to fight, I shall think myself to be in the Theatre, where the whole world doth behold me. I will give nobility and fame to places that be obscure. And will lay open to all Nations those countries, that nature hath removed furthest from them. In doing whereof it shall be grateful for me to end my life, if Fortune will have it so. I am come of that stock that I ought to desire many things before long life. I pray you to remember that we be come into those countries where the name of a woman is much celebrated for her virtues. What cities did Semiramis build? what nations did she subdue? and what great works did she accomplish? We are not yet become equal to a woman in glory, and yet you would have me to be satisfied of laud.. The Gods be favourable unto our purpose, for there remain for us yet greater things to do. And it is the next way to make those countries we have not yet touched to become ours, if we esteem nothing to be of small valour, where as there is any occasion to win glory. Let it be your care only to preserve me from civil conspiracy and treason of mine own people, & then there be no adventures of the war shall put me in fear, Philippe was more sure in the front of the battle abroad, then in quiet tarians at home. He oftentimes avoided the force of his enemies, but he could not eschew the violence of his own subjects. And if you consider the end of other Kings, you shall count more that have been slain by their own men, then by any foreign power. But because there is an occasion now offered me to utter the thing I have long conceived in my mind. It shall be the greatest fruit I can receive of my acts, and of my travails, if my travails, if my Mother Olympiades' when she departeth this life, might be consecrated to immortality. If she depart in my time, I will do the thing myself. But if I shall be prevented by Death, remember you to perform that I have determined. And thereupon he dismissed his friends from him, and continued many days in the same place. Whiles these things were a doing in India, the Greake soldiers that had land and habitation appointed them at Catabactra, through a sedition that chanced amongs them, 
A rebellion of the Greeks which Alexander had planted at Catabact●s.  rebelled against Alexander. Notsomuche for any hatred they bore him, as for fear of punishment. For they killed divers of their chief rulers, and assembling in force togethers, took the castle of Bactria, that was negligently kept, and procured the Bactrians to rebel with them.  

Athenod●rus.  Athenodorus was the chief amongs them, who took upon him the name of a king, not so much for the desire of the kingdom, as by authority to make himself of power to convey himself and others home into his country. 
Bycon.  But one Bycon of his own nation became his enemy, and conspiring against him, did bid him to a banquet, where he was slain by one Boxus Macerianus. The next day following Bicon assembled the Greakes together, persuading them that he slew Athenodorus but in his own defence, whose purpose was to have destroyed him. But there were some that perceived his policy, and suspicion was spread amongs the rest. So that the Greakes fell to arms of purpose to slay Bycon. But such as were chief mitigated the wrath of the multitude, and contrary to his expectation was delivered from that present peril. Yet he could not be so contented, but within a while after, conspired against them that saved his life. whose falsehood known, they took both him and Boxus, determining that Boxus should be put to death out of hand, and that Bycon should end his life by torments. As they were tormenting of him, the Greake soldiers suddenly in a fury (for what cause it is uncertain) ran to Arms, the noise of whom being heard with them that had the charge of Bycon, did let him at liberty, fearing that the rumour had been made for his delivery. He as he was naked came running amongs the Greeks, where as they were assembled, whose miserable estate so suddenly changed their minds, that they willed him immediately to be set at liberty.  
By this means Bicon being twice delivered from death, returned into his country with the Greeks, leaving the Colonye whereunto he was appointed by Alexander. These things were done in the confynes of Bactria and Scythia. In the mean season the king of the two nations which we spoke of before, sent an hundred Ambassadors unto Alexander, which being men of goodly personages, rid in wagons seemly appaireled, having garments of linen cloth embroidered with gold, and impaled with purple. They declared that the cause of their coming was to yield themselves, their city, their country, and their liberty, which they had kept inviolatelye by so many ages to his will & appointment. Of which their submission the Gods (they said) were authors, & not any fear, for they were contented to yield themselves, before they had proved their power with him.  
The king called a counsel, & received them under his protection, appointing to them to pay such tribute as they before paid to the Arachosians. And besides to sand two thousand five hundred horsemen to serve him in his wars, all which things they performed obediently. This done he made a great feast, whereunto he invited those Ambassadors and his Lords. He used therein sumptuous preparation, ordaining. C. beds of gold to eat upon, which being set a small distance one from another, were drawn about with curtains garnished with gold and purple. In that feast there was showed and set forth all the excess and voluptuousness, which either by long custom was used among the Percians, or by corruption of their old usages taken up amongs the Macedons, the vices of both those nations being there mingled & mixed togethers. 
Dioxippus,  There was at that feast one Dioxippus of Athens, a notable champion, by reason of his excellent force well known unto the King, whom certain enuiousse and malicious persons betwixt earnest and pastime did reprove that he was given to far his body as an unprofitable beast. And when other went to the battle, he would anoint his body with oil, and prepare himself to eat. amongs other that used words of despite against him, there was at the same feast, 
●●rratus.  one Horratus a Macedon who in his drunkenness challenged Dio●ippus, that if he were a man he should fight the camp with him the next day upon llife and death, 
A combat.  where as the king should judge either him to be to rash, or the other to much a dastard. Dioxippus then laughing to scorn the pride and arrogancy of the soldier, accepted his proffer. The next day they were more earnest to go to the combat, than they were before in making of the challenge, therefore when the king saw them so bent, and that they would not leave their purpose, he consented to their will. There were great number of men assembled at the combat, amongs whom there were many Grecians which favoured Dioxippus part. The Macedon came into the lists armed at all pieces, holding in his left hand an iron buckler and a spear, and in his right hand a casting lance, having his sword besides girt to his side, was furnished as though he should have fought with many men at once. Dioxippus came forth anointed with oil, with a garland upon his head, and having a read cloak wrapped about his left arm, held in his right hand a great knottiye cudgel. The diversity of their furnishement brought every man in a wonderful expectation. For they could not think it only a rashness but a madness, for Dioxippus that was naked, to match with the other that was armed: The Macedon thinking to kill his adversary before they should come to hand strips, threw at him his lance, which Dioxippus avoided with bending of his body, & before that he could charge his pike, he leapt to him and with his cudgel broke the same asondre. When the Macedon had lost both his weapons, he began to draw his sword, but Dioxippus prevented him wit a close, and taking both his feet from under him▪ threw him to the earth and there plucking his sword from him, set his foot upon his neck, and held up his cudgel to have stricken out his brains, if the king had not caused him to stay his hand. This triumph ended with displeasure both unto the Macedons, and unto unto Alexander himself, specially because this thing was done in the Indians presence. he feared lest the valiantness of the Macedons famed so much in the world, might thereby come into contempt. Hereupon Alexander grudging at Dioxippus bore his ears open to the accusation of the envious. They within a few days after had caused a golden cup to be purposely conveyed out of the way, which the ministers having imbesealed themselves, made complaint unto Alexander of the loss thereof. oft-times men show less constancy, then in the offence itself. For in their complaint Dioxippus perceived by their looks that they noted him as the thief, which he could not endure, but parting out of the feast after he had written a letter to the king, he killed himself. Alexander was very sorry for his death which he took for no token of repentance, but rather of indignation. For afterwards it appeared through the overmuch rejoicing of his enemies, that he had been falsely accused. The Ambassadors of the Indians that were dismissed home, within a few days after returned again, presenting unto Alexander three. C. horses. M. and xxx wagons every one drawn with four horses, certain vestures of linen cloth. M. Indian targetes, & an hundred talents of white Iren, both lions of a rare bygnes, and Tigers that were made ●ame, the skins of great Lyzardes, and the shells of certain fishes. The king than commanded Craterus to conduct his army along the river whereupon he sailed, and he enbarking such as were wont to accompany him, with the stream passed into the bounds of the Mallians, and from thence came unto the Sabracans, 
Sabracans.  which was a nation of great power, not ruled by kings, but by a government of the people. They had gathered together vi M. footmen and vi M. horsemen, and .v. C. armed wagons, and had chosen three captains that were approved men of war. But when such as inhabited next unto the river (the banks being full of villages) saw all the river so far as they could view strewed with ships, and the armour glistering of so many men of war, they were amazed with the strangeness of the sight, and thought that some army of the Gods, or else Bacchus (whose name was famous amongs those nations) had become amongs them. The cry of the men of war with the classing of the oars, and the strange noise of the mariners exhorting one another, filled full their fearful ears. They ran therefore amongs their country men which had assembled their force, declaring their madness if they would contend with Gods. For they said the ships could not be numbered, that carried those invincible people. With which words they put such fear amongs the men of war of their own nation, that they sent immediately Ambassadors to yield themselves. When he had received assurance of them, he came the fourth day into an other nation, which durst no more withstand then the rest did, and there he builded a city which he named Alexandria, and from thence entered into a country the inhabiters whereof be called Musycans. 
Musycans'. Caracanusidans.  There he understood by the accusation of the Caramisidans that Destirioldes (whom Alexander had appointed lieutenant amongs them) had ruled in excessive pride and covetousness, & therefore commanded him to be put to death. And Oxarres lieutenant of the Bactrians being also accused, was not only acquitted, but also had a greater rule committed unto him. When he had subdued the utter parts of the Musicans he put a guarrison in their city, 
Porticanus king of the Prestyans.  and went from thence to another nation of the Indians called Prestians of whom Porticanus was king which with a great power got himself into a strong city which Alexander wan the third day after he began his siege. Upon the taking of the town Porticanus fled into the castle and sent Ambassadors to treat of peace. But before they were come to Alexander's presence, two towers of the Castle fell with a great crash, by the ruins whereof the Macedons got into the castle, where Porticanus which with a few standing at defence, was slain. The castle being razed and all that were with in sold as slaves, Alexander came into the bounds of Saba, 
Python.  where besides many cities that yielded unto him, he took the strongest city of that country by force of a mine. It seemed a monstrous thing unto the Indians, being ignorant of such policies of war, for armed men to come forth of the ground in the mids of their city, there appearing before, no sign of any way under the earth. Clitar●us doth write that there were four score thousand Indians slain in that country, besides many prisoners sold as slaves. The Musicanes in the mean time rebelled, 
Saba.  for the oppression of whom Python was sent thither, who took the prince of the nation prisoner, and brought him to Alexander, whom he caused to be hanged on a cross as the author of the revolt, and that done returned again to the river where as he had willed his navy to tarry for him. The fourth day after passing down the stream, he came to a town at the entry of the kingdom of Samus. 
Samus  The king whereof had newly yielded himself, but the citizens did shut their gates, and would not be at commandment. Whose small number Alexander regarded so little that he sent five hundred Agrians unto their gates to proffer them the skirmyshe, to the intent by retiring little and little they might draw them out of their strength, which were thought would follow in the chase, when they should see their enemies flying. The Agrians did as it was appointed them, for when they had once provoked their enemies, they turned their backs, and the Indians followed them, till they came to the embushement where the king lay. Then the Agrians turned and the fight was renewed again, so that of three thousand Indians there were five hundred slain and a thousand taken, the rest recovered again the city. But the end of the victory was not so pleasant as it appeared in the beginning, for the Indians had so invenemed their sword, that such as were hurt died of their wounds. And the Phisicio●s could not devise the cause of so strange a death, for even the very light hurts were uncurable. The Indians trusted that Alexander through his rashness might have come within that danger, which by chance fighting amongs the thickest, escaped unhurt. 
Ptolomeus  Ptolomeus was fyghtly wounded upon his left shoulder, who being in greater danger, than the greatness of his wound showed, caused the king to be careful of him. For he was near of his kin, and as some thought Philippe was his father. But it is certain that his mother was Philip'S concubine, he was one that had the charge of the kings person, a valiant man of war, and yet more famous in the faculties of peace. He was moderate both in his apparel and living, liberal, easy to be spoken to, and without any such height of mind, as is wont to be in men descended of blood royal, by reason of which qualities it is uncertain whether he was better beloved with the king, or with the rest of men. That was the first occasion he had to prove how the minds of men were affectionate towards him, for even in that danger he was in, the Macedons began to divine of his fortune, whereunto afterwards he ascended. They had no less care of Ptolomeus, then of the king himself, who used him so familiarly that when he was wearied either with travail, or care of mind, would sit for his solace with Ptolomeus, and at that time caused his bed to be brought into his own chamber. When Ptolomeus was laid there, he fell suddenly into a profound sleep, in the which it appeared unto him that a dragonne offered to him a herb out of his mouth of the healing of his wound, and taking away of the venom. When he awaked he declared his dream and showed both the colour and fashion of the herb, affirming that he could know it, if any man could find it out. The same was sought by so many, that at length it was found, and being put upon the wound, the pain straight ways cessed, and the scar within short space was closed. When the Indians were disappointed of the hope they had conceived that way, they yielded themselves and their City. From thence Alexander went into the next country called Pathalia, 
Meres king of Pathalia  the king whereof called Meres left the City and fled into the Mountains, so that Alexander took the same and destroyed all the country, finding both a wonderful pray of shape, of cattle, and of Corne.  
There he took Pilots that knew that river, and came unto an Island which stood in the mids of the stream, he was compelled to remain there the longer, because the Pilots being negligently kept were escaped away▪ ●e sent therefore to seek out other, but when he could find none, there entered a vehement desire into his head to visit the Ocean Sea, and the end of the world without any guide, and so committed his own life, and the lives of so many thousands, to a river that none of them did know. They sailed as men ignorant of all the places they came unto, either how far the Sea was distant from what nations did inhabit the countries there abouts, whether the mouth of the river were navigable for Galeis or no.  
In all these things they were led by a blind and doubtful imagination, having no comfort in their rash enterprise, but only their continual felicity. When they had gone forwards four hundred furlongs, the shyppemaisters told the king that they felt the air of the Sea, whereby they knew that the Ocean was at hand. Thereat he rejoiced greatly and exhorted the mariners, that they would in all that they might make way with the ●ers to bring him to the sight of the end of the world, which he had so long desired. Now (quoth he) our glory is perfit, when our manhood is such that nothing can give impediment unto us, now the world is come into our hands without any further hazard of war, or shedding of blood. Now since the bounds that nature hath wrought be so near at hand, we shall shortly see things unknown saving to the immortal gods. Yet notwithstanding he set certain a land to take four of the country men, by whom he trusted to have known more certainty of the truth. When they searched out their cotagies at length found out some that were hidden. Which being demanded how far the sea was from them, they made answer that they never hard it named, but they said that within three days sailing they should come unto a place, where as a brakishe water did corrupt the fresh. By which words the mariners understood that they meant the Sea, of the nature whereof the people were ignorant. Then the mariners rowed cheerfully, their desire growing ever the greater as they approached near unto the place, which they hoped to be the end of their travail. The third day they came where the sea and the river joined together, mixing with a small flood, their waters that were of a contrary nature. Then because the tide was somewhat against them, they haled towards an other Island standing in the mids of the river, which being an easy place to land at, the Macedons, ran about to seek vit●lles, in surety (as they thought) being ignorant of the chance that came upon them. The third hour according to the ordinary course the flood came from the Sea, and with his force, did drive the stream backward, which at the first being but stayed, was afterwards so vehemently repulsed, that it caused the water to return backward with greater fury than any swift stream is wont to run. The comen sort that knew not the nature of the Ocean, 
The nature of the ocean was unknown to the Macedons.  thought the s●●me to be a wonderful matter and that it had been a token sent to them of the god's wrath, and whiles they were in that imagination, the Sea swelling more and more, overflowed the land which they saw before dry, and as the water rose the ships mounted, and all the navy was disperkled here and there. Such as were upon land were amazed with the sodeinnes of the thing and ran from all parts in great fear unto their ships. But in a tumult haste doth hurt, & give the impediment. Some there were that went about to set their ships forwards, other forbade rowing and removed not at all. Other whiles they made haste away, and would not tarry to take in their company, moved unaptly, and could make no way. Some when they saw them press a shipbord in such throngs, for fear of taking into many, would receive none at all. So that both multitude and small numbered, was a let unto the hast they made. The cry that some made in bidding men tarry, and the noise that other made willing them to go forwards, and there voyses that differed, and agreed not in one effect, took away the use both of their sight and hearing. The mariners could not help the matter, whose words in the tumult could not be hard, nor their commandments observed amongs men in fear and out of order. The ships therefore dashed one against an other, the Oars crasshed a sunder, and every ship either thirst forwards, or put back an other. No man would have judged it to be one navy but rather two sondrey fight a battle together upon the Sea. The poors did strike against the puppes, such as went before troubled them that came after, and the words of men in their wrath, came unto stripes.  
By that time the flood had over flown all the plains there about, so that nothing appeared above the water saving the hills which seamed like little islands, whereunto many did swim and left their ships for fear. Whiles the navy thus disperkled abroad, partly stood a float when they happened in any valley, and pacte sticked upon the ground if they did it upon the flats, according as the ground was that the water covered: suddenly there came an other terror greater than the first. For when then the Sea began to ebb, the water fell back again into his wont course with so great violence as it came forwards, and restored and sight of the land, which before was drowned as in a deep Sea.  
The ships then forsaken of the water fell upon their sides, and the fields were strowen with broken boards and with pears of Oars. The soldiers durst not go forth to land, and yet were in fear to tarry a shipbord looking ever for some greater mischief to come, then that they saw present or passed.  
They could scarcely believe that they saw and suffered, which was shipwarck upon the land, and the Sea within a river. And they thought no eand could come of his mischief. For they knew not that the flood should shortly return again and set their ships afloat. And therefore they Imagined to themselves famine and all extremities. The monsters also of the Sea that after the water was paste were left on dry land put them in great fear.  
The night approached, and despair brought the king into a great agony.  
Yet no care could overcome his heart that was invincible, but that he watched all night, and sent horsemen to the mouth of the river, to bring him word when the tide came. He caused the ships that were broken to be amended, and such as were overwhelmed to be hoist up again, warning all men to lay await and be in readiness against the water should rise. When he had consumed all that night in watching and giving exhortation to his men, streightwaies the horsemen returned amain gallop, and the flood followed them, which mildly increasing began to raise again their ships, and when it had ones overflown the banks the holle navy began to move. Then all the coast rebounded with the unmeasurable rejoicing that the soldiers and mariners made for there saulfgarde whereof they were before in despair. When they saw the danger pas●e they inquired with wonder one of an other, by what reason the sea could so soon after that manner go and come, and debated the nature of that element, which one while disagred, and an otherwhile was obedient and subject to the time. The king conjecturing by the signs he had seen before, that after the son rising the tide would serve his purpose, to prevent the matter, at midnight with a few ships he fleted down the stream, and passing out at the mouth of the river, entered four hundred furlongs into the sea where attaining the thing that he desired, made sacrifice to the gods of the Sea which were worshipped in those countries, and returned again into his navy.  
From thence the next day he returned backwards against the stream, and arrived at a salt lake, the nature whereof being unknown deceived many that rashly entered into the water, for their bodies by and by became full of scabs, which disease taken by some, the contagion thereof infected many other. But they found that oil was a remedy for the same. Alexander lying still with his army waiting for the spring time of the year, sent Leonatus before by the land which way he thought to pass, for to dig wells because the country was very dry and destitute of water. In the mean season he builded many cities, and commanded Nearchus and Onesicritus, 
Nearchus. Onesicritus  that were most expert of naval things, with his strongest ships to pass into the ocean and to go so far forwards as they might with surety for to understand the nature of the sea, and willed them at their return to land either with that river, or else within Euphrates. When the winter was well passed, he burned those ships which he occupied not, and conveyed his army by land. After ix. encampinges he came into the country of the Arabitans, 
Arabytans. Gedrosians.  and from thence in nine days came amongs the Gedrosians, which being a free nation by a general counsel had amongs them, yielded themselves, of whom their was not any thing demanded saving only victuals.  

Arabon.  The fift day he came unto a river which the country men call Arabon beyond the which there lay a barein country greatly destitute of water through the which he passed, and entered amongs the Horitans. 
Horitans.  There he betook the greater part of his army to Emphestion and parted his soldiers that were light armed with Ptolomeus and Leonatus and so wasted the country with three armies at once & took great prays Ptolomeus burned towards the Sea, Leonatus upon the other hand, and Alexander himself in the mides. In that country he builded also a city, and brought men out of Arrachosia to inhabit the same. From thence he came amongs the Indians, which lying upon the Sea coast do inhabit a great country, that is waste and desert. They use no traffic, enter course▪ nor conversation with any of their neighbours, but the desertnes of their country have made them savage, being wild of there own nature. They ware long nails that be never cut, and long here that is never clipped. They make there houses of the Shells of fishes, and of other things that the Sea cast up. And being clad with the skins of wild beasts, eat fish dried with the Son, and feed upon such monsters as the Sea cast up on the land. 
The famine that fell amongs the Macedons.  Hear the Macedons consumed their vitelles & first endured scarscitie, and afterwards extreme hunger, searching out in every place the roots of palms which is the only tree that groweth in that country. But when that kind of norishement sailed them, they killed there carriage beasts, and abstained not from there horses: whereby lacked beasts to bear there baggage, they were enforced to consume with fire, the spoils of there enemies, which had caused them to travail into the uttermost bounds of the Orient. After their famine followed a pestilence, for the unaccustumed nourishment of the unwholesome meats they did eat with the travail of their journey and the care of mind, spread diseases amongs them, in such sort that they could neither continue in a place nor yet go forwards without great destruction.  
Hunger oppressed them when they tarried, and the pestilence was more vehement ever as they went forwards. The fields therefore were strowen full of men that were half dead, and half alive. And such as were but smally sick, where not able to follow th'army, it marched with such speed. For every man thought to further so much his own saufguard, as by making hast he could get before his fellows. Such as fainted and could not follow, desired both such as they knew and knew not, to help them forwards. But they had no beasts whereupon to set them, and the soldiers could scarcely bare their own armour, which had the imminent mischief that fell upon other men, represented before there own eyes. Wherefore when they were often called upon, they would not vouchsafe ones to look back, fear had so taken away all compassion from them.  
Then they which were left behind, cried upon the gods, and their king for help, alleging their religion that was in comen to them, with such as had forsaken them. But when they had cried long in vain unto their deaf ears through desperation they began to rage, and wished the like eand to their friends and companions, that they themselves had. The king troubled both with sorrow & with shame, did write to Phratap hernes ruler of the Parthinyans to send to him upon camels, victuals in readiness to be eaten, and certified the princes of the countries thereabout of his necessity, which did not slack the time, but made provision according to his will. Thus his army delivered only from famine was brought within the bounds of the Godrosyans. 
Godorsyans  And forasmuch as the same was a country fertyl of all things, he thought good to stay there awhile, with rest to recover again his feeble soldiers.  
There he received letteres from Leonatus how he had won the victory of the Horitans, which encountered him with viii thousand footmen and .u.. C. horsemen, 
Ozynes. Zariaspes.  and was advertised also from Craterus how he had taken and put in hold Ozynes and zariaspes noble men of Per●e that went about to rebel. Alexander also understanding that Memnon was dead, gave the charge of the country whereof he had the rule unto Sibur●ius and afterwards went into Carmania. 
Syburcius.  
Carmania. Astaspes.  Astaspes was governor of that nation, who being suspected of innovation whiles Alexander was in India, met● him on his way, who dissimuling his Ire entertained him gently, and did to him his accustomed honour, till such time as he had better proof of the matter that was laid against him.  
When the princes of India had according to his appointment, sent out of all countries under his empire great plenty of horse and other beasts, both of carriage and of draft, he gave carriage again to all men that wanted, and restored there armour to the former beutyfulnes, and excellency.  
For they were come into a country joining upon Perce, which both was abundant of all things, and also brought quietly under his subjection. He thought it then a time to counterfeit Bacchus in his glory and fame, which the got amongs those nations. Wither it were a trumphe that Bacchus first instituted, or a pastime of him used in drunkenness, Alexander was determined to counterfeit it, having his mind puffed up above man's estate.  
He commanded therefore all the villages, 
The Triumph that Alexander made in his retor●e o●t of Ind.  through the which he should pass to be strowne with flowers and garlands, and cups with other great vessels to be set full of wine at the entreye of every house.  
He caused Wagons also to be made of such largeness, that they might be able to carry manisouldiers, atons and decking the same with precious furnim●ees  
The king went first in order with his friends, and next to them the king's guard, wearing upon their heads garlands of flowers, some plaing upon flutes and some upon haps. Every one generally through th'army decked his Chariot according to his ability and substance, where as they given to banqueting, did hang there rich armour about them. Alexander with such as he called to his company, was carried in a Chariot laden with Cups of gold and other golden vessel. He with his drunken army, marched after this manner vii days together in ostentation of the pray they had gotten. Wherein they showed such dissoluteness, that if one thousand of the subdued people, durst during the space of those vii days have given them the onset, they might have taken them prisoners and led them away in triumph. But fortune which hath appointed both fame and estimation to things, turned all this disordre of war unto his glory. For both the age that was then, and the posterity that came after, marveled and took it for a wonder▪ that he durst go so dissolutely amongs those nations, not yet established under his empire, the harberous people reputing his rashness, for an assured confidnce. But shedding of blood ensued after this triumph. For prince Aspastes (that hath been spoken of before) was commanded to be put to death so that his excess in voluptuousness was no let unto his cruelty, nor o●ueltye impediment to his voluptuousness.   

The tenth book of Quintus Curtius of the acts of Alexander the great King of Macedon.  
ABout the same time, Cleandre, Scytalces, Agathon, & Eration which by the kings appointment had put Parmenio to death returned to him, bringing with them .v. thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen. There were many accusers that followed them out of the province whereof they had the governance. Whose behaviour there was such, that the acceptable service they had done to Alexander in killing of Parmento, could be no satisfaction for the multitude of the offence they had committed. They used such an universal spoil not abstaining from the Temples, nor from sacred things. The virgins also and great Ladies of the country, whom they had ravished complained of them lamenting the shame they had sustained. They used so their covetousness and inordinate lust in there authority, that it caused the name of the Macedons to be hated amongs those nations. And yet amongs all the rest Cleander's offence was most horrible, which ravishing a virgin of noble blood, gave her to his slave to use as his Concubine. The more part of Alexander's friends were not so much offended with their cruelty and fowl acts whereof they were accused, as with the remembrance of Parmenio's death, which they kept in silence lest the rehearsal thereof might have procured them favour with the King rejoicing that the kings wrath was fallen upon the ministers of his Ire, & that no power nor authority gotten by evil means, could have any long contynuans. Alexander hearing the cause, said that thatcusers overslipped the geatest offence, which was the despair of his saveguard. For if they had either hoped or believed, that he should ever have returned out of India, 
A notable justice.  they durst never have committed any such offences. He commanded therefore them to prison, and put .vi.. C. soldiers to death, that had been the ministers of there cruelty, and they also were executed the same day which Craterus had brought for authors of the rebellion out of Perci. Within a while after Nearchus and Onesiccitus which had been commanded by the king to search the Ocean Sea, returned unto him declaring some things by report. They showed of an Island not far from the mouth of Indus which habounded with gold, and had no breed of horses amongs them, wherefore the inhabytors would give a talon of gold for every horse brought from the main land. They also told of great monstruous fishes (whereof those Seas were full) which carried down with the tide, would show there bodies above the water, as big as a great ship, and follow their navy with a terrible noise. And when they dived underneath the water, they troubled the Seas as it had been in a shipwreck. Thes were things they had seen, the rest they had received by report of th'inhabiters: as how that the red Sea took his name of king Erithrus, and not of the colour of the water. They showed also of an other Island, not fare from the main land growing full of palm trees Where was a great wood, in the mids whereof stood a pillar where as king Erithrus was buried, with inscription of such letters as be used in the country. They added besides that such mariners as carried the merchants & the durdges of th'army, through covetousness of the gold which had been reported unto them, landed in that Island and were never seen after. There words moved Alexander much, and put in him a great desire, to get more certain knowledge of those parties & therefore he commanded them again to tha Sea, willing that they should cost the land, till they come within the river of Euphrates, & from thence to come up to Babylon against the stream. The things were infinite that he compassed in his head. 
The enterprises that Alexander determined.  For he determined after he had brought the Sea coost of the Orient under his subjection to go out of Syria into Africa, for the evytie he bore to the Carthagens. His purpose was from thence to pass over the deserts of Numidia towards Gades, where he understood by the fame that Hercules had planted his pillars, & so directing his journey through Spain (the which the Greakes of the river Iberus call Iberia) to go over the Alps & so into Italy till he should come to that part thereof were the next passage was into Epyrus. For this intent he gave commandment to his officers in Mesopotamia that they should cut down timber in the mount Lybanus, 
Tapsagas.  and convey the same to Tapsagas a city in Syria. And there to make galeis of such greatness, that every one of them might be able to carry vi Oars upon abanke, and from thence he willed them to be conveyed unto babylon. He sent commandment to the kings of Cypress, to furnish them of Iren, hemp, and sails. Whiles thes things were in doing he received letteres from Porus and Taxiles, signifying that Abyasares was dead of a disease, and that Phelix his lieutenant in those parties was slain, and they put to death that were the doers thereof. Alexander therefore in the place of Phelix appointed Endemon that was captain of the Thracians, 
Eudemon.  and gave Abyasares kingdom unto his son. 
Pasargadas  From thence he came to Pasargadas being a country of the Percians, the Prince whereof was called Orsines which both in nobility and riches, 
Orsynes.  exceeded all other men in those parties, and conveyed his pedigre from Cirus that sometime was king of Perce. The riches his predecessors left him was great, and he by a long continuance in his inheritance and authority, had much increased the same. He met Alexander coming thitherwards and presented both him and his friends with gifts of sundry forts: which were a multitude of horses ready to be ridden upon, Charyotes wrought with gold and silver, precious stuf, excellent pearls, and precious stones, weighti vessel of gold, robes of purple, and four thousand talents of coined silver. But that his liberality was occasion of his death. For when he had presented all the kings friends with gifts above there desire, he honoured not with any gifts at all Bagoas the Enuke, 
Bagone there Enuke.  whom Alexander specially favoured of the usage he had of him. There were therefore that gave him admonition how much Alexander esteemed Bagoas. But he aunsewred them: that his custom was to honour the kings friends, and no harlots. Nor that it was not the Percians manner to have any in estimation, which did effeminate themselves with so shameful an abuse.  
When his words were reported to the Enuke he used the power which he had gotten with dishonest means, to the destruction of that noble and innocent man. For he did subornat certain lewd parsons of Orcynes' country, to bring in false accusacons against him, which he willed them to present at such time as he should appoint unto them. In the mean season whensoever Bagoas got the king alone, he would fill his credulous ears with tales against Orcynes ever dessimulinge the cause of his displeasure, lest thereby he might lose the credit of his false report. The king had not Orcynes yet in suspect of such matter as afterwards was laid against him, but began to grow with him out of estimation. His accusation was ever so secret, that he could never get knowledge of the peril that was previly wrought against him. That importunate harlot in his vile conversation had with the king, was mindful ever of the malice he bore to Oreynes, whom he would not cease to bring in suspicion of covetousness or of rebellion so oft as he saw Alexander bend to use him familiarly. By that time the false accusations were in readiness, which he had prepared to the destruction of the innocent, whose fatal destiny that did approach, could not be avoided. 
Cyrus' Tomb was opened by Alexander.  It chanced that Alexander caused Cyrus' tomb wherein his body was buried to be opened, pretending to use certain ceremonies for the dead. But thinking in very deed that his tomb had been full of gold and silver, whereof there was a constant fame amongs the Percians.  
But when it was vyewed there was not thyng● found but a ●otten target, two Scythian bows and asword. Alexander therefore caused the Coffin wherein Cyrus' body was laid, to be covered with the garment he was accustomed to wear, and set thereupon a crown of gold, meruailinge that there was no more sumptuousness used in burial of such a king, endued with so great riches, that lay there, 
What an occasion Bagoas took to accuse Orsynes.  but after the comen sort of men. When this thing was done Bagoas stood next unto Alexander, who behyld him in the face and said: what marvel is it though the sepulchres of kings be empty, when lords houses be not able to receive the gold they have taken out from thence. For my part I never saw this tomb before, but I have hard Darius' report, that there were iii M. talents buried with Eirus. (Thereof (qd he) proceeded Orcynes' liberality, in winning your favour by the gift of the things, which he knew he could not keep. When he had thus stirred up Alexander's wrath against Orcynes, he presented them whom he had suborned to accuse him. By whose report and by Bagoas surmised tales, Alexander was so incensed against Orcynes, that he was put in prison, before he could suspect that he was accused. The Enuke was not contented with the destruction of this Innocent man, but at his death, laid violent hands upon him. Unto whom Orcines said: I have hard that women in times past have reigned, & borne great rule in Asia, but it is now a more strange thing, the agelding should have thempire in his hands. This was the end of the most noble man amongs the Percians, who was not only an innocent in the matter, but such one as bare singular affection unto Alexander, and had showed great liberality to him & his. At the same time Phradrates which was suspected to have gone about to make himself king, 
Alexander began to be inclined to the shedding of blood.  was put to death. Alexander began then to be much inclined to the shedding of blood, and to be credulous in hearing of evil report. Prosperity is of such a force to change a man's nature. Wherein few men have consederation of virtue. Thus he which a little before would not condemn Lincestes Alexander when he was accused by two witnesses, that suffered divers of more mean estate to be acquitted, though it grudged his mind, because they seamed not guilty to other men. And he which bestowed kingdoms upon his enemies, whom he had subdued: was in the end so much altered from his former inclination that against his own appetite, at the will of an harlot he would give kingdoms to some, and take away the lives from other. About the same time he received letters of things done in Europe, whereby he understood that whiles he was in India, zophirus his Lieutenant in Thrace, had made journey against the Getes, 
The Getes.  where by storms and tempests that suddenly risse upon him, he was destroyed and all his army. 
Senthes.  When Senthes understood the defeat of that army he procured the Odrisians that were his country men to revolt. So that all Thrace was in manner lost thereby and Grease stood in no great surely.  
The writers of the acts of great Alexander make mention in this place of Calanus an Indian that was very famous in philosophy, 
Calanus.  which by the persuasion of king Taxiles followed Alexander, and ended his life after a strange sort. When he had lived lxxiii years without any disease, at his coming into Percia he felt a pain in his belly, wherefore conjecturing that the end of his life was come, lest such a perpetual felicity as he had lived in▪ should be spotted with any long disease, or tormented with the multitude of medicines that physicians use to minister, required Alexander that he might cause a fire to be made, and to burn himself in the same. The king began to dissuade him from his purpose, thinking to have brought him from the doing of so horrible an act, but when he perceived with what steadfastness and constancy he stood in his intent, and that there was no way to keep him any longer in life. He suffered a fire to be made according to his will, where into Calanus did ride on horseback, making first his prayer to the gods of his country, and taking the Macedons by the hands, required them that they would spend that day pleasantly in banqueting with their king, whom within a while, he should see at Babylon. When he had spoken those words he went merely into the fire, where as plieng his body comely, kept still the same gesture & countenance at his death, which he was wont to use. When the fire flamed the trumpets blewe, the men of war making such a shout as they accustomed going to the battle, which rebounded up to the sky, & the Elephants also made a terrible noise. These be the things that sage writers do testify of Calanus, which was a notable ensample of an invincible mind, constantly bend to suffer any adversity. From thence Alexander went unto Susa, 
Alexander married Satyra Darius' daughter.  whereas he took to wife & lawfully married Satyra Darius' eldest daughter. Whose younger sister called Dripetis he gave to wife unto Ephestion. And bestowed to the number of. ixxx. virgins of the noblest of all the nations he had conquered, 
Drypetis.  to the principal Macedons & to the chiefest of his friends, because he would not seem alone to begin so strange a custom. These marriages were celebrate after the Percian manner, & a princely feast prepared at the espowsels. Whereat there were ix M. gests, to every one of whom, Alexander gave a cup of gold to sacrifice with al. At the same time the rulers of cities which Alexander had subdued and builded, sent unto him xxx M. young soldiers that were all of one age, & furnished with fair armour, apt to do any enterprise of the war which he called Epigoni: that is to say his successors. The Macedons at their coming seemed to be somewhat apalled, which wearied with long war, used often in assembles to murmur & speak mutinous words against the king. For the cause he had prepared these soldiers to restrain the arrogancy of other, & gave to them great benefits. 
Harpalus.  Harpalus to whom the king had committed the charge of the treasure and revenues at Babylon, hearing of the acts that Alexander had done in subduing the more part of the kings of India, & his success to be so prosperous that nothing could withstand him. Knowing the insatiable desire that was in Alexander to visit far countries, & to increase his glory, though it should be a hard matter for him to returned to Babylon again. wherefore he gave himself to delight & to lust, misusing many that were noble & f●e women, wallowing in all kind of voluptuousness. Insomuch that he sent unto Athens for a famous harlot called Patonice, 
Patonice  to whom he both gave many great and princely gifts while she was alive, and also after her death spent xxx talents upon her tomb. Having in these & such other like voluptuous vanities consumed a great part of the treasure. When he understood Alexander to be come out of India, & to use extreme justice upon his officers that misused them of whom they had rule, by reason he was privy to his own fowl conscience feared the like might tome to himself. And therefore gathering together .v. M. talentes & vi M. mercenary soldiers, took the way towards Athens no man willing to receive him by the way. 
Tenaron.  When he came to Tena●on (where as a great number of the mercenary Greeks which had been discharged out of Asia were assembled) he left his soldiers there & went to Athens with his money: when he was come thither number of the citizens flocked about him, more for love of his money then for his own sake, but specially the orators, & such as used to make their gain by orations and persuading of the people, whom by small rewards he easily corrupted to defend his cause with the people. But afterwards at a general assemble upon the matter, he was commanded to departed the city, and so returned again amongs the Greek soldiers by whom he was slain.  

Sunium.  Therefore with xxx ships they passed over to Sunium which is a point of the land in the territory of Athens, from whence they determined to have entered into Athens haven. These things being known, Alexander that was sore moved aswell against the Athenians as against Harpalus, prepared a navy to make war in person immediately against them. And as he was busied about the matter, he understood by secret letters both the Harpalus had been in Athens, & corrupted with money the chief of the city: And also that afterwards by a counsel of the people, he was commanded to departed from thence, & as he returned amongs the Greek soldiers he was slain by one of them by treason. 
The death of Harpalus.  These news greatly rejoiced Alexander, whereby he had occasion to leave of his journey into Europe, but he sent commandment to all the cities of Grece, that they should receive again all their banished men, except such only as had committed any murder upon their own country men. Although the Greeks knew the same to be the breach of their liberties & their laws, & the beginning of their bondage, yet as men that durst not disobey his will, they called home their banished men, & restored to them such of their goods as did remain. Only the Athenians, which ever defended obstinately the liberties of their comen wealth, & which had not been accustomed to live under the obedience of any king, but under the laws & customs of their country, would not agree, that such dredge of men should live amongs them, but did drive them out of their bounds, ready to suffer any thing, rather than to receive such again as sometime were the rascal of all their city, & then the refuse of all the outlaws. The time was come that Alexander minded to dismiss his old soldiers, & send them into their country, but he willed first xiii M. footmen & ii M. horsemen to be chosen out to remain still in Asia, which he judged might be kept with a small army, because he thought the garrisons he had planted in many places, & the cities which he had newly builded & filled with inhabiters, should be able to stay such as would attempt any rebellion. 
Alexander paid all his soldiers debts.  But before he would make any division of such as should departed, & remain. He caused a proclamation to be made that all soldiers should declare their debts, wherewith he perceived many of them sore burdened, & though their debt did rise through their own disordre & excess, yet he was determined to discharge every man. But the soldiers thinking it had been but a devise, to find out the prodigal from the rest delayed the time & brought not in their declarations. The king perceived shame to be the let thereof & no disobedience, or self wil And therefore caused tables to be set up throughout his camp, & ten M talentes to be brought forth. Of all which treasure when their debts were paid according to the just declaration, there remained no more but. Cxxx. talentes. Whereby it appeared that they which were the conquerors of so many rich nations, 
A mutiny amongs the soldiers.  brought out of Asia more glory than spoil. But after it was once known that some should be dispached, and some remain still, they thought the king would have established his kingdom perpetually in Asia. Wherefore like mad men, and unmindful of all discipline of war, filled the camp full of seditious words, and came to the king more arrogantly, and with greater rigour than ever they did before, all with one voice requiring to be discharged, showing forth the hortnes of their heat, and their faces disformed with scars, and herein they could not be stayed either by chastisement of their officers or by any reverence of their king, but when he would have spoken unto them, they would not suffer him to be heard, but disturbed his tale with their tumultuous cry, & violent throng: protesting openly that they would never move one foot forwards to any place, except it were towards their own country. After a great space because they thought that Alexander would incline to their purpose, they kept silence, & stood in expectation what he would do. 
Alexander's words unto his soldiers.  Then Alexander spoke unto them: what meaneth this sudden trouble of mind, this so malypart and unlawful liberty? I am afraid to speak unto you, you have so manifestly broken your obedience towards me, I am now become a king at the appointment of my people, you have neither left me the liberty, to know you, to exhort you, nor to behold you. Being determined to send some into their country before, and to bring the rest with me, shortly after, I see them aswell that shall go, crying and mutining, as those that I appoint to come with me. What a matter is this? Their cry is all a like, notwithstanding that their cause is divers. I would fain know whether they complain that depart, or they that tarry still? When he had spoken those words, they cried all as it had been with one mouth, that they complained every man. Then he said: truly it cannot be so, nor I cannot be persuaded, that you should all be grieved for the cause ye declare seeing the case toucheth not the most part of you, for I have appointed more to depart, then to remain still. There must needs be some greater mischief than appeareth, that should turn you all from me. When was it ever seen that an whole army hath forsaken their king. The slaves run not from their masters all at once, but there is always a shame in some to leave them whom the rest forsakes. But why do I forget that you be mad in your minds? or why go I about to cure you that be uncurable? I condemn from hencefurth all the good hope that ever I conceived of you, & am determined to work no more with you as with my soldiers, seeing ye will not be mine, but with men ungrateful and unmindful of my goodness. The cause of this your madness, is even the abundance of your prosperity, whereby you forget your old estate, from the which ye be delivered through my benefit. You are men worthy to have spent your lives in your former beggary, seeing you can better bear adversity, then prosperous fortune behold you, which a while ago were tributaries to the Illyrians, & the Percians, do now disdain Asia, & the spoils of so many nations. You which under Philip went half naked, now contepne robes of purple. Your eyes cannot endure any longer to behold the sight of gold & silver. You desire again your wooden dishes, your targets made of wikers, & your sword covered with rust. I received you in this simple estate, with .v. C. talents in debt, when all my furnymentes exceeded not in valour lx talentes. This was the foundation of my acts, wherewith (without envy be it spoken) I have subdued the greatest part of the world. Are you weary of Asia, which have ministered unto you occasion of such glory, that by the greatness of your acts ye be made equal unto the gods? do you all make such haste into Europe, to forsake me that am your king? the more part of you should have lacked money to bear your charges there, if I of my benevolens had not paid your debts? Are you not ashamed that have rob all Asia, to bear the spoils of so many nations within your bellies, and now to return home to your wife's & children, unto whom there be but few of you that are able to show any rewards of your victory. For many of you shallbe compelled to gauge your armour, if ye forsake this good hope, ye might receive at my hands. These be the good men of war that I shall want, which of all their riches have nothing left them but only their concubines. The way lieth open for your departure, get you hence quickly out of my sight. I with the Percians shall defend your backs when ye be gone. I will hold none of you, deliver mine eyes ye ungrateful countrymen, of the sight I see of you. Shall your parents & children receive you with joy, when they shall see you return without your king? Shall they covet to meet such as be fugitives, & forsakers of their prince? I truly shall triumph upon your departure, & wheresoever you shall be, I shall desire to be revenged, honouring always & preferring before you. those which ye have left here with me. Now you shall know of what force an army is, that lacketh a king, and what moment doth consist in me alone. When he had spoken those words he leped in a fury from the judgement seat, and ran into the throng of the armed men, whereas he took with his own hands such as had mutined most against him. Of whom there were none that durst make resistance, delivered xiii. to his guard for to be saufly kept. Who would think that an assembly which a little before had spoken unto their prince with such fierceness and rigour, could have been so suddenly appalled for fear? Which seeing there companions led to execution, durst not move, nor make any attempt.  
But the inordinate liberty they used before, & their seditious violence was then so stayed, that never one of them durst resist, the king ronning amongs them, but were all astonished for fear, and stood like men amazed, with doubtful imaginations looking what he would determine of the offenders.  
Whether it were the reverence they bore to his name, because the nations that live under kings, are wont to honour them as gods; or were it the majesty of his person, or else his own assured constancy executing his authority with such violence, that put them in fear: they showed a notable ensample of patience. For they remained not only without slur or motion at the executing of their companions, whom they knew to be put to death in the night time, but also were more diligent in doing their duties then ever they were before, pretermitting nothing pertaining to obedience, & natural affection towards their prince. For the next day when they came to the court, and were not suffered to enter, but all shot out saving the soldiers of Asia, they made a sorrowful cry and lamentation which spread over all the camp, protesting that they would not live, if the king continued still in his wrath. But he that was obstinate in all things that he had once conceived in his head, commanded all the Macedons to keep still their camp, and assembled the soldiers strangers together, to whom by an Interpreter he made this Oration. 
Alexander's Oration to the strange soldiers.  At such time as I came first out of Europe into Asia, my trust was to bring under mine Empire many noble Nations, and great power of men, wherein I was not deceived. For besides that the fame reported you to be men of value, I have found in you one thing more, which is an incomparable obedience, fidelity, and affection towards your prince. I thought voluptuousness had overflown all virtue amongs you, and that through your great felicity, ye had been drowned in pleasures. But I find it otherwise, and perceive that none observe the discipline and order of the wars better than you do, nor execute the same with more activity nor stoutness. And being manful and valiant men, ye embrace fidelity, no less than you do the rest. This thing I do but now acknowledge, but I knew it long ago. Which was the cause that I chose you out of the youth of your nations to be my soldiers, and did incorporate you amongs mine own people, causing you to use the same habit, and the same armour. But your obedience and patience towards the authority, appeareth much better in you then in them. Therefore I have joined to myself in marriage the daughter of Oxatres that is a Percian, not disdaining to beget children upon a captive. And afterwards desiring more abundantly to increase the issue of my body, I took to wife the daughter of Darius, and was the author that my near friends, likewise should beget children upon captives: minding by this holy covenant to exclude the difference between the victorers, and the vainquished. Wherefore you must now think that you be not soldiers unto me adopted but more natural. And that Asia and Europe is one kingdom without any difference. I have given unto you armour after the manner of the Macedons. I have brought all strangeness and novelty into a custom, and now ye be both my countrymen and my soldiers, all things take upon them one form and fashion. I have not thought it unseemly for the Persians to shadow the customs of the Macedons, nor for the Macedons to counterfeit the Percians, saying they ought to be under one law & custom that should live under one king.  
When he had made this oration, he committed the custody of his person unto the Persians, he made them of his guard and his officers of justice, by whom when the Macedons which had given occasion of this sedition were led bound unto execution, one of them that was more ancient and of greater estimation than the rest, spoke after this manner.  
How long will you thus give place unto your will, in executing us after the strangers manner? Your soldiers and countrymen be drawn to execution by their own prisoners before their cause be heard. If you have judged us worthy of death, at leastwayes change the ministers of your wrath. This was a good admonishment, if he had been patient to hear the truth. But his wrath was grown into a woodness, so that when he saw them which had the charge of the prisoners stay a little at the matter, he caused the prisoners to be tumbled into the river, and there drowned. notwithstanding the cruelty of this punishment, the soldiers were not s●urred to any sedition, but repaired by routs unto their captains, and unto such as were near about the king, requiring that if there yet remained any infected with the same offence, that he should command them to be put to death, proffering their bodies to be punished and executed at his own will.  
After it was known that Livetenaunteships were given unto the Percians, and that they were distributed into divers orders, and such names given unto them as were unto the Macedons, and that they were rejected with reproach, they could not then any longer contain themselves, nor suffer the dolour they had conceived in their hearts, but with a great throng pressed to the court, wearing only their nethermost garments, and leaving their weapons without the gate in token of repentance. There with weeping and all tokens of humility, they made request to be admitted to the kings presence, & that he would vouchsafe to pardon their offence, pacifiing his wrath with the death of so many of them as he should think good, rather than to suffer them to live in such reproach: which except he would release, 
Alexander was reconciled to his soldiers.  they protested they would never depart out of the place. When those things were declared unto Alexander, he caused the court gates to be opened, and came forth amongs them. Whereas beholding their lamentation and repentance, their miserable behaviour and affliction, he could not abstain to weep long time with them, and in consideration of their modesty, forgave them their former offences. And after he had temperately told them their faults, and again comforted them with gentle words, he discharged many from the service of the wars, & sent them home liberally rewarded: writing to Antipater his lieutenant in Macedon, that he should assign them the chief places in the Threatres, at triumphs, and open plays, whereas they should sit with garlands on their heads, & he willed that their children after their deaths should enjoy their father's wages.  
He appointed Craterus to be their ruler, to whom in the place of Antipater he had committed the government of Macedon, Tessalie, and Thrace, sending for Antipater to repair unto him with a supply of young soldiers. Alexander had received letters before both from him, and Olympias his mother, 
Olymyias Alexander's mother.  whereby dissension appeared to be betwixt them. For his mother acused Antipater that he went about to make himself king. And Antipater did write how Olympias did many things otherwise than it did become her. Antipater did take his calling away so grievously in his heart, that he conspired thereupon to poison Alexander, who having accomplished the matters that before be mentioned, went to Echatan that standeth in Media, to set order in the necessary affairs of his Empire, and there ordained solemn triumphs and feasting. It chanced Ephestion whom the king specially loved, 
The death of Ephestion  and used in place of a brother, about the same time to die of a fever. Whose death Alexander took more sorrowfully than can well be credited, committing in his dolour many things that were unseaminge for the majesty of a Prince. He commanded Ephestions physician to be hanged, as though he had died through his negligence. He lay embracing of the dead body and could hardly be taken away by his friends, but continued his sorrow night and day. There be many other things written in that behalf, which be scarcely credible. But it is certain that he commanded sacrifice to be made unto him as unto a God, and consumed in his burial and making of his tomb above xii M. talentes. As he was returning to Babylon, the Caldian Prophets met him on the way, exhorting him that he should not enter into the city. For that it was signified, that if he went thither at that time, he should be in great peril of his life. Notwithstanding he regarded not their admonishments, but went forwards in his journey according as he had appointed. For he understood that Ambassadors were come thither from all Regions tarrying for his coming. The terror of his name was so spread through the world, that all nations showed an obsequiousness towards him, as though he had been appointed to be their king. That caused him to make haste towards Babylon, to keep there as it were a parliament of the whole world. When he was come thither, he received the Ambassadors gently, and afterwards dispatched them home again. There was about the same time a banquet prepared at one Tessalus Medius house. 
Thessalus Medius  whereunto the king being bidden, came thither with such as were appointed to keep him company. But he had not so soon drunk of Hercules cup, 
Alexander was poisoned  but that he gave a grunt as though he had been stricken to the heart. And being carried out of the feast half dead, was so tormented with pain that he required a sword to have killed himself. His friends did publish abroad drunkenness to be the cause of his disease, but in very deed it was prepensed treason the infamy whereof the power of his successors did oppress. The poison prepared long before was delivered by Antipater unto Cassander his son, which with his brethren Phillippe, and jolla, were wont to serve the king at meat. He was warned that he should not commit the same poison to any person, except it were to Thessalus or to his brethren. Philippe therefore and jolas, which were wont to take the say of the king cups, having the poison ready in cold water, mixed it with the wine, after they had tasted it. When the fourth day was come the soldiers partly for that they suspected he had been dead, and partly because they could not endure to want long his sight, came sorrowfully unto the court, desiring to see the king, which by his commandment were admitted unto his presence, by such as had the charge of his person.  
When they beheld him lying in that case, they made great sorrow and lamentation, for he seemed not to them to be the same their king, whom they were wont to see, but rather a dead corpse. If their grief were great, the sorrow of them that stood next to the bed appeared much more, whom when Alexander beheld lamenting after that sort, he said unto them. When I shall depart, you shall find a king worthy for such men as you be. It is a thing incredible how that he during the time, the soldiers of his whole army came to viset him, he never altered countenance nor gesture, but continued in that kind of presence he gave unto the first, unto the last man. When he had dismissed the multitude, as though he had been discharged of all the debt of life, he lay down again to rest his weak body, & his voice beginning to fail him, commanded his friends to come near about him, and then taking his ring from his finger, delivered it to Perdiccas, and gave therewith a commandment that his body should be conveyed to Hammon. They demanded to whom he would leave his kingdom. He said: to the worthiest. By which words it appeared that he foresaw the contention that was like to ensue upon his death. Perdiccas more over demanded of him when he would have divine honours done unto him. At such time (quoth he) as you shall find yourselves in felicity. These were the last words Alexander spoke, and shortly after he died. Immediately after his death, the court was full of howling, 
The sorrow that was made upon Alexander's death.  lamenting, and sorrow making, and by and by as it had been in a desert, or a place solitary, all things were whist, and a sorrowful silence was spread over all, every man being converted into imagination, what should become of the matter. The young men of the nobility that were accustomed about Alexander's person, could not bear the greatness of their dolour, nor keep themselves within compass of the court, but ran about as men out of their wits, whereby the city was filled with heaviness and complaint, and no kind of lamentation pretermitted, that sorrow is wont to minister in such a case such therefore as were without the court, understanding this matter, as well Macedones as other came running thither, whereas the Conquerors from the conquered, nor the Victorers from the vainquished could not be discerned, the sorrow was so indifferent to them al. The Percians called upon their just and merciful Lord, and the Macedons made invocation to him, that was so valiant and gracious a king, and thus there was a certain contention of sorrow amongs them. Men did not use their only words of grief and heaviness, but also of grudge and indignation, that so young a prince being in the flower of his age, and of his fortunate success, should by the envy of the Gods, be so taken out of this world. They called to remembrance what a cheerfulness they had always seen in his countenance, either when he led them to the battle, when he besieged, or assaulted any city, or when he would give any commendation to the worthy in any assemble. Then the Macedons repented that ever they had denied him divine honours, confessing themselves both wicked and ungrateful for depriving him of any name whereof he was worthy. And when they had continued long in the veneration and desire of him that was dead, than they began to pity their own case, which coming out of Macedon were passed the river of Euphrates, amongs the mids of their enemies, that unwillingly received their new government. They saw them selves left destitute, & the Empire without any certain heir, for want of whom, every one would go about to draw the power of the state unto his private behoof. And then they began to conceive and foresee in their minds, the civil wars that did ensue, & that they should be enforced to shed their blood again, not for the conquest of Asia, but for the title of some such one that would go about to make himself king: whereby their old scars should break out again into new wounds, & that such as by reason of their age had been discharged from the wars by their noble & righteous king, should now be enforced to spend their lives in the quarrel of some such one as was but his soldier. Whiles they were in these imaginations, the night came on, & increased their terror. The men of war watched in harnayes & the babylonians looked over the walls; peeping out from the tops of their houses to spy some certainty how the matter went. There was none that durst kindle any light. And because the use of the eye did fail, they laid their ears to hear the rumours & words that were spoken. And many times they were afraid when no cause was, & when they met together in the narrow streets or dark lanes, they would be amazed, & suspect each other as enemies The Percians after their accustomed manner clipped there hear and with their wives and children lamented the death of Alexander in mourning garments, with unfeigned affection, not as a conqueror and one that lately had been there enemy; but as there rightwise and natural king. For they being accustomed to live under a king, could think no man more worthy than he, to rule over them. This sorrow was not only contained within the walls of the city, but straightways spread over all the country there abouts. And the fame of so great a mischief flying through out Asia, brought some tidings thereof unto Darius' mother. She at the first report tore a sunder the garment she ware and put on morning apparel, she pulled her hear, and fell down groveling upon the earth One of her neces sat by her morning the death of Ephestion whom she had married, and in an universal heaviness, bewailed the cause of her own sorrow. But Sysigambis alone sustained all there miseries, 
The behaviour of Darius' mother upon the death of Alexander.  and bewailed both her own case and her nefes, her fresh sorrow causing her to call to mind things passed. A man would have judged by her behaviour that Darius had been newly slain, and that she had celebrated the funerals of both her sons together. She did not only lament the dead, but sorrowed also for the living. Who shall now (qd she) take care of this young woman? or who can be like unto Alexander now we be taken prisoners again, now we be newly fallen from our dignity and estate.  
After Darius' death we found one to defend us. But now since Alexander is gone, who will have respect of us? Amongs she called to mind, how Occhus the cruel king had slain her father and four score of her brethren on one day, and that of seven children borne of her body, there was but one of them left alive. She saw that fortune had advanced Darius and caused him to flourish for a time, to the intent he might end his life by greater cruelty. finally she was so overcome with sorrow, that she covered her head, turning herself from her sneeze and nephew that sat at her feet, and abstaining both from meat & from beholding of the light, ended her life the fift day after she was determined to die. This her death was a great argument of the clemency Alexander had showed towards her, and of the justice towards all the captives, seeing that after Darius' death she could abide to live, but after Alexander's departure, she was ashamed to continue any longer.  
Considering Alexander rightwiselye, 
A discourse of Alexander's vices and his virtues.  we must impute all his virtues to his own nature, and his vices either to his youth, or to the greatness of his fortune. There was in him an incredible force of courage, and an exceeding sufferance of travail. He was endued with manhood excelling, not only amongs kings, but also amongs such as had neither virtue nor quality. He was of that liberality that oftentimes he gave greater things than the recivers could have asked of God. The multitude of kingdoms that he gave in gift, and restored to such from whom he had taken them by force, was a token of his clemency towards them that he subdued. He showed a perpetual contempt of death, the fear whereof doth amaze other men. And as there was in him a greater desire of glory and worldly praise then reason would bear: so was it intolerable in so young a man enterprising so great acts. The reverence and affection he bore towards his parents, appeared in that he purposed to consecrate his mother Olimpias to immortality, and that he so sore revenged Philip's death. How gentle and familiar was he towards his friends, and how benevolence toward his soldiers. He had a wisdom equal to the greatness of his heart, and such a policy and forecast, as so young years were scarcely able to receive. A measure in immoderate pleasures. And the use of his lust less than nature desired, using no pleasure but that was lawful: these were wonderful great gifts and virtues.  
But in that he compared himself to the Gods, coveted divine honours, and believed the Oracles that persuaded such things, that he was offended with them that would not worship him, and given more vehemently to wrath than was expedient. That he altered his habit and apparel into the fashion of strangers, & counterfeited the custom of them he had subdued, and despised before his victory: were vices to be attributed to the greatness of fortune. As the heat of youth stirred him to anger, and to the desire of drinking: so age might have mitigated again those faults. notwithstanding it must needs be confessed, that though he prevailed much by his virtue, yet ought he to impute more unto his fortune, which only of all mortal men, he had in his own power. How often did she deliver him from the point of death? How often did she defend him with perpetual felicity, when he had rashly brought himself in peril? And when she pointed an end to his glory, she even then was content to finish his life, staying his fatal destiny till he had subdued the Orient, visited the Ocean Sea, and fulfilled all that man's mortality was able to perform.  
To this so great a king and noble conqueror, a successor was looked for: But the matter was of overmuch importance for any one man to take upon him. Alexander's name and renown was so great amongs all Nations, and they were counted most noble that might be partakers of his prosperous fortune, though the portion was never so small. But to return again to Babylon from whence this digression hath been made: 
The assemble after the death of Alexander.  They which had the guard and custody of Alexander's person▪ called into the court such as had been his chief friends and captains of the men of war, after whom there followed a great multitude of soldiers, desiring to know who should be successor unto Alexander. The throng of the soldiers was such, that many of the captains were excluded, and could not enter into the court. A Proclamation therefore was made whereby all men were forbidden to enter, except such as were called by name. But because their commandment seemed to want authority, it was little regarded, & the multitude at the first began to make a grievous sorrow & lamentation. But straightways the desire they had to understand the success of the matter, stopped their lamentation, & made silence. Then Perditas brought forth in sight of all the people the kings chair of estate, wherein Alexander's Diadem, his vestures regal, & his armour was laid. amongs that which ornaments, Perdiccas also laid down the kings signet, delivered to him the day before, at the sight whereof they began to weep, and to renew again their sorrow.  
Then said Perdiccas: 
Perdiccas words.  Lo here is the ring wherewith he was wont to seal such things as pertained to the force of his Empire, & as he delivered the same to me, I so do restore it again to you. And although no adversity can be devised by the Gods (were they never so much offended) comparable to this. Yet considering the greatness of the acts which he hath done, we must think that the Gods sent such a man as he was to reign in the world, whose time being expired that was appointed, they have called him again to the place from whence he came. forsomuch therefore as none other thing remain of him amongs us, but only that which is always wont to be removed from immortality: let us perform the due pertaining both to his body, and to his name, remembering in what city we be, amongs what kind of people, and what a king, and what manner of governor we have lost. We must debate and devise how to maintain our conquest amongs them of whom it is gotten. For the doing whereof, it is needful for us to have an head. But whether the same shall be one, or many, that consisteth in you. You are not ignorant that a multitude of men of war without an head, is a body without any life. Six months be now passed sense Roxane was conceived with child, we desire of God that she may bring forth a male, which may enjoy this kingdom, when he cometh to age. In the mean season appoint you, of whom ye will be governed. 
Nearchus' words.  When Perdiccas had spoken these words, Nearchus risse up and said: There is no man can deny but that it were meet for Alexander's succession to continued in the blood royal, but to look for a king that is not yet borne & to pass over one that is in his being already, is neither expedient for such men as the Macedons be, nor yet doth serve the necessity of the time.  

Barsynes  There is a son which Alexander begot by Barsines, what should let why the diadem may not be set on his head? Nearchus' tale was acceptable to no man. therefore the soldiers according to their custom classhed the spears against the targets, & continued making of a noise. And when he would not forsake his opinion, but obstinately maintained the same, the matter had almost bred a sedition, which thing perceived by Ptolomeus, he spoke after this manner.  
Neither the son of Roxane nor Barsines, 
Ptolomeus words  is an issue meet to reign over the Macedons, whose names we should be ashamed to rehearse within Europe, their mother's being captive. Have we subdued the Percians to that end to become subject to such as be descended of them? That was the thing which Darius and zerxes being Kings of Perce wrought for in vain, with so many mileons of men of war, and with so many navies. This therefore is my opinion, that Alexander's chair of estate be set in the mids of the court, and that all such as were wont to be of counsel with him, shall assemble together, so often as any matter require to be consulted upon. And that the captains and rulers of the army shallbe obedient to that order, whereunto the greater number do assent. There were some agreed with Ptolomeus, but few with Perdiccas. Then Aristonus spoke in this wise. 
Aristonus words.  When Alexander was consulted withal, to whom he would leave his kingdom, he willed the worthiest to be choose. Whom judged he worthiest but Perdiccas, to whom he delivered his ring?. This was not done at such time as Alexander was alone, but when all his friends were present, he did cast his eyes amongs them, and at length chose out one to whom he delivered it. Wherefore I think it right that the kingdom be committed unto Perdiccas.  
There were many that agreed to his opinion, so that the assemble cried to Perdiccas that he should come forth amongs them, and take up the kings signet. But he stayed between ambition and shamefastness, thinking that the more modesty he used in getting the thing which he coveted, they would be so much the more earnest to proffer it him. When he had stand a good while at a stay, doubting what to do, at length he drew back, and stood behind them which sat next unto him.  

Weleagers' words.  When Meleager that was one of the captains, saw the stay that Perdiccas made, took courage thereupon, and said: Neither the Gods will permit, nor men will suffer, that Alexander's estate, and the weight of so great an empire should rest upon his shoulders. I will not rehearse how there be many men more noble than he is, and of greater worthiness, against whose will no such thing may be suffered to be done. There is no difference whether ye make Perdiccas king, or the son of Roxane, whensoever he shallbe borne. saying Pedicas goeth about to make himself King, under pretence to be governor to the other. That is the cause why no king can please him, but such one as is not yet borne. And in such an haste as all we make to have a king, which haste is both meet and necessary for the preservation of our estate. He only doth wait for the expiring of times, and months, imagining that she should bring forth a man child, which I think ye doubt not but he is ready to counterfeit and exchange, if need be. If it were so in very deed that Alexander had appointed him to be our king, I am of opinion that the same thing only of all the things he hath commanded, ought not to be performed and kept. Why do not you run therefore to spoil the treasure? seeing that this kind of riches, the people ought to inherit. When he had spoken those words, he broke through the press of the armed men, and they which gave him way, followed him to the spoil, whereof he had made mention. The greediness of the treasure caused a great band of armed men to flock about Meleager, and the assemble began to fall to discord and sedition, which had grown to greater inconvenience, if a mean soldier whom very few did know, had not stepped forth, 
The words of a soldier in the assemble.  and spoken to the multitude. What need we (quoth he) to fall to force or civil war saying we have a king already which you seek to find. The same is Aridens' Philip's son, 
Aridens  brother to Alexander that lately was our king, borne and brought up in the same religion, and ceremonies that we do use, who being the only heir, I marvel by what deserving of his he is overslipped or what he hath done, why he should not enjoy his right, descended unto him by the universal law of the world. If you seek one to be comparable to Alexander, you shall never find him. If you will have such one as shall approach next unto him, this is only he. When these words were heard amongs the multitude, they kept silence at the first, as if they had been commanded so to do, but afterwards they cried with one voice, that Aridens should be called, and that they were worthy death which made any assemble without him. 
Python's words.  Then Python all besprinkeled with tears, began to speak. Now I perceive (quoth he) alexander's case to be most miserable, seeing he is defrauded of the fruit with such as were his soldiers & subjects should bringforth at such a time as this is For you having respect only to the name and memory of your king, ye be utterly blind in the rest of things. His words tended directly to the reproof of Aridens that was elected king, but the tale procured more hatred to the speaker, than contempt to him against whom they were mente. For the compassion they had of Aridens, caused them the more to favour his cause, and therefore declarred by an obstinate cry, that they would not suffer any to reign over them, but him only which was borne to that possibility, and still called for Aridens to come forth amongs them. Whereupon Meleager for the malice and envy he bore unto Perdiccas, took an occasion boldly to bring him into the assemble, whom the multitude saluted as king, and called him Philippe. This was the voice of the people, 
Aridens was chosen king.  but the nobility was of an other mind, of whom Python took upon him to put Perdiccas devise in execution, and appointed Perdiccas and Leonatus (which were descended of the blood royal) to be governors of the son which should be borne of Roxane: adding moreover that Craterus and Antipater should have the rule within Europe. And upon this they swore men to be obedient to Alexander's issue, Meleager then doubting notwithout cause, that some evil might come to him, departed with such as were of his faction, but he returned immediately again, and brought Philip with him into the court, crying out to the multitude for the assisting of the common wealth, in aiding of the new King, which a little before they had elected: and willed them to make an experiment of his activity, persuading that he was the meetest to rule over them, that was the issue of Philip, that had both a king to his father, and a king to his brother.  
There is no profound sea, so stormy nor tempestuous, 
The inconstancy of a multitude.  that raiseth up so many surges & waves, as a multitude doth motions and alterations, when they have gotten the bridle of a new liberty, not likely long to continued. There wanted not some that gave their consent to Perdiccas, but more agreed to make Philip king. They could neither agree nor disagree, to any thing long time together. One while repenting them of that they had determined, and streightwaies forthought them of that repentance. Yet finally they were inclined to prefer the kings blood. Aridens was put in such fear with the authority of the nobility, that he departed out of the assemble, after whose departure, the favour of the soldiers was rather silent, then cessed towards him. So that at length he was called again, and put upon him his brother's vesture regal, which lay in the chair. And Meleager put on his armour following as a guard to the person of the new king. The soldiers of the Phalanx classhed their spears to their targets, threatening to shed their blood, which coveted the kingdom that pertained not to them. They rejoiced that the force of the Empire should still continue in the same family, the right of whose inheritance coming of the blood royal they showed themselves ready always to defend. For by reason they were accustomed to honour the name of their king, and to have it in veneration: they thought no man worthy for it, but such one as came thereunto by descent of blood. Perdiccas therefore was afraid, and with vi hundred men that were of an approved manhood, kept the lodging whereas the body of Alexander lay. Ptolomeus joined himself unto him, and the band of the young men that were about the kings person. But so many thousand of armed men as were upon the other side, did easily break in upon them. amongs whom the king was present, with a great band for the guard about his person, whereof Meleager was chief. Perdiccas therefore in a great fury, called them to his part which would defend Alexander's body, but they which broke in upon them shrew darts at him afar of, whereby many were hurt. At the last the ancient men plucked of their head pieces the better to be known, & desired them which were with Perdiccas to abstain from civil war, & give place to the king & to the greater part. Whereupon Perdiccas was the first that laid down his weapon, & the rest did in like manner. Meleager then persuaded them that they should not departed, but remain still about the dead corpse, but he judging that to be a deceit and a mean to entrap him, fled to the further side of Euphrates lying over against the court. Then the horsemen which consisted chief of the nobility, flocked about Perdiccas, and Leonatus, which thought good to depart out of the city, and take the fields, but because Perdiccas was not without hope, that the footmen would have taken his part, remained still within the city, lest he might seem to be the cause that the horsemen should divide themselves from the rest of the army. Meleager ceased not to beat in the kings head, that he could not establish himself surely in his estate, but by the death of Perdiccas, whose ambitious mind desirous of innovation, was (he said) to be prevented in time. Willing the king to remember what Perdiccas had deserved at his hands, and that no man could be faithful to him, whom he feared. The king suffering the thing, rather than giving his consent to the matter, Meleager took his silence for a commandment, and sent for Perdiccas in the kings name, and they which were sent had commission to kill him, if he made any sticking to come with them. Perdiccas hearing of their coming, accompanied only with xvi young men that were of Alexander's guard, met them at the entry of the house, and calling them Meleager's slaves, rebuked them with such a constancy both of mind and countenance, that they returned back again as men amazed. Perdiccas willed such as were in his company to leap on horseback, and so with a few of his friends came unto Leonatus, minding if any violence were moved against him, to repulce it with a greater force. The next day the Macedons grudged and thought it a matter unworthy, that Perdiccas after this manner should be brought in danger of death, and therefore determined with force to revenge the rashness of Meleager's doings.  
But he understanding the mutine that was amongs the soldiers gave place, and they repaired unto the king demanding of him if he had commanded Perdiccas to be taken. He confessed he had so done, but that was by Meleager's motion, which was no cause (he said) for them to make any storre, seeing that Perdiccas was alive. The assemble hereupon broke up and Meleager became greatly afraid, specially by the parting of the horsemen, so that he wist not what to do, for he saw the mischief which he a little before had wrought against his enemy, like to light upon himself, and whiles he devised this and that, three days were consumed. The wont form and fa●●on of the court did remain in the mean season.  
For the Ambassadors of divers nations made repair unto the king, the captains of the army did assemble about him, and the guard waited in armour as they were accustomed. But the great sadness that was there without any apparent cause, signified some extreme despair. There was such a suspicion amongs themselves, that men durst not company togethers, nor speak one to another, but stood imagining secretly with themselves, and by comparing the time present with the time past, and the new king with the old, they began to desire him that was gone. Than one inquired of another where he was become, whose fortune and authority they had followed? Then they found themselves abandoned, amongs so many wild nations which were desirous upon any occasion that might fall, to be revenged of the injuries they had received. Whiles they were troubled in these imaginations, word was brought that the horsemen which were under Perdiccas, kept the fields about Babylon, and stayed the victuals, that was coming to the city. Whereupon first began a scarcity, and afterwards a famine. Therefore such as were within the city thought good either to make a reconciliation with Perdiccas, or else to fight out the matter. It chanced that they which dwelled abroad in the country fearing the spoil of the villages, repaired into the city. And they within the city for lack of vitelles, departed into the country. So that every one thought them selves surer any where, then in their own habitations. Then the Macedons doubting some great inconvenience that might come of this fear, 
●mbassadours were sent about a reconciliation.  assembled together in the court, and showed forth their opinions. It was agreed amongs them that Ambassadors should be sent to the horsemen, for the successing of all strife, & division. Pasus a Tessalion, Amissas a Megapolitan and Perelaus were sent from the king. Which declaring their commission, received answer, that the horsemen would not fever their power, till the auctors of the sedition were delivered into their hands. When they were returned and their answer known, the soldiers without any appointment put on their armour, and made such a tumult, that the king was enforced to come forth of the court, and said unto them: If we shallbe at strife amongs ourselves, 
The kings words unto the soldiers.  our enemies that be quiet, shall enjoy the fruit of our contention. Remember you that the quarrel is with your own countrymen, with whom if ye rashly break the hope of reconcilement, ye shallbe the beginners of a civil war. Let us prove if the matter may be mitigated by an other ambassade. I am of opinion, that forasmuch as Alexander's body remain yet unburied, they will gladly come together, to perform the due unto the dead. And for my part, I had rather surrendre up again this dignity, than any blood should be shed amongs my country men. For if no other hope of concord do remain I desire and pray you to choice this, as the better of both. And with that word he wept, and pulled the diadem from his head, holding the same forth with his hand, ready to have delivered it to any man, that would have claimed to be more worthy than he. The moderation that he used both in his words, and his behaviour, caused them all to conceive a great good hope of his noble nature, which till that time was obscured with the greatness of his brother's fame. They therefore required and encouraged him to go forwards in the matter as he had devised. Whereupon he sent again the same for Ambassadors that went before, which had commission to require, that Meleager might be the third captain. Which matter was not much sticked at. For Perdiccas was desirous to remove Meleager from the king, and thought that he alone should not be able to match with Leonatus and him. Upon this Meleager marched out of the city with the footmen: and Perdiccas met him in the fields, riding before the bands of the horsemen. Where both battles saluting one an other, concord, peace and amity, was confirmed betwixt them, for ever as it was thought. But it was decreed by destiny that civil wars should rise amongs the Macedons. For government is unpatient of partners, and the kingdom was covered by many. Which as it first grew in force, so afterwards it was dispersed again. And when the body was burdened more than it could bear, the other members began to fail. 
A degression to the praise of th'emperor that was in the auctors time.  So th'empire of the Macedons which under one head might well have stand, when it was divided into parts, fell to ruin. For which cause the people of Rome justly must confess themselves bound unto their prince, for the felicity they have found. Which as a star in the night appeared unto them, that were near lost. And as the sun gave light to the world being in darkness, when without such a head, the members that were at variance, must needs have quailed. How many fire brands did he quench? how many sword ready drawn did he put up again? How great a tempest did he pacify with the sudden calm of his presence? The Empire now therefore doth wax green and flourish: Let me desire without envy, that his house may continue many ages, and his posterity remain for evermore. But to return again to the order of history, from whence I was brought through the contemplation of our universal felicity. 
Perdiccas devised the death of Meleager.  Perdiccas judged the only hope of his own safeguard, to consist in the death of Meleager, thinking it necessary to prevent him which was a man both variable, unfaithful, given to innovation, and besides his mortal enemy. But with deep dissimulation he kept his purpose secret to th'intent that with the less difficulty, he might oppress him unbewares. He did subornate therefore privily certain of the bands that were under his rule, to complain openly (as though it were without his knowledge) that Meleager should be made equal with him, which words of the soldiers, when they were reported unto Meleager, be came in a great rage, & declared their sayings to Perdiccas. Who seemed to wonder at the matter, blaming their doing, as though he had been sorry for the thing, and finally they agreed that the auctors of such seditious words should be taken. When Meleager perceived Perdiccas so confirmable, he embraced him and gave him thanks for his fidelity & benevolence. Thereby a consultation had betwixt them both, they devised how to destroy them that wrought this division betwixt them. For the bringing of that to pass they agreed, that th'army should be purged according to their country custom. For the doing whereof, they seemed to have a sufficient occasion, by reason of the late discord that was amongs them. 
A ceremony that was used in the purifying of th'army after any offence made.  The kings of Macedon in purifying of their soldiers, were wont to use a kind of ceremony, in dividing the bowels of a dog in two parts, & cast the same in the uttermost bounds of the field, whereon they purposed to bring forth the army. Betwixt which space the men of war, accustomed to stand armed, the horsemen, the mercenary soldiers and the phalanx every one apart. The same day that this ceremony was put in execution, the king stood with the horsemen & the Elephants against the footmen of whom Meleager had the rule. When the battle of horsemen began to move, the footmen were strooken suddenly with fear, and by reason of the late discord, conceived a suspicion that the horsemen meant them no good. Wherefore they stood a while in a doubt, whether they should retire into the city or no, by reason that the fields served best for the horsemen. But left without cause they might condemn the fidelity of their companions, they stood still with a determinate mind to fight, if any would proffer them violence. When the battles were almost met together, and only a small distance left betwixt them, whereby the one part was divided from the other, the king by the provocation of Perdiccas with one band of horsemen did ride along the footmen, requiring the delivery of those to be executed, which were the authors of the discord (whom in very deed he ought to have defended) which if they refused to deliver, he threatened to bring against them, both the horsemen and the Elephants. The footmen were amazed with the sodeines of the mischief which they looked not for, and there was no more counsel nor courage in Meleager then in the rest, but they all judged it most expedient for them, rather to abide the adventure of that matter, then further to hazard fortune. When Perdiccas saw them astonished and in fear, he severed out to the number of three hundred of such as followed Meleager, when he broke out of the assemble, that was first made, after Alexander's death, which in the sight of all the army were cast to the Elephants and there trampled to death with their feet. Of which matter Philippe was neither the author, nor the forbidder, but thought to claim that for his own doing, which should appear best in the end. This was a signification and a beginning, unto the Macedons of civil war that ensued. Meleager understanding overlate the sleight of that devise, because there was no violence offered to his person, stood at the first quietly within the square: but shortly after, when he saw his enemies abusing the name of him, whom he had made king to his destruction, he despaired of his own saveguarde, & fled into a temple. But the religion of the place could not defend him, but that he was there slain. 
The division of Thempire.  Perdiccas hereupon brought again the army into the city, and called counsel of all the principal personages, wherein it was agreed so to divide th'empire, that the king should remain as chief of the whole. Ptolomeus to be lieutenant in Egypt and Africa, and to have the rule of the nations there, that were under the Macedons dominion. Syria and Phenices were appointed to Laomedon. Cylicia to Philotas. Licia with Pamphilia, & the greater Phrigia, were assigned to Antigonus. Cassander was sent into Caria, and Menander into Lydia. The lesser Phrigia that joined unto Hellespont, was Leonatus' province. Emmenes had Cappadotia and Paphlagonia, who was commanded to defend that country so far as Trapezunt, and make war to Arbates which only remained enemy to the Empire. 
Arbates.  Media was appointed to Python, and Thrace to Lysmachus with other nations there about bordering upon the sea of Ponte. It was ordained also that such as should be presidents amongs the Indians, Bactrians, Sogdians, and other nations lying upon the Ocean, and read seas, should in matters of justice use regal jurisdiction. It was decceed that Perdiccas should remain with the king, and have the governance of the men of war that followed him. Some believe that these provinces were distributed, by Alexander's testament, but we have found that same to be false, though some authors do witness the same. The Empire being divided into parts, every one might well have defended his portion, if any bounds could contain men's immoderate desires. Or if they which being but ministers unto a king, when under the colour of the administration of an others dominion had encroached into great kingdoms, could have avoided the occasions of war, seeing they were all of one nation, and had their countries by limits. But it was hard for them to be contented with that they had in possession, when occasion was proffered them of more. For the first things always appear of no valour, when men be in hope of greater things to come. So that every one of them thought it an easier matter to increase his kingdom, than it was to come by it at the first. Alexander's body had lain seven days unburied, for whiles every man had care upon the establyshing of the state, their minds were drawn from doing of that solemn office.  
There is no country that have more fervent heat than Mesopotamia. For the son there burneth so hot that it killeth the beasts that be without covert, and burn up all things, as it were with the fire. And to the increase thereof there be few springs of water, and the inhabiters use such policy in hiding of those they have, that strangers can have no use of them. This notwithstanding, when Alexander's friends had gotten leisure to take care of the dead corpse, and came to visit the same, they found it without infection, corruption, or change of colour, the same cheerfulness which consisteth of the spirit, not being yet departed out of his countenance. Then the Egipcians and the Caldeis were commanded to dress his body after their manner, who at the first (as though he had been alive) durst not put their hands to him. But afterwards making their prayers that it might be lawful for mortal men to touch him, they purged his body, and filled it with sweet odours. And afterwards laid him upon a hearse of gold, and set a diadem upon his head.  
Many thought that he died of poison, & that jolla Antipater's son being one of his ministers, had given him the same. Alexander oftentimes would say, that Antipater coveted the estate of a king, affecting more greatness, than parteined to a lieutenant, and through glory of the victory he had gotten of the Lacedæmonians, was become so proud, that he claimed all things committed unto him as his own. It is thought also that Craterus was sent to kill him with those old soldiers that were dismissed. It is certain that there is a poison in Macedon found in a water called Stiges, 
Stiges.  of such force, that it consumeth iron, and will not be contained in any thing, saving in the hoof of an horse or mule, which poison was brought by Cassander, and delivered to his brother jolle, which presented it in the drink that the king last drunk. Howsoever these things be reported, the power of them of whom the rumour went, shortly after oppressed the infamy.  
For Antipater betame King both of Macedon and of Grease, and his children after him, that did cut to death all such as were any thing near of kin unto Alexander. Ptolomeus which had the rule of Egipte conveyed Alexander's body to Memphis, which within few years after was removed to Alexandria, where as all honour is given to the memory of him, and to his name.  
Finis.   

❧ IMPRINTED at London by Richard tottel, dwelling in Fleetstreet at the sign of the hand and star, within Temple bar. Anno domini. 1553.  
¶ Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum. per septennium.