THOMAS CAMPANELLA An Italian FRIAR And Second MACHIAVELLI. His advice to the King of Spain for attaining the universal Monarchy of the World. Particularly concerning England, Scotland and Ireland, how to raise Division between KING and PARLIAMENT, to alter the Government from a Kingdom to a Commonwealth. Thereby embroiling England in Civil war to divert the English from disturbing the Spaniard in bringing the Indian Treasure into Spain. Also for reducing Holland by procuring war betwixt England, Holland, and other Seafaring Countries, affirming as most certain, that if the King of Spain become master of England and the Low Countries, he will quickly be Sole Monarch of all Europe, and the greatest part of the new world.  
Translated into English by Ed. Chilmead, and published for awakening the English to prevent the approaching ruin of their Nation.  
With an admonitory Preface by WILLIAM PRYNNE of Lincolns-inn Esquire.  
LONDON, Printed for Philemon Stephens at the Gilded Lion in St. Paul's Churchyard.   

Mr. WILLIAM PRYNNE his premonitory Epistle concerning Campanella's discourse of the Spanish Monarchy.  
To the Ingenuous Reader.  
THou hast here presented to thy serious perusal (by an able hand) a faithful English Translation of a discourse touching the SPANISH MONARCHY penned by Thomas Campanella (a famous Italian Friar, and second Machiavelli) about the end of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, prescribing sundry politic plots to the King of Spain, how to make himself sole Temporal, and the Pope sole Spiritual Monarch of the world, in general; and of England, Scotland and Ireland and Holland in particular; laid down in the 25. and ●7. chapters; by sowing the seeds of division and intestine wars between England, Scotland, Ireland and the Netherlands, either by changing our Hereditary Kingdom into a Commonwealth, or at least into an Elective Kingship, and other policies there laid down to destroy our temporal Kingly Government; and by broaching new Opinions and Sects in Religion, and by scattering the seed of Schism and division in the natural sciences, and promoting the study of Astrology, to undermine our Church and Religion, and usher in Popery by insensible degrees by Romish Emissaries. If thou wilt but seriously peruse these Chapters and compare them with the counsels, projects, proceedings, new models of Government, and wars with the Scots and Hollanders of the late Agitators and general Council of Officers in the Army, and their Anti-Parliamentary Conventicles, ever since the year 1647. till this present; thou wilt most clearly discern, and ingenuously confess that they punctually pursued Campanella his projects, to advance the Popes and Spaniards Monarchy over our three Kingdoms and the Netherlands, and reduce them under their unsupportable Tyranny both in Civils and Spirituals; wherein they have now made (either ignorantly or affectedly) such an unhappy dismal progress, by subverting our ancient Kingly Government to metamorphose us into a Commonwealth, which hath crumbled our formerly united Kingdoms, Churches, into so many opposite irreconcilable Sects, Factions, Parties, Interests, undermining, oppressing each other by impoverishing our Kingdoms, destroying their Trades, and eating them up to the very bones by a perpetual domineering all swaying Army, and intolerable endless Taxes, Excises, Militia's, Imposts, Free-quarters, and all sort● of violences and oppressions, and leaving us no legal visible Head, Authority, Council, Parliament, Governors, Judicatures, to which they can fly for protection or advise; that unless God's infinite mercy interpose, they are in all probability ready to be invaded, overcome and swallowed up by the united forces of these Combined Enemies, and to incur that fatal doom which Christ himself hath predicted to every Kingdom and City in our present condition, Mat. 12.25. Every Kingdom divided against itself, Is brought to desolation, and every City or House divided against itself shall not stand. Which Campanella laying for his ground, made it his Masterpiece to set down stratagems to divide us and other Kingdoms and Nations against and between themselves, to bring them first to desolation by themselves, that so the Spaniard and Pope might without much difficulty seize upon them whiles in that condition, which imminent danger and approaching ruin we have no probable means left to prevent, but by a speedy cordial Christian union between our lawful KING long exiled Head and members; and happy restitution of our Hereditary King, Peers, and English Parliaments to their ancient just Rights and Privileges according to our sacred Oaths, Protestations, Vow, League, Covenant, and an avowed future renunciation of all Campanella's Jesuitical, Popish, Spanish Counsels, Plots, Innovations, dividings, which I leave thee to contemplate. Concluding with this memorable observation and passage of St. Basil the great in his Ascetica. 
Prooemium de judicio Dei.  This holy Saint of God being very much perplexed in his mind at the manifold Schisms and vehement dissensions then in the Church of Christ, between Christians, Bishops and Ministers themselves, renting the Church with opinions and practices contrary to the commands of the Lord Jesus Christ, and diligently enquiring and much doubting what should be the true cause thereof; at last that text in the Book o● judges coming into his mind, Every one did that which was right in his own eyes, 
judg. 17.6.18.1.21.25  the cau●e whereo● is declared in the premised words, In those days there was no KING in Israel, after some consideration and meditation thereupon, he concluded not as a paradox, but undoubted truth; that the very reason why there was then so great contention and fight amongst Christians in the Church of Christ, was, the contempt of that great, true and only KING of all Men, whilst every one departed both from the doctrine of our Lord Jesus Christ, and did set up his own cogitations and definitions by his own authority as his rule, and would rather Command against the Lord, then be subject to the Lord, and governed by him. When I pondered these things with myself, and stood amazed at this enormous impiety, and would yet further search out the truth hereof● I was persuaded that the aforesaid cause was true in this, as it was in other affairs of this life. For I saw all the multitude to be a well compounded State, and to Consent and Consist together so long only as obedience was yielded to some one Supreme KING of them all: and on the other side, That dissension and division of every kind, and also Polyarchy to arise from hence, if there being no KING every man obtained licence to do what he pleased, I have sometime seen even a swarm of Bees out of the Law of Nature to wage War and to follow their own KING in order, and I have seen and read many such things of them, and tho●e who are busied about such things know much more; so that what I have said may be proved true from hence. For it is the property and peculiar of those who regard the command of one, and use one KING, that they be well and unanimously disposed between themselves: therefore all dissension and discord is both an Index and Prognostic of that contumacy, wherein the Principality of one is rejected Whether this be not the true and principal cause of all our sad divisions and wars both in Church and State; let the Reader resolve when he hath perused Campanella of whom I have oft made mention in my late publications, and was one chief cause of its Translation into English.  
William Prynne. From my Study in Lincoln's Inn, Decemb. 16. 1659.   

The Translator to the Reader.  
Courteous Reader,  
SEeing that we are fallen into an Age of Translations, that swarm more now then ever, partly by reason that there are so many that (as things now stand) have hardly any other Trade of life to take to; and partly also through the Natural Itch that most men have to appear to the world some way or other, (especially since they find so good reception from such Readers, as either cannot, or will not take the pains to peruse Authors in their Originals) I have also adventured to present thee here with a Translation, which, if thou understand it, thou wilt thank me for; if thou dost not, thy censure concerns me not.  
But first, before I put thee upon the reading of the Book itself, I shall by the way take liberty to give thee some little, but necessary Information, touching these three following Particulars, viz. 1. The Author of this Piece. 2. The Use that may be made of it: and 3. Of this present Translation of it into English.  
First, as for the Author, He was a man that was as famous for his Sufferings, as for his Learning; for notwithstanding that he was a Roman Catholic, nay a Friar, and withal so eager and hearty an Asserter, and Maintainer of the Roman Catholic Sea, and Its Interests; yet for all this do we find him in the Inquisition, and so terribly tormented there, as that the Learned I. Gaffarel, a Frenchman, being at Rome, where our Author was then in Duresse, and having a desire to see him, he went with some friends to the Place where he was, where he found him (as he expresseth himself in his C●riositez Inonyes, cap. 7.) ayant le gras des jambes tontes me●●tries, & les fesses presque sans chair, la luy ayant arrach●e par morceaux, 〈◊〉 de tirer de luy la confession des crimes dont on l' accusoit: with the Calves of his Legs beaten black and blue all over, and with scarcely any flesh at all upon his buttocks; it having been torn from him peice-meal, to force him to the confession of such crimes as they had accused him of. Niether were these his sufferings of any short Continuance, as appears out of his own words, as in other places, so in this Book of his now in our hands; where we have him intimating unto us (as I conceive) these his sufferings, and casting them Decennalem Afflictionem, his Ten years' Affliction, in his Preface to this Book: and in the last Chapter of it, Decennalem miseriam, his Ten years' misery. But of the reason of these his sufferings, I am not at present able to give thee any very good Account: only the afore cited I. Gaffarel there tells us, that there was at that time an Expectation abroad of A full Relation of his whole life; for, ●aith he, Mais un seavant Aleman faira voir en peu de temps, l' histoire de ses malheurs, & de sa vie: A certain Learned Germane will ere long give us the history of his Misfortunes, and of his Life. Now whether any such Discourse of Campanella's Life ever came forth or not, I know not; I confess it never came to my hand●  
So much for the Author's Sufferings. And as for his Learning, whosoever would understand how large, and General that was, must not stay upon this our present Treatise, but may have recourse to other Tracts of hi●, that are written of Several Subjects, both in Divinity, Philosophy, Politics, Astrology, and what not I which the shops will every where furnish him with.  
As for this present Discourse, touching the Spanish Monarchy, I confess I cannot yet discover in what Language it was first written by the Author; but I find that the Latin which is now Lately come abroad, and goes under the name of the Last Edition, and is set forth by Lodowick Elzivir at Amsterdam, is the Third Edition of it, and pretends to the mending of what was amiss and corrupt in the two former Editions.  
And seeing that we have now, in a manner, found a kind of an Accomplishment of some Counsels of his, that were given long ago, as namely, touching a war with the Dutch, it would not be amiss to examine about what time this Book was written. Now though the very time of the writing of it is no where precisely set down; yet there are some Circumstances let fall here and there in the Book, that may serve to guide our Conjecture by. And I therefore conceive it to have been written about 53, or 54 years. since. For, it is plain, that it was written in Queen Elizabeth's time, and after 88 and indeed when the Queen was now grown very Old, and that King james was in daily expectation of the English Crown falling to Him. But this does not do the business: we can bring it yet nearer home than so; for in his Chap. XXIV. of France, speaking of Henry IV. King of France, he says that jam in declivi aetate est, nec successorem nec uxorem habet; He now begins to be an old man● and hath neither successor nor Wife. Now the time here pointed out, I conceive to be the year of our Lord 1599 or the following year, 1600. for in the first of these years' King Henry was divorced from Margaret, his former Wife, and he married the year following Ca●h●rine de Medicis, by whom he afterwards had issue, Lewis the XIII. etc. In one of these years therefore I suppose the Author to have written this book.  
2. For the Use of it, we have here laid down, both in a Methodical and copious way, a perfect Model both of the Original, and Principles of Government. For here wear instructed both how Princes ought to treat their Subjects at home, and also how to manage their Affairs abroad, towards other Foreign Kingdoms and Republics. We have here, as it were, a Political Glass, wherein we have presented unto us a view of each particular Country, Province, Kingdom and Empire through the whole World; as also by what ways of Government, whether by strict Justice, or Lenity, a straight, or a loose Rain they are to be governed, and kept in obedience: as likewise the Causes of the Rise and Fall of each several Kingdom, and Empire; together with the Dangers and Hazards they were exposed to, and the Advantages they had to boast of; and all this Illustrated and confirmed by several examples, taken both out of Profane, and Sacred Writers. Now although this be designed wholly, and modelled out, in reference to the Spanish Monarchy only, and the support of the Papacy; yet may all wise, Judicious men make very good use of the same, and apply what Counsels are here given the King of Spain, to their own Affairs.  
For, if it be good counsel for the King of Spain to take, To procure and maintain a perfect Union among his own subjects at home; but on the Contrary, To sow the seeds of Division among his Enemies abroad: the same must be as good Counsel for the King of France also to take, or any other Prince, or Potentate what ever. If it be good Counsel to the Spaniard, Never to trust so much to any peace made with an Enemy, as thereupon quite to lay aside his Arms: it is altogether as good Counsel for any other Prince. And the same may be said of any other of the General Maxims of Policy delivered here by our Author. But as for what in Particular concerns the Advancement of the Spaniard and his Designs, in order to the bringing about of his Universal Monarchy; whether the Rules by our Author laid down were in sufficient to do the business: or whether, hough they were every way as full and proper as could be, yet having not been precisely observed, the business hath miscarried, and the Spaniard hath not as yet arrived, and perhaps now is never like to arrive to the end of his Desires; all this needs not hinder, but that thou shouldest look upon this Author, as a man of a most clear wit, & Judgement and prize him as one that was full of knowledge, and experience in the Affairs of the World, and a most industrious, and studious person.  
In the Third and last place thou art to take notice, as concerning this Translation, that we have therein dealt so fairly and Ingenwosly with our Author, as that we have perfectly and entirely preserved his own sense unto him● Neither have we stopped his foul mouth where he hath either used ill Language toward any of the Protestant Princes, or cast dirt into the faces of the first Reformers, Luther, Calvin etc. For to what end should we falsify our Original, by making our Author more Civil than he had a mind to be? seeing we are never a whit the worse for being so miscalled by him; nor is he himself a jot the wiser for using us so. And to say the Truth, we ourselves take the same Liberty towards them: and therefore, for aught I see, 
— Hanc Veniam petimusque damusque vicissim.   
We must even be content to allow each other this Liberty on both sides.   

An Index of the CHAPTERS.  
CHAP. I. Of the Causes of Humane Principalities, 
Page 1.  II. The Causes of the Spanish Empire. 
p. 4  III. Of the first Cause of Empires, namely God. 
p. 6  IU. Of the Spanish Empire, considered according to the First Cause. 
p. 9  V. Of the Second Cause, namely Prudence. 
15  VI. How the Clergy are to be dealt withal. 
25  VII. What may be further added concerning Prudence, and Opportunity. 
30  VIII. The Causes by which the Spanish Monarchy may be enlarged, and become l●sse. 
31  IX. Of the King. 
32  X. What Sciences are required in a Monarch, to render Him admired by all. 
45  XI. Of Laws, both good, and bad. 
50  XII. Of Counsel. 
52  XIII. Of Justice, and its Contrary. 
57  XIV. Of the Barons, and Nobility of the Spanish Empire. 
60  XV. Of the Soldiery. 
66  XVI. Of the Treasure of Spain. 
81  XVII. Of the People's Love and Hate; as also of Conspiracies. 
93  XVIII. Of Preachers and Prophecies. 
105  XIX. Of such Kingdoms, as are properly belonging to the King of Spain: and of such also, as ar● his Enemies; and of these, which are in League with each other, and which not. 
115  XX. Of Spain. 
125  XXI Of Italy. 
129  XXII. Of Sicily, and Sardinia. 
136  XXIII. Of Germany. 
139  XXIV. Of France. 
144  XXV. Of England, Scotland, and Ireland. 
155  XXVI. Of Poland, Muscovia, and Transylvania. 
162  XXVII. Of Flanders, and the Lower Germany. 
165  XXVIII. Of afric. 
185  XXIX. Of Persia, and Cataia. 
194  XXX. Of the Great Turk, and his Empire. 
197  XXXI. Of the Other Hemisphere, and the New World. 
211  XXXII. Of Navigation. 
223    

The Author's Preface.  
THe Universal Monarchy of the World, beginning from the East, and so coming at length to the West, having passed through the hands of the Assyrians, Medes, Persians, Greeks, and Romans, (who were divided by the Imperial Eagle into Three Heads,) is at length come down to the Spaniard: upon whom, after so long Slavery, and Division, it is wholly conferred by Fate: and that with greater Splendour, then on any of his Predecessors: to whom also, according to the Vicissitude of Humane Affairs, it did of right belong.  
Now although I had not any Intention to write any thing, touching either the Government, or the Enlargement of the Spanish Monarchy, which you, most Noble Alfonso, have desired me to do; yet being at length delivered from my Tedious Sickness, and my Ten years' Afflictions, though I am utterly deprived of the help of any Books, and am, as it were, shut up as a Prisoner in this my Cell; I shall notwithstanding in a brief, and Compendious way, give your Lordship an account, what my judgement is concerning this Subject; and shall give in the Causes of each several Point, in General first; not after a Natural, nor a Theological, but after a Political way: and shall afterwards also descend to trea● more Particularly of the same.  
Tho. Campanella.   

A DISCOURSE TOUCHING The Spanish Monarchy.  
CHAP. I. Of the Causes of Humane Principalities.  
IN the acquiring, and managing of every Dominion, and Principality, there usually concur three Causes; that is to say, God, Prudence, and Occasion: All which, being joined together, are called by the name of Fate; which is nothing else, but a concurrence of all the Causes, working by virtue of the First. And hence also is Fortune sprung, which is the Success of Earthly things, whether it be good, or evil; which if it be rightly known, is called Prudence; but if otherwise, it is then called Fate, Fortune, or Chance. As for example, if a man find that which he had long sought after, it is called Understanding, and Prudence: but if he light upon a thing which he did not seek after, nor knew where it was, it is called Chance, or Fortune. Among these three Causes, One sometimes prevails in the ruling of things, more than Another; and perhaps more than the Other two. Yet notwithstanding, if we will confess the truth, they are all Three Politically concurring in the business. Do but take notice of the Kingdom of the jews, wherein God was the Principal Agent; who, by sending Moses and Aaron, furnished out the Other Two Causes. For Moses was a person of extraordinary Wisdom, and Knowledge, not only in Divine, but in Humane things also: for he was well versed in all the Learning of the Egyptians, and managed a War for King Pharaoh against the King of Ethiopia; whom he vanquished in the War, and whose daughter also he took to Wife, as both Flavius josephus, and Philo testify. And yet for all this he despised not the advice of Ieth●●, his Father-in-law, touching the taking in of a certain number of persons to assist him in the Administration of the Government over the People of Israel. And indeed They, being sore oppressed, and labouring under their Egyptian Slavery, took Occasion, by his means, of shaking that Yoke off their necks: whence they were inclined to hearken the more willingly to Him; and to follow him whither ●e would lead them; the Occasion also, taken from the Wickedness of those of Palestine, concurring with their Inclinations. Besides, the Great Monarch of all the Earth, God, of his own accord, and free grace, gave Wisdom to his People; as he did likewise to the Apostles, and to the Bishop of Rome; which was also assisted by Occasion; which is nothing else, but to know how to make right use of the Time: whence followed the Division of the Roman Empire, but the utter Subversion of the jewish.  
Yet notwithstanding, where the Power of Man only appeared Outwardly, there was a concurrence and co-operation of the finger of God, though not so visibly seen. And thus the Assyrians for some secret Causes were possessed of the Monarchy of the World; which Causes notwithstanding have been sometimes apparent: as we see in Nabuchodonosor, whom God rewarded with the spoils of Egypt, because he had made use of Him against the ingrateful Hebrews, and against Tyre. And in Isaiah, God reproveth the King of the jews, for that, when by his aid his enemies had been slain and put to flight, He notwithstanding had ascribed all to his Own strength. Now the Occasion of this, was, the Wickedness of the Nations, who were governed by no Prudence. In the Monarchy also of the Medes, the same Occasion carried a great stroke in the business, when as God (as it appears out of Daniel) came forth upon the stage, and raised up Arbaces, the Praefect of Media, who was a very wise man, against Sardanapalus, who wallowed in all Luxury and Womanish delights. In the Persian Monarchy the Valour and Courage of Cyrus appeared, and Media, being destitute of a Successor for the Kingdom, afforded him the Occasion of showing it: and God himself, in Isaiah calling Cyrus, his Anointed, instructed him how he should bring the Nations under his Yoke.  
Who makes any doubt of the Prudence and Wisdom of Alexander the Great; and knows not, that the Divisions of the Grecians at home, and the Looseness of Life that the Eastern Nations had at that time given themselves up unto, administered unto him an Occasion of making use of it. Wherein the Divine Power was most evidently manifested; for as much as, as the Prophet Daniel testifies, the Angel of the Kingdom of Greece laboured much in the business.  
In the Roman Empire also, Prudence, and Valour, did very much; but Italy's being divided into several Commonwealths, and the Carthaginians Factions among themselves, were the Occasion. And commonly to that Part that dissolves any great Empire, all the rest of the Principalities of the World do incline. And certainly God himself was the chiefest Cause of the Prosperity of the Romans, because of their Moral Virtues; as it is proved by St. Augustine, in his book De Civitate Dei. Yet no place doth more evidently show, what Occasion can do, than Sicily, at what time it called forth Peter of Arragon against those of Anjou; whence sprang the Proverb of those most famous Vespers. Although it cannot be denied, but that he was assisted very much in that Undertaking, not only by the Pope; but also by his own Innate Prudence. And truly, although Historians seldom make any mention at all of these Three Causes, yet the Books of the Kings of the jews, and the Successions therein laid down before us, do sufficiently confirm the same, and make it appear, that which way soever the Prophecies, and the Valour of the Persons inclined, that way also did the Fortune of the Kingdom look.   

CHAP. II. The Causes of the Spanish Monarchy.  
THe same Three Causes therefore have concurred in the Spanish Monarchy. For after that ●t had, by the Assistance of Almighty God, happily maintained War against the Moors for near 800. years' space together, It at length brought forth such Valiant Commanders, and Soldiers, that being so fortified both by Strength and Prudence, and having overcome the Barbarians, they then turned their Arms another way, and proceeded on to greater Undertake. And afterwards being, as it were by Divine Instinct, assisted by the Pope with a great Treasure of Indulgences and C●oisados, and the King being also honoured by the Title of Catholic, that is to say, Universal, It arrived to so great a reputation and glory of Valour, that the Genueses were so much the more willingly and readily drawn in to their assistance in the making themselves Masters of the New World: And lastly, it is most certain, that whilst Wars were made with Lances, and Horses, the Gauls, Goths, and Lombard's enlarged their Dominions; but when the Sword was the chief Weapon, the Romans than carried all afore them. But in after times, when Subtlety and Cr●ft was of more Prevalence than Valour, and that Printing, and Guns were now found out, the Chief Power than fell into the hands of the Spaniards, who are a People that are both Industrious, Active, Valiant, and Subtle. For than did Occasion join the King of Arragon with Isabel, Queen of Castille, who had no Issue Male to succeed her: and at the same time also was added to him the Imperial Line of the House of Austria: to which likewise, through defect of Issue Male in the Burgundian Family, there was added a very considerable Inheritance of many Lordships, and Provinces in the Low-Countries, and in other places.  
Then follows the Discovery of the New World, made by Christophorus Columbus; and another accession also, by the joining of the Kingdom of Portugal to Spain. All which rendered the Monarchy of Spain both Illustrious, and Admirable, and also, besides other things, made Her Lady of the Seas: to which Advantages was also added the Troubled Condition of the French, English, and Dutch, who were at Variance among themselves about certain Points of Religion: by which means the Spania●d so easily arrived to this height of Power and Greatness it now is in.  
And the King of Spain might grow more Powerful yet, and might attain to the Dominion of the Whole World, if he would but endeavour the Overthrow of the Turkish Empire; as Alexander heretofore did of the Persian, and the Romans of the Carthaginean. For that Empire got up to this height, for the Sins of the Christians; and the Angel of that People hath yet the upper hand. For while the Imperialists have been at variance with the Pontificians, the French with the English, the Venetians with the Gen●eses, God hath raised up the Turks, and hath sent them into both Empires; because that the Christians were too gently, and lightly punished for their sins by the Arabians, Tartars, and other foreign Nations; as I have already showed in my Papal Monarchy.  
And the Turk is the same to us at this day, who are so distracted and divided by several Heresies, that the Assyrians were of old to the jews, who by faction were divided into the Kingdoms of judah and Israel; except the Good Angel of Spain afford us his assistance; as I have elsewhere showed.   

CHAP. III. Of the First Cause of Empires, namely God.  
IT is very evident, that neither Prudence alone, nor yet joined with Occasion, is sufficient for the attaining to, or governing a Kingdom; for as much as we know, that the Freedom of the Will consists only in the Will itself, and not either in Action or Passion. For it may so fall out, that a man may over night purpose the next morning to go to Sea, or to study, or to go to plow, or to do any other business; and yet upon a sudden the falling of Rain, or unexpected tempestuous and foul weather may cross that so wise counsel of his; so that he must be forced to do, not according to his own determination, but according as matters shall fall out. So that he that knows how so to order his Counsels and Determinations, as that they shall always be subordinate to the Superior Causes, his affairs shall seldom fail of succeeding prosperously. Wisemen therefore make it their business to labour after the knowledge of these Superior Causes, of God, and His Divine Will, on which the whole Chain, and Series of future things depends. And hence it is, that some have sought for God in the Stars; who hath also answered some by the Stars; as namely, the Magis, or Wisemen, at our Saviour's Nativity. And perhaps a Rainy Morning may have done no hurt at all to this, or that ginger; because they foresaw this Rain, and so probably ordered their affairs accordingly, having regard to the Will of God herein; who, out of his singular goodness, will be found there, where we seek him with a sincere heart. Nay, when the business so requires, he answereth even those that do not seek him with a sincere heart: as we see in Balaam, whom he answered perhaps, when he was not asked. And so likewise in King Saul, who was informed by Samuel, what the Event of things should be, though he had by Witchcraft consulted the Devil, and not Samuel: as Tho: Aquinas also is of opinion, in his 2.2 4.140. And therefore we also ought to believe, that the True God gave answer to the Diabolical Superstitions of the Romans, Grecians, and Chaldeans, by the Ministry of the peculiar Angel of each of these several Empires. For the Inevitable Decree of his Will sometimes exalted, and again sometimes depressed and clouded the Majesty of those Monarchies. Therefore the Chaldeans, and so likewise the Medes, whensoever their own Wisdom failed them, made their Invocations upon God by the Stars; as the Greeks did by their Oracles at Delphos, the Romans by their Auguries, and Observations of Birds; and as the more Sound Philosophers sought Him in the Works of Nature: as Pythagoras also did in Numbers, which are as a certain Ray of Divinity, disseminated and diffused throughout the whole Universe. But much more rightly did the jews seek after him, by the Prophets which were sent unto them. Which custom of theirs the Christians also followed, when as the Archangel Michael had gone over from the jews, to the State of the Christians. For in all probability we ought to believe, that when any Empire is overthrown, the Angel of that goeth over to the Conqueror. And this is a Secret which was not unknown to the Romans, who for this very reason would not have their Tutelar Angel to be known, to the end that he might not be invoked by other Nations. And therefore we may probably believe, that either the Angel of Persia yielded to that of Greece; or else, that He went over from the Persians to the Greeks: and so consequently, that the Angel of Constantinople does at this time fight for the Turks; or else, having removed his station, stands now for Germany, and hath joined himself to Her Angel. Now where there are the more of these Tutelar Angels, There there is the greater growth, and stronger confirmation of Power. And therefore, being instructed hereto out of the Scriptures, I affirm, that if at any time God appear to treat either favourably, or else contrarily with any Monarchy, we are to understand this in reference, not to that present Monarchy only, but to the succeeding also. For, unless this were so, God should not have revealed the Knowledge of Future things to his Church by the Prophets; which is an absurd thing to believe: and it would also follow, that this Knowledge was to be sought for by the Stars, or some other things. Which things, seeing they are partly also forbidden by the Pope, we are necessarily to believe, that all things are otherwise sufficiently provided for.  
Wheresoever therefore God speaks of the Babylonish Empire, we are to understand it as said also of the Persian, Grecian, and Roman, which in their turns succeeded It. And hence it is, that St. john calls Rome, Babylon. And so likewise what is said of the Kingdom of the jews, the same is to be understood also of the Church of Rome; which hath received the Keys of David, and the Name of jerusalem; according to that which is said to the Angel of Philadelphiae: Now Philadelp●ia is, Brotherly Love; as Roma, Rome, by turning the Letters backward, is Amor, Love. And God oftentimes threatens his Church; I will remove thy Candlestick out of its place, unless thou repent. For in like manner the Angel of God may be said to remove from one Church to another, (as for example, from Heretical England, to Catholic Borussia) as from one Kingdom to another. And so what is pronounced by Ezechiel, jeremy, and Esay, concerning the Prince of Tyre, is sometimes to be taken as spoken of the Prince of the Angels that fell from Heaven, and were cast out of their Kingdom there. Where that also which is said; How art thou fallen, O Lucifer! which is spoken of the King of the Chaldaeans, is to be taken, as, by way of similitude, spoken of his Successors, and of the Aerial (so called) Empire of the Great Devil. For, both Empires, and all other Earthly things bear a similitude to the Heavenly; as those of the Sea do to them of the Land. Whence it is, that you have your Bishop-fish, your Sea-calf, and the Calamary, or Sea-Clark: for as much as all of them have their dependence from the Prime Reason, or the Divine Idea, which is, the Eternal Word. Whence I seem to myself to have found out a Key, by which I may find out a passage to the knowledge of the Original, Government, and end of the Kingdom of Spain, by the First Cause, which God hath laid open in the Prophets; and by which we may proceed on further, to discover the Prudence herein requisite, and the Occasion, which the Spaniard ought to lay hold on.   

CHAP. IU. Of the Spanish Empire, considered according to the First Cause.  
IT is evident, that the Prophecy concerning the end of the World, both according to Nature, and the Art of Policy, is shortly to be fulfilled; being that the Fixed Stars of Scorpio, and Taurus, have changed their places, and the Sun is now ten thousand miles nearer to the Earth; and so many Eclipses also appear, by reason of the Transposition of the Equinoctial Points; which, according to the Opinion of Plato (though Aristotle, who was Ignorant in Deeper matters, and was skilled only in Logic, and such like Quiddities, denies the same,) do foretell Grand Mutations● These Exorbitances of the Heavenly Bodies, together with the Deluges, and devastations by Fire that have happened in all parts, as also the Changes that have happened in the greatest Monarchies of the World, according to the Gospel (wherewith Seneca also agrees in Opinion) are the evident signs, that the world is drawing to an end. For the Empire, or State of Christianity (and it is a thing very well worth our observing) hath lasted already 1600. years (and upward;) Which number, being Composed of Seven and Nine, is fatal to all Monarchies, as both Pythagoras, and Plato have written; and as may be gathered also out of Moses, where he speaks of jubiles, and Weeks; as likewise out of jeremy, speaking of the Sabbatisme of the Holy Land; and also out of the Art of Physic, touching the Cure of Fevers, and the difference of Complexions and Ages: and lastly, from a passage of Augustus Caesar, who in an Epistle of his to his Nephew, rejoiceth very much, that he had escaped the Sixty Third year of his age; which year, seeing it is composed of nine Septenaries of years, is most dangerous and Fatal to people. And even God himself created all things in Number. Therefore this very time doth presage Enlargement, or Impair, and Mutations in all things. We see also, that the Prophecy touching the Monarchies draws now near an end, seeing that Balaam, as it is recorded by M●ses Num. Cap. 2●, reckoning up the Monarchies, stops at that which concerns Italy, saying; They shall come in ships from Italy ' and shall overcome the Assyrians, and in the end themselves also shall be destroyed, In which place he speaks of the Monarchy of Spain; so that it is necessary that it must be engrafted into that of Italy. And consequently also the Fate of Tyre may be understood of that of Spai●: for as much as Caerthage was a Colony of Tyre, and by reason of the frequent voyages they made thither by Sea to and fro, it followed the manners and fashions of the Tyrians. And hence are the Spaniards descended, who at first embracing and applying themselves to the Manners, subtleties, & Gods of the Carthaginians, and afterwards becoming Christians, were overwhelmed with all those evils, with which God in his Prophets, Ezechiel, jeremy, and Esay threatens Tyre. And besides, they were very skilful also in Navigation, as those of Tyre were. And if Spain shall imitate the pride of Tyre, by extolling itself above the Church, as Tyre did, it shall suffer a sorer destruction then that did, neither shall it ever enlarge the bounds of its Empire. Nevertheless before the end of the World, the Spaniard being joined in amity with the Pope, shall live in a more happy condition, and shall reign securely and peaceably, holding Correspondence with the Church, and courting the Pope and the Cardinals, like the Daughter of Tyre, (as it is in the Psalms, and Esay) with Gifts: neither yet shall he arrive to that Height of Universal Monarchy which he had aspired unto. But this is a business to be handled secretly, and not to be published openly to the World. And as concerning the Spaniards Ambition, I affirm, that while he complies with the House of Austria, he shall be humbled, for as much as Isaiah saith; Onus Iumen●orum Austri, the burden of the beasts of the South; intimating, that He shall effect none of those things which I shall hereafter touch upon; that is, reigning in the condition he now doth; but shall be destroyed, as one overwhelmed by a Wall falling on him, like as Tyre was. And hence considering with himself the evil likely to befall him, he shall at length lift up his head, when he shall have called to remembrance, that after that the House of Austria was once inserted into that of Spain, the New World was presently discovered by his Agents, and he had thence returns of ships laden with gold, which are jumenta Austriae, those Beasts of Austria; & besides, that the Title of Monarchy, and this so great Principality of his begins under Charles V. had he but known as well how to keep what he had got, as he knew how to get it. But because that neither in his time Fate answered the expectation of Spain we must therefore search the Scriptures more diligently, that we may discover when that time is to be; as a certain Politician said, and as we also, God willing, shall show; that we may attain to that which they drive at. But I say, that the end of Monarchies is now come, and that we are now come to that Age, wherein all things are to be in subjection to the Saints● and to the Church; which is to be, after the end of the four Monarchies, and the death of Antichrist, who shall continue for the space of three Weeks and a half, according to the opinion of Lactantius, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Origen, Victorianus, S. Bernard, joachimus' Abbess, Dante, Petrarch, and some others, both Divines, Philosophers, Prophets, and Poets; as I have elsewhere showed. daniel's Image also is fallen to the ground; so likewise the Four Beasts, the Three Weeks, and the Twelve Feathered wings of the Eagle, spoken of in the second Book of Esdras, are now all at an end, together with the Roman Empire; which seeing according to him, it is the same with that of Babylon, it is by succession divided into Three Heads; First, into the Right Head, which is the Western, or Germane Empire; then into the Left Head, that is, the Eastern Empire of the Turks and Saracens; and the Middle one, which is that of Constantinople. For in the Scriptures the Right, and Left hand of the World is otherwise assigned by Moses, than it is by Aristotle in his works. Now amongst these three Heads the Left, as the same Prophet testifies, hath devoured the middlemost; that is to say, the Turkish Empire hath destroyed the Constantinopolitan, to wit, in the time of Mahumet the Second. It now remains, according to the same Prophet, that the Right Head, or Western Empire, devour the Left, that is, that of the Turks. And hereto agrees the Astrology of Torquatus, which saith, that Hungary threatens destruction to the Turk; and that the Empire of the Moon shall be divided betwixt Two Sons of the Turkish Emperor, that shall be the Fifteenth Emperor of Turkey; at which time the Moon shall be bowed into two Horns. And this star is indeed a very terrible one, and will make it appear, that he that shall conquer, and subdue the Turkish Empire, shall be Lord of the whole Earth. The House of Spain then can never attain to any great Monarchy, according to Fate; but only by the adhering to Italy, & the Roman Empire, which is the German, & the Right Head. The King of Spain therefore is to use his utmost endeavour, that he may be chosen Emperor: seeing that not only God, but even Human Prudence also may inform us, that by that means he may attain to what ever his heart can wish. A beginning of which thing appeared plain enough in Charles the Fifth, King of Spain: who being also Emperor, and being assisted with the whole power of Italy and Spain, overcame those of Tunis, and the King of France, and conquered all Germany: in so much that Solyman, seeing the prosperous Fortune of this Prince, had good Cause to say, that it behoved him to take heed of Charles: neither would he, though he were stronger than He, fight with Him under the Walls of Vienna. We see therefore that which way the Fates incline, the same also goes all the rest of the Fortune; and so on the other side, all things must needs be successelesse, that are ●aken in hand under a Reluctant Fa●e. I shall here also open another Mystery, namely, that all Empires, according to the Prophecy of Noa●, do descend from the Sons of japhet; God shall enlarge Japhet, and he shall dwell in the tents of Sem, and Cham shall be his Servant. And from Cham are to descend none but Slaves, and Tyrants, who are indeed Slaves; as I have elsewhere proved. Wherefore the Turkish Empire comes from japhet, by Magog, and as to the Law, from Sem by the Line of Ishmael, from whom Mahumet descended; as it hath always been observed to fall out, that the Northern People which are fierce, and by the arms of japhet still Victorious, have yet received Laws and Rules from the wiser Southern People, who were the Offspring of Sem. And yet the Empire sometimes hath otherwise had a succession of Tyrants also, who have descended from Cham, though by the intervention of the Germane, who is descended from japhet; as the Spaniard himself derives his Line from japhet by Tubal: like as concerning the Law, the Roman Christianity doth derive itself from ●em, in respect of Christ, who is a true Sem, by the Line of Isaac.  
Seeing therefore Dominion was promised to japhet, it belongeth chiefly to the Spaniards, who are more nearly, and by a firmer alliance descended from the Lawgiver, than the Turks; and their Victory drives on to this end, that they may dwell in the House of Sem, seeing that they possess the Greatest part of Italy, by the Investiture of the Pope, who is descended from Sem: Of whom this is no fit occasion to say any more, although I willingly would do so, and indeed ought. I shall only add here, that they cannot, according to Fate, come to be Lords of all, unless they become the Deliverers of the Church, and set it free from out of the hands of the Babylonians, that is to say, of the Turks, and Heretics. Upon this account they conquered the Moors, God bestowing upon them so great an Empire as their reward. Now it is evident, that the Church is in subjection to Babylon, as long as it is Militant: and I have formerly showed elsewhere, that it do●h yet retain the days of Tuesday and Friday, and the months of August and july, which were theirs of the Roman Babylon; and the Church now suffers most grievous Persecutions under the Babylonian Infidels, both in afric, Asia, and Europe, and especially in Germany, France, England, and Pola●d. This discourse therefore is to be listened unto with attentive ears, because that all the jewish Affairs were a Type and figure of those of the Christians. He therefore, that shall deliver the Church out of these evils, shall become the Universal Monarch; because He shall perform the Office of the Christian Cyrus, whom God shall raise up, as Esay saith, to subdue the whole World, to restore Ierusal●m, to remove their Captivity, and to build a temple to the God of Heaven and Earth, wherein shall be set up the Continual Sacrifice, as is foretold by Daniel, Esay, and Esdras. Cyrus also was of the Lineage of japhet, by the Medes; and notwithstanding that the Turk is descended of the same stock also, yet shall He not perform the Office, because that He is become an Enemy, by setting up another Contrary Law. The French in the time of Charlemain arrogated this Office to themselves; who by their often delivering the Pope out of the hands of the Princes of Italy, the Lombard's, and the Got●s, arrived to so great power, that they became formidable to all: and the said Charlemain might have come to have been Universal Monarch of the World, had not his sons been at Variance among themselves, but had managed their Empire rightly, and as they ought to have done.  
But the discords that were betwixt the Christians, and ●he following Heresy, reigning at this day, broke the neck of the French Empire; at least took away from it all hope of ever arriving to the height of so much greatness. But the Spaniards, by being continually rooting out of the Moors, became powerful; but chose Constantinople, because it deserted the Pope, and adhered to Arrius, Sabellius, and others, came to destruction. The Venetians also have by the Pope's means arrived to a great height, because that they assisted him against Frederick. So that it is manifest, that he that shall take any enterprise in hand, under a Favourable Fate, shall have all happy success therein; but on the contrary, he that shall rush on upon any undertaking under a Cross, and Unwilling Fate, shall find the Event also quite contrary to his desires. Which may also be demonstrated out of Reasons of Policy. For, he t●at maintains the Pope's Interest, maintains the Universal Right of all Christendom, which depends upon the Pope. For this Cause is accounted both a Just, and a Religious one, and therefore all men will take it up. And the Opinion also of Religion overcomes all other causes; as we ●ave already showed elsewhere, and shall further show hereafter. Add hereto, that the Pope is the Universal Moderator, and Judge of all things; to whom all people have their recourse, and yield obedience to him, as to their God, and Deliverer; as on the contrary the Sweden, Saxon, and the Constantinopolitan Princes, as being enemies to, and Stubborn opposers of Him, are rejected, and deserted by them. Therefore the Office of Cyrus belongs to the King of Spain, who, being now honoured by the Pope with the Title of The Catholic King, may easily arrive to the Principality of the whole World; and we see that he hath already followed his Footsteps, in having delivered the Church heretofore out of the hands of the Moors of Granado, as he hath lately done from the Heretics of England, the Law-Countries, and France: and He maintains besides with yearly Revenues so many Bishops, Cardinals, and Monasteries: and he hath also settled the Daily Sacrifice throughout the whole World: for as much as that every half hour, & indeed continually, the Mass is celebrated throughout his Empire: within the compass whereof the Roman Papacy, the City of jerusalem, and the Temple are contained. Neither doth it ever Sleep in his Empire. For seeing that the Sun being carried about in his Course from Spain, to Brasile, the straits of Magellan, the Philippine Islands, japan, China, Archipelagus Lazari, Calcutta, Goa, Bengala, Ormus, the Cape of Good hope, the Sea Coast of afric, and the Fortunate Islands, till it comes back again to the same Spain, there is no hour of the day but it enlightens some part of His Dominions; there is no question but that there are continually Sacrifices offered up to the God of Heaven and Earth. It is certainly a very wonderful thing, and a most evident Sign, that this Kingdom of his is diffused to a vast distance, wherein Prayers are continually offered up for the Church, and the King, together with what Stupendous Sacrifice; which, both according to the Truth, and the Opinion of Men, is of no mean Efficacy in the hearts of his Subjects. Whence I affirm, that the King of Spain, following the Order of Things, and by observing the Rules of Prudence, together with Occasion, may bring all things under his Obedience; as it shall be made appear out of the Reasons hereafter following. For this is already evident, that he engages in the same Interest with that of the Germane Empire, which is the same with that of Italy, which is the same with that of Rome, of Greece, and of Persia, or the Empire of Cyrus, and so consequently of that of Media and Babylon. And he shall have the Assistance of many several Angels, as that of Cyrus, and of Michael; and afterwards all things shall be delivered into the hands of Gog and Magog; But the Christians shall overcome: and then shall Christ come to Judge the World. And then shall the end be. But the Eclipse, and the Great Conjunction in Sagittary, which is the Constellation of Spain, will discover many secrets, when I shall have opportunity to discourse of the same.   

CHAP. V. Of the Second Cause,, namely Prudence.  
FOr as much as Prudence is required in the managing of all Humane things, (which is a Cause adjoined to Fate, consisting of an infinite number of joint Causes, acting by virtue of the Prime Cause), so especially it is necessary in the managing of an Empire: by It the whole World is governed; and it is disseminated by God through all the Universe. For Nature is an Intrinfecal, Divine Art: and whosoever shall follow Nature as his guide, he is wise; which appears evidently in Plants, Ants, Bees, Cranes, and the very Fishes themselves; which small Creatures do oftentimes afford Instruction even to Men, in the managing of their Dominions. Whence we are to understand that Prudence is a different thing from Craft; which is called by some, Ratio Statuum regendorum, the Reason, or Rule of State-Government. For Prudence is agreeable to the Prime Cause, namely God; whence it searcheth into Prophecies, and Divine Sciences, to the end that it may attain to the knowledge of things to come. But Craft seeks after its own satisfaction, and Pleasure only, and is Pleased with nothing more than the subtlety of its own Wit; Which notwithstanding, though falsely, calls itself Wisdom; according to what was spoken by Pharaoh: Venite, Sapienter opprimamus eos; Come on, let us deal wisely with them Prudence is Magnanimous, and Proposeth to itself only such things as are truly of most difficult Achievement But Craft is pusillanimous, and sneaking: yet that it may appear to be Magnanimous, It puts on the garb of Pride, and would fain seem to reach at high matters● but always out of the way of Virtue; and it flies at mean things, such as are scarcely of any value at all. Prudence is addicted to Clemency, and Truth; but Craft is Cruel, and given to Flattery. Whence the Crafty Princes saying is, that the Nobles, the Wise, and the Valiant are to be made out of the way, least happily they should wrest the Sceptre out of his Hand. Quicquid excelsum est, cada●; was the saying of Nero, and Periander; whatsoever is High, you must down with it. But Prudence makes use of the Assistance of such, for the establishing of its own Kingdom: as we read that the Honest Pharaoh, (who differed much from the other Crafty Pharaoh) made use of the service of joseph. And this is the Rule also of the Pope, who is wont to advance such as are Wise, and Learned person's, to be dignity of being Cardinals. The Crafty Prince studieth how to find out deceitful tricks, and fraudulent devises, to impose upon his Subjects: But the Prudent looks after advantageous, and useful Arts, and such as may encourage his people, and make every one of them the more ready for the discharge of his duty: as we see in Numa, who, that he might render Himself the more Venerable, and worthy of esteem to the People of Rome, found out for them, and established a Form of Religion, and Sacred Rites, that so by this means He might the better make them contain themselves within the Bounds of their Duty and Obedience. Prudence is a Virtue that becometh Kings and Emperors; but Craft is fit only for Davusses, and Slaves. Prudence, while it loseth, is a gainer; (as we may observe of St. Peter, and from the practice of the Pope at this day,) and the more inwardly we are acquainted with it, the more fervently we love it; Whereas Craft, while it gains, is a loser; and the better it is known, and seen into, the more it is hated. As we see it was in that wicked Disciple of Machiavelli, Caesar Borgia, who by his Crafty, Politic Tricks, lost the Principality of Flaminia, (which is now called Romania;) and in Tiberius also, and Nero: who by their Finesses, and Crafty designments darkened, and cast a cloud over the Majesty of the Romaen Empire, which had been rendered so resplendent and Illustrious before, by the Prudent Management of Augustus Caesar. The Prudent Prince proposeth to himself the good of the Public only; but the Crafty looks only after his own Private gain. The Prudent, that he may accomplish his desires, shows himself Valiant even almost to Rash adventuring: as Columbus, Caesar, Alexander, and Cyrus did: and withal Liberal also, even to a seeming degree of Prodigality● and lastly Justice, yet with a Moderation in his Severity. And therefore when he gets any thing, he bestows it all upon his Subjects, that so he may oblige them to him by Benefits, and may make them faithful and true unto Him. Neither yet is He so free in his gifts to them, as that they shall never have need of him more. But when He hath once attained to what he laboured for, he than becomes more thrifty, and looks about him, and considers how he may maintain his own State; lest otherwise He should be forced by the necessity of imposing upon his Subjects Unusual Taxes, to gain their ill will, and lose their Affections; which was Caligula's Case heretofore; who, after that he had in riotous courses fooled away all his own Estate, was necessitated presently to snatch away other men's. Certainly, whosoever takes in hand any high and difficult Attempt, under the Assistance of a Favourable Fate, he must necessarily be Courageous and daring; and indeed every Great, and Memorable Enterprise requireth a certain Extraordinary Valour and Courage; which yet in case the success should not be answerable, would be called Rashness.  
As for example, it was accounted a Bold undertaking in Columbus, to go in search of a New World; but plain Rashness in Ulysses: only because the one escaped safe; but the other suffered shipwreck. But when a Prince hath effected his desi●es, he must then have an eye to the uncertainty of Fortune, and must therefore take heed how he is too bold and daring; the observing of which Counsel being neglected by Charles the fifth, was the cause of bringing to nothing all that he had achieved before in Germany; for he did not take the same wise Course to preserve what he had gotten, as he had done in the getting of it. And the case was the same also with the great julius Caesar. And then again, in war there is a necessity of using severity, that so the Soldiers may all be kept to their several duties; and besides, those that perform any Signal pieces of Service, are to be rewarded accordingly: which Course unless it be taken, they will begin to spurn at the Government, and break out into seditious ways: (as Tiberius his Army did, when it was in Germany) and will fall to an insolent course of Plundering, and robbing: and so by these means will bring the Victory they had gotten before, to nothing: as it happened to Conradinus the Swevian, and Charles of Anjou.  
Therefore after any Conquest gotten over a Kingdom, the Conqueror must modestly use his Victory, and endeavour to please the People; For otherwise he will alienate their affections from himself; and they will be apt upon all occasions to invite in his Enemies to fall upon him; as it happened to Rehoboam, and Charles of Anjou in Sicily; and to the Carthaginians after the First Punic War; and to Aecolinus, against whom his subjects, the Citizens of Milan, shut their gates; as likewise to Nero, who, though Prince of it, was yet called, The Enemy of his Country. And although many Crafty Practices are now in use among Princes, for the keeping of their Subjects in due obedience; yet I dare boldly affirm, that they will in the end prove destructive to those Princes. For we see that Tiberius, that Grand Artifex of Subtleties and Craft, was miserably hated by his Subjects, and so led a very sad life, because he found he was not loved by any body, so that he was fain to put some or other every day to death, as contemners of his Majesty, and so to be ever of a troubled, disquieted mind: which certainly may better be called a Death, than a life. Therefore the highest, and most advantageous Craft that a Prince can make use of, is, to show himself Beneficent, Religious, and Liberal toward his Subjects; yet this in so moderate a way, as that by this means he give them not occasion to despise him: as happened to Pope Celestine the Fifth.  
But let us now proceed to those things, that more Particularly concern Spain.  
As I have before showed by Divine Reasons, that there can be no Universal Monarchy among the Christians expected, save that of the Pope: and have also declared how he is to be dealt withal; so I shall now prove by Reasons of Policy, that there can be no Monarch in the Christian World, unless he have his dependence upon the Pope. For certainly, what Prince soever hath any other that is superior to Him, though in Religion only, and not in point of Arms, as the Pope is, he can never attain to an Universal Monarchy. For, whatsoever He shall take in hand, it will be successelesse; and he shall be, as it were, crushed in pieces by the superior. For, All Religions, as well the False, as the True, do prevail, and are Victorious, when they have once taken root in the Minds of men; upon which only depend both their Tongues and Arms, which are the only Instruments of attaining Dominion. Thus we see that julius Caesar, when any were created Consuls, if the Po●tifex Maximus came and said, They were not created Rightly, they were presently by him put by: and so, whensoever he was to enter into a fight, if the Augurs said, that The Pullen would not eat their meat, he forbore to go on; and did only what he was directed to by their Omen. And therefore when the same Caesar had fallen upon a resolution of making himself A Monarch, he opposed Cato as much as possibly he could, and endeavoured by all possible means to be chosen to be the Pontifex Maximus. Which when he had once attained unto, he acted another way, and took upon himself all the Martial Offices that were to be administered by the sword, that so he might drive on his designs the more securely; and withal by his gifts obliged all the Soldiery so to him, as that they refused not to bear arms for Him, even against their Country, and to assist him in his designs of changing the Government of the state. So in like manner Cyrus would be called by the Title of God's Commissary, that so no Prophet might pretend to be greater than Himself. And Alexander the great would be accounted the son of jupiter Ammon, for the very same reason. It is also very evident, that no Monarchy in the Christian World hath arrived to the Height, by reason of the obedience which is due to the Pope. And hence it is that Mahomet, when he aspired to a Monarchy, brought in first a New Religion which was quite different from what was before. For Arms cannot effect any thing against Religion, if they be overmastered by another more powerful Religion, though a worse, if so be it be but entertained by the People. For as much therefore as there is no more powerful Religion found in the World, then that of the Roman Christian, it is evident that neither Spain, nor France can attain to any greater Dignity then It. And hence it was, that Charles the Great, when he had a design upon the Universal Monarchy of the World, took upon himself the Title of being The Protector of the Pope: and indeed so long as he stood up in a defence of Christianity, he became Great.  
If the King of Spain therefore do in like manner aspire to the same Height, it is necessary that he frame some New Religion; but this, neither God nor Reason permits him to do. For First, this is never to be done, but in the very Infancy, and beginning of a Kingdom; as you may see in the examples of Mahomet, Romulus, and Pythagoras; for otherwise he must needs come to ruin, by changing the Auspicia Regni, the Fortune of the Kingdom, as I may call it, whose dependence is from Faith in Christ; and then the People will immediately betake themselves to their Arms, and revolt from him. Neither indeed have any Monarchies been either more certainly, or more miserably brought to destruction, then when they have changed their Religion; as is testified by Histories. And then again, the Pope, and the rest of the Princes of Christendom would join their whole strengths together, and would in a very little time root him out of his Kingdom of Naples, Milan, and consequently also of the New World, & the rest of his Dominions. And although these things were not done to Henry the VIII of England, nor yet to the Duke of saxony, because their Territories were encompassed within small, though well fortified Bounds; yet for all that did they fail of succession, and so their States went away from them. And we have examples hereof also in jeroboam, jehu, julian the Apostate, and others; who, for having changed their Religion, incurred the hatred of their People, and brought destruction upon themselves.  
Unless we shall say, that the Pope hath no power at all in Temporal things, nor is any whit above either any other of the Bishops, or theirs Surrogates or Chaplains, in Authority or degree; which is evidently contradictory to God's Ordination, by which He hath been constituted a Regal Priest, and hath been armed with both the Swords, as well the Civil as the Spiritual. For, were it otherwise, Christ should be a very mean Lawgiver, and should be less than Melchisedech, who was both King, and Priest together; which addeth both the greater Majesty, as well as security to any Kingdom; as I have proved in my Treatise Touching Monarchy, against Dante, who, looking only upon the Priesthood of Aaron, allows to the Pope nothing but Spiritualties, and Tithes only. And which is more, this impugns also all Reasons of Policy, because the Pope can never want those that will take up Arms in His defence, (in case He should not be able to defend Himself) and that either by being moved thereunto through Zeal to Religion; as the Countess Matilda did against the Emperor Henry; or else out of Emulation, or some interest of Faction; as it was in the Case of the Venetians making war upon the Emperor Frederick, whom they compelled to kiss the Pope's Foot: or for both these reasons; as when King Pipin, and Charles the Great took up Arms in assistance of the Pope against the Lombard's, and others who waged war against him. Thus we see that the Constantinopolitan Empire came to be destroyed for the Apostasy of julian, and Constantius: in like manner as all the frederick's, Henries, and other Kings also of Naples suffered for the same Cause, as often as they denied their Obedience to the Pope. And certainly the Opinion, and Belief which hath prevailed upon the Minds of all People touching the Christian Religion, is of very great force; and moves them to defend It to the utmost of their power; so that whensoever the Pope hath excommunicated any Prince, He doth at the same instant ruin him also. Do but observe, I pray you, to what state Ferraria is reduced at this day. But we have discoursed more copiously of this in the Treatise of Monarchy.  
It is, lastly, against all Policy too; for the Pope withholds the rest of the Princes of Christendom from invading Spain; as he doth the King of Spain from invading them, by continually composing their differences; in like manner as he divided India betwixt the Portugals and the Spaniards; and thus hath several times made peace betwixt the Spaniards and the French, Venetians, and Genoese; and so likewise betwixt Pisa and Florence; which yet he would not so easily be able to do, by the mere Reverence they bear to Religion. For here in these Cases they have an eye as well to the force of Arms, as to Religion; for He that is in the wrong Cause, may justly suspect the Pope's joining of his strength to that of his Antagonist; and so for this reason he will the more readily obey the Pope's Injunction; as I have declared formerly in the forementioned Treatise. And the King of Spain, if he but declare himself for, and stand up in the defence of the Pope, shall be sure to have always the assistance of His Forces at his devotion at any time, which will be a good means of confirming his Kingdom to him. And therefore I conceive it very necessary, according to the Fate of Christendom, that if the King of Spain would arrive to an Universal Monarchy, He must declare himself publicly to have his dependence from the Pope, and command it to be published all abroad throughout the World, that himself is the Cyrus that was before typified, and the Catholic King, that is, the Universal Monarch of the World, declaring this his Monarchy by his Religious Counsels, and pious Actions; and passing also by many litigious Controversies which he hath with the Pope; and dwelling in the Tents of Sem, making it appear to all the World, that He is the Chief Defender of Christian Religion, that depends wholly upon the Pope of Rome; calling together also the Christian Princes, to consult about the recovery of those Countries they have lost, and are at this day in the hands of Heretics, and Turks; and He must proceed to the causing of such to be excommunicated, as shall deny their assistance herein; and lastly he must also take care that Pious, and diligent Preachers be sent abroad into the World to promote this business. For the Plain truth of it is, that the Pope picks quarrels sometimes with the King of Spain for no other reason, but only because he is afraid, that in case he should subdue the King of France, and the Princes of Italy, he would then make Him only as his Chaplain. And this is the reason, why He desires, that they should always be at variance one with another; that so, in case either of them should fall off from Him● by reason either of Apostasy, or some quarrel or other, He might have the other to assist him. And this is the reason why he stirred up the Western Empire against the Eastern; only because they had forsaken their former Religion, & had had many Clashing with the Pope about It. But now if King Philip will but do that which is his duty, (as is before declared) and will but give way to the Pope in some things which he pretends His Right, and will besides send some Bishops, and Cardinals into the Belgic Provinces, and to the New world, to dispose of, and order things there; he will by this means both free the Pope from this suspicion, and shall withal effect his own desires: seeing that it is evident, that the Pope, by his Indulgencies and Croysadoes, brings him in more money, than those Dignities which he bestows upon Cardinals, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Ecclesiastical Persons, do yearly stand him in; so that he will be a gainer in that, wherein he is afraid most of being a loser. And this he would quickly confess, if he would but cause it to be publicly preached and proclaimed abroad, that the end of the World is at hand, and that the time is now come, when there is to be one Sheepfold, under One Shepherd, that is, the Pope; and that Himself is another Cyrus, whose Office it is to see these things brought about, and to gather all the Flock into that One Sheepfold; and that what Nation, or Kingdom soever shall refuse to yield Him obedience, shall be brought to destruction; and many other things, which I had rather deliver by speech, then writing.  
There are many Causes to be laid open, whereby the King of Spain, as well in reference to Prudence, Power, and lastly Prophecy, may be rendered Admired by all the World. For, whether all these things do jointly incline, there necessarily must the Empire follow. And seeing that this height of Dignity is to be atained unto, under the Fortune, and Interest of the Empire of Italy, which is now called the Germane Empire; there is a necessity that the King of Spain should labour by all possible means to reduce that Empire under his power. And the better to effect this he must deal with the Pope, that he would denounce the most direful Curses that may be, against the Three Protestant Electors of the Empire; threatening them withal, that unless they return to the Church of Rome, He will deprive them of their Electoral Dignity, which they received from the Pope only; and that ●eeing they now affirm, that the Pope is Antichrist, they shall be convinced out of their own words, and made to see, that themselves are Antichristians: and that therefore they ought of themselves to lay down that Dignity of theirs, unless they will recant, and again admit of the Catholic Belief. And to this end the French, Italians, and Spaniards, being first all reconciled and made friends by the Pope, are to join their whole Forces together, and to go against them; (which certainly would much promote this business) and having overcome them, they must utterly extirpate all the Sects that have reigned among them, and send in new Colonies into their places. And this expedition is so easy a one, that Charles the Fifth himself might have been able to have effected it alone. But whereas the Free Cities of Germany do in no wise desire to hear of any such Empire, or Universal Monarchy, lest so They should be reduced into their ancient servitude again; and also because they are very slow in their Deliberations, and as slow also in the Execution of them; it would therefore very much advance this design, if the rest of the Princes of Christendom, joining their Forces together, would suddenly fall upon them; Which business when it should be over, the most Potent, or most Forward of those Princes should be chosen Electors of the Empire, by the Apostolical Authority of the Pope, whether they were Germane, Italians, or Spaniards; or else they might be chosen by Lot, when the most potent of the Christian Princes should meet together in a Solemn Convention. And although the Universal Empire of Christendom might easily by these means be translated to Spain; yet it would be sufficient to do the business, if but any one King of Spain would so order the matter, that Himself might be but chosen Emperor; who should then immediately march into Germany with a good Army, and should instantly subdue it, while it is at so great discord and variance within itself, both in point of Religion, and of State. And this Expedition he ought speedily to go upon, and that under a Pretext of marching for Hungary.  
These things I say, that all People might take notice, how much it concerns the Interest of the King of Spain, that he endeavour the attaining to the Empire of the World by the means of the Pope.  
And indeed his being Dignified ●ith the Title of the Catholic or Vniversal King's shows plainly, that this is the will of the Holy spirit, speaking by the Clergy.   

CHAP. VI, How the Clergy are to be dealt withal.  
BUt it is not sufficient that we have the Clergy on our side; but we are further to labour that at length we may get a Spani●rd to be elected Pope, or rather, one of the house of Austria; seeing it is evident, that whensoever the Pope pronounceth his Oracle for this House, He doth thereby raise it withal; and on the contrary He casts a cloud upon it, and keeps it under, whensoever He declares against it. Which the Kings of France observing, they have endeavoured with all their might, that the Pope should remove his Seat, and go and live in Fr●nce. And so we know that when the Oracle at Delphos began once to speak on Philip's side, King of Macedon: He presently, what by his Politic Stratagems, and what by Pretence of Religion, arrived to the Monarchy of all Greece.  
In the Determinations also concerning Differences in Religion, it behoves the King of Spain to be the most Active of any in the managing of the same; and indeed to take a greater care, and to be more Vigilant herein, than the Pope himself. Whence we see, that Philip, King of France, did always in a manner, as it were, command Pope john the XXII. as being himself more Zealous than the Pope was, in defending, and propagating that decree of the Church, namely; That the Saints in Heaven do see the Essence of God, even before the last day of judgement.  
There must also always some Novelty or other, tending to Christian Religion, be set on Foot; such as are the Canonisations of Saints, the changing of the Names of Holy Days, & of Months, & other the like things, by transferring them to Christian Worship; by which means He shall keep busy the heads of the Prelates as much as he can, and so shall thereby the more confirm his own Authority among them. He ought besides to oblige the Chief of the Clergy to himself by the most commodious Arts that he can; as namely, by sending into the Low-Countries, and the like suspected places, Cardinals, and Bishops, to be Governors there; for the People would much more readily and cheerfully obey the commands of such, than they will the severity of the Spaniard; and such Prelates would also adhere more to Them. Nevertheless in the mean time they ought to have as subordinate to them, some Military Commanders, with Forces too. And besides, He ought, by the Pope's consent too, to send abroad such Cardinals, as are either Spaniards born, or at least of the Spanish Faction, into the parts of the New world, and all other far remote Places, to rule and exercise Monarchical Power there; which would be a business of high advantage to Him. He must also bestow on all Wise Men, and such as are the most Skilled in matters of Religion, greater gifts, than the Pope himself doth; that so He may have them at his devotion, whensoever He shall have need of them. He must make choice of, and take into all His Higher Counsels two or three of the Religious, either jesuits, Dominicans, or Franciscans, that he may bind the Clergy the faster to Himself, and that his Counsellors may be the more Circumspect, and may in their Determinations have more Authority. In all Wars that he takes in hand, every one of his Chief Commanders must have an Adjutant joined to him out of the Clergy; for by this means the Soldiers will hearken to their Commands with the more Reverence; neither is any thing to be done, without their being first acquainted therewith. But especially the Stipends of all Poor Maimed Soldiers are to be distributed to them by the hands of those of the Clergy; for this is the Misery of Spain, that they pay their money, and know neither how, nor to whom. And by this means under the Banner of Religion● He shall both make the Pope more firm to him, and shall also establish his own Empire; and so complying with Divine Fate, He shall reign the more happily, and be the more Fortunate. Neither ought He ever to commend to the Pope for Ecclesiastical Dignities and Preferments, such persons as are not fit for the same; that so He may have the greater credit with the Pope, and that those Persons, whose wisdom and parts He hath commended to him, may be the more approved, and esteemed. He must always likewise be making Proposals, and laying down the ways by which the Infidels are to be set upon: and he must be earnest with the Pope, that he proclaim that all such Princes are worthy to be deposed, that shall any way impede, or hinder such Religious Expeditions. He shall do well also to build Hospitals, Almshouses, and the like Charitable Places, which, as they are profitable, and give encouragement to the Soldiery, so may they serve also as so many Seminaries, both for Soldiers and Artificers for the contriving of Engines for war; in which Houses, Maimed Soldiers and Engineers may be carefully looked unto, and may also have Indulgencies proposed unto them, as shall be showed hereafter. He must also be sure, that whatsoever Expeditions He shall undertake, they shall be approved of by the Pope; that so they may be commended by all Christians, and also that the Craft of the Spaniard may be the less suspected; and that the Pope also himself may be the more engaged to see the same brought to good effect. He must declare also to the World, that He conceives the Right of Empire to consist, not in Arms alone; (contrary to the Opinion of the Roman Scipio, who being asked by a certain Spanish Commander, What Right h● had to Spain? answered him, only by showing him the Army he had brought against it;) but in the Auspicious Fa●e of Christianity. According to what jephta answered, when he was asked the same question; jud. 11.24. Wilt not thou possess that which Chemosh thy God giveth thee to possess? So whomsoever the Lord our God shall drive out from before us, them will we possess. Whatsoever therefore the Spaniard getteth under the Victorious Banner of Christ, it is his own Right. And this I speak in reference to the Spaniards Subduing of the New World, which is blamed by so many. For seeing that the Indians had Violated the Law of Nature, the King of Spain invading them upon the Interest of the Christian Religion, (whose Handmaid the Law of Nature is) their Country is his lawful possession; in like manner as Moses seized upon the Holy Land, after that the iniquities of the Amorites were once grown full; So also the Turks having possessed themselves of Constantinople under the Conduct and Fortune of Mahomet, for our sins, they possess it now as their own Right, as if Chemosh had given it them● But neither are all means of recovering that Empire again denied us therefore; when as we shall have repent of that sin, which was the cause that we lost it; namely, the Discord of the Christian World. For then the Angel of that Empire, which now defends, and takes care of It, not for that false Macon's sake, whom It invokes; but by reason of the just Judgement of God, shall come over unto Us.  
And these Arguments are of very great moment for the defending, or (as I may better call it) the Justifying of those Expeditions; the justice of which, Lactantius especially, lib. de justitia Dei, and Cajetan 2●. 2x. and some other of our later Writers understood not.  
But now, it seems to me very expedient, for the inducing of the Pope to stand wholly for the King of Spain, and that the Fate of Christianity may advance His Monarchy, if that King Philip would promise the Pope, that He, (whereto the rest of the Christian Princes should give their assent,) would observe inviolably that Constitution of the Emperor Constantine, wherein he affirms, That in all Causes, and from what Powers and Courts of Judicature soever, Appeals may be made to the Tribunals of the Bishops; who are called by Him, Angeli Dei, God's Angels; and Dei terrestres, Gods on Earth.  
For when the Pope shall once find this promptness, and readiness of Mind in him, He cannot choose but always be a friend unto him. Neither can this be any diminution at all of the Dignity of the King: for the rest of the Christian Princes will never give their consent hereto, without all doubt; and so all businesses will be betwixt the Pope and Him only to be managed. But in case that They should also give their assents to this, all Causes would presently be put necessarily into the Pope's hands; so that the King of Spain having united his Monarchy to the Popes, He should that way also have Dominion over the rest.  
And that this may not prove prejudicial to him, He may er●ct some kind of Supreme Council, and Court of Judicature, into which there shall be admitted Two Bishops, and His own Confessor; and Himself also, as a Clergy Man, shall have a Power of Voting there, (for as much as the King's Eldest Son is always to be initiated into the Order of the Clergy:) and to this Council there should be liberty of Appeal, as from all other Tribunals, so from that even of the Bishops also, in case they shall oppress either their own, or the King's Subjects. For by this means, the King shall in effect be the sole Judge, not only of all other Courts, but even of that of the Bishops too, as being Himself one of the Holy Order of the Clergy.  
And by this means He shall evade that dangerous opinion of D. Rota, who says, that The King's Subjects, when they are hardly dealt withal by the Prelates, may appeal to the Supreme Council of Spain. Which Assertion is certainly both an unworthy, and an Heretical one, and is of dangerous consequence also to the King; for it tends to the rendering Him odious to his people, and diminisheth rather, then increaseth His Authority; as we find it testified by daily Experience. Or else, it may indeed be desired at the Pope's hands that it should be so; and it may also be declared, that the King is willing to yield, that in all Causes whatsoever there should be Appeals to the Pope, if so be that it may be but every where allowed to appeal first to a Council of Three Bishops: or else, that Appeals in all Causes of the Laity shall come at length to the Pope, but passing first by degrees, through a Council, consisting of two Bishops, and the King; and so to be referred afterward to a General Council; and last of all to come to the Pope: for, Appeals from General Counsels are very seldom heard of; and besides, the very Name of a Council is hateful to the Pope. So that in conclusion, the determination of all Causes will always rest with the King; who by this means shall be a Gainer, where he seems to be a Loser.   

CHAP. VII. What may be ufrther added, concerning Prudence, and Opportunity.  
THat Prudence ought in the first place to agree in all things with Divine Fate, hath already been showed: it remaineth now that we speak of all the rest of the parts of Prudence; and show, whitherto all its Virtues, and especially Opportunity ought to be referred: for as much as it is the property of Prudence, to know how to make use of Occasion. We have already also declared. upon what Interests, and under what Confederacy with the Pope, the Monarchy of Spain ought to proceed; at least, as far as was fit to be committed to writing: for the most secret Arcana, and Mysteries of State are not thus to be made Public. It is therefore Manifest, that the Occasion which the King of Spain hath, consists chiefly in this, that his Neighbouring Enemies are weak, and at discord among themselves touching both Points of Religion, and matters of State: but his Remoter Enemies are more Powerful; so that these, if his weaker Neighbours were once overcome, seem the more easily conquerable. The Spaniard hath besides a Notable Occasion from the Extraordinary advantage of Navigation, and by his having Dominion in all places round about the whole Earth in a Circle. And it seems to me, that the attaining to the Empire of the whole World is a very feasible business for Him to bring about, if there could be such an Uniting of things together by degrees, as I shall show hereafter, according to the General Rules of Politic Prudence: Where we shall at length come to Particular Actions, examined according to Nearer, and Remoter Relations. But first of all the Politic Relation of Spain at home is to be strengthened; and afterwards the Foreign is to be looked after. Thus therefore I proceed on to the business.   

CHAP. VIII. The Causes by which the Spanish Monarchy may be enlarged, and become less.  
THe Occasions, by which the Spanish Monarchy may be kept up, or perhaps be enlarged also, are these: First of all, The Virtue of the King; Secondly, the Goodness of the Laws; thirdly, the Wisdom of the Council; fourthly, the justice of the Officers of State; five, the Obedience of the Barons; sixthly, the Multitude, and good Discipline of Soldiers and Commanders; Seventhly, a Full Treasury; Eightly, the Mutual Love of the People among themselves, and toward their King; Ninthly, Good Preachers, in their Sermons speaking for subjection to Kings; Tenthly, the Good Agreement betwixt his own Kingdoms, and the Disagreement betwixt his Neighbours. And on the contrary, this Monarchy hath these things that may be the ruin of it: as First, A wicked King; Secondly, Bad Laws; Thirdly, an Ignorant Council; Fourthly, unjust Officers of State; Fifthly, a Disobedient Nobility; Sixthly, the Want of Soldiers and Commanders, and those He hath, not well disciplined; Seventhly, Want of Money; Eighthly, The Mutual Hatred of the People among themselves, and toward their King; Ninthly, False Prophets, or else perhaps True ones, that may rise up against Monarchy; Tenthly, The Discord of his Own Kingdoms, and the Agreement among others. All which things are Prudently to be considered, and weighed; seeing that the present Disagreement among the Enemies of Spain, and his Power at Sea all over the World, have rendered the Attempt not only of maintaining, but of enlarging this so great a Monarchy very feasible.   

CHAP. IX. Of the King.  
HE cannot govern the World, that cannot govern an Empire, neither can he rule an Empire, that cannot a Kingdom; nor he a Kingdom, that cannot a Province: nor he a Province, that cannot a City; nor he a City, that cannot a Village; nor he a Village, that cannot a Family; nor he a Family, that cannot a single house; nor he a single house that cannot govern himself; neither can he govern himself, that cannot reduce his affections, and bring them within the compass of Reason; which very thin● no man is able to do, except he submit himself to the will of God. For whosoever rebels against God, who is the Supreme Wisdom, against him shall all things that are subordinate to him rebel also; and that justly, and by the Law of Retaliation, which is most just in all both Governments, and Actions of Men. Having therefore weighed in our mind, and considered all the Ideas and Forms of Humane Government, we say, that the King of Spain's endeavours must be, that He may arrive to the Highest pitch of Wisdom that may be. For every Virtue is an Affection of the Mind, consisting in a certain Mean; beyond which if it arise, or fall beneath it, it comes to be a Vice. Now it is Reason, that constitutes this Mean: And therefore we are to say, that Actions alone do not render a man Virtuous; but to this purpose there is required also a Natural Inclination in the Person, which is derived both from the Complexion of his Parents, from the Air, and from the Stars.  
Seeing therefore that the Kingdom of Spain is not an Electtive one, but descends by succession, I say, that the King ought to have but one wife, (for to have more, is contrary to Reason it self;) which is to be of a tall Stature; and she must be both fruitful and Eloquent, and must excel all other women in the endowments both of Body and Mind. Neither must he look after the Noblensse of her Family only; for so she may chance to be barren, or may some other ways be not so pleasing to Him; and he should be overwhelmed with all those mischieifs that Henry the Eighth was, or the Duke of Mantua, Whence Francis, the Duke of Tuscany, might seem to deserve commendation, if he had married Blanch only because he wanted an Heir to succeed him. The King is likewise to exercise the Act of Copulation with his Queen under a Fortunate Planet only, and after Digestion is finished; and besides, he must not do this, till after he hath abstained some reasonable time from the said Act, to the end that his seed may be the more fruitful; and when ever he hath any thing to do with his Queen, he ought at that instant to be very hot in his love to her; for it is of great concernment to the whole World, what the seed of the King be. And I could wish, that all men did observe these Rules! But the World is now come to that pass, that men take more care to have a generous Breed of Horses, then to have generous Children. Then must his Queen, when she is with Child, use some Moderate Exercise, that so the Child may be the stronger. When she hath brought forth a Son, there must be some woman, that is a Gentlewoman provided to be his Nurse; which Gentlewoman must also be a Wise woman, and of a high Spirit too. For, the Manners are sucked in, together with the Milk of the Nurse. When the Child is grown up to some Maturity, He must converse with Men, rather than with Women; and he must delight himself with the looking upon Mathematical Figures, and also with Maps, and draughts of the Kingdoms He is born to; He may also look upon Horses, and Arms: but he must not be suffered to run about to idle Childish sports and plays: as were the sons of Cyrus, Cambyses, and Darius: as if they had been born for themselves only, and not for their People: and who therefore (as Plato says) came to destruction. He must have Religious Tutors, both Bishops, and Commanders, that are eminent for their knowledge in Martial affairs: He must also have Eloquent persons, that may instruct him in the Art of Aratory, and informing him rather in the Solid Rules, than the trifling Quiddities of Grammar. After he hath grown past a Child, he must then exercise both his Mind, and his Body also: for Valour, and Wisdom are Virtues that are proper to Princes. And we are to know, that wha● Prince soever shall use the Exercise of Body only, and not of his Wit, (as well his own, as his Subjects,) he shall be a slave to him that exerciseth his Wit too.  
And hence it is that the King of France, and his Officers of State, yielded themselves up to Calvin; as the Germans did to Luther; both which so bewitched their eyes, that they took all for right and good, whatsoever these laid down before them. And thus the Tartarians also, after they had made themselves Lords of the whole East, were at last made fools of by Mahomet's Priests. And if they are not enslaved by Wicked Ingenious Men, yet how ever they are slaves to those that are Good, as well as Ingenious.  
And hence we see, that those Kings of judah and of Israel, that were both dull and wicked persons, were given up into the hands of Elias, and Elisha, and others; who set them up, and deposed them from their Thrones, for their Ignorance of their own Religion. The Consuls of Rome likewise were in subjection to their Priests. And again on the other side, he, that exerciseth his Wit only, is brought under the power of him that exerciseth his Body, and Feats of Arms. Whence it is, that the Popes have so often been made the laughing stock of the Goths and Lombard's; and that Platonical King, Theodoricus, the second K. of Ravenna, was subdued by Belis●rius. But that King that exerciseth himself both these ways, he is the truly wise King. And hence it was that the Romans never exercised their Wit, without the exercise of the Body too; as Sallust informs us. I add moreover, that a King ought not to bend his studies wholly to, and to spend all his time in one certain Science only; as did King Alphonsus, who became one of the most famous Astronomers in the World; following the Example of King Atlas, who was overcome by Perseus, a valiant Man of Arms, as the Fable tells us: nor yet would I have him to addict himself wholly to the Study of Divinity, as Henry the VIII. did, who by this means utterly ruined his own Wit. But he ought to have several Tutors for each several Science, and be a hearer of each of them at their several appointed times. But the Knowledge most fit for the King, is, to know the Division of the World into its parts, and of his own Dominions; the different manners and Customs of the several Nations of the Earth, and their Religions and Sects; as also the stories of all the former Kings, and which of them was a Conqueror, and which was overcome, and for what reasons: And for this purpose he must make choice of the best Historians that have written. He must likewise know the several Laws of Nations, and which are wholesome Laws, and which not; and the Grounds they were made upon. But chiefly He is to be well skilled in the Laws of his own Kingdom, and of the Kings his Predecessors; and to understand by what means Charles the Fifth got here, or lost there; and how Maximilian sped in his wars: So likewise, with how many, and what kind of Nations and Kingdoms They made their Wars; and how the same Nations may be subdued. He must also give an ear to all sorts of Counsels; but let him make choice of, and publish as His own, the Best, and Soundest only. Let his rule be also, to inflict all punishments upon his Subjects in the name, and by the Ministry of his Officers; but to confer all benefits, and rewards upon them with his own hand, and in his own name. In a word, he must be adorned with all kinds of Virtues; and let it be his chiefest desire to leave to His Successors Himself an Example worthy of their Imitation; as it must be his care to imitate all the wisest of his Predecessors.  
Those Affections which he ought with his utmost power to restrain, are Grief, Pleasure, Love, Hatred, Hope, Fear, and lastly Mercy also. For when a King shows himself to be cast down by any Ill Fortune that hath befallen him, He betrays his own Weakness, discourages his Subjects; and, lastly, gives himself wholly to grieve for the same: for which King David was justly reproved by joab, when he lamented so excessively the death of his Son Absalon. As on the contrary side, when he is too much lifted up with Joy for any good success, it argues in him an abject and servile Disposition and Temper: And especially, if he addict himself to keep company with Buffoons and Jesters, and give himself up to excessive Banquet, and other the like pleasures, he must needs be despised by his Subjects: as Nero was, who minded nothing but Stageplays, and his Harp; or Vitellius, and Sardanapalus, who giving themselves over wholly to Women, and Feasting, were therefore scorned by their Subjects, and deposed, with the loss of their Lives.  
And indeed the Love of Women will very often endanger him, unless he fortify his mind against it: (as it happened to the most Wise Solomon himself:) and especially of his own Wife, who commonly hates her Husbands nearest, and most intimate friends; conceiving, that the greatest share of His Affection is due to Herself: in so much, that she will hate and persecute the Wisest, and ablest Commanders for War that are about him. Thus we read 
* He wou●d have said, Theodora: for so was Justinians wise called.  Sophia, Wife to the Emperor justinian, dealt with Narses; who being thereby very much incensed, he took occasion to invite the Lombard's into Italy; to the infinite prejudice and loss both of the Emperor and Empress.  
Covetousness also proves the ruin of Kings; as we see in Antiochus, who pillaged the Temple of jupiter Dodonaeus; and in Caligula, who having profusely wasted all his own, most greedily gaped after other men's estates: whence they both came to be hated by their Subjects, and so died a miserable death. Such a one also was Midas, who wished, That whatsoever he touched might presently ●urn to Gold; whereas he could neither eat his Gold, nor could it procure him an hours sleep when he wanted it; that is to say, it was of no use at all to him; but it only laid him open to the spoil of him, that had but the Skill to make use of his Iron. Caligula in one year consumed riotously seventeen Millions of Crowns, which his Predecessor Tiberius had scraped up together: and was afterward reduced to that want, that he was forced to betake himself to spoil his Subjects, and to practise all manner of Cruelties upon them. King Solomon also, what in building of Sumptuous Palaces, and Temples, and about other most chargeable Pomps and Magnificences, expended the better part of a Hundred and twenty Millions, which his Father David had left him: and notwithstanding that he had no trouble upon him from any part, yet did he so excessively overburden his Subjects with Taxes, that being become Intolerable to the greatest part of his People, he lost a great part of his Kingdom, in his Son Rehoboam.  
We do allow in our King a desire of Honour; but so, that he aspire to it by the steps of Virtue: for otherwise He will gain only the opinion of being Proud; which was the ruin of Alboin, and Attila. And indeed Honour is the Witness to Virtue: and therefore whosoever is a Virtuous Person, he shall attain to True Honour, without any Flattery; which hath been the overthrow of many a Prince in the World.  
And hence it will also follow, that a Prince should not enter into so strict a Tie of Friendship with any One, or Two of his Subjects, as to indulge them the liberty of transgressing the bounds of Justice, and the Laws, without control: For by so doing, the Principal Persons of his Nobility, and Commanders in War, laying aside all duty, will look upon him as an Abject, Unworthy person. And, which is more, they sometimes in these cases enter into Conspiracies against Him; and that very person, whom He advanced to so much honour as to make him his Favourite, may chance to usurp the Kingdom: as we read it happened betwixt Gyges, and Candaules, King of Lydia. So likewise Sejanus did much mischief to the Emperor Tiberius, who notwithstanding was as subtle and crafty as any man: But yet Macro did more, who made an end of him. Neither can any thing be more destructive to a Prince, then to single out One only, to be his Friend and Favourite. And hath not Antonio Perez been of very ill Consequence to the Present King? If the King hate any particular persons, he must by no means discover it; unless he find that they are hated by the People also: as are commonly all Heretics, Infidels, Usurers, and Public Executioners of Justice upon Malefactors: for by so doings He shall the more endear himself to the People. He must also take notice, that Accusations among his Subjects do not so much avail his Kingdom, as Calumnies hurt it● and therefore He ought always to incline rather to the Accused Party. And to the end that he may attain to the highest degree of his Subjects Love, and Affection, He must set up some Court of Grace, that shall be above all other Courts whatsoever; that all such persons as are condemned to death, may have yet some left to whom they may appeal.  
And the King ought to pardon Offenders often, where it may be done safely enough; and where the Condemned person hath not been admitted to make his Appeal to the King's Deputies, or hath not offended either against the State, or Religion: and these Offenders by Him pardoned, may be sent out either for Soldiers, or else to the Galleys: and this will do very much good. And of this Court of Grace, I would have the King himself to be Precedent; and it should consist only of his Queen, and his Children, and one Bishop only.  
The King must also with all Modesty, and Humility, put his chiefest trust in God, and repose but little confidence in his own strength: especially when He is not endued with any Extraordinary Prudence for the managing of the same: and all the weightiest of his Actions must be referred to God, as the Author of them, that so they may be looked upon by all with the greater reverence, and esteem. Let him never hope with a few to vanquish a greater number, nor with Undisciplined and unruly Soldiers: nor to conquer a foreign enemy in his own Country: of which things I have elsewhere spoken. He must always remove all Fear far from him; and ●e must discover his only Fear to be, lest any Sad Disaster should befall either Religion, or his Subjects. And in all His Expeditions He must show himself to the Height of Valour, and even of bold Daring too: provided that ●e do it with Reason, and that so He may the more inflame the courage of his Soldiers. Neither ought he ever to seem to be Jealous of the Worth of any one; lest he should so betray His own Timorousness, and Poorness of Spirit. And therefore, to the end that his Subjects may not rebel, His safest course will be, to keep them always up in Arms, rather than to let them lie unarmed quietly at home: for, being in Arms, they will the easier be kept within the bounds of Obedience. Because that, if they be by fair, and Prudential means kept in awe, they will be ready to make use of their Arms at all times for their King's advantage; but if, though Unarmed, they be otherwise then fairly dealt with by their Prince, they will be apt to revolt from him, or (which is worse) will find Arms, which they will turn against Him. An example of this kind we have in David and S●ul, who was Jealous o● David, seeing his Valour and Worth. The King ought also, as often as he begins to be Jealous, and fearful of the Greatness of any of his Subjects, under the show of honouring him, to send him abroad out of the Country he is powerful in, to some other; as Ferdinand, King of Arragon, dealt with the Great Duke Consalvus; removing him from N●ples, where he might possibly have raised Commotions in the State, to Spain, where he was not able to do any such thing. Neither yet are such Men too much to be slighted; for by this means the Prince might incur the hatred of his Subjects; and it would be a discouragement to them from the endeavouring at any High and Noble Actions. Therefore such persons, as He is Jealous of, are to be employed in such places, where there is the least danger to be feared from them: as, we read, Belisarius was called home by justinian out of Italy, where he was beloved by all men; and sent against Persia.  
The King's Anger must neither be Violent, nor Headlong; as was Alexander's of Macedon against his Nobles; for so he may chance to be made away by poison, as Alexander was: and his Subjects may fall off from him, and so his Power will be diminished; as it happened to Theoderick the First King of Ravenna; and which was also the cause of the Emperor Valentinian's death. In times of Peace He must be merciful to such as offend either out of Ignorance, or Weakness of Body or Mind; and that, in favour of the Multitude, and to sweeten Them: but this he must take heed of, in time of War; and he must not pardon any Egregious Offenders, or that are the Heads, and Ringleaders of any Faction: especially where the Worth of the Persons is not so great, as that, being pardoned, they may be of greater use to him, then that wherein they offended was prejudicial. Thus Scanderbag pardoned Moses rebelling against him, as being the Greatest Commander he had under him: who thereby became afterwards of very great Use, and Advantage to him: In like manner as David also pardoned joab. But yet we must remember, that this Easiness, and mercifulness is then only seasonable, where the Crime concerns not the State itself, but only Particular persons. And therefore the Prince ought not at any time to deny the Legal Proceeding of Justice to any one; For, for this very cause, Philip, King of Macedonia, was slain by Pausanias. And therefore, as we have formerly said, he ought to be careful, and circumspect in the kerbing, and bridling of his own Passions and Affections.  
But now, Piety, and Religion is of itself sufficient to make any Prince exercise his power of Dominion Justly, and happily: as we see by the Examples of the Emperor Constantine the Great, Theodosius, and the like. And here we are always to remember, that it is most certain, that, The People do naturally follow the Inclinations of their Prince. And therefore Plato was wont to say, If the King but mend, all the Kingdom mends, without the accession of any other Law. And therefore the Virtue of the Prince ought to surpass, in a manner, all Humane sense.  
As concerning Making of War, it is certain and evident to all, that Warlike Princes have still had the better of those that are not so inclined: and although Wise Kings have always made a shift to preserve their own, yet they have not always enlarged their Dominions: but the idle, and slothful have ever been of the losing hand. I say therefore, that a King, if he would be accounted a warlike Prince, aught to go in person to the Wars; especially, ●●ere he is certain of Victory. Thus joab, having for some time besieged that City of the Ammonites, and being now ready to take it, he gave notice to the King, that He should come, and be at the delivery of it up, that so the Glory of the Action might be His. For by this means the People will be ready to admire their King, as if he were something more than a King. But He must be sure to decline all Evident Dangers, and especially Duels; Lest (as the Israelites said to David) He quench the Light of Israel. For this was accounted a great fault in Alexander the Great, that he would needs leap down first himself from off the Walls into a certain Town; where He by that means received many Wounds: For by that rash Act of his, he in His Single person brought into Hazard the Monarchy of the whole World. He must also re●ard his Old Soldiers with his Own hand, and must pre●er them to the Government of Castles, and Forts: and the rawer sort of Soldiers he must cause to exercise themselves in light skirmishes among themselves, and in exercises of the Field.  
Every King that swayeth a Sceptre is either a Wolf, or a Hireling, or lastly a Shepherd; as Homer, and the Holy Gospel itself also calls him. A Tyrant is the Wolf, that keeps the Flock for his own Advantage; and always maketh away with all the Wealthiest, Wisest & Valiantest of his Subjects, that so he may fill his own bags, and may without any danger or control, Lord it as he list, and range about through the whole flock, spoiling whom he please. And if the King of Spain should go about to show himself such a one to his Subjects, he will lose all; as did those Dionysij of Syracuse, Acciolinus of Padova, Caligula, Nero, Vitelliu●, and the like. The Hireling is, he that kills not indeed his Subjects; but rather draws to himself all Profits, Honours, and advantages acquired by the service of his Soldiers and Vassals; but he doth not at all defend them from the Ravenous Wolves; I mean, False Teachers; nor other fierce Invaders, and Oppressors. As we may call the Venetians, the Hireling Rulers of Cyprus; seeing that they did not defend it against the Turks. And the Romans also were such, in Relation of the Saguntines, from whose necks they did not keep off Hannibal's yoke. And in like manner we may term Don Philip Maria the Hireling Viscount of the Genoese; for he mad only a benefit of them, but showed not himself as a Governor over them; Which cannot now be said of the King of Spain. And these Hirelings, or Mercenary Princes, are suddenly losers by it, as the former were. As, we see, the King of France lost, by suffering Calvin to mount up into the Chair; as the Elector of Saxony likewise did, by suffering that Wolf Luther. For he that makes a prey of men's Mind, hath command over their Bodies also: and will at length have the disposing of their Fortunes and estates too. And therefore it is a mere Folly, and Ignorance in those Princes, whosoever they be, that shall admit New Religions into their Dominions, whereby the Minds of their Subjects are lead away. And hence it was that Saul foresaw his own Ruin, so soon as ever he perceaved the affections of the People inclined towards David. And the Mischiefs of Germany, Poland, and France have been infinite, since Luther's making a sprey and carring away the Minds and Affections of the Inhabitants of these Countries' But that King is a Shepherd, that feeds Himself with the Honour, and Love of his People; and them, with his own Example, Learning, and Abundance of good Things; and withal defends them by his Arms, and Wholesome Laws. And therefore a good King ought to be endued with so much a greater proportion of Learning and Knowledge above his People (who do infinitely herein excel Brute Beasts,) as the Shepherd is above his M●te Flock. So that a Prince (as Plato said) is somewhat above Humane Condition, and aught to be esteemed as a kind of God● or a Christ; or at least is to be reputed as qualified with a certain measure of Divinity, and to have some eminent knowledge conferred upon him from above, as had that Divine Lawgiver Moses; and as at this day have the Pope, and the Bishops. Or if this be not granted to Him, he ought however, through Humane Virtue at least, to submit, and yield Obedience to the Divine Lawgiver; as did Charles the Great. And there have been some, who wisely considering these things have endeavoured to persuade the World, that they were Inspired from Heaven, as did Mahom●t, and Minos; whose Laws were thereby held in great Reverence by the People. And certainly wheresoever the King shall approve himself to be such, the People in general will be made good; where as on the contrary, if the Prince be Bad, the People will be so too. And therefore following the Example of the Pope, and his Bishops, he ought to appear as like them as he can, doing nothing at all without their approbation, but making a Union betwixt his Kingdom and their Church, so to make up one Body of a Republic betwixt them; as I have said before; and by observing the Ecclesiastical Order, and by constituting good Laws, he must render himself Worthy of Reverence from the People: which by appearing but seldom abroad among them in Public, he shall be sure to have from them.  
As for those Acts which Humane Nature cannot abstain from, as eating, and the like, these he ought to do privately. Or if at any time he do any of them in Public, He must always, after the example of Philopoemen, the General of the Achaeans, have some by him to discourse touching Peace and War. Our King must not endeavour so much to be Accounted a Virtuous Person, as to be so Really: for, where any one is discovered to have but once played the Dissembler, no body will ever believe him again afterwards.  
And because that, for want of Issue to succeed him, the Kingdom may easily fall to the ground; His chiefest care must be, that he get children as soon, and early as he can. And so soon as ever his Eldest Son shall be grown up to any maturity, and himself perchance is yet a young man; he may then do well to ●end him to Rome, that so he may be instructed both in the affairs of the World, and in those of Religion also; and withal, the Kingdom of Spain may be the more firmly incorporated into the Church, by having both the Cardinals, and Popes themselves always true to their Faction: and also, that His Son, and the Barons may not dare to join together, and take up Arms against Him: (which our King Philip suspected of his Son Charles;) and so, by Obeying, he shall learn how to Rule. The King of Spain ought also always to design some of the House of Austria to be his successor, in case that he should die without a successor of his own.  
Let him always speak the Language of his Native Country, and give Audience to such only as speak the same. He ought always to keep his Court in Spain, the Head of his Empire● neither let him ever go out of it, unless it be to the Wars, and leaving his Son behind him: Or, to suppress some mutinying Province, or some Baron that he suspects, He may go and take up his quarters among them; that so, being thereby reduced to want, and scarcity, they may be forced to serve the King instead of Soldiers, and He by this means may be freed from all fears and jealousies. The rest of His Male Children, that are not brought up in the hope, and expectation of Reigning; he may make Cardinals; neither ought he at any time to commit the rains of Government to their hands, least happily they should be possessed with a desire of Ruling. And hence it is, that among the Turks it is the Custom, always to make away with all the younger Sons. And the King of China shuts up those that are next in blood to Him, in large, spacious places, which abound with all variety both of necessaries and Delights: as the King of Ethiopia confines all his to a certain very high, and most pleasant Mountain, called Amara; where they are to continue, tell they shall be called to succeed in the Kingdom. But yet for all this, neither doth the King of China, or Ethiopia, by confining their nearest of kin, nor the Great Turk by killing his, nor yet the Moor, by putting out the Eyes of his, acquit themselves from the danger and fear of Seditions, and Rebellions. For notwithstanding that the Parents of these confined Persons may haply bear it with a patient and quiet mind enough; yet it may possibly be, that either the Common People, or the Nobles of the Kingdom, being moved either with Indignation, and Fury, or else Fear of Punishment, or desire of Revenge, may corrupt, and provoke those Persons so shut up; or by killing their Keepers, may carry them away out of their prisons by force, and may place them in the Throne: as those they call, The Common Rebels of Spain, attempted to carry away by force the Duke of Calabria, who was at that time a Prisoner in the Sciattive Tower. And in China many most cruel Tyrant's ●f both sexes, both Kings, and Queens, have been murdered. And of late years, in Ethiopia, Abdimalo was called to the Crown, not from ou● of the Mountain of Amara, but from out of Arabia, whether he had fled to preserve himself. Neither is there any Country, where there have been more Civil Wars, and Rebellions raised, then among the Moors in Ma●ritania. The Kings of Ormus, before that that Country was subdued by the Portuguez, were wont to kill their Parents: which custom was practised also by some Emperors of Constantinople; by the Kings of Tunis also, and of Morocco, and Fez; as likewise among the Turks: as appears by the Wars betwxt Bajazet and Zerim, and of Selim and his father, Bajazet the second. Therefore this Cruelty of the Turks renders them not much more secure thereby. For in other Kingdoms it is only Ambition, and a desire of Honour, and Rule that excites men to raise sedition, and to take up Arms against the Prince: Which Ambitious Desires may either be satisfied some other way, or be diverted to some other design, or possibly may be overawed, and crushed: But those of the Blood Royal among the Turks, and Moors, besides Ambition, have a Necessity also of seeking the preservation of their own Lives, to force them on to such Attempts. For, seeing they are all certainly enough assured, that they shall be put to death by the succeeding Emperor, they have need all of them to provide for themselves; and so are necessitated, in a manner, to take up Arms, and to implore the aid and assistance either of subjects at home, of Foreign Princes abroad. Hence it was that S●lim was wont to say, that He was to be excused for having made away with so many of his Brothers, Nephews, and Kindred; seeing that otherwise the meanest person of the Ottoman line, that should have but scaped acting a part in that Tragedy, might have come to the same Dignity He enjoyed.  
But, passing by these Impious, and yet ●neffectual Examples of Cruelty, let us now come to the Daughters of the King of Spain. And these Probably may do well to be matched with the Kings, or Princes of Poland, and France: and also with the Kings of Denmark, Muscovia, England, and the like: upon this condition, that these Princes promise faithfully to embrace the Catholic Religion; which if they would do, there would thence a double Benefit accrue.  
The King must take into his Court, all the most able, and most knowing in all sorts of Sciences: and He must endeavour to render both Himself, and his Children, as excellent in them as is possible; that so the Eyes of all men may be turned upon Him, and His, and may join themselves unto them, seeing them live so happily and securely. In like manner, as all the People of Israel, even to the Maccabees themselves, who had God for their Guide, became yet admirers of the Romans; and entering into a League with them, fled to Them for Protection. Now He that protects, or assists, may naturally be said to be Lord of him whom he protects; as the Man became Lord of the Horse, whiles He assisted him against the Stag.   

CHAP. X. What Sciences are required in a Monarch, to render him admired by all.  
ALl Great Men, when they have gone about to set up a New Monarchy, have changed the Sciences that the people were exercised in before, and many times also the Religion of the Country; that so they might render themselves the more Admired by their Subjects: and by this means also other Nations have come in unto them too. And this is the reason why the Assyrians, under King Ninus, changed the Religion of Noah, and set up that of jupiter Belus, and applied themselves to the study of Astrology; whereby they became so famous, and admired, that they brought the whole East under their Subjection.  
The like course also was taken by the Persians, under Cyrus, who took upon himself the Title of God's Commissary: for These introduced into the World the Practice of Natural Magic; a Science till then never heard of before; and furnished it out with great Variety of New, and Admirable Rites and Ceremonies.  
The Macedonians made the world believe, that their Prince, Alexander the Great, was the Son of jupiter Ammon; and withal abolishing the Ancient Disciplines, they brought in upon the Stage the Aristotelian; which confuted all that were before it: insomuch that his Father, King Philip, rejoiced very much thereat, foreseeing that this Novel●y of Doctrine would lay a Foundation for his son to erect a New Empire upon; and so thenceforward neglected the worship of jupiter, Mercury, Osiris, and the rest of the most Ancient among the Gods. Thus Mahomet also, when he now aspired to a Monarchy, introduced a New Religion; fitting it to his own palate, and the Gust of the People. julius Caesar likewise, being now got to be chosen the Pontif●x Maximus, and Astrology being at that time not very well known to the Romans; He, by changing the Old Account, and rectifying the Year, laid the Foundation of His Monarchy.  
And the same must the King of Spain also do; especially seeing He hath the best Opportunity that can be, of doing the same. For seeing that it is not Lawful at all times to introduce a New Religion, He ought therefore to adorn, and set forth the Old so much the more, and to enlarge it with variety of New Rites an● Ceremonies; as also to bring forth into the World New Sciences, and such as shall be suitable to His Dignity.  
But above all, let him make a Law, to be observed by all Christians; First, That whensoever any People or Country shall forsake the Roman Religion, all Princes shall be bound, upon pain of forfeiting their Estates, to root out, and extirpate the same; like as God commanded Moses.  
Secondly, That the Clergy, and such as are skilled in Church Matters, shall make it Their care to look to the regulating of the Months of the Year, and the Days of the Week; calling the several Months by the Names of the Twelve Apostles; and the seven Days of the Week by the Names of the Seven Sacraments. For the truth of it is, that the Inhabitants of the New World, when they find, in conversing with the Christians, that the Heathenish Names of Months and Days are still in use among them, they are wrapped into a great admiration. And the like course is to be observed in other the like things.  
Thirdly, that seeing that New Sciences do make a New Monarchy the more Admired, I would have the Schools of the Platonists, and of the Stoics opened again, whose Opinions come nearer to Christianity, than the Aristotelian. And, that we may descend to particulars, the Telesian Philosophy is the most excellent of all; seeing it comes the nearest to the Holy Father's, and makes it appear to the World, that the Philosophers knew nothing; and that Aristotle, who would have the Soul to be Mortal, and the World to be Immortal, and denies Providence also, (on which Christianity is grounded) talks very absurdly, notwithstanding all his so specious Reasons; seeing that the same are refuted by stronger Reasons, fetched in like manner from Nature.  
Fourthly, It is necessary that he set the Wits of the Learned to work with Scholastic Questions; lest by being conversant in the Sciences of Natural Things, it set an edge upon their Ambition, and by this means they should aspire to higher Matters.  
Fifthly, That He should banish all Theological Questions out of the Transalpine Schools; seeing that all the Divines of those parts turn Heretics, by not continuing firm to the Holy Constitutious of the Pope, but are still raising up fresh Controversies: and the Wits of these men are to be exercised only in the Disputes of Natural Philosophy.  
Sixtly, He must endeavour to get himself Renown, as justinian did, by reducing all the Roman Laws into One Body● and as Charles the Great did, by opening the School of Aristotle, which was at that time the only School of Philosophy in Christendom: for all the rest had been long before trodden down to the ground by the Barbarians; as I have showed elsewhere.  
Seventhly, He shall do well to shut up all the Greek and Hebrew Schools; because that these Two Languages have been destructive to Monarchy; and are, besides, the Main Pillars by which those Heresies that chiefly reign at this day are built upon. And therefore, on the contrary, let him endeavour to bring in the Knowledge of the Arabic Tongue; by means whereof the mahometans may be the better convinced; and the troublesome Transalpine Wits may employ themselves rather in confuting the Turks, then in vexing the Catholics with their Disputes.  
Eighthly, Let him also erect Mathematical Schools: because this would be of great use and advantage in respect of the New World, as well as of the Old: because by this means the People's Minds will be diverted from creating Us any trouble, and will be incited to bend their studies that way, which may be useful to the King. Then let him get about him the Ablest Cosmographers that he can, and assign them Liberal Allowances; Whose business it shall be, to describe those several parts of the World wheresoever the Spaniards have set footing throughout the Compass of the whole Earth; because that Ptolemy knew nothing of most of those Countries at all; And let Him, by the Industry of these his Mathematicians, correct all the Errors of the Ancient Geographers: and he may also put forth a Book, under the Title of the King of Spain's Name, wherein he shall set forth the praises due to Christophorus Columbus, Magellanus, Americus Vesputius, Ferdinandus Cortesius, Pizarrus, and others of his Valiant Sea-Commanders; whose Posterity He ought to confer Dignities upon, for the Encouraging of others to fall upon the like undertake. Let him also send able Astrologers abroad into the New World, and especially some of those beyond the Alps; to the end that he may by this means also take them off from their Heresies, and filth; and let him, by proposing rewards to such, invite the ablest Wits out of Germany, and send them into the New World; that there they may give an account of, and describe all the new Stars that are in that Hemisphere, from the Antarctick Pole to the Tropic of Capricorn: and may describe the Holy Cross, whose figure is at that Pole; and about the Pole itself they may place the Effigies of Charles V. and of other Princes of the House of Austria; following herein the Example of the Grecians and Egyptians, who placed in the Heavens the Images of their Princes and Heroes. For by this means both Astrology, and Local Memory will be both learned together. And when any such Illustrious Persons are so advanced to Honour, and rendered so Venerable: and such Astrologers are encouraged with large rewards, it is of no small advantage to the enlargement of a Kingdom: For, all the World's Affections will be inclined toward such a Prince, and will desire to serve him.  
We are to know also, that the Novelty of Doctrine is a great promoter of Monarchy; provided it be not against Religion, as was that of Luther: but that it rather agree well with it: as doth that of Tele●ius, and that which I myself have collected, by my reading of the Ancient Fathers of the Church: or a● lest when it doth not contradict the same, but rather enlargeth it, and renders it admired by all men, and takes up the Minds of the People, and keeps them in, from running after, and employing themselves in that which is prejudicial to the Kingdom.  
Aristotle, though his Opinions were impious, yet was he in nothing at all any hindrance to Alex●nder; and therefore much less can there be any hurt, in such a Doctrine as we speak of.  
The King must also take care to have the General Histories and Annals of the Whole World, compiled in a compendious and succinct way, like that of the Books of the Kings of the Hebrews: and which may also show from the first building of Rome the whole progress of this Monarchy down to this present day, and may set down the time when the Christian Faith was first embraced by it: and may make it known to all, so many Kings thereof as were Pious and, and Religious men, were all of high esteem in the World, and reigned happily; but those that were Wicked, and Ill men, were also Unfortunate.  
Let Him likewise cause a Brief Collection to be made of the Laws of all the several Kingdoms and Principalities of the World, digested in their several Orders; as also their Religions and Customs; and let him make use of the best of these, and reject the bad. But he must be very careful, that He publish not in any place such Laws, as the Nature of that place cannot bear.   

CHAP. XI. Of Laws, both Good, and Bad.  
THe King of Spain, as well for Theological, as Politic reasons, can enact no New Laws. For the Christian Law, together with the Roman Military Power and Prudence, is that which He succeeds in, and with which He is to comply. He must take heed therefore, that He make not many Pragmatical Sanctions. And it would be an excellent thing, if the Laws, as far as it were possible, were all written in the Spanish Tongue; that so the whole World might be acquainted, and might have some commerce with the Spanish Monarchy, both in the Language, and the Laws.  
But seeing that this Monarchy had Its Rise under the Roman Empire, and Religion; the Latin is a Language that it needs not be ashamed of.  
Let such Laws therefore be made, as the People may keep rather Willingly, then by compulsion, and through fear of punishment; as finding them to be advantageous to themselves. For when such Laws are enacted, as make for the Profit of the Prince, or some few Particular persons only, the People must needs be out of love with them; and then do they presently find out ways to elude the same: whereupon there straight follows Confiscation of the Subject's Goods, with Mulcts, Punishments, and Banishment. Then must we have New Laws made, to punish the Transgressor's of the Former; and then again other New Laws must be made, for the punishing of such as have offended against these latter: and thus is the Number of Laws increased, the Prince's Authority slighted, and the Subjects at length, out of hate to their Prince, either rise up against Him, or else forsake the Kingdom; to the very great damage (no question) of the Prince: for by this means both the number of the Soldiery is diminished, and besides, the King's Subsidies grow less. Every Tyrant therefore, that maketh Laws that are for his Own Advantage only, and not for his Subjects, is a Fool: for by this means He loseth himself; whereas on the other side, a wise King, while he seems to do things Prejudicial to himself, doth himself notwithstanding thereby the greatest Right that can be. And we find by Experience, that Princes that are Popular, are more extolled, than those are that admit into their friendship and favour some few Noblemen, or Courtiers only: as we may observe in the Contrary Examples of Augustus, and Tiberius.  
It is moreover necessary, that a Law be conformable to the Custom of the place for which it is made: for all Northern People love Easy Laws; and would rather obey out of their own Good Nature, then by Compulsion. And the not observing of this, was the reason of the Dukes D'Alva's losing the Low-Countries. The Southern People, as those of Andaluzia, require strict Laws; the Italians, Portuguez, and Calabrians, desire a Mediocrity, and Moderation in their Laws.  
The King must also consider, as touching the New World, under what Climate each particular People there lieth. For, those that lie under the Equinoctial, would have Moderate Laws; but those that are under the Tropics, must have more severe and rigid Laws; as also those that are under the Pole: but those that are nearer to the Frigid Zone, desire Milder Laws: but those that are more remote, and lie nearer to the Tropics, as do the Inhabitants of Siam, require Austere Laws, and such as carry a Religious Reverence with them. But those that are situate in a Middle Position, as the Italians are, are of like Nature to those that lie under the Equinoctial.  
When another Country loseth any of its Inhabitants by reason of the difference of Religion, New Laws are presently to be made by some Bishop, and some Eminent Commander of War, and a Colony of fit persons is to be sent thither: as, for example, Netherlanders may be sent into afric; Italians into the Netherlands; and Spaniards into the New World. And the fittest time to do this, is, when the War is on foot there: but when they begin once to yield, the Laws may then be altered by little and little: as it is fit it should be done in the Low-Countries, when the People there shall submit, and yield obedience to the Spaniards. For then there should be more use made of the Tongue, in governing of them, then of the Sword: and the Inquisition is also to be kept up there` under some Other Name, and Pretence.  
But if any City, or Country, that is addicted to the Catholic Religion, be taken in; it will be sufficient then to send thither some Spaniards only to guard it; and some Wise Persons, who by degrees may change the Laws of the Place: but the King must put some of his own Subjects, and of his own Country, into the highest, and chiefest places of trust; but with the meaner and lower Offices he may intrust the Inhabitants of the place: as Duke Francis did at Sena; and the Venetians at Padova. But when the Name of a Spaniard begins once to be hateful among them, let Him then send thither such Italians as He may safely trust, and employ them as his Ministers there. Now what course is to be taken in the several Kingdoms belonging to the Spaniard, I shall show hereafter. Only this I shall say here, that the First, and Principal Keeper of the Laws ought to be Honour; the Second Love; and the Third, Fear: But where this Order is inverted, and runs the contrary way, nothing will there prosper.   

Of Counsel. CHAP. XII.  
THe Supreme Council, or Court, aught to consist of the King, and some few of the Wisest of his Nobles, with some of the Clergy joined to them. Yet the Court of Grace (of which I spoke before) must be above the Supreme Court of justice.. The Counsels of that Kingdom are already managed rightly enough; yet their Decrees would be observed with greater Reverence, and Religion, if that course were taken which I before proposed; namely, of adding to them a greater number of the Prelates: for by this means the Clergy will be the easier won; and withal, the Decrees of the said Counsels will be of the greater esteem, and reverence.  
We are to take notice also that persons of any Nation whatsoever are not fit to be presently taken in for Counselors; but such only, as know the Customs of the Country, or are Learned Men, as was Plato: or else have an excellent dexterity of wit, as had Ci●cinnatus. For as much therefore as the Spaniard is a person of good ability in all matters of a subtle Nature, and where there is use of Good Language; as the Germans abilities lie chiefly in matters that are to be done by the Hand, and require Labour; and the Italians in matters of State Government, and Policy; it must therefore be the King's Care, that he make a right Choice of these several persons, and according to their different Abilities make use of them in His Counsels. My Opinion is therefore, that in Maritime Affairs, and whatsoever concerns Navigation, He ought chiefly to employ the Portuguez, and the Genovese: But in things which concern Mechanical Arts, Artificial Fireworks, and Engines of all sorts, the Transalpine is the only man: but where the Government of State is concerned, let the Italian be there made use of: but as for Fortifications, keeping of Garrisons, making Discoveries, or giving Intelligence, and going on Embassies, or whatsoever concerns Religion, with any of these let the Spaniard be entrusted.  
And seeing that we would have the King of Spain to be Lord of the whole World, it must be his care, as much as he can, to draw on all Nations to comply with the Spanish Manners and Customs; that is, let Him make them all Spanish. Let Him also make them Partakers as well of Government, as of Warfare; as the Romans of old did; and as the Turks Custom is to do at this day. For otherwise, the Spaniard will be the less courageous in War, as not having any to rival him, in Military Glory and Renown; neither will the Counselors strive among themselves, who shall excel the other in smartness, and sharpness of Wit, when they find that all Foreign Nations are cut off from all hopes of being called to Counsel. I say therefore that Spaniards are for the most part, though not always, to be admitted into the Counsel of Spain; and especially those of Religious Orders: as being the only persons that have little or no Interest of their own in Secular Affairs. Into the Council of Italy there must be taken in such Spaniards, as have lived some time in Italy, with some Italians, and two out of the Netherlands. For by this means all the several Nations will rest satisfied, and the King's Counsels will be ●he better tempered: because the Spaniard will always be of a Contrary Judgement to the Italian, as thinking himself the better man, and the greater respect and dignity due to him, because the Head of the Empire is with Them: and the Italian, according to the Freedom of spirit of that Nation, will boldly give such Counsel as he conceives to be sound and Good, and endeavour to curb and abate the Fierceness of the Spaniard: and then must the Netherlander come in, and reconcile them to each other. The Council of the Netherlands, (seeing it is already granted, that the Counsels of all Nations must be held in Spain) must be made up of Spaniards, Italians, and Natives, for the same two causes before given in. The Counsels of both the India's must consist of Spaniards, and such of other Nations, as have continued in the same for some time, whether English, Genuese, or others; provided always, that into such Counsels as concern the State, there be taken in some that are of Religious Orders; and also some of the Wisest among the Nobility, and any others that are well skilled in the Customs, Religion, Rites, Situation, and the Policy, both Domestic, and Military of the several Nations, what Country soever they themselves be of.  
I shall here lay down one most Admirable and Profitable Rule more, for the King to observe, and that is● that every Seventh, and Ninth year (which are the Fatal Numbers) He should call together all the Nobility of each of his several Kingdoms, every one of which shall come to the Court, attended but with three Servants apiece at the most; and at the same time let there be summoned to appear also all persons whatsoever, that are the ablest, and best seen in the affairs and Secrets of State, and of Government: and there let him command them to propose, every one of them severally, what they conceive most advantageous for the promoting of the Greatness of the Spanish Monarchy, or else for the particular Benefit of their several Provinces: and withal to give notice, what Errors have been there committed to that very time, which it concerns the Public should be rectified. And I would have all the Counselors also of all the several Counsels to be present at this assembly, that every one of them in particular may be instructed in what concerns the whole World, and may take notice by this means wherein he committed any Error for the last Seven years, and so may either be reproved for the same, or may otherwise receive the praise due to him. For, if this Course were taken, the Counselors of the Several Counsels, growing Wiser and more Circumspect, would take heed how they gave any either Unworthy, or Unprofitable Counsels: and the King himself would have a greater insight into the Condition of his Monarchy, and by discovering New Secrets, and Mysteries of State, should thereby find out ways of advancing his own Greatness more and more every day: and the Nobles also would set their brains to work all that Seven years' space, to find by what means their Prince's State might be the most advanced, and would not any longer continue in their former Ignorance; and both they, and the rest of the learned of the Kingdom would utter the Virulency of their Ambition, not by their Sword, but by their Tongue. Now there is none so weak, but is able to deliver in words the State of his own Republic: seeing that there is no Philosopher, but will undertake out of his own brain to give a description, or Model of the same: Whence indeed are scattered abroad the seeds of Heresy and Sedition. But by the taking of this course, when any of these kind of Persons hath hopes of being rewarded by the Prince, he will conceive it his best way to expect rather to be cal●ed to give his Judgement at the Septennial Assembly, or else to send it thither in writing, and so will suppress his Opinions till that time. And so by this means the King shall be rendered the more secure of the Obedience of his Nobility, and shall understand who they are that deserve either well or ill of Him: Neither shall He be deceived, and abused by his Courtiers● or Flatterers; and shall have the better Opportunity of calling his Ministers of State to an account, for their evil Administration of the Provinces they were set over; and shall withal very much mend the condition of the said Provinces, and shall find many other Advantages to follow hereupon, which I am not at present able to reckon up; and shall besides bring it so to pass, that his Council shall be both the Wiser, and withal the Truer to Him. But the Nobles of the New World, in case they cannot make their personal appearance at this Meeting, may send others in their places: Which is the Custom that the Clergy, being instructed by a certain Divine Wisdom, have always observed in their General Chapters: though no Monarch, or State, hath ever taken the said course, except it be the Venetians; whose Ambassadors, when they return home from any Foreign parts, are to give an account in the Senate of what they found Observable in the several Countries whither they were employed.  
Now although our Discourse here hath been concerning the Particular Counsels, and Kingdoms, that belong to the King of Spain only; yet we may not therefore omit to say something of Counsels in general; seeing that it is certain, That More Weighty Affairs are Effected by Good Conduct and Counsels, then by Weapons and Hands. But because a Dissertation of this nature, being besides the intention of our present design, would be too prolix, I shall only here touch at some few particulars.  
Such Counsels as are too Subtle, and Nice, are not much to be regarded; because they seldom are brought to any good Issue: for by how much the greater Subtlety there is in them, so much the more Exactness, and Punctuality is there required in the Execution of them; which is a business of the greatest difficulty that can be. And hence it is that the Venetians, although they are not so Ingenious a People as the Florentines, yet are they more happy, for the most part, in their Consultations, than They are; as of old, the Lacedæmonians were in this particular more Fortunate, than the Athenians.  
Those Counsels are not to be much regarded, that have no matter of Weight or Eminency in them; Yet much less are such to be esteemed that aim at too Vast and Immense Undertake; such as for the most part were those that were designed by the Emperor Maximilian, and Pope Leo X. the Effecting whereof required both a better Purse, a longer Life, and greater Abilities then either of them had: which kind of undertake are very pernicious to a State, or Kingdom. All desperate Counsels are likewise Dangerous; and are commonly attended by Despair and Misery. It remaineth therefore, that those Counsels are chiefly to be Embraced, that have the greatest both Facility, and Security in them; and such as are well grounded, and upon Mature deliberation resolved upon, and as little subject, as may be, to Casualties, and the power of Fortune.  
Slow Counsels become Great Princes; for it concerns them to be more careful in the Preserving, and making good, then in the Enlarging of the Bounds of their Kingdoms. But those Counsels that are designed rather for the Acquiring of More, than the Preserving only of what they have, must be more Quick, and Sudden. But of this subject I have elsewhere discoursed more largely.   

CHAP. XIII. Of Justice, and Its Contrary.  
IF the King be just, all his Ministers will likewise be just: and if the Superior Ministers of State shall be Unjust, the Inferior will be Unjust also: but there is nothing can hurt a Prince more, then to distribute the Rewards of Virtue, at the pleasure of any Favourite. And therefore where Offices are disposed of at the will of the Court Favourites, nothing ever goes well there: And it is so much the worse, because that now adays the Greater Officers sell the Lesser Offices to such Creatures of theirs, as shall play the Thiefs ever after for them, and themselves. And thus in Small Countries Common Justice is not observed: for these men, while they pretend to enlarge the King's Jurisdiction, they render him odious to his people, and in the mean time fleece the poor, miserable Subjects. Therefore let every Officer provide himself to render an Account of his Administration to the People, who are to give in Information to the King every ten years, where they have been honestly dealt with, and where not.  
All False Witnesses also, of whom the World is so full, must likewise be severely punished: and there must be care taken also, that the Attorneys of the Exchequer may not force men by threatening words, and sometimes by blows too, to be Witnesses for them. But the best Course would be, that the Law of Retaliation should be in force; that the Complainant that makes not good his Accusation, should suffer the same punishment that the other should have done, if found guilty: because that now adays there are more Calumnies brought into Courts, then Just Accusations. And therefore any Lawyer that shall be found to have suborned any such Witness; or any Judge, that shall be proved to have taken any Bribe, to pervert the Laws, should be debarred for ever after, either from pleading at any Bar, or giving sentence in any Court.  
The King must also take care, that Judges give sentence always according to the Laws, and not according as Policy of State (as they use to speak) shall require: and afterward either the King himself, or his Viceroy, or any other of the King's Ministers may mitigate the Rigour of the Law, as they shall see cause, (provided it be not in Case of High Treason) that by this means they may gain the more upon the People's Affections.  
And that untoward Custom is to be rooted out of the minds of Ordinary Judges, which yet hath taken deeper root in the minds of the Superior Judges also; namely, that although they know an accused person to be Innocent, yet they will condemn him, though it be in a matter of no Moment; to the end that the fault may at last light upon Him, after the business hath been a good while depending under the Judge; that so, (as they use to say) there may seem to have been Pregnant Reasons for the long depending of the Cause.  
Whereas they should be so far from aggravating any fault, as that they should rather lessen it as much as may be: and so they should endeavour the rather to be really Just, then to get an Opinion of being so; to the great detriment of the People, and also of the King himself; who through the wickedness of these Unjust Judges, who are hated both by God, and Himself, is deprived of the Love and Affections of his People; which is the main Prop of His Affairs: and besides, Good Men, having lost their reputation, desire to change their present state for a better; as we see it usually comes to pass.  
And no people have opportunity of offending more dangerously, and closely, than your Inferior Officers have; and besides, these men, the more in favour they are with the Prince, the more grievously are they wont to aggravate men's crimes. And therefore in this case there ought to be certain Commissaries at all times deputed, and the same also to be maintained at the Charge of the said Ministers, who shall yearly also lay down a certain sum of Money to be kept in some Common place, for the charges of the next Commissaries the following year, that by these their Books of Accounts may be examined during the time of their being in Office, or afterwards also, if need be. For, by reason of the Corruption of these Inferior Officers, whole Provinces have many times heretofore fallen off from the Roman Empire; especially when they have been found to be too ambitious, and active in squeezing the Subjects, either for the enriching of the Public Treasury, or else for the filling of their own private Coffers. And for this reason it was, that the Parthians, having killed Crassus, filled his mouth full of Melted Gold: as a certain Spanish Grandee was also served by some Indians in the New World. And certainly Covetousness, and an open, barefaced Desire of Gold, was the reason, that the Affairs of the Spaniards succeeded so ill in the New World, into which at first they had so miraculous an Entrance: and that the other Nations there, perceiving that humour in them, stood upon their guard as well as they could against the Spaniard, whose Government notwithstanding, before, they had not refused. The same manner of proceeding also in the Netherlands, was the cause of the ruining of the Spanish Affairs there.  
Let all Criminal Causes, in times of Peace, be protracted as much as may be: (For, No delay, about the death of any man, can ever be too long:) but this must not be in times of War. As for Civil Causes, they ought all to be without any demurring, or delay, heard, and determined.   

CHAP. XIV. Of the Barons, and Nobility of the Spanish Monarchy.  
THe King of Spain, to the end that so vast a Monarchy may not fall to decay, hath need of such men as are excellent both for Learning, and the practice of Arms; whom He ought to reward afterwards with Baronies; that so being from thenceforth made sharers, as it were, of the said Monarchy, they may to their utmost power endeavour to maintain, and make good the same to their Prince. Which Baronies notwithstanding, when they once fall into the hands of Unworthy persons, are the cause of much mischief. And they do fall into such hands, when they come to be bestowed either upon Buffoons, or perhaps such Exchequer Men, as have found out new ways of oppressing the Subject: or else, when they have been conferred at first upon Wise, and Valiant men, whose Successors for all that may have proved to be Mean, Inconsiderable persons; or are else riotous, and proud; and such, as laying aside all thought of their Ancestors Virtue, take the full enjoyment only of that they have left them, and having no worth of their own, can only boast of the Nobility of their Ancestors. And hence it is, that the King is in want so much of Persons of Worth, whilst the number of such Useless Drones increaseth in the Kingdom.  
The Great Tu●k, that he may prevent the latter of these Mischiefs, putting by all such as are bottomed only upon Others Nobility, takes notice of such only as are Eminent for some worth of their own: Neither doth he suffer any son to succeed in the Estate, or Goods of his Father by Right of Inheritance; but he is to receive the same at his hands, as a reward of his Service, if so be he deserve it. But in case he do not, he must then serve him either in some Ignoble Art, or else in some inferior Office in his Wars.  
The Former of these Inconveniences any King of Spain may prevent, if he but confer these rewards upon such only, as are deserving Persons; but the Remedy of the Second, which is practised by the Turks cannot be made use of among Christians. Only let him be sure that many of these Baronies do not in time fall into the hands of one man, who perhaps upon the first Opportunity given may revolt from him; as did the Nobility of japan, who being grown great in power, made opposition against their King in the City Meaco, which was also done by the Barons of France, who thereby hindered their own Monarchy; and as Scanderbag did to the Turk: and so likewise the Princes of Ta entum and Salerne, and many other in the Kingdom of Naples, who made the same Attempts against their Kings, both those of Arragon, and of Anjou too. Now the Mischiefs which these Barons bring upon the People, and consequently upon their King, are these. They come to Naples, and to the Court, and there spending their money profusely and lavishly, they make a great show for a while, and get in favour with the King's friends; and at length having spent all, they return poor home, and make prey of whatsoever they can, that so they may make themselves whole again; and then they return to Court again; running round still, as it were, in the same Circle; in so much that we see these men's Territories much more desert, and naked, than the Kings in Italy are; all through the default of the Barons themselves. And then, if the People have been infested with any Pestilential Diseases or have suffered by the Turks; They presently beg of the King to have the yearly Taxes to be remitted for some certain time; the payment whereof they themselves require at the hands of the People, and in the King's name too, and that with all the severity that may be: which the Prince of Rogebo had the confidence to do, after the battle with the Turks. And lastly, under the pretence of the Camera, (as they call it,) that is to say, that the Country may be freed from quartering of Soldiers, they extort from the Subjects many Thousands of Crowns. And they find out a Thousand other ways of fleecing the poor Subjects, that so they may never want Supplies either for their Luxury, or their Prodigality. And notwithstadning that the Spaniards believe, that this Lavishness of theirs makes for the King's Advantage, and renders his state the more secure; because that those that are so given to rioting and Luxury, are never any gatherers, and hoarders up of vast Sums of Money which may prove the Instruments of Rebellion; yet the plain truth of it is, they do him much hurt: for they by this means reduce the People, from whom the greatest part of the King's Revenues come, to a poor, low condition. For the remedying of which Mischief, it would do well if there were a Law made, that no Baron should have above 3000. Crowns of yearly Revenues: and that whatsoever any of them hath more, it should not descend to his Successor, but should go after him to the Exchequer: I speak here only of such Baronies as shall be conferred by the King, upon the Grounds aforesaid.  
As for the Ancienter Barons, it would do well if there were some Competitions cherished among them, that by this means, by their contentions they might keep one another under: and so likewise, that at every Seven years' end there should be such an Assembly called together, as I spoke of before: and that the Barons should be freed from all Bonds. Likewise, that every Baron should every three years find the King as many Soldiers and Horses, as he hath Thousands of Crowns of yearly Revenue. Let him also divide the Titles of Honour; and besides, he may do well to create many New Lords, finding out for them New Titles; that so the smallness of their number may not increase their dignity and honour. Let Him take care also, that the Lordships, and Lords Manors of the Kingdom of Naples, Milan, Spain, and the N●therlands may be bought by Foreigners; that is to say, by the Genueses, Florentines, French, and Venetians; that so the Barons, that are the Natives, may be brought lower, and the Foreigners may bring the King in a large yearly Revenue out of their own Country Lordships. By which means I dare be bold to affirm, that the King shall have greater power, and Command at Genoa, then at Milan; because that nothing can be done, or resolved upon at Genoa, without his knowledge and consent; whiles the Genueses will always be in fear of losing the Lordships they have in the King of Spain's dominions. And by this means also the King shall not need to trouble himself about allowing them maintenance, as he is with the Milanese: for, Whosever is fed by thee, he is thy servant. And thus have the Florentines always been servants to the King of France, into whose Dominions they have liberty of Traffic allowed them.  
But there must be care taken, that no Fortified Places be ever put into the hands of any of the Barons. And besides, there must be such Provision made, as that all the Sons of the said Barons should have Spaniards for their Tutors, who shall Hispaniolize them, and train them up to the Habit, Manners, and Garb of the Spaniard. And when these Barons shall once begin to grow Powerful, He must take them down; yet under the pretence of honouring them, by sending them away to some Office, or Charge, that lies in some place far remote from their own Lordships, and where they shall be sure to spend more than they get. And again, when ever the King shall please to take his Progress into the Country, let him so contrive his Gists, as that He may lie upon these Barons; and so under the pretext of doing them Honour, may force them to be at a great charge in entertaining Him. Let Him give a willing ear to the People, when they make any complaints of them. Neither ought Nobility to be higher prized by the King, than Virtue; which is a Rule that deserves to be observed above all the rest. Besides, in all the Metropolian Cities in his several Kingdoms, as at Lisbon, Toledo, Antwerp, and the rest, as well in this, as in the other Hemisphere, the King under pretext of doing them honours may constitute, in each of them, five, eight, or ten Ranks, or Orders of Barons; such as are at Naples; that when they are to treat of any Affairs of State, each of them may go into his own Order and Place. For being thus divided, they will never be able to determine any thing that shall be Prejudicial to the King, by reason of the Ambition that will be amongst them, and so, where there shall be three Laws perhaps made, to the King's prejudice, there will always be eight made for his advantage. And the common People also may in like manner, be distributed into their several Classes and Ranks. And this is much the more honourable, and secure way, then to cause divisions, and sidings into parties among them, which is the counsel of some Writers, who have a Saying, Divide, & impera: Cause Divisions among thy subjects, and thou shalt rule them well enough.  
The King must always make much of such persons, as are of eminent either Valour, or Virtue, and must prefer them to dignities and honours. In every place also, where He hath any Council sitting, He ought to join to them one of some Religious Order or other, whom he can trust; and that, for the common security of both parties, both Prince, and Counsellor. And all such persons as shall be admitted to this honour, should have an Oath administered unto them, or else should have some kind of Obligation by way of some Religious Fraternity with the Crown, by which they should be bound, in all troublesome and perilous times, not only to deliver into the King's hands all the Gold and Silver they have, but that themselves also shall in person serve in the Wars, in defence of the Fortune and safety of the Kingdom. By which means the King shall prevent all Insurrections among them: or in case they should stir, He shall have a sufficient Pledge in his hands, as being possessed of all their Treasures; in so much that their Wives will not spare in this case, to bring in what Rings, Bracelets, and Chains of Gold, or any thing else of value that they have, (as we read, the Roman women did, when Rome was distressed by Hannib●l, and other Enemies,) and lay them all at the King's feet.  
And as for Commanders in War, those he ought to account the best, that were themselves once common Soldiers; such as Antonius de Leva, and Gonsalvus de Corduba were; as those Counselors also are to be esteemed the ablest● that have risen to that height from the lowest, and meanest Trusts and Employments. And therefore the King shall not take any great care for such Barons, as have not been in service abroad before, so that they may have thereby rendered themselves fit to discharge the offices of able Commanders in War, or to serve the King in his Counsels. But he must get about him such, as have been men of long Experience, and are well acquainted with, and versed in the Affairs of the World.  
Neither is it a small Calamity, that the Kingdom of Spain lieth under, by reason of such Quarrels, and Suits of Law as oftentimes arise among the Nobiliy, about Precedency, as they call it: which certainly, in the time of War, must needs be of most dangerous consequence; for There, Military Valour is only to be looked after. And who knows, whether or no this very thing might not be the cause of the Miscarriage of the Armado that was sent against England in the year 1588. But herein the Barons are of great use, and advantage to the King, because that in case He shall have any ill success in any expedition, He can immediately make himself whole again by his Barons: which the Turks can not do. For when he hath once received but one notable Blow, and is now much weakened thereby, He hath no Barons left him, by whose aid he may recover himself again: which was the case also of D●rius, when he was overthrown by Alexander the Great; and of the Sultan of Egypt that was conquered by Selim; both which being once beaten, were never afterward able to make head again against their Enemy. And if so be that Emulation and Envy had not born too great a sway among the Christians, in that Memoral Victory obtained at Sea against the Turk, in the year 71. Constantinople might at that time have been recovered, and the Turk utterly rooted out.  
The King must therefore take especial notice, wherein the Barons may be prejudicial to Him, and in what they may advantage Him: and He must make use of them rather as his Treasurers of his Arms, and moneys, then make them, as it were, the Patrons of His State. And yet out of these Treasurers of his he may choose out some to be Commanders in his War; provided, that he lay a Command upon them to set aside their Second Sons, to be as a Seminary of Military Valour both for Sea, and Land Service; as we shall show hereafter: and by this means He shall have their Fathers, the Barons themselves, as it were bound to be faithful to him, by reason of this Engagement of their Sons to the Prince; and so He shall be sure to have them at his devotion, whensoever he shall have occasion to make use of them: as shall be showed hereafter, in the Chapter Of Navigation.   

CHAP. XV. Of the Soldiery.  
THe Soldiery of Spain, and consequently the defence, and Enlarging of that Kingdom, may fail two ways; One is, because that Spanish Women, by reason of the too great Heat of the Country, are not very Fruitful: whence it may well so come to pass, as that seeing there are very many Spaniards killed, both in the Netherlands, and in the New World, and other of their wars, they may want Soldiers. As on the contrary, the Helvetians, and Polonians, and all other Northern Nations do abound with Soldiers, by reason of the Fruitfulness of their Women; and especially, because there are so few of them in those parts, that put themselves into Monasteries: neither do they suffer any Public Stews there at all, (by which it is a wonderful thing to consider, how much Humane seed is lost and utterly cast away,) and also because they deal more openly and freely with each other; neither are matches among them so often broke off, through the disagreement of Parents about Dowries, etc. and therefore they Multiply much the faster, as having fewer Impediments either from Art, or Nature. And hence it is, that the Franks, Goths, Vandals, Lombard's, Herulians, and other Northern People, have always abounded with plenty of Men: In so much that by reason of the too narrow Limits of their own Countries, they have been fain to leave them, and to seek for places of Habitation in ours, and other Countries; and have like Bees, been continually sending forth fresh Colonies into other parts: by which means we see it hath come to passe● that the Oriental Nations, together with the Grecian, Italian, Spanish, and Hungarian are now in a manner quite extinct. And therefore the Spaniards, being but few in Number, have been forced, for the reasons afore alleged, quite to clear all the places whatsoever, that they conquered, of their ancient Inhabitants, as appears by the course they took with the Indians in the New World; lest otherwise they should have lived in a continual fear, that the conquered, who were much the greater number, might rise up and take arms against their Conquerors. And this is the reason, why by the Ignorant they are accounted Cruel, Merciless people, for such their proceeding against the Indians. The number of the subjects also, and the Revenues of the Crown are by this means diminished; neither will any Nation that is Populous, endure to hear of the Spaniards: who for the same cause endeavouring this way to bring in the N●therlands also, became most hateful among them. And this Course is the King of Spain at this day fain to take in Naples, and Sicily: for he hath not above five Thousand Spaniards to keep those so large Kingdoms in Obedience.  
And indeed those Dominions are upheld, and made good to the Spaniard merely through Opinion only. And for this very reason are they forced to disarm the People; which causeth them to suspect Tyranny, and Inhumanity from them; and which makes many also forsake their Country; as Solon told Periander, the Tyrant of Corinth. Besides, seeing they are necessitated to treat the Subjects hardly, they are therefore fain to get Swissers about them for their Life-guards; as not daring to trust their persons with those, whose hatred they have for these reasons contracted; which was also the discourse of the same Solon to the aforesaid Tyrant of Corinth.  
Another means, and cause why Spain should want Soldiers, is, because that the Spaniards, when ever they conquer any Country that abounds with all manner of delights, they do so give themselves up to the full enjoyment of those delights, that they thereby soften, and enervate themselves; and laying aside all their Innate fierceness, and yet withal securely relying upon their own strengths alone, they are easily driven out thence again. For this cause the Romans, when they saw their Army to be grown Effeminate, and much weakened, by lying in Campania, and enjoying the Pleasures thereof, they presently reform it. And at Naples they never had any Native for their King, by reason of the Delicacy of the Air there, and Venereal Pleasures; whereby all their Manly Courage, and Gallantry of Spirit is softened, and taken down. Neither could any Foreigners ever keep it long; because that in process of time they became cheap in the People's Eyes, and so became a prey to other Foreigners; as the Viscardians were to the Suevians, the ●uevians to those of Anjou, and those of Anjou, to the Arraganians, and at length to the French, and the Castilians: who afterwards, under the Command of the Great Captain drove the French out of the said Kingdom of Naples. The like hath also happened to ●ll those Fierce Northern Nations, that have heretofore possessed themselves of any Southern Countries; for through the softness, and delights of the said Countries, they have at length become Effeminate, and broken in their strength. And by this means the Herulians became a Prey to the Goths, and the Goths to the Grecians: as the Lombard's were to the French: and as at length it befell to the Vandals also, and Huns. Thus the Tartarians in like manner became the Laughingstock, and Scorn of the Turks; but indeed the Turk now defends himself by his Guards of these Northern People, after this manner.  
After He had once perceived, that the Courage of his own Nation began to cool, He presently erected certain Seminaries of Soldiers (they call them Seragli, that is to say, Cloisters, or Enclosures,) into which he shut up all the likeliest, and ablest-bodied young boys of all the Nations that he had conquered; where they should be taken off from acknowledging their own Parents; and should be accustomed to reverence, and own the Grand Signior only, as their Father: and here they are also instructed in all Military Arts, and in the Turkish Religion; and out of these doth the Great Turk choose his janissaries, for the guard of his own Person; and of these same janissaries doth He afterwards make his Pashas, that is, his Commanders, and Counselors in his Wars; as also the Precedents of his Provinces, and Baronies; and such of these as He finds to be studiously inclined, a●d fit for the Book, he chooseth out of them the Muftiss, and the Cadies, that is to say, the Priests, and Judges. So that although the race of the Turks should fail, yet will he never be unprovided of an able Soldiery; seeing that He takes such an order to have such brought up thus for his service in every Province, by the Precedents of the said Provinces.  
And the Romans of old, to the end that they might never want Soldiers, proposed great rewards, and Honours for all such as should approve themselves Valiant in War. Hence we read, that Ventidius, Marius, and other Valiant and Wise persons, arrived to so great a height of Renown among them; till at length by this means they made themselves Masters of the Whole World.  
The King of Spain therefore, to the end that He may remove from his Soldiery these two Evils, which It chiefly laboureth under, must make use of these two Arts especially.  
First, He must presently take away from all People that he shall conquer, all their Immovable Goods, and must allow them only food and clothing, and so set them to manure the ground; and as for their Sons, He may make them either Soldiers, or Husbandmen, according as he shall find them fittest for either of these Employments. And this will be best done in such Countries, as He shall have brought into his Subjection upon some certain Occasion: according as joseph did in Egypt, who taking his advantage by Occasion of the unexpected Dearth that arose there, to the end that the People might the better be furnished with Corn, he caused them to put all they had into their King Pharaohs hands: from whom the Turks also have learned this Art. But there will be need of a very Wise Man, that may be able to bring this about in our Country, by taking good and plausible Occasions of doing the same: Or else the King may constitute some Third Person, as an Intermediate Lawgiver, (such as joseph was in Egypt; or Plato, who was ●ent for into Sicily by Dionysius the Tyrant) by whose means He may, in each several Province, reform the Politi● of three or five Cities there; the examples whereof the rest will afterwards follow of their own accord, when they shall but once take notice of the Benefits and Advantages that such a Reformation brings along with it. And therefore for this end and purpose, there must be care taken especially for the providing of Wise, and Able Preachers for these places: and I may ●elf have a certain Secret to communicate, which would much promote this business; which I shall reserve for the Kings own Ear.  
Or if the King of Spain have a purpose and re●olution of prosecuting the Course already begun, (although it seems not to be so proper a one for the New World) my Opinion is, that, considering the Multitude of his conquered Vassals there, and the Small Number of his Soldiers in comparison of them; He ought to take this Course.  
First of all, let Him show himself bountiful to the People, by remitting their Taxes, by mitigating the severity of the Laws, and by removing all occasions that the Inferior Officers might have of seizing upon the Subject's Goods; and restraining the Soldiers from abusing the Inhabitants where they come; for which very reasons the People do not get so many Children as otherwise they would, which might afterwards do the King service.  
And hence also it is, that their Daughters, wanting good portions to put them off, are fain to become either Nuns, or Whores; and the Men● to turn Priests, or Friars, or Renegadoes; and so to serve as Soldiers in other Countries. And therefore it would be much the better course to use them more Courteously; and to take this for a most certain Truth, That Money doth not give Men Dominion over their Enemies; but rather exposeth them as a Prey to others. And therefore the Spaniard is in a very great Error, (as we shall hereafter show,) while he thinks, that Money hath the Command of All the World: Whereas in truth, it is thy Vassals, and thy Soldiers that must make Thee Lord over thine Enemies, and not thy Mony. For, the Only Use of Money, is, to procure, and maintain Soldiers with it. It is much better therefore, that Soldiers should bear rule over any Country, than Money: for by this means mutual Amity, and friendship will be the better preserved betwixt the Soldier and the Subject. And to this purpose it would be much a safer course, if there were a Law made, both in Spain, and other places, that the Eldest Sons only should inherit their Father's Estates, and the rest should all serve the King, and be Pensioners to Him; then so severely to squeeze out of the People such vast Sums of Money as the King's Ministers do.  
In the second place, I would have some course to be taken for the promoting of People's Marrying, by the denying of some certain Honours and Privileges to all such, who, being arrived to the Age of One and Twenty years, (unless they be Soldiers,) do not marry: for by this means the sums required for Virgin's Portions in Marriage, which ●ath now rendered the Condition of Matrimony very hard, will be abated. And this is one of the Principal Elements of advancing a Commonwealth, and was much made use of by the Romans. It would do very well also, if a Law were made, that the daughters of no Tradesmen● or Husbandmen, should bring above a Hundred Crowns to their Husbands for their Portions: and that within the compass of this Law should be included all those also, who have in former time● ever been Tradesmen, or Mechanical persons. For now adays, when any one hath scraped together but a Hundred Crowns, he presently puts the same out to use, and looks ever after to be called a Gentleman, quite bidding Adieu to his Profession: and thus the King's Tributes are diminished, not without the loss and detriment of the rest of their fellow Subjects. But a Circumspect and wise Lawmaker will be able to provide well enough against all these things.  
Thirdly, let the King give leave to his Soldiers to seize upon Women in the Low-Countries, England, and afric, and carry them away with them by force; which they may afterwards make their Wives, according as any of them shall be invited to do so by Mutual Love: and these Women thus caught up, I would have to be maintained at the King's Charge; who, for this cause, must enlarge the Soldiers pay. But all these things are to be so ordered, that the Dutch Women be married to Spaniards, and the African Women either to Germans, or Low-Dutch, and the Spanish Women to Italians. For this the Law of Nature seems to require, that the Heat of the Spania●d should be rendered more fruitful by the Germane Juycinesse; and that the Fiery Temper of the African should be attempered, and allayed by the Cold and Moist Constitution of the Netherlander; that so both Venereal Desires, and Fecundity too, may be the more excited, and procured; as I have formerly showed in My Philosophy. And as concerning this Temperament, the Italians are good for both.  
And from hence will arise two Advantages; the First whereof is, that these Women will embrace the Christian Faith: for, a Woman will never be of any other Religion then that which her Husband, whom she loves so dearly, is of: As your Northern Women, who are naturally cold● love their South-Country Husbands, who are hot● and the Sabine Young Women made peace betwixt the Romans their Ravishers, and the Sabines their Parents, that came to demand them of the Romans, and to have them home again. And St. Paul saith, that the Unbelieving Wife is sanctified by her Believing Husband; and so on the contrary.  
The Second Advantage is, that by this means the King shall never be without good store of Soldiers, while He shall always have his Soldier's Sons also to make Soldiers of. When therefore He shall once come to abound in Soldiers by reason of this course taken to promote Fructification, which I have now laid down; it will be a means to inflame the Soldier's minds, and will exceedingly encourage them to go on against any Garrisons, or Fortified places of the Enemy, that so they may get themselves handsome women for their Wives, and afterward may lie still, and take their ease. And this was a Secret of Plato's finding out, that Soldiers should be stirred up, and encouraged to fight for Love. I would also have a Law made, that such Soldiers, as have taken away more Women than one, should be placed in some strong Holds, and keep Garrison there; and not be forced to follow the Camp: in like manner as at Naples, all those Soldiers that are married, are put into the Forts there: and it would do very well if such were sent away into some New Colonies of the New World.  
Fourthly, let Him cause to be erected in each of his several Dominions, (as namely in Spain, Naples, the Low-Countries, etc. two, or four Seminaries of Soldiers, into which shall be put poor men's Sons only, and Bastards; which shall be here trained up to the Exercise of Arms; acknowledging the King for their father, and none else: and these, after they are once grown up to be listed for Soldiers, shall go and seize upon Women where they can, in an enemy's Country, which they may make their Wives. And this will be a means to encourage poor people to get children as fast as they can, as being certainly provided of one that will breed them up for them; and the King also shall by this means be sure to have faithful Soldiers. But in Foreign Nations, let Him erect for every several Nation a several Seminary; as for Example, let there be one for the Moors, and another for the Sons of the Low-Dutch: all which He shall cause to be brought up in Military Discipline, as the Great Turk doth his janissaries.  
And besides, there should be certain poor women maintained in the said Seminaries at the King's Charge, who shall make the Soldier's beds, or may Spin and Wove cloth for the making of Sails, or the like. Then again, that such as are too near of kin may not marry, contrary to the Orders of the Church; and withal, that those Marriages that are made, may prove the more fruitful, I would have Italian Women to be married to those that are of the Seminaries of the Low-Countries, or of Spain. For by this means also, there will not so many Idle persons enter themselves into Religious Orders, as there do, who are a great burden to the Church● for as much as ●hese Men make choice of this kind of Life, not out of any sense of Religion, but merely being forced out of necessity; and so are a Scandal to the rest; and besides, the King is also hereby prejudiced, who by this means hath both the fewer Vassals, and Soldiers, and the smaller Subsidies also.  
There may also be educated in these Cloisters, or Colleges, or call them what you please, people of all Nations whatsoever: for the maintenace of whom there may Revenues be taken out of the Allowances of Almshouses, and Hospitals appointed for the Maintenance of Old Men, or of any other honest Men; or of such Friars, as by preaching about the Country get enough to sustain themselves; and toward this Charge there may be something exacted of all Usurers, as I shall show hereafter, when I come to speak of the King's Treasure. And by this means the King's Revenue will be so far from being diminished, that if He do lay out any thing of his own, He will rather prove a gainer by it.  
But now, it would be very advantageous for Spain, that the Spaniards should marry Italian, and Low-Country Women, and so make up one Family betwixt them: for by this means the whole World would by little and little be brought to embrace the Manners and Garb of the Spaniard, and so would the easilier be brought into subjection. And those Spanish Soldiers that are at Naples are in an error, while they seek only for Spanish Women to make Wives of: and therefore the Viceroy there should see, that the Spanish Women should have Italians, or Netherlanders for their Husbands; on whom He should confer all the honours he can; especially, where these Marriages happen to be among the Barons, or other persons of quality.  
Neither let any one think, that those Seragli, or Cloisters among the Turks, before spoken of, are a mere fiction: for this most excellent Design hath been practised in the Church ever since the Apostles time: and we see how many Colleges for young Students the Pope hath, both of Germans, English, and Maronites; that are as so many Seminaries of the Faith. And then, the Orders of St. Dominick, S. Francis, and the rest, are nothing else● but Seminaries of Apostolical Soldiers, who using no Arms, but their Tongue only, do bring the World in subjection: And These are the very Nerves of the Ecclesiastical Monarchy.  
The Pope likewise promotes Men of all Nations to the Dignities both of Priests, Bishops, and Cardinals, having no respect either to Rich or Poor, Barbarian or Roman, (as the Apostle himself commanded) if so be they be but Wi●e, and Good Men. And hence it is, that His Dominion is so far extended, and so united within itself; namely through Spain, the N●w World, Af●ick, and France, as well as in Italy; and that by reason only of the Common Tie of Religion, and the Union of Men and Minds.  
And therefore the King, whose design it is to procure an Association not of his Subjects Fortunes only, but also of their Persons, and Arms; unless He be Powerful over their Religion too, which is the Bond of men's Minds and Affections, He will have but a kind of an Estranged, and weak Dominion among them. And it is very evident, that the Emperor of Germany, by reason of his Subjects being of different Religions, is of less power, then either our King is, or the Duke of Bavaria. And hence it is therefore that the Turks have learned Wisdom, to Our Prejudice and Damage: whilst we in the mean time transgress against the Laws of Policy, while we observe the Roman, or National Laws. Wherefore the King might do, what would well become a Christian, if he would cause to be erected Colleges of Soldiers; and would also promote to Military Preferments, not Spaniards only, but all Persons of Worth and Valour whatsoever; by that means engaging them in the Spanish Manners, and Customs: for by so doing, He should be beloved as well by strangers, as by his own Subjects. And it is also consonant to the Opinion of Thomas Aquinas, to take and baptise, in the Seminaries, such Children of Heretics and Moors, as have been taken from an enemy in time of War; though not to do so in time of peace: as, for example, to take the Children of jews, living at Rome, perhaps, and by force to baptise them: notwithstanding that Scotus approves of both these.  
I would have the King likewise every seven years to pardon all such as are Banished Persons, or are guilty of Murder; upon condition that they shall serve Him as Soldiers in his Wars against afric, or in the New World.  
Let Him also make an Act, that each several Parish shall every year furnish him out one Soldier a piece; (which is a Proposal, Your Lordship saith, was made by a Friend of Yours in Spain;) for by this means there may be raised Threescore Thousand Soldiers, and more, in that Kingdom. It will therefore be very expedient, that there should an Union be made up betwixt the King and the Pope, as hath been before spoken of.  
But it would be better, that every Baron, at the end of such a set term of years, should bring in to the King such a certain number of Soldiers: and it would be best of all, that the Baron himself also should go in person to the Wars, whensoever the King goes. And this aught to be observed not only in Spain, but in all other of the King's Dominions: and likewise that other Rule, that only the Eldest sons shall inherit their Father's Estates in all places what ever. But all these Rules cannot be observed any where to any great purpose, except the Foundation of the Nations be first reform, namely, in Making of Marriages, and by erecting Seminaries, or Colleges of Soldiers; who should be such, as contenting themselves with Meat, and Drink, and clothes only, shall have the Courage, through hope of Advancement, in case they approve themselves stout and Valiant persons, to attempt as daringly, and adventure upon all the most dangerous Undertake, and those greater, than even the Turks Janissaries are wont to venture on. And let this suffice to have been spoken concerning the means of increasing the Soldiery, and against the Depopulating of Countries.  
As touching Captains, and Commanders in War, they ought not to be made out of that most Idle sort of men, whom they now adays call Nobiles, Gentlemen: but rather let the most Stout and Valiant persons be chosen for this purpose; and such as are inclined rather to Severity, as Hannibal was, than such as are of a Courteous Disposition, as was Scipio. And I would have these to be chosen out of the number of Soldiers, that have behaved themselves valiantly in fight, and such as have step by step got up to what places they are now in: Such as were Marius, Sylla, Ventidius, Antonio de Leva, Cicala, and Occiali. But the Person to whom the whole Charge of the War shall be committed, must be such a one as is of very great Authority amongst the soldiery, and one that is also of the Blood Royal. Or, if it be suspected, that such a one may possibly himself aspire to the Monarchy, let there be then one chosen out of the Barons, who shall be found the most fit for this Trust, and who is a man that is Eminent rather for Real Action, then for Show and Ostentation.  
In this case, that the King may proceed the more securely, Let Him erect a Council, which shall consist of Wise, and Faithful persons, with some of some Religious Order or other joined to them; from whose hands the Soldiers should receive their Pay. For there was nothing that did more promote the ruin of the King's affairs in the Low-Countries, than the Soldiers being defrauded of their Pay. And therefore I would have those to be entrusted with the charge of Paying the Soldier, that are Capuchins; because that these men care for Money the least of any Religious Order of Friars whatsoever.  
And that there may never be wanting fit persons to be made Captains, and Commanders, there ought to be certain peculiar Seminaries erected for the education of the Second, and Younger Sons of Barons, and Gentlemen; who shall there be instructed in the Art of Riding the Great Horse, and using the Javelin, of raising Fortifications, and making assaults upon, and taking in of fortified places; likewise of marshalling of battles, and laying of sieges to places; also of managing a battle, and drawing out an Army into Companies, and how to give the Word of Command to the Soldiers, and lastly, how to train up freshwater Soldiers: all which things Hannibal was instructed in, when he was yet but nine years old. But now, not only the Soldiers having been cheated of their Pay, but also their Insolency after a Victory, and their contempt of too mild a Commander, often gives them occasion of Mutinying.  
And therefore they are always to be divided into Regiments, and never the whole Army to lie all together, but when they are to go into the field to fight; because by this means the fear of the Enemy will keep them in due Obedience to their Commander. The neglect of this one thing was the cause of all those Mischiefs that the Carthaginians felt, after the Second Punic War; and it was destructive also to the Romans themselves, in the time of Furius Camillus. Let the Authors therefore of all Mutinies among the Soldiers be immediately put to death in the face of the whole Army, as Speridius heretofore was; and he that caused the Army of Charles the Fifth to Mutiny; So that he was forced to retreat back from Austria, and go into Italy again; For it is ●he duty of these men to be able to make use of their Swords, rather than of their Tongues. And what Persons soever are condemned to die, let them suffer by the hands of the Army, rather than by the Commanders; least by this means He should draw an Odium upon himself. But yet he ought oftentimes to pardon those that are guilty of death, especially when not a few only, but the whole Army become intercessors for them: as was the case of Papirius, Torquatus, and Drusus, as it is reported by Titus Liviu●, and Cornelius Tacitus.  
The Spaniards are good Foot Soldiers even in Mountainous places, or when they are to fight from a wall in defending any strong Hold. The French and Netherlanders are good Horsemen, and charge Notably well in an open field● and at the first Onset. The Italians would do well at both these, did not the abusing of their own proper Inclinations spoil them. All Mountainous People, as the Biscayne's, Swissers, and the Italians that inhabit the Apennine; So likewise the Saxons● are excellent Foot Soldiers, and are naturally desirous of Liberty; they are also accounted very faithful, though not very subtle. Those that inhabit Champion Countries, as the Andalusians, Castilians, Austrians, Hungarians, and Neopolitans, are excellent Horsemen; and are to be kept in Obedience by a strict hand; but they are each of them both an Unfaithful, and a subtle kind of People.  
All these considerations a General must exactly observe, if he intends to manage his Army discreetly, and according to Art; unless he have the skill of judging of the dispositions of his Soldiers by Physiognomy, as julius Caesar had.  
After any of his Soldiers are arrived to the age of fifty years, he must then encourage them with gifts; that so they be may enticed to stay the longer in the Service; and when they once come to the age of five and fifty, he must either put them into Castles, and strong holds, or else he must dismiss them quite, and let them go to their homes. He must accustom his Soldiers also to carry burdens, or to carry forth the Earth in making Entrenchments, as the Romans were wont to do when they wanted men to dig their Trenches. Or let him put them to make Bridges, or to mend the Galleys, as Caesar● Army did in the Low-Countries and in England.  
And although the Fortune of the Wars does not always favour those that have the greatest Armies, as may be seen in the Example of Alexander the Great, who with Thirty Thousand Old Soldiers subdued the whole World: and of Scanderbag, and of julius Caesar also, who with small numbers conquered Multitudes, yet however it is a very good thing to be always provided with good full numbers of Soldiers.  
And hence it is, that the Turk hath almost in all Battles been the Conqueror: for having such a multitude of Soldiers as he hath, and placing all the most Inconsiderable of them in the Van, our Soldiers having spent themselves in fight with, and cutting off these, are at length fallen upon by the Janissaries who are fresh, as not having struck a stroke before, and so are overcome. This Course of his, I confess I should like well enough, were i● not a wicked and Inhuman one. Therefore such Commanders are to be sent into the Wars, as are both Expert Soldiers, and such as will propose to themselves the Advantage, and Glory of Christianity only, and not their own glory; Neither ought He upon every slight occasion to expose his men to death. And besides, the General must sometimes, as occasion shall require, take care in person of his maimed, and sick Soldiers; that by this means He may the more endear himself to them. He is also to have Preachers to go along with him in his Army, who are to put him in mind of God, after the Example of the Maccabees. And if a Commander would conquer his enemy with a small number, it will concern him that he have more of his own Soldiers with him, then either of Auxiliaries, or Hired Soldiers, or of those that are Guarders of the Frontiers: lest, when they come to the point, they all run away. There are many more Observations required to the making up of a Perfect Commander; all which I cannot here set down; my design being at present to deliver such things as concern Spain only. But above all● care must be taken, that the Soldiers be not used like Beasts; who, if they have but their wages duly paid them; and, if when they are wounded, they be carefully looked to; and be encouraged also to show themselves Valiant men through the hopes of Military glory, and by hearing good Preachers, and by rewards; they will then never think either of running away, or of Revolting; which are two of the greatest Mischiefs that can befall an Army.  
I would also have some persons appointed, out of some of the Religious Orders, to commit to writing the famous and memorable Acts of each particular Soldier; which should be read openly, before the King, when ever He bestows rewards upon his Soldiers. For this is the reason, why the Barons refuse to serve in person in the Wars, saying; The King himself is not there, to be an eye witnensse of my Valour; and I cannot confide in the treacherous Memories of Envious Commanders.  
Neither would I have the Soldiers to be rewarded with Money only, but sometimes also with some Coronet, either of Oak, or of Olive; which is a most Magnificent argument of Honour to them, and of no charge to the Prince; and by this means they will be the more faithful, and constant to Him. For an other man's Money may in like manner buy and sell perhaps that Faith, which you have so purchased of them; but such Honour it cannot: seeing it is a most ignominious thing, even in the esteem of an Enemy himself, for any one to forsake his King. And therefore it should be lawful for any man to kill such a one, as should begin to run away; or, that goes abroad a pillaging without the leave of his Commander: which very thing hath often hindered the obtaining of Victory against the Enemy; and those that are of least account in the Army do by these courses enrich themselves, while the Valiant Soldier fights it out to the last drop of blood in his body. What Soldier soever shall fill up the place of his slain fellow-soldier, or protects him, and saves his life; he should have a Coronet of Oak granted him: This was called by the Romans, Corona Civica. That Soldier, that shall first get upon the Enemy's Walls, should have a Mural Coronet, made of Herbs wreathed together in form of a Coronet; which he should receive at the hands of the General, whiles the rest of the Army standing round about shall celebrate his Gallantry with Acclamations and Songs, according to the ancient custom of the Romans. For, these two things, Punishment, and Reward, are the two Pillars whereon all Military Discipline is founded and built: the Former whereof deterrs the Soldier from wicked courses; as the latter pricks him on to do gallant things: the Former was devised for the restraining of Vile● Rebellious spirits; as the latter was for the Encouragement of the Generous, and Valiant: the former serves instead of a Bridle, as the later doth of a Spur.  
Alexander the Great erected, for the honour of his Soldiers that were Slain at the River Granicus, Statues of Marble, in a most stately manner. The King of Siam, that he might encourage his Soldiers to fight bravely, took care to have the names of all those that had behaved themselves Gallantly in the Wars, to be registered in a Book, and afterwards to be recited before him: which was the custom also of King Ahasuerus, as the holy Scripture testifieth.  
Whensoever there are any designs on foot for the gaining any large Kingdom, or Empire; the King ought always to go in person to the Wars; because that Princes that are Warlike, always get more than those that are sluggish and negligent: which is a consideration of great importance for all such Princes, as desire to enlarge their Dominions. But if they care only to preserve their own, they may then stay at home themselves; provided that they set Valiant, and faithful Commanders over their Soldiers. However, it will concern a Prince that he get an opinion of being a Warlike man, unless he mean to be despised by all People; or let him make an open show that he loves Wars. And to the end that He may be the more secure of Victory, let him always take with him good store of Soldiers; that so he may neither lose his reputation, nor be despised by his Enemies.  
Those Defeats of his Armies are the least hurtful to Him, where He himself was not present at the Engagement. Strength of his forces at Sea, wherein the Genoese, Portugals, and Hollanders do most excel, is also a most necessary business. For, whoever shall make himself master of the Seas, the same shall command all by Land also.   

CHAP. XVI. Of the Treasury of Spain.  
IT is necessary that the King have a full Treasury, if it be but for the keeping up of his Reputation abroad: for, as the World goes now a days, the Power of Princes is valued according to the fullness of their Purses, rather than the largeness of their Territories. And therefore not only in the time of War, but of peace also, it behoves a Prince to have always good store of ready Money by him: For it is a very hard, and dangerous business also, especially when He is now already engaged in a War, to expect, and wait till moneys can be raised.  
Tolle moras: Semper nocuit differre paratis.  
It is necessary therefore, that there be moneys always in a readiness for the raising of Soldiers in an instant: lest while you are employed in getting Money together, your Enemy be before hand with you. To this end Augustus Caesar erected a Military Treasury, as Suetonius testifieth; and that he might always, and without any trouble be provided of Money for the raising, and paying of his Soldiers, he filled the same with New Taxes, and Impositions. And certainly very many wonder how it comes to pass, that the King of Spain, whose yearly Revenues amount to above twenty Millions, hath not by this time made Himself Universal Monarch of all Christendom, nor hath all this while so much as as once set upon the Turk.  
To whom I answer, that this is nothing at all to be wondered at, if they would but take notice, that the reason of this it, because He hath not the skill to lay hold on Occasion, when it is offered Him; which very thing hath hitherto upheld the Fortune of all Great Empires, For there was an Occasion given him at the Uniting of the Kingdoms of Castille and Arragon, and of Naples, and Milan: but there was a much fairer offered to Charles the V. who was a man of a Warlike spirit; & being King of Spain, was afterwards chosen also Emperor of Germany; by all which advantages He might have been able to have made himself Lord of the whole Earth, had He but known as well how to give Laws to those He conquered, as He knew how to conquer them. This Prince took Tunis, and having driven thence Ariodenus the Turk, He made Muleasses King of that place, without changing the former State of the Kingdom at all. After this He conquered Germany; that is to say, the Protestant Princes there: whom He devested of their Electoral Dignity, substituting into their places their Brethren, and Kinsmen: but otherwise, leaving them in the same state He found them. And although He had once got Luther himself into his hands and power; yet, looking after the empty Fame only of being accounted a Merciful Prince, He let him go again; that so he might have the opportunity (forsooth) of seducing all Germany, and the N●therlands. He took F●ancis, the King of France; and then set him again at liberty; that so he might raise up a new War against Him, and thereby frustrate all that He had done before. He also took in the Cities of Sienna, Florence; and bestowed them upon the Family of the Medici; that so He might procure himself more powerful enemies by the bargain. For, whosoever is raised by any one to some degree of Power, what service soever is due from him to his Rayser, he will be sure to decline the doing it as much as he can: and therefore he seeks all the occasions he can of shaking off the Yoke, that he may make his Benefactor, his Enemy: which very thing was done by the Dukes of Florence, and by Maurice, Prince Elector of Saxony, against Charles the Fifth.  
And indeed such Benefits as, by reason of the greatness of them, cannot any way be returned; commonly they draw a hatred upon the Virtue of the Benefactor: as we see it evidently fell out in the case betwixt the aforementioned Francis, King of France, and Charles' the Fifth.  
Another cause that this Monarchy hath not yet hitherto been brought about, is this, because that Philip could not succeed his Father, not so much as in the War, and therefore lost both the Low-Countries, together with the Imperial Titles. But that Affliction which also fell upon him by the loss of Charles, his Son, was the most grievous of all the rest: for he would have been able to have maintained the Wars in His stead: which seeing the King of Spain is not able to do, He is constrained always to defend, and make good the bounds of his Kingdom rather, then to endeavour to enlarge them: and to look to his Commanders, and see that they do not pillage the Countries where their Command lies, and enrich themselves out of the King's Treasure; it being their only care, how to keep up such a Trade of War, by which they may make advantage to themselves, rather than any way enlarge the King's Dominions.  
I shall therefore here lay down these Rules, (though they are not so proper for this place) that when any new Country is conquered, that is of a different Religion, and manner of Government, the Natives are presently to be removed out of it and carried into some other Country, where they may serve as Slaves; and their Children are to be Baptised, and may be either put into the Seminaries before spoken of, or else sent into the New World; and into this conquered Country may be sent Colonies of Spaniards, under the conduct of so●e Wise and faithful Commander. Which Course ought to have been taken by Charles the Fifth at Tunis; who should also have carried away Muleasses to Naples. And He should by right have done the very same thing in Germany; namely, in Saxony, in the Marquisat of Brandenburg, and the Lantgravedome of Hessen: into which Countries He should have sent New Colonies, under the Command of New Governors.  
The Free Cities also He should have suppressed and have taken away their Privileges: and lastly, He should have made Three Cardinals the Governous of all Germany.  
But when any New Country is taken in, that is not of a different Religion, but only differing in Government, let Him then change nothing at all, in matters that concern the People: but only let Him set strong Guards upon the Country; and let the Chief Officers be chosen all out of the King's party, but the Inferior out of the Common People of the place: the Laws whereof may also be altered by little and little, and made to conform to the King's Laws, either by heightening, or abating the rigour of them, according as the Condition and Temper of the place shall require. All Authors, or Heads of Factoins must be presently removed out of the way, either by Death, if they have been Enemies; or, if they have been friends, they must be carried away into Spain, that they may there receive Baronies for their reward, or may have liberty of free Traffic into the King's Dominions granted them. But the Chief Heads of such People as He shall subdue, He must never suffer to continue in their places; which course ought to have been taken with the Strozzi, Medici, Cappones, Petruccij, and other Ringleaders and Heads of Factions, at Sienna, and Florence.  
And indeed the same Course should have been taken with Francis King of France, that so he might have had no further opportunity of attempting any thing against Charles the V. But as for the Heretics, and Luther, the best way would have been to have suppressed them, under some other Pretence, presently after the breaking up of the Diet at Ausburg; as I shall show hereafter.  
And if Cha●les the Fifth had but taken these Courses, He had never left behind him so much work and trouble for King Philip; and perhaps his young son Charles too might have been alive at this day; and might perhaps by His Arms have added afric, Hungary, Macedonia, Italy, and England to his Dominions. But He, as I have before said, was the only cause of all those Evils, which we see at this day. So that I do not wonder at all, that notwithstanding the vast Treasures of the King of Spain, yet the bounds of His Monarchy are not all this while enlarged. But I rather wonder, that so Wealthy a Prince hath not laid up all such his Revenues, for Necessary Uses against times of need; which might have been his ruin. For if so be his Negotiation by Sea should be stopped, or interrupted but for one five, or six years' space together, or that his Plate Fleet should be intercepted in its return home from the West-indies, would it not be so sore a cut to him, as that he must of necessity be forced to oppress his own snbjects by laying most heavy and unusual Taxes upon them, and so draw upon himself their Hate? and besides, should he not also undo all his Merchants, and defraud his Soldiers of their Pay, and by that means be in danger of losing them upon every the least Occasion? And indeed it is a thing much to be wondered at, how, and which way such vast Sums of Money should come to be wasted, and yet the King not any thing at all the better for it; for we see, that He is still Poor for all this, and is almost continually borrowing Money of others. And therefore I say, that it is Impossible but that things should always succeed ill with Him, so long as there is no provision made for the remedying of this mischief.  
Yet I do not say, that a King's whole strength consists only in his Money; but He is to consider, that Money alone will do little toward the subduing of an Enemy. And indeed we read that julius Caesar, by his great knowledge in Military affairs, and having withal the love of his Souldiers● though they were but a very Small Army, to speak of, yet for all this conquered the whole World. And so likewise the Saracens, Tartarians, and Huns, without any Money, made themselves Lords of almost the whole World. We confess therefore, that Money is of Excellent good use, and most necessary for a Prince, for the Preserving and making good the Bounds of his Dominions; but not at all for the enlarging of them, by adding New Provinces to the same. And therefore let him believe, that the sinews of his Strength lie in something else than his Mony. For, that Faith that is purchased by Money, may again be sold for Mony. And therefore I beseech you, do but observe, how in France our King Philip by his money procured the Dukes of Maine, joycuse, Mercoeur, and Guise, to take up Arms against the King of Navarre; and then again, how the King of Navarre by the same means got over the very same men to His side, after they found King Philip to be grown somewhat closesisted, and not to come off with his Money so freely as before. And in like manner the Commanders, and Soldiers in the Low-Countries do now a days rather exercise the profession of Hucksters, then of Soldiers: for, they do not fight, that they may overcome their Enemy; but that they may make a gain of their serving in the Wars; And so have made Arms, which are the Instruments of Monarchy, to be the Instruments of their Covetousness, and their Sports. And the King deceives himself, whiles He pursues all Covetous Designs; for, He hath Money enough, if he have but Soldiers enough; and if there be withal but Mutual love betwixt him and them, and a due regard had to their several merits; which things if they be wanting, he shall be sure to be a sufficient Loser in the end.  
First therefore, and above all things, let the King endeavour to treasure up to himself the Minds and Affections of his Subjects and Vassals, and endear himself to them, by his own Gallantry both in Peace, and in War; making Himself admired by them, by making profession of, and proposing to them some New Sciences, etc. as hath been said before.  
Secondly, let Him raise himself a Treasure of his Subjects Bodies, by causing them to multiply by Frequency of Marriages; to which they are to be encouraged by Honours, and other Enticements, etc. as was also touched before.  
And in the Third place, let Him raise himself a Treasure out of the Wealth of his Subjects, whiles He makes them Rich, by taking care that Agriculture, and Manuring of the Ground be promoted; and that the making of Silks, Woollen Cloth, and the like Useful and Profitable Arts, and Trades be set on foot, and diligently followed; rather, then that such Courses should be taken, as we see now adays every where; whiles in the smaller Towns, most people give themselves to Usury; and in the Greater Cities men for the most part apply themselves to Merchandise, and Extorsion. The Pope raises up his Treasures in the Minds of Men; and therefore is He a Conqueror; because that This, being conjoined with Eloquence and Wisdom, is the only Instrument by which that Treasure is acquired. And hence it was, that the Saracens, by the use of their Tongue, and also by making Profession of New Sciences, and of a New Religion, became Conquerors. julius Caesar raised Himself a Treasure both in Minds and Bodies; by His own Personal Virtue and Gallantry, winning to himself, and obliging the Hearts, and Affections of the Whole Soldiery. But the Ta●tarians, and Huns did this by Bodies only; rendering them so Fruitful, as that by reason of their Vast numbers, they were fain to leave their Native soil, marching out of it in huge bodies, (like swarms of Bees) and seizing upon others Territories. But now the King may, by His Own just Right, exact all these Treasures at the hands of his Subjects; as namely, Religion, by placing Able Preachers among them; Love, by Good Laws, the Subjects Profit, and True Justice; and Multiplication of them, by the Ways before laid down, where I spoke touching the increasing of the Number of the Soldiery: and let Him require of each several Nation, that, which they most abound in; as, People, from the Germans; Soldiers, from the Spaniards; Commanders in War, and Garments, from the Italians; from the West-Indies, Gold; but not the contrary.  
We may truly affirm, that the New World hath in a manner undone the Old; for it hath sown Covetousness in our Minds, and hath quite extinguished Mutual Love among men. For, all the World are wretchedly in love with Gold only: and hence it is, that Men are become Deceitful, and Fraudulent in their dealings, and have often sold, and re-sold their Faith for Hire; because they saw that Money was That, that did the business every where, and that was held in Admiration by all people; and so They are come now to despise all Sciences, and Holy Sermons, in comparison of Money; and have bid Adieu both to Agriculture, and other Arts, applying themselves only to look after the Fertility and Increase of Money, and to get themselves into Rich men's houses. It hath likewise Introduced a great Disparity amongst Men, making them either too Rich● whence they become Proud, and Insolent; or else, leaving them too Poor, whence proceeds Envy, Theft, and Open Robbery. Hence also it is, that the prices of Corn, Wine, Flesh, Oil, and Cloth, are very much raised; because that no man applies himself to this kind of Merchandise; whence follows Want, and Penury; and yet moneys in the mean while must be laid out: In so much, that the poorer sort, being not able to hold out in the world, are fain either to put themselves into service; or else betake themselves to robbing upon the Highway, or else turn Soldiers, being necessitated to do so through Poverty, and not at all for Love either of the King, or of Religion; and many times also they run away from their Colours, or else change them: neither do they endeavour to get Children in a Lawful Way of Marriage, because they are not able to pay Taxes: or else perhaps they try all the ways that possibly they can, to get to be admitted into some Covent or other for Friars, or Preachers. I therefore here leave it to the King to consider, whether or no He may not rather be overcome by Gold, which is the Cause of so many Evils.  
I say therefore, that there are many things here that stand in need of a Reformation, that so the King's Treasury may grow Rich, and that He himself may have greater Testimonies of his Subjects Love, and Fidelity: which might easily be brought about, if so be that those Rules before laid down, touching the increasing the Number of the Subjects, and the remitting and abating the Taxes and Exactions laid upon them, were but observed: and if the King, going into the Wars Himself in person, would by that means chalk out, to his Wise and Valiant Commanders, and Soldiers, the Way to Honour, rather than to Covetousness; and would also propose New Arts, and Sciences. So likewise if He would make some such Laws, to which those that are Obedient, should have their former honours continued to them; but the Refractory, and Disobedient should have Disgraces cast upon them: and to persuade Obedience to which Laws, there should in the Second place, some Profit, and Advantage be proposed for such: but, in the Third place, before the Disobedient should be laid down the Fear of Punishment: to which our Modern Writers absurdly attribute the First Place, in Relation to the due Observing of Laws; who having regard to the Time rather, then to Religion, require Fear in Subjects, rather than Love: because that the Rulers of the Gentiles preferred this Later, before the Former; and so taught that Wicked Wretch, Macchiavel, and other the like Politicians, those Rules.  
But if there be no place left for a Reformation, it is then necessary, that, respect being had to the Present Abuses, there should be good store of Treasure got up together; lest at length the King should be undone by Use-money, or some other Losses should fall upon him; in case the Plate Fleet should not return back from the West-Indies in three or four years together perhaps. I shall first therefore lay down the Usual Rules, in this case; and then, such other as I myself have thought upon.  
First therefore, there must be matter administered for the promoting of Usury, and Usurers; and every one of them is to be bound, under a certain Penalty, to have always a stock of Monies lying by them; that so, when there shall be any Necessity, the King may know where to fetch presently good store of Large Sums of Money: Which Course is to be taken in all the chief Cities, both in the Kingdom of Naples, and of Spain. Then, when any great War is near at hand, the said Sums of Money are to be called for at the said Usurers hands; and that, by the intervening too of the Pope's Authority, that so the King may not draw upon himself alone the Hatred, and Ill Will of his Subjects.  
Secondly, let him introduce the Tribute of Apulia, (which was brought up by King Ferdinand) through all the Provinces that are under him, imposing it either in the same, or some other the like Form.  
Thirdly, let Him cause all the Barons to bring in what sums of Money they have, binding them thereto in the name of Religion, and the Crown of Spain, to which they are joined, and engaged.  
Fourthly, let Him procure of the Pop● Indulgences and Croisadoes for all his Kingdoms; and those Sums of Money, that shall be raised by the same, He shall lay up in some Treasury, where they may increase to such a quantity, as that an Army may be raised out of them, which may be sent into the Holy Land.  
Fifthly, let Him get an Injunction from the Pope, that, for the space of five years, all Churches, Monasteries, Bishoprics, and Parishes throughout all his Provinces, shall pay in a certain sum of Money into The Sacred Treasury, so called, as being collected for the making of a War against the Infidels; that is to say, Five in the Hundred, of all their Revenues; but so, that every year there should be an abatement made of One: As namely, the first year they should pay Five in the Hundred, the second year Four● the third Three, and so on, till the five years be expired. But the Venetians exact the Tenths. And this Course may be takend betwixt the King and the Pope, under the Pretence of making a War upon the Infidels. After all this is done, let Him then appoint two Bishops to be the Treasurers of this Mony.  
Sixthly, let the King, by his Treasurers, traffic in every Country, with such Commodities as are used there; as in Calabria, with Silks; in Apulia, with Wheat; in Sicily, with Oil; for by this means He will divert his Subjects from applying themselves to Usury, and will cause them to attend more the Manuring of the Ground, and withal will hereby mightily enrich Himself.  
Seventhly, let Him send out into every City, and Town, especially in the Kingdom of Naples, a Commissary, having a Counsellor joined with him, who shall be one of the Clergy, to make enquiry into all Usurers; and to cause Them to make it appear by the testimony of Three Witnesses, that they have taken no other Use, than what is allowed to be taken by the custom of the Kingdom: and where they shall find any to have done otherwise, to seize upon all they are worth, and carry it away to some public place for the King's use.  
But then, the King may afterwards restore half of it to them again, if he think fit: as for example; suppose his Officers took away from any of these Usurers Ten Thousand Crowns; He may then restore to the Owner Five Thousand Crowns of his Money again. For they are a hateful sort of People, and are despised by all men; so that you need never fear that they will rebel: and besides, the people, when ever they see Them ruined, will be very glad of it, neither will any of them take their parts; and indeed the Usurers themselves, when they have half of their estates left them, will think themselves very well dealt withal. And with the rest of such moneys the King may set up A Bank of Charity, where poor people shall take up moneys upon their Pawn; but upon this condition, that if they redeem not their Pawn by the Limited Time, that then it shall be forfeit to the King. And afterward with the Money arising from hence, He may drive a Trade of Merchandise, as the Usurers themselves use to do: or else He may with those moneys erect Cloisters, or Seminaries for Soldiers, and Poor Women, as hath been showed before. And if some of the Clergy were sent abroad with the like Commissions to inquire into the Barons also, it would do them much good, both in reference to their Soul, Body, and State; who otherwise by their arts would swallow up, and devour the whole World.  
Eighthly, let Him require an Account of all the King's Ministers, and Commissioners, for the whole time of their being employed in their Offices: and whatsoever Fines shall be set upon their heads, let it be put into the Treasury; or the King may remit half to them, if he please; or less, as he shall see cause: and by taking this course with them, both Himself and his Subjects shall be much advantaged, and have cause to rejoice.  
Ninthly, let Him call all those before Him, that have been condemned by any Sentence of Judgement, or have any ways been branded with any Note of Infamy; and let Him command all such Judgements passed against them, within the space of five years past, to be burnt: by which Act of His, the Offenders will reckon themselves highly honoured; but yet, for this favour of the Kings, they shall be bound to pay down such a certain Sum of Mony.  
Tenthly, let every one that enters first into any great City, such as Naples is, or into any Garrison, such as is that of Cotron, pay something at his entrance, under pretence of taking notice of all that enter in. Then, let there be an Imposition laid upon all things whatsoever, that are used both for Necessity and Superfluity; but upon things of Necessary use, as Meat, Drink, Oil, and the like, the Imposition should not be great; but upon things of superfluity, it should be higher. As, upon Cards, let there be put an Imposition of two Carolines; and upon Dice, one Caroline; upon every Choir of Writing Paper, one Grain; upon every pair of Gloves, half a Caroline: but upon Silks, and Garments richly wrought with Needlework, and Embroideries of Silver and Gold, there must be higher Impositions laid, for the benefit of the King. But I would have the greatest Impositions to be laid upon Whores; as at Naples, and in all other places, the Tax should be increased half a Ducat upon every Bawdy-house. Neither should Baths, or Playhouses, and Players be exempted from these Impositions; nor yet Inns, Taverns● or any Houses of Public entertainment whatsoever. And in all things let the Rule before laid down be observed; namely, that Necessary things should have but a small Imposition put upon them; but a Greater, upon those that are not necessary.  
Likewise the King, when He is pressed by any great Necessity of the State, may have an Estimate made of all his Subjects Lands, and accordingly impose Taxes and Tributes upon the same. And that this should be done, is both Right and Just: for● every Private Good aught to serve the Public Good; without which, men's Private Estates could not be upheld, and subsist. But I would have these to be, not Personal, but Real Taxes; that is, they should not be levied upon the Persons, by the Pole, but upon their Estates: lest otherwise the whole burden of these Taxes should lie upon the shoulders of the Poor only, as it uses to do for the most part. For the Gentry use to shake off the burden that is imposed upon them, and cast it upon the Commons; as, in like manner, the Principal Cities cast off theirs upon the Countryman: which is against all Justice and Equity in the World. Neither aught any Goods to be Taxed, but only such as are Certain, and immovable; for, the Duke of Alva, going about to lay a Tax upon all Goods indifferently, as well Movable, and Uncertain, as others, caused the whole Country of the Netherlands to rise up against him. And if at any time, when the Urgent Necessities of the Kingdom shall so require, you will lay a Tax upon Movable, and Uncertain Goods also; I should like it well enough, if there were the same course taken in proceeding herein, as they use to take in some certain Cities of Germany; as namely, Norimberg, Ausp●rg, Collen, and some others; where they use to put every man to his Oath. Yet that way of Imposing Taxes is the more Just, and Legal, that put them upon all manner of Merchandise, and Commodities, that are either exported abroad, or imported into any of the King's Dominions: for it is but Just, and Reasonable, that whosoever makes any gain to himself in Our Country, or by our Commodities, he should pay something in Consideration thereof.  
And whereas all Such Merchants are either the King's Subjects, or else are Foreigners; it is fit that we should exact greater Customs from Foreigners, then from our Own Merchants: which Rule the Great Turk observes at this day; exacting Ten in the Hundred upon all Commodities that are imported from Alexandria by Foreigners; but taking but Five in the Hundred of his own Merchants. In England all Foreign Merchants pay four times as much in Customs, as the Natives do; but in Denmark they pay but three times; and so their payments are divers, according to the diversity of Places.  
To sum up all in a Word; Wheresoever all those things that are Necessary for the Substentation of Man's Life, are found in greatest Abundance and Plenty, to that place will there ever be a Conflux of Riches: so that it will concern every Prince to use his Utmost endeavours in bringing his Subjects to apply themselves to Husbandry, and the following all sorts of Arts and Manufactures: of which we have spoken elsewhere more at large. Then, I would have all those Ways of raising of Money, that are hateful to the People, either to be quite taken away, or else to have some other name put upon them: in like manner as the Taxes also, and Impositions paid into the Exchequer ought to be somewhat abated, and to be exacted of the Subject under some other Name. And hence it was● that Augustus Caesar did not style Himself, King, but only, Tribune; because that the Name of a King was hateful to the Romans. And therefore I would have the name of Tribute, to be changed to Erogations, or Contribution: and these Names also I would have to be altered perpetually. And because the Name of Donative is now become hateful, and loathsome to the People, the King may do well to lay aside that Name, and put some Other upon it. But I shall not discourse so very Particularly, and Punctually of these things here, as I could.  
The Kings Trafficking with the Genoeses, is as good as a Treasure to Him: let Him therefore use all the means He can, to procure liberty of exercising the like Traffic and Commerce with other Nations and Countries. There are also many other Extraordinary Profits which Princes may raise to themselves, partly from their Own Subjects, and partly also from Foreigners: such as are Casualties, Confiscations, Escheats, Donatives, Portions, Honoraries, as they call them, and many other the like; of all which I should speak particularly: But I have resolved to keep this discourse, till I shall have an opportunity of speaking thereof in the presence of his Majesty.   

CHAP. XVII. Of the People's Love, and Hate: and also of Conspiracies.  
IT may perhaps be thought fit by some, that in Commonwealths, Mutual Love should be maintained amongst all Fellow-Citizens, for the benefit of the Public; as we see it is among the Venetians: But that in all Monarchical Governments, Hatred, and Dissensions are to be sown abroad among the Subjects; lest otherwise, when any of them were injured by the Prince, the rest should join in revenging their fellow-Subjects wrong upon the Prince; or lest they should at any time all Unanimously conspire against Him: and so all the Subjects Love should be jointly bend against the King. But this Rule is most Absurd, several ways.  
First, because it makes the King to be a most cruel Tyrant, who takes care of Himself alone, and not of his Subjects in General: and so by this means, through the mutual Hatred of his Subjects, the King doth not at all procure their Love, but rather kindles their Envy against himself, and so lives in continual fear.  
Secondly, because all Natural Dominion requires Concord amongst the People, that so they may be able more stoutly, and effectually to resist all Enemies whatsoever; and may oblige one another by Mutual Offices, both at home, and in War. And therefore all good Lawgivers have used their utmost Endeavours, to procure a Union, and, as it were, a knitting together of Subjects, by the Bonds of Mutual Love, and of Unity in Religion: and therefore they have provided, that they should All meet together in Churches, to the end that they might the better know the reason why they ought to love one another: For, Ignoti nulla cupido: No man desirest what He knows not. And upon this Consideration it was, that Plato forbade all Private Chapels: and Moses also gave order, that there should be erected but One Temple only, in the whole Kingdom of the jews; that so, all of them concurring, and agreeing together in One Religion, and in the Love of One Only God, might every way fill up one complete Mutual Love amongst themselves. And to this end, besides Marriages, were Clienteles, or Multitudes of Clients, and Followers designed; and divers other Institutions, tending to the promoting, and advancing of Mutual Profit, and Advantage.  
As likewise Companies of Merchants; and Officious Relations to great Persons, taken up upon design of doing them Service, or Honour. And all these things are profitable to the Prince; But so is not the Hatred of his People; for this proved very Prejudicial to France. And such Contests betwixt the Prince and his Subjects have made for the Advantage of the See of Rome, when ever the People got the better of it: Although the Contrary happened in Florence. For there, the Conquering Plebeians did not raise themselves to the Condition of Gentlemen; but, on the contrary the Gentry debased themselves down to the state of Plebeians; the Contrary whereof happened at Rome. And therefore my Advice is, that the Prince should use his utmost endeavour to procure, that there be a Mutual love and Correspondence among his Subjects.  
Now this Mutual Love is maintained, First, by their Unity in Religion; and by rooting out all those that endeavour to sow Tares abroad; which was the Loss of the Netherlands. Secondly, by Spaniards marrying with any other Nations whatsoever; Thirdly, by having Commerce and Traffic with Several Nations; Fourthy, by Introducing an equality amongst them; for this is an Error, which hath now spread itself over all the Christian World, that One man should be very Poor, and another very Rich; which was a thing that Plato hated perfectly. Whereas a Parity, or Equality between Fellow-Subjects is a means of removing all Envy, Rapine, Pride, Hatred, and Effeminateness from among them. And hence it was, that Moses commanded the jews, that every Seventh Year, all Families should have their Inheritances restored unto them again; and all Servants, that were of their own Nation, should be set at liberty, and have also some thing given them by their Patrons, at their going off; withal informing them, that this was agreeable to the Law, and will of God. And for this reason also Almshouses, Hospitals, and other the like Places for Charitable uses were erected; that so Honour might be preserved amongst them with some Equality.  
Sallust testifieth, that there were never any Conspiracies contrived by any of the Romans against their Country, till such time as a Few persons had gotten into their hands the Wealth of Many; that is to say, such as Crassus, Pompey, and Caesar. And in Luther's, and Calvin's time, the Country Peasants in Germany rose up in Arms against the Nobility and Gentry, only because those Two having trampled under foot the Evangelicall Truth, had Sown Tares, and the Seeds of Sedition, and Subversion of States every where; to the ruin of whole Kingdoms.  
And even in our days also we see that you shall have one Man that hath a hundred Thousand Crowns a year; and a Thousand other men again that have hardly each of them a Hundred Crowns a year a piece. And all that Wealth will He spend upon Dogs, Horses, Jesters, and in Gold Trappings for his Horses; or else upon Whores, which is worse. And if at any time a Poor man shall be put to go to Law with him for any thing, he is so far from being able to prosecute his Action against Him, as that he is rather fain to get out of the way as fast as he can, or else he may chance to be forced to end his days in Prison: Mean while that the Rich man does every where what he li●ts, without control; because, forsooth, He hath Money to corrupt the Judges with. And indeed, our Judges, for the most part, are such as have been made Judges either for Favour, or for Money; as we s●e it commonly falls out in all Smaller Cities: which certainly is a most Pernicious thing to all Principalities. For, it is almost an Impossible thing, that a Judge that will take a Bribe, should ever discharge his Office honestly: For, as God himself testifieth, A Gift blindeth the Wise. Which, it is very likely, will be the practice of him that buyeth his Office with Money; and so entereth into it, not as into a Field overrun with Thorns and Briers, but rather as into a most plentiful and rich Harvest. And therefore I shall here take the liberty (though it be somewhat beside my present purpose) to admonish all Politicians whatsoever, that they should take this for a certain Rule; that Whosoever sells his Offices for Money, the same desires that his Ministers should be Thiefs. Lewis the Twelfth of France was wont to say, that those that buy Offices, were like Merchants; who buy Goods altogether at any easy rate; and afterwards sell them off in parcels at a dear rate. But to return to our purpose.  
Although our Rich Man is very liberal, and is at great cost and charges in the maintaining, and richly clothing of his Servants and Retainers; Yet is not the Commonwealth any thing at all the better for this, but rather suffers by it.  
First of all, because by this means He obligeth them to Himself only, and makes them so much his own, as that they will be ready to follow Him against any person whatsoever, even the King himself: which thing was attempted heretofore by that Roman, Spurius Melius, against his Country: and therefore the Venetians, fearing this very thing, suffer not any to keep about them any great Retinue. Then besides, it renders them soft, and Effeminate; and makes them to be Flatterers, and Proud Pimps, and Bawds to their Patron's Lust: and so by this means here is erected, as it were, a Seminary of most Idle and Vile persons; who after they have once gotten themselves Wives, do then by their crafty Wiles oppress poor men, and begin to spread abroad the Poison of their Wickedness far and near. And for this reason it was, that Bishops have oftentimes forbidden those Prelates that have been under their Jurisdiction, the use of a Numerous Retinue; though here, there was no great need of any such Interdiction. For although that such Servants of Prelates are not in truth Honest, and Good men; yet are they forced at least to appear such in those places; and so they give the less Scandal to the World. Wherefore the King ought to endeavour to introduce an Equality by restraining all Numerous Retinues.  
Let Him moreover indulge the Common People so much, as that for the space of whole ten years, they shall pay only the one half of their Taxes; and for the other half, let Him exact the payment of it at the hands of the Barons, and others that are Artificers. I would also have those Laws, and Arts, spoken of before, where I treated of the Barons, and Usurers, to be brought into use.  
But for as much as the Spaniards are hated by all Nations, the best Course would be, that the King should endeavour to reconcile them to the Spaniard by intermarrying with them; and also by erecting such Military Seminaries, into which should be admitted indifferently, and be there maintained, Soldiers of all other Nations. For by this means the King shall have both a more Copious, and also a better Tempered, and more Generous Army: as we see Chestnut Graffes, when they are set upon other stocks, bring forth the better fruit.  
And this very course God himself is wont to take; who, that He may render all Mankind the more Noble, uses to transplant the People of the Northern Parts, and to remove them into the more Southern: which He also does for some other causes; which yet are all, save one or two, unknown to us. After this let the King of Spain so order his affairs, as that not only his subjects may live together in mutual love amongst themselves, but also that He himself may be beloved by them: which thing he may easily effect, by Enacting Profitable Laws, by increasing the number of his subjects, by remitting their Taxes and Impositions; by bringing in an Equality amongst them; and lastly, by not omitting even those things also, of which We spoke before.  
And because that nothing is so destructive to a Prince, as the stirring up of the subjects Hate against Himself: whence it is, for the most part, that Conspiracies, and Treasons are plotted against both Prince, and State; it would be very well, if all the subjects were of the same Religion that the Prince is of: for nothing in the World doth more set men at Variance, than Diversity of Religion. And this, the King of France hath found to be true, by his own sad Experience. But it is here necessary, that the Prince should shun those two Extremes, to wit, Hypocrisy, ●ud Superstition. God is Truth, and will be worshipped in Truth, and with a Clear, upright mind.  
Let our Prince therefore be sure, that he approve himself to be a Pious, and Religious Prince without Hypocrisy, (by which Tiberius Caesar did himself much wrong,) and without any apparent softness, or Effeminateness. But nothing more commends a Prince to his People, then to be furnished both with Domestic, and Military Virtues; which are sufficient to engage all his subjects, of all Ranks and Conditions whatsoever, to be faithful to Him: for, these are the Foundation, and Groundwork of all Principalities. For as the Elements, and all Bodies compounded of them, do without any Reluctancy obey the Motions of the Celestial Bodies, by reason of their Ingenit Excellency of Nature; and in the Revolutions of the Celestial Orbs themselves, the Inferior follow the Motion of the Superior; in like manner do all men willingly submit, and yield themselves up to such a Prince, in whom they find all Eminent Virtues shining forth. For, this is an Impression of Nature, imprinted on all, that no Inferiors refuse to yield Obedience to those that are above, or better than themselves. For it is received by the Eternal Law of Nature, that Inferiors should obey their Superiors: And it is the Bond of Faith, (saith Livy) to obey our betters. And● Our Superiors Commands are to be obeyed; saith another Author. And A●istotle says, that Natural Reason requires, that those that do excel in Wit, and judgement, should govern those that are not so excellent therein.  
When any Prince therefore is Eminent for Virtue, it gains Him the Love of his People: especially, if he shall but make it appear to them, that He loves them with a Fatherly Love, admitting them to come into his presence, and to discourse with Him, and withal looking into the Accounts of His Inferior Ministers; and always more readily lending an ear to the Poor, then to the Rich: and besides, if He pardon all Offenders, and bestow all Rewards Himself, but inflict punishments on Malefactors, by his Ministers: and also, if He suppress Usurers, and those Mercenary Barons, spoken of before; and show Himself clear from all Wicked Acts whatsoever: and withal render Himself worthy to be reverenced for his Religion, by having Godly Counsellors about Him, and winning to himself a holy love from all, by reason of the most strict Tie that is between Him and the Pope, and the Holy Church. And let Him in all things Propose for Examples for Him to follow, David, Constantine, Theodosius, Trajan, Augustus, Martianus, Charles the Great: all which being endowed with the forementioned Virtues, a●d with Sciences, reigned more happily, than julian, Frederick, Henry, Tiberius, Nero, and Philip Surnamed the Fair, who spent his time in a quite contrary course to what Charles the Great did.  
Besides, I would have Him to invite his Subjects, by honours and Rewards, to an Emulation of Virtue, and Sciences, and an Endeavour to excel each other herein: by which means there would be New Sciences invented. Gaming also would be of good use in Spain, and would serve to divert the Common People from prying over-curiously into Affairs of State: or else it would necessitate those, that have lost all their Estates that way, to turn Soldiers. But yet, seeing that this breaking of one another is the cause of Extortion, Covetousness, Hatred of their fellow Subjects, and of the love of Money; this Gaming seems in the end to bring more damage to the State, than benefit. And therefore I conceive it were better that there were some Sports of Recreation devised for his Subjects of Spain to try Masteries in; and some Velitations, and Innocent Contentions in some Arts, or Sciences: but for his Foreign subjects abroad they should use Gaming, either at Cards, or Dice; which they should be put upon by the Leaguer Ambassadors there: that so by this means they may become Broken, and Heartless, through Idleness, and want of Exercise. I would also have some Mathematical, Philosophical, and Political Questions proposed among them, that they may so be diverted from embracing Heretical Opinions.  
But the best course the King can take, for the preventing of all Conspiracies, and designs against Him, will be, to show Himself a Good, Awful, and Just Prince's  
The want of the First of these Virtues was the Ruin of Nero, and Acciolinus; the Defect in the second, undid Sardanapalus, and Vitellius; and the failing in the last cost Philip, King of Macedonia, his life: who because he had denied the due Course of Justice to one Pausanias, was by him killed. Inequality also and Injustice was the Cause of the Ruin of Rome itself.  
If any one Single person have any Treacherous Design against the Prince, the only Course in that case for prevention of it, will be, to take notice of, and search every one that comes into the King's presence, lest they should carry any Arms Privily about them; for it is a difficult business to prevent such Treacheries, as are designed by One single Person alone. And hence it was, that Henry the III. of France, and the King of Moab, and so likewise Philip, King of Macedonia were all Slain by single persons; the First of them, for his Religion; the second, for his Cruelty; and the Third, for his denying Justice to be done to a Subject of his. But if there be Many joined together in any Conspiracy against the Prince, it cannot be, but that unless they effect their design within fifteen, or twenty day's space; or, except the Conspirators have fallen upon their Design out of their Love, and respect they bear to Justice, Piety, or the benefit of the Public, and so it prove to be only a Conspiracy contrived by Honest Men against a Tyrant; it cannot otherwise be, I say, but that they must necessarily be discovered; For, every body will hope, some way or other to advance himself by the Prince's Favour, if he do but discover the said Conspiracy to him. And hence it was, that the Conspiracy of Absalon against his father David, and of Catiline against his Country were detected; because that those, that were the Conspirators, were nothing at all better, or honester men, than those against whom they had conspired. Conspiracies are also easily, and speedily too, discovered by servants; unless they be presently put into Execution; as was that of Laurence de Medicis against Duke Alexander, which was deferred but one night only. And whensoever Honest Men join in any Conspiracy against a most Cruel Tyrant; notwithstanding they should delay the putting of the same in execution, yet would there be no great danger of its being discovered; and hence it was, that the Conspiracy of john de Procitha, and the Barons, of Sicily, against the French, and Charles' of Anjou, who miserably afflicted the poor Inhabitants, was kept close above a year before the Execution of it: and that too, though both the Emperor, the Pope, and Peter, King of Arragon, who were Foreigners, were all privy to the Same: the only Reason of which was, because that This was a Conspiracy made by the Nobles and others, that were therein concerned, against Foreigners, and Tyrannical Governors. The like was that Conspiracy also, which was entered into by jehoiada and the Levites against Athaliah. And yet, for the most part, although the number of those that are in the Conspiracy be but of a few, and it be besides contrived against some Wicked person too; yet if it be not speedily put in Execution, it comes to light, and is discovered: as we may see by that Conspiracy made against Nero; in which even Seneca himself also was; and that Other contrived against Cosmo de Medicis by the Wicked Strozzi, who were themselves much worse than Herald  
But in case any single person, aspiring to some Principality, shall yet bear his followers in hand, that He drives at some other thing, and so in the mean time wins upon them, and gains their Affections; He shall certainly bring about his designs.  
This was the course that julius Caesar took, in attaining to the Empire; though He kept his Design close to Himself, and never discovered it to any; being yet wont, while He was but a Youth, to have this saying often in his mouth: Si violandum est jus, Regnandi gratiâ violandum est: If I would violate the Laws, it should be, to Rule.  
And of this Design of his, he laid for himself Two Foundations; namely, Religion, and The Love of the Soldiery; to whom at length He made known his purpose, though under another Pretext. Whereas Catiline in his attempting the same, took a quite Contrary Course; and having laid down to himself before hand no one particular Foundation, He, without any more ado, at first made all of his fellow Conspirators acquainted with his drift, and purpose. By whose Miscarriage Caesar taking warning, He attempts the same thing, but with more Caution, and advisedness.  
The King therefore ought to use all diligence and care, to discover how the Minds of His Subjects, and Ministers stand affected toward Him, and what they have in agitation amongst them: and when He hath once found what they would have, He shall do well, immediately to give them Satisfaction in that Particular. And besides, it would not be amiss, that He should bestow some gifts, under hand, yet without any show at all of fear, or suspicion, upon some one Principal person among the Conspirators; who, being by this means wrought over to the Prince, will be able to acquaint Him with what ever Designs his Subjects have in hand. And if any shall inform Him, that there are certain Persons, that have for many months together been openly contriving some conspiracy against Him; He may very well laugh at such Informers. For, whosoever shall go about to attempt any such thing in that manner, are either Fools, or very Unskilful in the Course of the World; or else, lastly, those that gave him such Information, are Liars, and forged those Stories, only to ingratiate themselves with the Prince, and get into Favour with him. Thus heretofore Perseus falsely accused his Brother Demetrius, of having Secretly conspired against their Father, Philip, King of Macedonia. And in the Reign of Tiberius, and afterwards of Nero, there were every day some or other, that accused others of Treasonable Designs against the Emperor; Which certainly is a very Villainous, base thing; for by this means the Prince is both made to suspect every body; and besides, He renders Himself withal suspected by every body; so that the Subjects are put to act really upon Him that which Himself stands in fear of; or else, Innocent men are unjustly put to death; both which things are of very ill Consequence to a Kingdom. He ought rather therefore to seem not to believe any such Accusations, although perhaps they should be true, unless they be also manifestly proved; except they be such, as wherein Religion is concerned. For, by so doing, He will show himself to be a just, and Good Prince, and such a one, as doth the least in the World deserve to have any such Conspiracies contrived against him; and so also the Conspirators themselves will presently lay aside the Ill Opinion they had conceived of Him. In the mean time, for the Prince to cause any of his Subjects to be thought guilty of Rebellion, and Treason, when no such thing can be proved against them, is but a very sad business; for then, out of the sense of the Infamy that is cast upon them, they will be forced to desire a Change of Government, and will invite the King's Enemies to invade him; which hath often happened both in the Low-Countries, and in France.  
And notwithstanding that there seems to be some hope of gain issuing from thence; because an Occasion may hereupon be taken of keeping a stricter hand over the Subject; (which advantage being readily apprehended by the forementioned Cosmo de Medicis, he took an Occasion presently to break off the Articles of Peace that had been concluded upon betwixt him and the Florentines; in like manner as our King also, upon the like Occasion held a harder hand over the Arragonians, upon Pretence that they had entered into Conspiracy against Him with Antonio Pe●ez;) yet, in truth, the King receives more damage, than Advantage thereby. And therefore the more sure, and certain way, to confirm and assure his Kingdom to himself, would be, so to win over the People to him by Mutual Love, and favours bestowed upon them, that they should not have any ground to have any such Suspicions of him. And besides, where this note of Infamy is thrown upon the Subjects; not only themselves, but their Children also will be sure to preserve the memory of it, and so will watch for some fit opportunity of Revenge; which when it offers itself, they will not stick openly to join with Foreigners against him; and thus their Treasonable Designs are not by those means quite quashed, but are deferred only. And hence it was, that Nero's hoping to get money out of the People, about the First Conspiracy against himself, and so by punishing them, to benefit himself, did not at all suppress the said Conspiracy, but only put it off, till some other time: which also the Senators afterwards set on foot again, but with greater care, and circumspection: as it likewise happened to Tiberius, and other wicked Princes.  
If any such thing therefore should befall our Prince, He should endeavour to obliterate, and blot out the memory of such Rebellions, by Benefits, rather than Punishments; by that means both putting a bridle into their mouths, and yet withal sweetening them, and winning them over to Himself by his bounty; so much more advantageous is it for a Prince, at all times, and in all places, to approve Himself rather Good, then Cunning.  
But yet it cannot be denied, but that such Conspiracies are most dangerous, which are countenanced by the Pretext of Introducing a New Religion; or, when any Seditious Preacher takes liberty to cast Reproaches upon the State. And therefore I shall say something, in my following discourse, touching Preachers, both Good, and Bad; and afterwards also of the Uniting, and Division, or falling off of Kingdoms, and Countries from one another.  
I would also have Severer Punishments, and more exemplary pieces of Justice then usual, (if it may be) to be at once, and speedily inflicted upon all Conspirators; lest, by often repeating of lighter Punishments upon them, their Hate be thereby the more increased, and show itself upon all Occasions. But again, if any such, having made their escapes, shall yet, after some space of time, begin to be humbled, and repent of their Wickedness; I would not that all hope of Pardon, and Reconciliation should be cut off from them. As for the Preventing of the Barons rising against the King, the courses before laid down may be taken.  
No Heresies can spread, or get any footing any where, but by the Clergy; as I have demonstrated elsewhere.  
The King's Deputies, or Viceroys ought to have no command over any Castles, or Frontier Towns that have Garrisons in them: but all such places are to be committed to the trust of some Particular Commanders residing in the same, and who are Experienced Soldiers, and betwixt whom and the Viceroys there is no great correspondence. And let these be chosen out of the Barons of the Kingdom; that so their Baronies, or Lordships may be as Pledges for their Fidelity to the King. And to this end, I would have Spaniards to be sent into Italy, and chose, Italians to be sent into Spain, to take upon them these Charges.   

CHAP. XVIII. Of Preachers, and Prophecies.  
IT is certain, that the People, especially of a certain number of Kingdoms, are of more power, than the King himself, with all his Friends and Soldiers: I mean, in the Christian World; for in Turkey, whether it be so or no, is as yet something a doubtful business. It is therefore necessary to produce here some reasons, why the People do not, upon every light Occasion rise up against the King, and shake the Yoke from off their neck: and these are, because that being so scattered, and at such a distance from one another, they cannot so well join in a body, and stick together; or else, because they are worthless, dull-headed fellows, and have none to head them in a Rebellion, in whom they may repose their confidence and hope. Now it is manifest again on the other side, that the Causes of the Public peace and quietness, do derive their Original from the Wisdom of the Preachers, and others of the Clergy, to whom the people give an ear; and that so much the rather, because These promise unto them Eternal Blessings, which, if they do but despise their Temporal, they may attain unto: persuading them withal, that it is agreeable to the Will of God, that Obedience should be yielded to the King; and, that by suffering Afflictions, they shall be rewarded by God himself; withal often inculcating into their mind's Humility, and other the like Virtues; but grievously threatening all Thiefs, Murderers, Whoremongers, and Seditious persons, declaring what Punishments, both from Men, and God himself, continually hang over their heads: on the contrary, comforting, and encouraging the Good, and promising them all manner of Happiness. And so by this means, the words of these men being greedily harkened unto by their Auditors, overcome, and captivate their Minds and Affections: and then again, all Wicked, Irreligious persons are cast out of doors, with their Perfidious designs; being unable to infect any, either Magistrate, or Soldier, with their corrupt, malicious Persuasions, or by any means to incite them to a Rebellion.  
The First Instrument therefore of Reigning well, and quietly, is the Tongue; and the Second is, the Sword: And the truth of this will best of all appear, by the contrary Use of It. For, whensoever any Seditious Preachers rise up against the King, they are able in a short time to bring the people, that before dissented in Judgements, to be now of one and the same mind, and will add courage to every Seditious spirit, and so will make themselves the Heads, and Ringleaders of sedition; by which Princes have oftentimes been brought into very great Straits; and, which is more, have sometimes also lost their Lives thereby. An example of this kind may be Mahomet, who stirred up the People against Heraclius the Emperor. The like whereof hath of late years been practised by Luther, and Calvin, against an Infinite number of Princes: and these two have done more mischief with their Tongue, then either Marcus Sciarra, or Ninus Martinus did with their Swords.  
Thus again, on the contrary, Menenius Agrippa, with his Tongue only suppressed the Mutinying Commons of Rome, and made them again to yield Obedience to the Senate, against whom they had shamefully risen up. The Pope also hath often by his Preachers repressed Rebellions that were now broken out, and grown high. Nay, He by this means preserved, and upheld the Western Empire, when by the Rhetoric of his Divine Tongue, he diverted Attila, the Hun from destroying all Italy, and made him return home again. King Ahab also was brought to destruction by the Tongue of the Prophet Elijah; as jeroboam was by Ahijahs. And therefore Good Preachers ought to be had in high estimation, especially if they be Good Men, and are able to confirm that which they say, both by Miracles, and by strong Reasons: like as Moses confounded Pharaoh; and the Pope, the Emperor's Frederick and Henry; and as the Emperor Constantine performed that, which He had conceived by Divine Inspiration.  
It is certain therefore, that Tumults, and Mutinies may be stirred up among the People, by the Eloquence of such persons, as are Powerful with them, and in high esteem among them: and therefore such are to be had in reverence, whether they be Good men, or Bad; and they are to be made your friends. For, if they be Good men, they are then so powerful by their Divine Authority, as that there can be no Opposition made against them. Look upon Samuel, who set Saul upon the Throne; and shortly after deposed Him again, and set up David upon it. And so likewise, what is it, that the Pope is not able to do, in this kind? For as much as His Supreme Authority, joined with Sermons, is of much greater force and power. And Bishops, in this case, would also be very powerful, if they would but take upon themselves to discharge the duty of Preachers. How stoutly did St. chrysostom oppose the rage and fury of the Empress Eudoxia, and her Party! And St. Bernard also made himself very formidable both to the Cardinals, and to the Popes themselves, setting at odds, and reconciling Princes and their People, as he pleased himself: as his Epistles do sufficiently testify. And I am verily persuaded, that if all Princes and Nations should join their Forces together, for the Overthrowing of the Popedom, they would not be able to effect it: for thus much Christ hath also promised to his Church; Whatsoever ye bind on earth, shall be bound in Heaven; and whatsoever ye lose on earth, etc. And again, The Gates of Hell shall not prevail against It. And if there were but one Expedition only of Croisades appointed to be set forth, all persons that are of any Religious Orders whatsoever, (and of these there are certainly many Millions,) would questionless immediately flock together with their Arms; and making use both of their Tongues, and Swords, would be able to make resistance against, and to strike a terror into the Whole World. For indeed all people would be afraid to make use of their Arms against persons that are in Sacred Orders: and yet if some few of them should dare to do this, yet would the Major part of them lay down Their Arms; and so the rest, being by this means disheartened, would not make any Opposition against them.  
Do but take notice, if you please, how Moses alone, being accompanied only with the Levites and Priests, yet took up arms against the Rebellious People of Israel, and against their Princes, who, together with their Wives, were above a Million in number; and how with the Arms of one single Tribe only, and that too of the Priests, he killed t●irty three Thousand men in one day, 
The Text saith only 3000. Exod. 32.28.  and reduced the rest into Obedience. For, where the True Religion joineth Arms and Preaching together, there is no Power so great, as to be able to make resistance against it. The Romans, so soon as ever they perceived the Power of the New growing Christian Religion, they presently took up Arms against It, killing and imprisoning the Christians every where; yet were they fain at last to give way to It: until at length Themselves also, in the time of the Emperor Constantine the Great, embraced the Christian Faith. And although that a Bishop, or the Pope himself should chance to be a Wicked person; yet if any Prince shall draw his Sword against him, he shall be overcome, though the Conqueror: Of which we had a plain example in Roger Guiscard, King of Naples; who though he got the Victory in the Battle, yet was he afterwards compelled to kiss the Pope's Foot. A Remedy against which some Kings conceiving they had found out, (among which number was Henry the VIII. King of England) they betook themselves to Apostasy; and yet nevertheless did They also come to Ruin: and this very thing would bring, if it should be attempted, the most certain destruction upon Spain also; as we have formerly showed.  
Some others have thought it the best course to cast the Popes into Prison; which Philip K. of France made bold to practise upon Pope Boniface the Eighth: and in like manner St. C●rysostom was heretofore sent into banishment by The Emperor Arcadius; which yet was destructive to both these Princes. For, chrysostom was called home again, and restored to his Seat with greater honour, by occasion of Gaina the Goth his taking up Arms against the said Emperor: notwithstanding that Gaina himself could not be preserved in the Church, because he was an Opposer of that Religion that chrysostom was of. And the King of France, after he had by Boniface's means brought it so about, that a Frenchman was chosen Pope, hoping by this means His Offence would escape unpunished, he fomented and kept up the Breach, that at that time was risen in the Church, and sent Clement V. the new Elected Pope, to Avignon, to keep his residence there; but all to no purpose: For this very Pope Clement, by the advice of Cardinal Brateus, deceived his King's expectation, in not keeping those Promises that he had made to him. And indeed, from that time forward, the Kingdom of France seems to have been continually in declining; as appears plainly out of History. It is therefore a Profane Remedy, to lay hands upon, or to attempt any thing against the person of a Priest.  
Other Princes again have elected Anti-popes'; as did the Duke of Bavaria; by which means they were afflicted worse than before. Others have summoned such Bishops and Popes as have been obstinate, perverse Persons, and enemies to them, to appear before a General Council: but this devise of theirs the Pope hath now eluded; it being openly delared to all the World, that a General Council hath no power at all over the Pope; and a Decree being also made, That No Council shall be called, but by the Pope alone. And for this reason did Pope Leo X. ruin those Cardinals that were present at the Council of Pisa; and yet neither did their friends, the Princes, obtain what they desired.  
Eclesiastical Princes have always been wiser than Secular; some of whom have found a remedy for this Evil, by yielding, and submitting themselves; as Theodosius the Emperor humbled himself before that Good Bishop, St Ambrose; and the Kings of the Goths left Rome, and went to Ravenna to reside; giving way to the Popes, as well to the Bad, as the Good. And That King of England also, by whose command Thomas Beck●t, Archbishop of Canterbury, was murdered, made choice rather to enter into Conditions of Peace with the Pope, then to lose his Kingdom; and so was forced to pay yearly to the Pope forty Thousand Marks of Gold; and besides, at his death, he made the Pope his heir to the Kingdom by his last Will and Testament. After the Example of these Princes, it will behoove the King of Spain also to give way to the Pope, whether He be Good, or Bad; and to lay aside what Controversies soever he shall have with him, and to leave such Bishops as are his enemies, to be chastised by the Pope, to whom He must wholly unite himself by those ways which are before set down. Alexander, the King of the jews, having drawn upon himself the hatred of the pharisees, and being now upon his death bed, persuaded his wife (as josephus testifies) that by all means she should take him, and throw him down headlong out at the Window; telling her, that by so doing she should give full satisfaction to the Incensed pharisees, who, after she had done that Act, would suffer her to succeed him in the Kingdom; giving her Counsel besides, that she should ever take head how she fell out with any Religious persons, lest she suffered that which himself had done.  
But if such men as are Authorised by no Superior Power, (especially if they be Clergy men, such as were Arrius, Savana●ola, and Luth●r,) shall rise up against any State, this is a very dangerous case: and it must then be enquired into, whether these men have any encouragement from the Pope to do so, or not: for, if so be they have, and He contradicts them not, then is the Evil in a manner Incurable; but if they have not Him for their Abettor, then may an order be very easily taken with them. For here it is necessary that it be considered, whether these Men be Good or Bad; (for both may prove very dangerous) and if they are Bad, they must then be rooted out by the Authority of the Pope; but if they are Good men, they must then be cited to appear before a General Council; where, by the Authority of the Pope being also interposed, they may be openly convinced; in like manner as Berengarius, being convinced of his Error, yielded to the Truth, and submitted; and this is the Course that ought to be taken, where the Parties are sincerely, and really Good men, and not mere Hypocrites only. But if they maintain a Good Cause, those Faults, which they did inveigh against in their Sermons, are to be mended; and they themselves are to be sent for away to Rome, where they should afterwards spend the rest of their Lives; as was done by Bartholomaeus Miranda, Archbishop of Toledo, and the Bishop of Curzola, who was expelled from his Bishopric by the Venetians. If they are Laymen, as was john of Leyden, and Philip Melancthon, there is no great danger to be feared from them; For, these two, after the breach had been first made by Luther, at length rose up; and when now Luther had already settled his Erroneous Religion, and false Priesthood in Germany. But in our Dominions, no One Layman whatsoever would be able to bring about such a business, without the assistance of some one of the Clergy.  
It is an Infallible Rule, that no Heresy did ever do any hurt in a Country, unless the Prince himself of that Country, for some Reasons of State, afforded some Patronage to the same: as I have showed where I discoursed touching the Papal Monarchy● It will therefore concern all Princes to take care, that their Nobles also be not infected with the said Heresy; which they may prevent, by taking them off with Employments, and so diverting their Minds from any such thoughts; as I have delivered before.  
Now these Rules are to be diligently observed, with these aforesaid Heretics. You must be careful that you do not fall to dispute with them about Minute Quirks, and subtleties in Divinity; but only that you require them to give you a good account of their Calling: and to produce the Names of their Authors; after this manner, suppose. Who commanded you to teach these things publicly? Were they Men, or Devils rather? For we cannot believe, they should be any other. And then, if they shall answer, that God● let them then make the same appear to you, by doing some Miracles or other; such as God heretofore armed His Messengers with, namely Moses, Elijah, and the Apostles. And if they are not able to do any such things, you should then bring them to the Stake, and burn them, if you can, and render them as Infamous as possibly you may. But be sure you avoid all Grammatical Disputations, and Logical Subtleties; but dispute with them only according to the Principles of Divine Logic; as St. Francis did in Egypt, and St. john Guidalbert; and as I myself have endeavoured to do, in my Dialogues against the Lutherans and Calvinists; laying down a way, how they are to be convinced by an Apostolical, and Political way; lest out of multiplying idle● and vain words, one Controversy may still be started out of another; which ●o perverse, and Malicious spirits will be taken for a kind of Victory. I would also have them condemned to be Burnt out of the Imperial Constitutions; for as much as they rob Persons in Authority of their Goods, and Good name, (such as are the Pope, and other Religious● and Pious men, who have confirmed the Faith of the Church, and sealed it with their Blood;) which indeed is more precious than what ever other Treasures in the World: and therefore whosoever they are, that are Refractory to, and perversely oppose such Persons, and seduce others to do the like, they justly deserve to be punished.  
A second Rule is, that all care be taken, that there be no fruits suffered to spring from such branches: for the hindering whereof, the best course would be, to prefer only men of excellent parts to Bishoprics and Benefices; and withal you are to consider that such, if they be good Men, will be of good use to you, nor will ever scatter abroad any Pestilent Opinions: such as were Cato, and Socrates among the Gentiles; and St. Bernard, and Thomas Aquinas among the Christians● There are also other Good men to be found, that are able to act powerfully on either part; such as were among the Heathen, Alcibiades, and Coriolanus, both which were the Authors of much good, and as much evil to their Countries, according as they were led by the Occasion, and present necessity upon them: as, among the Christians, were Luther, and Sergius; who afterwards recanted, as it were, all that ever they had before Rightly Preached and taught.  
And therefore it concerns the Prince, that he show himself Favourable● and Gracious to all Learned Men; seeing that he cannot be able to see so far into them, as to know what their inclinations are. And let him use all the means he can, to know who are the most excellent for Learning in his Dominions; and having notice of them, let Him invite them to him, and find Employments for them; preventing even the Pope himself in bestowing perferments on them: and these he shall encourage, and provoke to show their abilities against the Infidels. One only Monk converted all England to the Christian Faith: and Charles the Great, that extraordinary favourer, and Patron of all that were Eminent for Learning, and Eloquence, whether they were Laics, or Clergymen; subdued Gotland, Norway, and Denmark● with a great part of Germany also, by the means of these Men; whom also He rewarded most magnificently. In the Conquest also of the New World, the Monks were of more use, and did more good, than the Soldiers.  
And the like might also be effected both in China, Ethiopia, and Persia. Wherefore New Sciences are to be introduced, and New Sects of Philosophers, together with the Mathematics; as likewise the study of the Arabic Tongue is to be taken up, (seeing that the Empires of the Greeks, and of the Hebrews are now quite extinct) that so, by the use thereof, the Turks may be the better convinced of their Error.  
Let there be also certain Assemblies erected● consisting of the wisest persons that can be picked out both of the Religious Order of the Friars, and out of the Laity; whose business it shall be, to deliberate about such things as concern the State: that so their Wits being wholly taken up with the meditating about these things, they may wholly serve the Prince; and him only, and not design any thing to his disadvantage; while their own only Ambitions will be, who shall deserve best of the Prince; and so will have no other thoughts: And let him make it his business, to get together as many of these men as he can; and withal let him be sure, that they be all honest, good men. For, should there be never so many of them, yet if they were such as those were that jezabel had about her; one Elijah, because he is a Good man, would easily confound them all, and bring them to nothing.  
Antiochus also erected Greek Schools at jerusalem, to the end that, by that means, he might abolish the Wholesome Doctrine and Laws that Moses had given the Jews; but all in vain; because the Macchabees opposed themselves against him. In like manner ought the King to set up many Christian Catholic Schooles● and that, against the Enemies of Religion: for, by so doing, he shall render Himself secure, both from the Pope, and from his Enemies; and shall besides reduce the Netherlands, and bring them under his subjection; as I have before declared.  
Neither would I have this one thing to be omitted; namely, that He erect certain Colleges through all the Provinces of his Dominions, in which should be placed all the most Ingenious Boys of the said Provinces; (and who are such, may easily be known, by their first Masters, that taught them their Grammars, and other the First Rudiments) and these, being thus c●lled out of all Grammar Schools, I would have to be brought up, and maintained at the King's Charge; and there should be a New Order set up of them, like that of St. Dominick; which Order I would have called, The Austrian Order. And when any of these were come to be 18. years old, they should then be commanded to Preach: and these I would have to be called, The King's Preachers; and they should then be sent abroad, some into Germany, and others into England: where, if they have managed their businesses rightly, and well; at their return they should have Bishoprics conferred upon them by the King, of those that are in the Kings own gift: for, by so doing, he shall render himself secure both from the Pope, and also against all perfidious Preachers and Heretics; and by this means such persons only shall be maintained at His charge, as do him service for it, and advance His affairs.  
Neither can it be expressed by words, what great advantages He shall reap to himself hereby. For, among all sorts of Heretics that are, there are none that are farther out of the way of Truth, than the Calvinists are, who sow abroad the Seeds of Sedition wheresoever they come, and endeavour to break asunder the bonds of that Peace, which was made known unto the world by Angels, and publicly preached by Christ himself: and, who having neither any respect to Learning, nor regarding the Authority of the Fathers, do defend their own Sect by their Arms only, as the Turks do.  
There is need therefore here of the most Effectual Medicines that can be, against this Evil, these kind of Men; and that is, Principiis obstare, To stop them in their Beginning: which course is to be observed in the Prevention of all Evils whatsoever: and then afterwards are those other Remedies to be applied, which are before set down; namely, for the converting of them: for which work there must be chosen out honest, and painful Labourers, who by the Purity of their Doctrine, and holiness of their Life, may reduce and win back such wand'ring sheep, as have gone astray out of the Way of Truth.  
The Kings of Portugal, and especially john the Third, erected in India certain Colleges and Seminaries, wherein are educated a great number of young Youths of all sorts, under the Discipline of the jesuits; who also have by this means done very much good both in Germany, and in the New World. For, those Cities of Germany, in which these Jesuits live, have always stood firm in the Faith; and those other, which have been infected with the Venom of Heresy, are cured thereof by their Means. But if there be no hopes at all left of reducing these men, and bringing them back again into the True Way, and making them to submit themselves to our Government and Doctrine; then must the King embrace that counsel which was given by Terentius Varro to Hostilius, for the keeping of the Tuscans within the bounds of their Duty and Obedience; namely, let him so order the matter, as that they should not be able to shake off the yoke, if they would never so fain. And this may be done, by observing these three things; namely, by bringing them to be Low-spirited, Weak● and, lastly, if they be Kept asunder from one another: for, the Boldness that any take upon them, in attempting to cast off the Yoke from their Necks, proceeds either from their Height of Spirit, or from their Strength, or else from their Multitude.  
But before these severer Courses are taken with them, it cannot be expressed, how mightily advantageous it would be to the business in hand, if so be the Children of Infidels were put to such Masters as should instruct them in the Arts, and Liberal Sciences, and all such exercises as are fit for any Ingenuous Man to be brought up in: for, by this course alone, we should at once oblige both the Children, and the Parents also to Us. We must therefore erect, as I said before, Seminaries both for the Tongues, and Arms, which we call the Two Instruments of our Future Monarchy: the Former of these, for the reducing of all such of our Subjects, as are Infidels, and Heretics, and the bringing them back in a peaceable manner into the True Way, and to a Unity of Faith: and the Later, to the end that they may be utterly weakened, and deprived of all power, in case they shall stand out, and refuse to return to the True Faith; of which we have formerly spoken elsewhere.   

CHAP. XIX. Of such Kingdoms as are Properly belonging to the King of Spain: and of such also, as are his Enemies; and of these, which are in League with each other, and which not.  
SOme are of Opinion, that it is Impossible, that the Kingdom of Spain should stand long, as well because almost All Other Nations are either Enemies to it, or at least, not very good Friends; as also, by reason of the remoteness of the several parts of it from each other, some lying in the New World, and others lying scatteringly here and there like Islands, as in Italy, the Low-Countries, and in afric; all which are most different from one another, both in their Languages, Situation, and Temper of the Climate: whereas on the contrary, the Turk, who lays claim to the Universal Empire of the whole World, hath his Dominions lying all close together; and besides, in his Wars, he observes the same Course that the Romans heretofore did, in making War always upon his Neighbours only, that lie round about him. Neither can the Enmity, or hatred of those Nations that are his Enemies, do him any hurt at all; for as much as he brings up within his own Dominions Young Children of all sorts, of which afterwards he maketh Soldiers: so that his Empire seems in a manner to be nothing else, but a Military Republic. Neither can Religion at all hinder his proceedings; and besides, his Pashas, or Governors of Provinces, have all of them an absolute power of Rule given them; so that they need not stand in fear of poor naked, and unarmed People: whom, if they should but offer to rise, they would be able to suppress by their own Sons.  
Whosoever desires to become a great Monarch, it will behoove him to be continually in making War upon all his Neighbours that lie round about him; and to reduce them under his subjection as soon as possibly he can. For thus the Romans heretofore did, first of all setting upon the Sabines, and Latins: and then afterwards falling upon the Aequicolae, the Peligni, the Veientes, Lucanians, Tuscans, and Samnites; always going round in a Circle, till at length, having subdued all Italy, they passed over into Sardinia, Sicily, Spain, Gaul, and Germany. The self same Course was taken by the Babylonians, in their expeditions against those of Asia, and the Persians. The Macedonia●s did the like, making War upon the Thebans first; then falling upon the Epirotes, Lacedæmonians, Achaians and Aetolians; and afterwards, passing over into Asia, they filled it wholly with their Armies. in so much that at length, as Livy, and Plutarch write, they were so puffed up with the glory of their Victories, as that they would have marched on against the Romans, and carthaginians also. Certainly, had not Alexander the Great been taken off by an untimely death, he would without all doubt have made an Expedition against the Romans also.  
I say therefore, that the Turk does at this day take the very same course, that the Greatest Empires in former times did. For, having first subdued all Asia Minor, he then passed over into Europe, and conquered all Greece: next, he falls upon Syria, Egypt, and Armenia; till at length he came as far as Macedonia, Epirus, and Hungary. Where, after he had taken in some certain Christian provinces, and added them to his Empire; and that the Christians now out of a General fear of being swallowed up by him, betook themselves all to their Arms, and joined their whole strengths together against him; He then very craftily, and subtly makes a Truce with them, and agrees upon conditions of Peace.  
These things passing on thus, the Christians in the mean while fall at variance among themselves, and make war upon ●ach other; so that the Turk being now secure from any Molestation by them, turns his Victorious Arms against the Kings of Persia, or Georgia: till such time that, finding the Christians all to pieces again among themselves, he thinks fit then to strike up a Truce with the Persian, or those other of his enemies whosoever they were; and so falls on again upon the Christians with all the strength he hath, and does them what mischief lies in his Power. And then, while They are fain to spend time in consulting what is to be done, the Turk, he goes on still Victoriously, taking in now one Place, and then another, without control. So great, and of so dangerous and sad Consequence are those Intestine Dissensions, that are at this day kept up among the Christian Princes! But the King of Spain, at one and the same time maintains a War with several Nations; neither hath he at any time all his whole forces joined together in any one Battle; by which means He utterly destroys himself. For, we shall have him making War in the most Remote Parts of the World, whiles yet in the mean time He hath all his Neighbours, that lie round about Him, his enemies; as the English, French, Hollanders, and perhaps even the Italians themselves also. Whence it may seem, that He takes a very cross, and unlikely way, for the enlarging of his Dominions and Empire.  
But, to this Objection I Answer, that though much of this is true, yet the Course that the Turk takes is so blunt, and plain● that if he should have but one overthrow, so that it were a lusty one indeed, it would prove his utter Ruin; (as I have hinted before,) since that He hath no Vice-Roys, or Barons, by whom he might be recruited, and made whole again. But we cannot say so of the King of Spain; who, in such a case, would presently be furnished with Aides from the Pope, and the Princes of Italy, and that by reason of their Union in point of Religion. I say moreover, that He cannot suffer any Notable Overthrow, ●nlesse it be by some very Potent Prince; such a One as the great Turk is; who yet lying so very far remote from him, (as Alexander the Great of old did from the Romans) cannot so quickly ruin him: whereas, on the Contrary, any Peaceable Agreement of the Christians among themselves, if so be it were but Firm and Lasting, would utterly confound the Turk. And therefore I say, that although King Philip's Kingdoms lie scattered far and near, yet his enemies also lie far asunder one from another: and therefore it is clear, that his Emulators, the Italians, Tuscans and Venetians, will never enter into a Combination against him, unless he First give them some evident cause, and wrong them very much. Neither indeed will the Pope ever suffer any acts of Hostility to be done against His Catholic Majesty; and besides, it is also most certain, that the Catholic Princes, both out of fear of the Heretics, and also of the Authority of the Pope, will never attempt any such thing. And the Heretics are at very great Variance also amongst themselves; and for this reason Germany being divided into several small Republics, cannot do him any harm at all; and it is besides, part of it, made subject to the House of Austria, and the Archdukes thereof, by the Emperors; and part also to certain Archbishops, who are withal secular Princes; as namely the Archbishops of M●ntz, of Colen, Trevers, Salsburg, Strasburg, and Bamberg; and part also to the Dukes of Bavaria; so that the Protestants can by no means make any Insurrection against the King of Spain.  
The Lower Germany also is divided into more Commonwealths than the other; all which bear Arms against the King of Spain, though it be only to defend themselves, and not to offend Him. And of this number are the Provinces of Holland, Friesland, and Zealand. Besides, the Upper and the Lower Germanies differ very much in their Religion: which we may also say of the Danes, Norwegians, Transylvanians, Gotlanders, Polonians, French, Swissers, and Grisons: so that the King hath no need at all to fear, that these should ever all join together against him: and besides, the King retains a great part of these Nations in pay, and by that means keeps them his friends: and then, the King of Poland, and the Prince of Transylvania are allied to him by Marriage, and so are in league and amity with him. So that He hath no body to stand in fear of, but only the King of France, and the King of England; which two Princes, by reason of their being of different Religions, can never agree together.  
Now although the King of Spain cannot as yet subdue the King of France, yet it makes very much for His Interest, that the King of France, being absolved by the Pope, is returned again to the Obedience of the Church. For otherwise, he would have been the Head of all the Transalpine Heretics, and would have marched with an Army of them over into Italy, to the great Prejudice both of the Pope, and of our King: which None of the Heretics hath to this day adventured to do, merely for want of a Powerful General to head them. Then besides, there is a Division broken out in France, betwixt the Catholics and the Heretics: and, which is the chiefest thing of all, there are in that Kingdom many Potent Bishops, who would not by any means see Spain ruined. And lastly, our King's Subjects do not come into the field with Lances, Swords, and Horses, as the French use to do; but they come into it armed with Guns, which are a kind of Arms that are fitter for the defending of strong Holds and Fortifications, then for the setting upon an Enemy in an open Field. And hence it is, that the French are able indeed to resist all the Spaniards Attempts, but they cannot overcome them: for, in this case, the very Princes, and States of Italy, who have to this day always held with the French, would go over to the Spaniard: for it is their Design, to keep the Balance always so even betwixt these two Nations, as that neither of them may preponderate, and bear down the Scales, and so make a Prey of the Other: which Hiero, King of Syracuse, heretofore laboured to do, betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians, although he failed of his purpose. Besides the King of France cannot march with an Army into Spain, by reason of the Fortified Places, and Castles that lie in his way, and are kept by the Spaniards, who are very well skilled in defending such Places. Neither can he so soon march out with an Army against Milan, or Naples, but that the King of Spain can be much sooner in France with an Army, and shall so force him to return back again, and defend his own Kingdom. Neither did the King of France ever pass over into Italy, unless when he was assisted by the Pope, as the Expedition of Charles of Anjou testifies; or except he were called in by some Prince, or State of Italy; as Charles the Eighth was called in by the Duke of Milan: which yet at this time can hardly be done again. For, the Italians were now afraid, that they would bring in a New Religion with them. And besides it is a usual thing, that that Prince that first calls Foreigners in to his aid, shall be first ruined by them: for, he must necessarily entertain them, and allow them Quarters; who after they have overcome the adverse Party, will join with them, and so drive out Him, who called them first in. Examples of this we have in the Sforza's, Castruccio's, and the Florentines, with many others; and also in the Pope himself; although his own Papal Authority restored him again. And therefore the Spaniard hath no need to fear the King of France much.  
And as for the English, he hath much less reason to stand in fear of them, seeing they are shut up within an Island: and we seldom see Islanders get any sure footing, and make themselves Masters of any part of a Foreign Continent. And therefore it is sufficient for them, if they can keep their own; only they send out their Ships to fetch in Prizes by Sea: but for this Mischief I shall hereafter set down a Remedy. Only let the King of Spain take care, that the English join not their Navy with the Hollanders, Scots, Danes, Norwegians, and Danzickers: for if they should, they might then be able to overrun all Spain; as the Alans, Goths, and Vandals did of old. And yet seeing that these Nations differ all in Religion, and the King of Spain doth craftily under hand sow new seeds of Dissension amongst them, there is no great cause to fear, that they should join their forces together ●pon any design.  
Let us now see, what Spain is able to do within itself, and by what means it may become Greater, and enlarge its Territories; laying down this for a Ground; That for the rendering of any Dominion whatsoever Firm, and Durable, it is necessarily required, that there be first, a Natur●l Sociableness, and an apt Correspondence, among the subjects themselves, and then, betwixt the Prince and the subjects; as there is in Man's body, betwixt the Members themselves, and also betwixt them and the Head. Now this Natural Sociableness is founded, first in the Man and Wife; then in the Father of the Family and his Children with the rest of his Family; and then again, in several Families being linked, and united together; then, in those also, who are allied together by the Bond of Consanguinity, or Affinity; and likewise, those that live in one Common Air, and Climate, enjoying the same Temper of the Heavens; as also, those that agree in their Laws, Manners, Customs, and studies; whereto also we may add their using one Common Language, and wearing all one & the same Habit in Apparel. Neither do I account their Identity of Species or of Humanity, to be any small Bond of this Natural sociableness; namely, because they are All Men: and wheresoever Many of these Bonds & Ties meet together, there also must necessarily be a Firmer, and more Durable Association made up, and a more lasting Dominion settled. Hence it is, that the Italians and the Spaniards do so readily jump and agree together; both because they understand each the others Language, and are also like each other in their Manners, Bodies, and their Rites and Customs; which can never be amongst the French, because they differ among themselves not only in their Language, and Manners, but are also of a different Natural Constitution and temper. So the Spaniards would much more easily, be brought to enter into a league of Society and Friendship with the Africans, then with the Netherlanders; who are of a much more different Constitution from them. For, the Spaniards are Naturally Hot and Dry, and are therefore Lean, and of a Low Stature, being withal Sharpwitted, Subtle, and Talkative. But on the Contrary, the Netherlanders are Cold, Corpulent, and Big-boned, and are Heavy and Dull, and of few words. Whosoever therefore is to Rule Several, and Different Nations, and would keep them all within the bounds of Obedience, let him endeavour to reduce them into a conformity, as far as he is able, and to make them in all things like to each other. And this Uniting of Men to one another, God himself, the Author of all Polity, had pointed out unto Men.  
Now, there are Three sorts of this Union we here speak of: the First is, of Minds, which is caused by Religion: which is indeed the strongest of all Unions; for it uniteth together in Opinion Nations, that are at the greatest distance that may be from each other. Upon this have both men's Wills, and Actions, their Dependency; and in This; are both their Tongues & Arms united. By this, the Pope ruleth over Europe, Asia, afric, and America; and in a word, over all the Christians in the whole World. Whereas, on the contrary, the Emperor of Germany is scarce able to Rule Germany alone, although the People there are otherwise as like, and as much agreeing among themselves as may be, both in their shape of Body, Habit, Arms, Rites, and Customs; and all, because It wants this first Union, namely, of Religion. For, there are so many several, different Opinions in Religion among the Germans, that it may be truly said of them, Quos homines, tot Sententiae; so many Men, so many Minds. And for this reason the English, and Helvetians suffer but two sorts only of Religion in their Countries: for that common saying, Divide, & impera, that is, Divide thy subjects, and thou shal●●ule them, is of no use here; but rather on the contrary, Divide, & perdes, that is, If thou divide thy subjects, thou shalt ruin thyself. Catharine de Medicis, Queen of France, that she might, contrary to the Salic Law, sit at the Helm, and have the Government of the Kingdom in her hands, complied sometimes with the Catholics, and sometimes with the Huguenots: but by this means she brought destruction both upon herself, and upon her Sons; one of which was Slain by a Dominican Friar.  
And therefore, in this Particular, the King of Spain is more happy than any other besides; because that his Kingdoms, though they lie at a great distance from one another, are yet all joined together, and united in one Religion; and in this very respect also he stands upon better terms then the Great Turk himself, or any other Prince whatsoever; because, as we have showed before, He converts those that are under his subjection, and makes them to be all of one and the same Faith.  
The second is, the Union of Bodies: and in this, the Turk goes beyond all other Princes; for He hath under his subjection, and in perfect Obedience, both mahometans, Christians, and jews, which are all as much differing one from another in their Religions as can be: neither doth this their diversity of Religion prejudice him at all; because that he brings up their Sons to serve him in his Wars; and besides, He leaves all such of his Subjects, as are not of his Religion, without either Arms, or any means possible of doing him any harm. But indeed, in case He should intrust any of these with the Government of any part of his Empire, and should exercise, not a Despotical, but a Political Sovereignty over them, He would quickly, be brought into Sad straits by them; as we see it, for example, in many of our Germane Princes at this day; or at least all means of enlarging his Empire would quite be cut off from him; as, we see, the case now stands with the Emperor, and with the King of Poland. If haply among the Turks Vassals there should chance to start up some Gallant-Spirited Person, he might possibly prove to be the Ruin of his Empire; as Scanderbag had like to have been, had he had but the Christians as ready to assist him, as the Genueses were to do him a mischief● who both to their own, and also to the great Loss of Hunniades K. of Hungary, were hired, for so many Crowns, to pass over forty Thousand Mahumetans out of Asia into Europe; by which means Amurath, t●at was before in a manner utterly broken, and had well near lost all, was now so well relieved and recruited again, as that by these forces He afterwards made himself Master of half Europe. I shall not here speak of Moses, who was raised up against God by Pharaoh; according to which example God may also raise up some of the Turks Christian Slaves against him. The like Insurrection may also possibly utterly Subvert the Spanish Monarchy.  
The Third is, the Union of Monies and Riches, by means whereof the Turk commands the Ragusians, who are otherwise a free People; but they are forced to pay Him tribute, that so they may enjoy their Estates, lying within his Dominions, as also because they are too near Neighbours to him; which Neighbourhood always enforceth the weaker to be a Servant to him that is stronger than he. By this Third kind of Union the King of Spain beareth rule over the Genueses; because that their Merchandise, and their Baronies lie within his Territories. And therefore I say, that that Prince, whose Dominions lie far asunder one from the other, aught in the first place to endeavour to join them together by a Natural Union; and then Secondly by Political Bonds and Ties. As concerning Natural Ties, the King may by them join his Spaniards with any other Nations, although for the most part they are hated by all Nations; for, a Spaniard, whiles he is a Servant, is humble enough; but, where he is a Master, he is very proud. And he is, besides, a great Boaster, and Loves to deal very subtly, and cunningly in mere trifling businesses: though he does not carry himself so in matters of any Moment. It is also certain enough, that the Spanish Language and Habit doth please most people; but then again, their ordinary Carriage and Conversation, and their swelling Titles, together with their Ambitious striving for the uppermost places at all meetings, and their too affected, stately Gate, distastes every body. And because these Vices are Naturally Inherent in this Nation, although they cast a blot upon their Virtues, namely their Patience, Religion, Manlike Courage, together with their Eloquence; yet they cannot possibly be quite taken away; and therefore others must come over unto their Manners, as trees are graffed into one another. And therefore I say, it would be a very excellent good Course, if our Spanish Soldiers, and Barons, that live abroad in Foreign Countries, should marry Wives out of the same: and besides, those Arts by which strangers should be invited in to match with Spanish women, and by Offices, (of which I have formerly spoken) deserve so much the more serious Consideration, because there lies more within them, than they outwardly make show of. And this will appear more clearly when I shall come to speak of each several Nation in particular.  
As concerning Political Unions, the King must endeavour to procure an Union betwixt his owe Nation and others; and especially in Religion; which is the surest means of uniting men together in the World; and this must be done by the means of good, and Learned Preachers; as we have said before. And next, by the Tie of New, and Famous Arts and Sciences, and Languages, which would draw all men into an admiration of so great an Empire. And let Him always make war rather upon his Neighbouring Enemies, then upon those that are farther off, and let Him go himself in person to the wars. And lastly, let him persuade, and invite all Nations that traffic into the West-Indies, to take up their Commodities in some parts of his Territories; as we see, that Genueses do at this day. And therefore let Him so order all businesses, as that one Kingdom may always stand in need of another; that so by this means there may be a continual Tie betwixt them. And let him seek out all possible ways of setting his enemies at variance amongst themselves, and labour that they may disagree both in Religion, Leagues, Manners, Sciences, Conditions, Traffic, and all things necessary and let him be in League with all those that may do him any hurt. All which things that they may appear the more clearly, I shall now fall to speak Particularly of all such several Nations, as may either annoy, or be advantageous to Him; withal laying down the means b● which they may be brought to an Union with him. For it is an Undoubted Truth, that every great Empire, if it be United within itself, is so much the safer from the Enemy's Incursions, because it is not only Great, but United also; whence chiefly is derived all its strength and Power.   

CHAP. XX. Of Spain.  
TO what hath been said, we may further add, that seeing that there are so many several sorts of people in Spain, the King ought to take care, that those amongst them, who have heretofore been more Eminent than the rest, for the largeness of Dominion they had there● be at Unity among themselves. And therefore let Him labour especially that there may be all fair Correspondence and friendship betwixt the Castilians, Arragonians, and the Portuguese; and let Him confer equal Offices upon them in Court, and let him bestow preferments upon the Portuguese in the Kingdom of Castille; and upon the Castilians, in the Kingdom of Portugal; & also let him, as it were, tie them one to the other by the common bond of Marriages betwixt each other, and by the Community of Navigation. And the same course also is necessary to be taken with the Mountainous Biscayne's, and the Lionois; and also betwixt the Astureans and Gallicians, and betwixt the Champian-inhabiting And●luzians and Valentians: and let all these be brought to a familiarity one with another, notwithstanding they are so far distant in place from one another.  
Let him also erect in these several Provinces, such Common Colleges, and Seminaries for Soldiers, both for the Theorical, and Practical part of War, as we have before spoken, of that by means of these, both themselves, and also the King may be rendered the more secure: and let Him take such order, that they may marry Wives from foreign Countries, and so may have Children by them; who, in case any War should be made upon them, may fight for them, not as if by chance they were engaged thereto, but as they stand bound to do so by the Law of Nature. And by little and little their old Customs are also to be abolished, but not upon a sudden: and let them be instructed how to bear Offices in Italy, rather than in the Netherlands: But in Spain, let Italians be put to bear Offices with the Spaniards. And seeing that Spain is the Principal Seat of the Whole Monarchy, there ought in it to be all Virtues and Sciences in their prime, and height; namely Justice and Religion; that so others may the more readily be induced to make the Spaniards their pattern to walk by, and may suck in Their Manners, whom they see to live so well, and happily. But in case that They should be of a Dissolute Life, and of corrupt Manners, they would be abhorred by all Nations: not to say any thing, that in Gravity, and Constancy of Manners, they ought to excel all others, because they have an example amongst them whence they may learn these Virtues.  
And in the first place it is necessary that they be very faithful, as well in the times of Peace, as of War; in which Principle they must be instructed, and brought up, in the aforesaid Seminaries, where they are taught to yield Obedience and Service to the King.  
And then, if the King shall approve himself to be a Good Soldier and a Cherisher of Valour, and Worth; He will necessarily thereby win himself the Love, and Affections of all men. And let him be sure withal to deal Faithfully and Justly with every one; for then, all his Subjects will readily, and cheerfully compose themselves to the Example of His carriage and behaviour towards others.  
Let those Castles, and strong Holds, that lie next to France, be very well guarded, and furnished with all Necessaries; and likewise those that are at Corrugna, and on the Northern Coast of Spain, looking toward England: and all care must be taken, that these be not set upon by the Enemy. But yet, the best way would be, to have a gallant Fleet, consisting of a Thousand sail, to be always in readiness upon all Occasions, as I shall show by and by. Let the Spaniards also teach whatever Africans, or West, or East-Indians, are either brought over to them, or else come over to them of their own accord, all Mechanical Arts and Professions; but let them study themselves only Military Sciences; and let them indeed ●ather addict themselves to these Studies, then to those of Books: But as for all Foreigners, let them be put rather to the reading of Books, than the Practice of Arms. For we see, that the Learned City Athens was overcome in War by the Martial City Sparta: both which notwithstanding were afterward reduced, and brought under the power and subjection of the Macedonians; namely, because this Nation had been better instructed in the Use and Exercise of Arms, by their King, Philip of Macedonia, the Father of Alexander the Great, then either of those Cities had been. It is sufficient therefore, if the King have Seminaries for the Arts and Languages, for His new Austrian Order (before spoken of) to be brought up in, among his Foreign Subjects, and Nations; but as for others, there is no great care to be taken of them, but they may apply themselves to the Study of Sciences and Arts, if they think fit: however, it is very necessary, that, in Spain, all persons, as well in the said Seminaries, as out of them, be brought up in the Exercise, and Knowledge of Arms.  
There ought also to be Schools erected for the Educating and Training up of the Younger Sons of the Spanish Nobility: whence the King may be furnished with Able and Faithful Commanders, both for Land, and Sea service: of which thing also we have said somewhat before.  
Neither ought any Man to despise, or set light by the Country of Spain, because of the Barrenness of it: for this defect is not to be imputed to the Nature of the Soil, but only to the Scarcity of people to manure it. For this Country is of a most fruitful Soil of itself; and yieldeth plentifully all things whatsoever, that are necessary for the sustaining of Man's life; and if it were but carefully manured, and tilled, it would be able to feed an infinite number of people: in like manner as heretofore it was able, besides Its own Inhabitants, to feed also the vast Armies of the carthaginians, and Romans. Neither did any Country longer, or more gallantly stand out against the Power of the Romans, than Spain did: neither had It ever any Army cut off, but it was able presently to raise a greater.  
But to pass by Ancient Stories, it is reported by our Latter Writers, that the King of Granada brought into the Field, against Ferdinand, Fifty Thousand Horse; which number of Horse, I doubt, wo●ld scarcely at this day be made up out of all the other Provinces besides, both of Spain, and Portugal; not that either the Nature of these Countries, or the Temper of the Heavens, are changed; but only, because that the number of the Inhabitants is grown less, and so consequently the Manuring and tilling of the Ground is very much neglected now, more than heretofore. Now, the number of the Inhabitants is decreased, first by reason of that war with the Moors, where they got the better of the Spaniards; for, in that War, within the space of three Months, there were slain Seven Hundred Thousand Men. After this followed another war, which continued for the space of Seven Hundred seventy and eight years; till such time as the whole Nation of the Moors was utterly rooted out of Spain: in which space of time there was a Vast, and indeed incredible number of men slain on both sides; insomuch that many Cities, yea and many whole Large Tracts of Ground were left utterly desert, and void of Inhabitants. And this War was scarcely ended, when presently the Spaniards prepared for other New Wars again, setting upon afric, Naples, Milan, and the West-Indies: and having overcome all these, they then set themselves to endeavour the Recovery of the Netherlands: in which Wars also there was a vast number of Men lost, being cut off either by the War, or those other Calamities, that are the usual Consequents of War. And then again, even now at this day they are continually sending abroad infinite numbers of people into the aforesaid West-Indies, partly to make Plantations there, and partly to Traffic as Merchants there, or else to keep some Garrisons or other. And therefore the Practice of Husbandry hath been a long time neglected in Spain, because that the people of that Nation are naturally inclined to the Exercise of Arms, and so rather seek after Profit that way, by their Pay, as Soldiers, then by any other way whatsoever.  
And indeed the Spaniard is but a heavy, dull fellow, not only at Agriculture, and Points of Husbandry, but generally at all Mechanical Arts whatsoever: and that is the reason that Spain is so unfurnished of Mechanics, and that their Wool, Silk, and what other Commodities the Country affords, are all transported abroad; and what ever course matter they do not send out, is in a manner all wrought up by the Italians only; and as for their Fields, and Vineyards, they leave the manuring of them to ●he French. And if we would but diligently examine what the ●eason should be, that Spain hath enjoyed a most quiet, and undisturbed Peace, for so long time together; whereas Franc● is continually harassed and embroiled in Wars, we should find the Principal reason hereof to be this, namely, because that Spain is continually employed in some Foreign Wars, either in the Indies, the Netherlands, in subduing some Heretics or other, or in keeping off the Invasions of the Turks, or of the Moors; in all which the Spaniards have both their hands, and Minds wholly employed and set on work; mean while their Country continues quiet, and they themselves vent all their venom of Sedition against others. And therefore I may not here omit to relate, how that many times, for want of Soldiers, they have been forced to do, as the Finlanders are used to do; who, when they go out to fight against the Muscovites, are wont to carry along with them a great number of Fierce Mastive dogs, which also many times do them very good service. Which very thing was also put in practice in the West Indies by Vasco Nugnez, not with out much slaughter done upon those Barbarians, many times also by this means putting them to flight. But we have already dwelled long enough upon Spain.   

CHAP. XXI. Of Italy.  
SPain hath no Nation, that is more a friend to It, than Italy. And therefore for the preserving of the Amity and Friendship of the Italians, it is very fit, that the King of Spain should so court and ply by Benefits and Gifts both the Neapolitans and the Milanese, as that other Nations seeing it should, admire the Felicity of those Two countries, & should withal wish, themselves had the like good Fortune. And this the King may do, by remitting some thing of their Gabels and Taxes, & by increasing the number of Men in both those Dominions; and He may also erect in both the Country's certain Seminaries, out of which as out of these Trojan Horse, may issue forth Able Persons, that are skilled both in all the Liberal, and Military Sciences, and such as are withal most firm, and resolved Catholics: as we have hinted before. Which thing would certainly cause in Foreigners both Admiration, and Astonishment; neither would the King (as the Opinion of some men herein is) lose any thing at all thereby.  
Let there be also some course taken for the Restraining of Usurers; and let Him set up some Monti della Pieta, as they call them; that is, Banks of Charity; which are certain public Houses, where the poorer sort of Citizens have the liberty of taking up Money upon their Paw●s. Let them also restrain the growth of the Nobility: and let the Baron's Prisons be visited sometimes; for These are many times too cruel. Neither would I have it in the power of any, to imprison any man by any private Authority, except it be in Case of Sedition, or Violation of the Public Peace, or of Treason against the Prince; and, those that are Prisoners, should be dealt more gently with, than they have been hitherto wont to be: for, the King's Officers, by their Intolerable Cruelty, have caused the King to be branded with that Infamous Name of a Tyrant; especially in the Kingdom of Naples.  
And I conceive, it would make very much for the winning of the Love, and Good will of the common People, if the King would appoint One Commissary, at least, who should join to himself some of the Clergy, and should go and visit all the Public Prisons, reforming what abuses they find there: and should also take an Account of all Usurers, and of the Inferior sort of Public Officers; as hath been touched before● I would also have him to show mercy to such as are Proscribed, and Banished persons, under the Pretence of sending them into afric: and I would really advise Him, once in seven years, to ●end all such into the West-Indies.  
As for those Soldiers, which have always hitherto been set over the subjects, I would have them to be all disbanded; and in their stead, to have so much the greater Number of Galleys provided, that should lie all along the Sea Coasts throughout all the King's Dominions, to guard, and secure them against the Invasions of the Turk. For these Soldiers have always carried themselves very Insolently, and proudly towards the People; but have been still very backward, and unwilling to go out in any Expedition by Sea against the Turks: and besides, when they have returned home from any such Expedition, they have usually abused poor Citizens, that have behaved themselves stoutly in the Fight, cudgelling them, and forcing from them such prisoners as they had taken; and so afterwards in a Thrasonical boasting way, make their brags abroad that Themselves had taken those Turks prisoners: which most base, unworthy course we see practised in Calabria every day. It were a better way therefore, that the subjects themselves should take up Arms, and go out against the Turks; and should have at least half the Money that the Prisoners taken in the War are valued at: for by this means the King will have both Valiant, and Rich men to Fight for Him: neither shall He have cause to fear, lest the subjects, through the hatred they bear the Soldiers for their Cruelties, should seek to change their Masters, and bring in some other to Rule over them.  
Let Him also take order for the restraining of the knavish Diligence of the Officers of the King's Exchequer, who, to maintain the Kings Right, forsooth, forbear not to use any manner of cruelty towards the poor subjects, imprisoning them, and extorting money from them, under any pretences, how unjust so ever. But of these evils, and their Remedies, we have spoken sufficiently before, where we discoursed of justice etc.  
These Sea expeditions will render the King secure both from his Enemies abroad, and his own subjects at home; whereas, on the contrary, the Soldiers that are set over the Country people, do at first but very little good, and afterwards do none at all: And therefore the putting of good full Guards into all the strong Holds upon the Sea Coast, will be sufficient for the securing of the Inland parts: and withal, the People will by this means be kept in a Loving awfulness, and Dread of their Prince.  
The best part of Italy, that is to say, the Kingdom of Naples, and the Duchy of Milan, is subject to the King of Spain: and those other parts that are not so, are stirred up by their several Princes, who stand in fear of the Spaniards Potency, against the Spaniards, & made to hate them: whence it is, that they are wont to threaten the King of Spain with two things. The first is, that they will call in the French, and encourage them to set upon the state of Milan: which mischief however the King might easily prevent, if he would but place strong Garrisons in all the Frontier Towns of the said Duchy, and would quite destroy all the small, unfortified Villages, that lying here and there scattered about, are made a Booty by the Enemy that hath liberty to range up and down where they please. And He might take order also, as the Hungarians do, that all the Provision of Corn●nd all the subjects Goods be carried into the Fortified Cities, and Places of strength, with all manner of Mechanical Instruments; that so those that have fled thither in the time of any Siege or Incursions of the Enemy, may have where withal to set themselves on work, and may so get wherewith to keep themselves. But Genoa lies very conveniently for the coming into the King's Assistance; and so doth Naples also, if so be the King would but provide himself of such a Fleet as I spoke of before, to lie about those Seas in a Readiness. For it is a most certain Truth, and that hath been confirmed by long experience, that He that can make himself Master of the Sea, shall give Laws to the Continent, and command it; and shall be able to Land men whensoever, and wheresoever he pleases, and shall find it convenient to do so: which the King of France, should he be invited into Italy● could not be able to do.  
It will be a good course therefore for the King of Spain, to be in League with his Neighbours, the Swissers, and the Grisons; and let Him choose out of these Nations Thirty Thousand Soldiers, to whom He shall in the mean time allow half pay, till such time as He shall have Occasion to use them; according as the Venetians are wont to do: and this Army let him make use of for the repelling of any powerful Enemy assaulting h●m. But yet, lest these people, increasing their numbers, should themselves invade the Duchy of Milan, which thing we know to have happened heretofore in the time of the Romans; I would have this Army to be divided, and some part of it to be sent into the Netherlands, and another to Naples, and there may some of them also be sent abroad as far as the West-Indies; that so, serving him abroad in His Wars, they may at length be all destroyed. And certainly should this People but keep at home, and not go so much abroad to Wars, as they do, but should unite their forces together; it would be a very easy matter for them to subdue all Italy: but now, whiles that they serve, some of them under this Prince, and some under that in their wars; there is no great reason to fear any such thing of them: However it would be a very good way, to divide them, as we have showed, and to send them abroad several ways.  
The second thing, that the Italians are wont to threaten the Spaniard with, is, that perhaps They may enter into a League with the Pope, and the King of France, to the Prejudice of Spain. But this conceit of theirs also, the King of Spain may easily elude: because no one of them dares do any thing without the Pope and the King of France; as being not able of himself to defend himself; much less to attempt any thing against others: unless it be by chance, and by taking some extraordinary Advantage; as the Venetians did heretofore, at what time the Popes were at War with the Emperors, and when the Transalpines made bold to march over into Italy. And therefore, i● so be the King of Spain have but the Pope on his side, He hath no need at all to fear the Princes of Italy: neither indeed is there any Change made in any State, or Dominion in Italy, without the Pope; and, the Pope alone hath been the cause of all the Mutations that have happened in the Kingdom of Naples. And in case the Pope should take up Arms against any Party, or against any Commonwealth in Italy; He would presently prove the Conqueror; by having recourse immediately to his wont Helps; such as are, His giving out Indulgences against it; and his absolving the subjects from the Oaths they have taken to be true to the same; and by calling in others to His Assistance: as Pope julius the second did, at that time when He Excommunicated the Venetians: at which time they were utterly crushed by him.  
Now my Counsel to the King of Spain is, that He would yield to the Pope, and do whatsoever He would have; and that He would give His Commands abroad as Constantine the Emperor heretofore did; namely, that the Pope shall have supreme Authority in Last Appeals: and so likewise that Two Bishops with the King, who then holds the place of a Clergy man, be Judges in all causes that shall be devolved unto them by way of Last Appeals. And let it be agreed upon betwixt him and the Pope, that what Princes soever shall refuse to submit hereto, they shall be deprived by their Authority.  
For if some of the Princes of Italy, or indeed, if all of them should fall off from the Pope: the King of Spain, who is the Vindicater of the Pontifical Authority, being assisted by Croisadoes, and other Aides from the Pope, would by degrees ruin them all, one after another, or else bring them in Subjection under himself; and thus, whiles he yields to the Pope,, He is sure to have both His Affections surely united to Him, and His power assisting him; and he shall withal make himself Ma●ter of the Princes of Italy's Dominions. And this may possibly hereafter come to pass; although, as matters now stand, all that the King can do, is, to make it his business to keep these Princes at difference amongst themselves; and to make either the Duke of Parma, or some other of them, Sure to Him; and then He need care but little for any of the rest. Let him also give the Venetians the Tittle of being The Fathers of Italy; and let him desire of them the favour, to have some of the Principal of them sent to him, whom he may employ as judges in the Netherlands: because that this Nation doth more willingly admit of Italians than Spaniard's; and, of all Italians, of the Venetian, rather than any other; and upon These Venetians, so employed by him, let him confer the Dignities of Barons.  
And seeing that it is known to every man, that the Venetians are both very Just, and also free from Ambition, and so the fitter to be made use of, if not for the gaining of any New Dominions, yet certainly for the keeping of what are already gotten; let the King so order the matter, as that the Hollanders may be brought to desire Laws to be prescribed them by the Venetians: of which I shall say more hereafter. And if by these Arts He could so far prevail with them, as to get them to give over their travelling to Alexandria and ●yria, to traffic there, and to take up a trade of Merchandise with those in the West-Indies, as the Portuguez have done; He would by this means in time make Himself Lord of the Venetians, as He hath already of the Genoeses.  
Now that he may also secure himself in the mean time from the Venetians, it would be his best Course to provide himself of such a Navy, as I spoke of before; and He should likewise do well to make use of the Archduke of Carinthia, and His Neighbours the Grisons in his wars; by this means to fright the Venetians the more. And besides, let him give entertainment to all such persons as are banished by the Florentines, or by the Venetians, and receive them into his service in his wars: and he may do well, to bestow extraordinary rewards upon them too: that by this means he may draw others of them also over to him, who may serve under him, if need be, even against their own Native Country: Which indeed was the frequent practice of the Duke of Milan: and also many times of the King of France, when for the same reason, he invited in to him all the Banished Genoeses, and Florentines. And for the same reason also the Strozza's, Piccolominies, and the Lord Peter de Medicis might in these our times strike no small terror into the Great Duke of Florence.  
If therefore the King would have these Princes of Italy to continue at variance among themselves, let him take heed how he strikes any fear into them: for, Fear is the only means to unite them together: and therefore let him beware that he discover not at all, that He is angry with them. Now there ought not any means to be used for the causing of any Division amongst them through differences in Religion: neither indeed can any such thing possibly be effected: but this must be done only by bestowing Rewards upon some of them; as we have said before. And if any one of the House of Austria should chance to be elected Pope, Italy were then quite undone.  
It would do very well also if the King would give way that Others might have liberty to ●ome and Traffic at Genoa, as His Subjects do: for, Genoa is, as it were, the King of Spain's Treasury: and He makes use of them, to keep the Princes of Italy in awe. And besides, the Genois assist Him very much in point of Navigation, and Seafaring businesses: as hath been said before. But yet these Genois are to be treated handsomely, and cunningly: that they may not seem to be forced to do what they do, but only by Love, and Fair Usage to be brought about to be so Serviceable, and Obedient to the King of Spain. Yet would I have the King pay his Debts to them as soon as might be: and he may either pawn, or else sell them some few Towns, or Fortified Places; lest, if by chance there should be any General Rising in Italy, the Genoises Banners might also march along with them for company. Let Him therefore continually have a Vigilant eye upon the two most Flourishing States of the Venetians and the Genueses: yet of the two, the Vnetian doth far excel the Genuensian, both in Dignity and Pours The reason whereof is, because that the Venetians, by maintaining a Free Trade of Merchandise with other Nations, have reasonably well improved every man his own particular Estate, but have advanced the Public infinitely; whereas the Genois, by being chiefly great Bankers, and Mony-Masters, have infinitely enlarged their own Private Estates, but the Public hath much suffered thereby. Which being considered, the King, in his Transactions with these two different Commonwealths, must proceed in a different manner.   

CHAP. XXII. Of Sicily, and Sardinia.  
THe Sicilians and Sardinians, being both Islanders, and also somewhat near Neighbours to afric, aught, for these reasons, to have stricter Laws imposed upon them, than the Italians: and a good way to keep them within the bounds of Obedience, would be, for the King to secure all their Havens, and Fortified places lying upon the Sea Coast. And these places would very easily be rendered secure, if the King had but such a Navy continually in a readiness as I spoke of before; which I would not have to lie all together in a body, but to be divided into several Squadrons, which should lie round about Italy, and these Islands, and so keep them safe from all Invasions of Enemies; the Soldiers of which Fleet, if they should be set over the Countrymen, would do much more hurt then good; and besides, the number of them must then be enlarged. Whereas by this means the Prizes that they take, from the Moors, and Turks, would be sufficient to maintain them; and the King would also be thereby enriched, and the Coast of Aff●ick made safe and secure. And if it should chance, that those of Algiers and Tunis should at any time cause any tumult in favour of the Christians, there should be Soldiers always in a readiness to come into their assistance, by sailing over into the Kingdom of Oran: with which people, they may Traffic, by carrying into them Silks, Wheat, and other Commodities, so long as the Adriatic Sea is Scoured and made Safe by the Venetians; so that there would be no need of fearing either the Turks, or Pirates.  
In these Islands there may very convenient Seminaries be erected for the breeding up of Soldiers, of such Children, as with their Mothers shall be taken from the Turks and Moors; and in these may be also taught the Arabic tongue; and there may be Monasteries for Friars erected also, as we have hinted before. And here we are to giv● a Caution, that whensoever any Merchants put in at either of these Islands, either from England, Turkey, or afric, there ought to be present some or other of the Clergy, lest the inhabitants should be infected with some Foreign Heresy. For Islands, by reason of their Commodiousness for the reception of People of all sorts, are very subject to such Mutations and Changes; which is also observed by Plato himself. Those that live near the Sea Coast, by reason of their so constant Conversation with Foreigners (for which reason Plato called the Sea the Schoolmaster of all Wickedness) are Crafty, subtle, and Circumspect, and such as know very well what belongs to Trading and Merchandise; But on the contrary, the Inlanders are sincere, upright, and just, and content with a little.  
The King might also make very good use of Great Cities, such as is Syracuse in Sicily; which, as Cicero here tofore said of it, had it been divided into four parts, would very well have made as many handsome Cities. And such as at this day also is Palermo, in the same Island, which is adorned with Stately Churches, and Palaces; wherein there are two things worthy to be taken notice of; the one is, a stately street, that runs all along the whole breadth of the City, and divides it in a manner into two parts, and is both very straight, long, and broad, and withal adorned with very fair buildings; so that I do not know, whether all Italy can any where show the like of it, or no: The other is, a vast Pile, or Bank, raised up by an infinite expense of money against the Sea; by means whereof the City is accommodated with a very fair, capacious Haven: which is a work that is really worthy of the Ancient Roman Magnificence. Islands, as Plato saith, were, for the most part, the Nests of Tyrants. But touching such Havens as are necessary in case of such fears, and likewise of Navigation, and Sea voyages, I shall have occasion to speak in its proper place.  
And as concerning these Islanders, they ought not to be kept short, and to be defrauded of things necessary; or to be held to too hard meat: but they have need rather, that such Usurers, as lie lurking amongst them; and also the Public prisons should be inquired into, and visited; as we have said before. There may also be erected some Seminaries for Seamen; to which may be yearly sent, in Galleys, young men to be instructed in the Art of Navigation, as the Custom is among the Venetians; and this the King ought to do so much the rather, because that he wants young Seamen more than any thing: but yet to these he must join some Transalpine Seamen, for the increasing of his number.  
There may also be instituted in these Islands two New Orders of Knights, such as those of Mal●a; neither ought the Revenues belonging to the Knights that are of the Order of St james, or of any other Order of Knighthood, to be bestowed upon Idle Persons; that the King may not always be forced to make use of Auxiliary Seamen; or else to employ Mercenaries, such as the Genois are.  
In s●ch Islands as these, the Barons ought to have a stricter hand held over them, than any others; because that the Conveniency of the situation of such places may tempt them to take an occasion of Rebelling, here, rather than in any other places, these men being indeed Naturally inclined to be Rebels. And therefore the best way would be, to send Barons from out of some other Countries into these Islands; and of all other, those of Spain are the fittest; the rather, because they lie all in the same Climate: and these should be put in trust with all Offices, and Seafaring Affairs; with whom may be joined some Transalpines, partly to assist them as Soldiers, and partly for Procreation of Children. Neither ought any Noble men of the Natives to be entrusted with any of the stronger Holds, or Castles: for these are most commonly the Authors and Ringleaders of all Rebellions; as they have always proved, against the French especially; And yet these men have been since very faithful to the Arragonians, by reason of their likeness both in Temper and Manners.  
In a word, there is nothing more Necessary for the making a Prince to reign happily, then that he throughly understand the Nature, Temper and Inclination of his Subjects. For, according as He finds these to be, so must He order his Government.   

CHAP. XXIII. Of Germany.  
Coming now to speak of such Nations as are Enemies to the King of Spain, to some of which notwithstanding He hath some Title; the Germans first offer themselves unto us; whom yet the King needs not fear, seeing that the House of Austria is the most powerful in all Germany; being now raised up to so great a height of Greatness and Power, by continual Marriages with great Princes, and Hereditary Successions, and great Alliances, as we see it at this day. For, Maximilian had the Provinces of the Lower Germany falling to him, by Mary his wife, who was daughter to Cha●les the last Duke of Burgundy: and Philip● Maximilians' Son, became possessed of Spain, with all its Appurtenances, by the marriage of joan, he daughter of Ferdinand and Isabel; in which Kingdoms his Son Charles succeeded. And in these our day's King Philip, the most worthy Son of so worthy a Father, hath had Portugal with all its Appurtenances, which certainly are very great, fallen to Him by the death of his Mother Isabel: from which very house is derived the Title of King of Both Spain's.  
Now we are to understand, that the house of Austria is in league with none, save only Catholic Princes; such as is the Duke of Bavaria, with the Germane Archbishops, & Bishops and some few others: and therefore it is very necessary, that these should still be more and more closely united to each other, not only in Religion, but also by Marriages into one another's families, and other like ties and bonds, of Friendship: which as it is the Justest course that can be taken, so it is also the safest, and is much more firm and durable than any other whatsoever. But there must be all the care taken that may be, to sow continually the seeds of discord and dissension between the marquis of Brandenburg, the Landgrave of Hessen, the Duke of Saxony, the Duke of Brunswick, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, and also the Duke of Wirtemberg, and those other Petty Commonwealths in Germany: which may easily be effected by reason of those State Divisions, and Emulations that frequently trouble these Republics, and fill them with suspicions, and Jealousies of each other. An● hence it comes to pass, that they never come in with their Ai●es to the Emperors, in any seasonable time; First, because they conceive the Emperor's business, and design to be, to bring Hungary in subjection, not to the Roman Empire, but rather to the House of Austria; and then again, they are afraid lest the Emperor, when he is now grown to so great a height of Power, should endeavour to put a yoke upon their necks also, and keep them in subjection. And therefore they do acknowledge Him to be indeed the Head of their Union; but yet they will not yield Him any Homage; but themselves order matters as they see cause among themselves, both in reference to the abolishing of old Laws, and enacting New, as also in doing the like in matters of Religion: a sufficient example whereof we have both in Norimberg, Spires, Strasbourg, and Frankford.  
Yet I shall here add, that this Dissension among the Germane Princes is in one respect Advantageous to the King of Spain; and in an other Prejudicial, as it usually proveth to be in reference to all Foreign Powers. For, the Turk hath already taken away Bosnia, Croatia, and Hungary from the House of Austria: and it is to be feared, that possibly he may some time or other force his way even into Austria itself also. And then, if Germany should find itself to suffer thus, under the Protection of this House; possibly they may reject ●t, and elect some Heretic to be their Emperor: which certainly would prove to be the cause of many Greater Mischiefs. And therefore I conceive the King of Spain ought to labour as much as in him lies, to bring either the Emperor himself, or else his brother Maximilian, to enter into a League with the Duke of Transylvania, or else with the Muscovites, and that they should join all their force and strength together, to ruin the Turk.  
I would have the Emperor also to engage Himself faithfully both to the Protestant Princes, and Free Cities of Germany, and also to the Duke of Bavaria, that what places soever He shall take in, in his Wars, they shall be all reckoned as Parts added to the Empire, and not be accounted as Additions to his Own House only. Then again, I would have him, during the time of the War, to confer upon all such persons of Eminency, as shall be sent to his assistance by the Free Cities, Lands, and Lordships, and the like Gratuities; by this means to oblige them the more to His service, rather than to that of their own Native Country: in like manner as Caesar engaged His Army even against Rome itself. But this must be the business only of some one of the House of Austria, that shall be a Person both of great Valour, and Wisdom; neither can any meaner man undertake it. And then, having conquered the Turks, He must next march with his Forces against Germany, calling in to his assistance some spaniards also, and Italians. For, unless He do so, there is some reason to fear, that the King of Spain may receive some prejudice thereby. He must therefore take care, and to the same end deal both with the Emperor, and the Pope● that the Right of Election of the Emperor may be put into the hands of such only as are his Friends; such as are the Duke of Bavaria, and the Archduke; for otherwise, if it should so chance, as that the King of France should be elected Emperor, it would very much impede, and cross all his Designs. But what course there might be taken so to prevail with the Protestant Party, as that they should elect no other for Emperor, but only the King of Spain, I shall be ready to inform the● King's Majesty himself, when He shall please to give me Audience touching these things: but I shall forbear to set any thing of This here down in writing.  
If the King desire to make Himself Lord of Germany, He must first necessarily get Himself to be elected Emperor of Germany; and having brought this about, He must then, under a pretence of making War against the Turk, march into Hungary; and so He may upon a sudden fall upon the Protestants before they are aware, and while they dream not of any such thing; and by this means he may be so much before hand with the Imperial Cities, as that they shall not have any time to provide themselves to make any resistance against Him: which Course was practised by Charles the Fifth, with very good success. And then, let Him bring in New Colonies, and make New Laws, and place Italians over them, for his Ministers of State; for the Clime will not bear the Temper of the Spaniard: neither can this thing be better ordered any other way.  
But indeed, the Hungarian Affairs go very ill, and They there have very much need of Assistance: For, if Vienna should be taken, the Turk might presently march into Friuli, if he would. Now, what Courses may be taken for the Prevention of this Mischief, I shall hereafter declare, when I shall come to speak of the Turk.  
The constant Practice of the Turk hath been, in his Wars against the Christians, never to maintain any long War with any one Prince: but to set now upon one, and then upon another; and to send some to invade one Country, and others to invade another, and so hath sometimes snatched away a whole Kingdom at a time from them. And least, by being continually thus put to it, they should so become to be expert in the use of Arms; He presently makes either an absolute Peace, or else agrees upon a Cessation of Arms with them, and then immediately falls aboard of some other, not giving them so much as any time to look about them, or to provide to make resistance against Him: and then, having taken some City, or some Strong Hold fr●m them, He presently makes either a Peace, or a Truce with them, and so away again. By which means it comes to pass, that His Armies are all Old, Tried Soldiers; but Ours are, for the greatest part, made up of such as are raw, and unexperienced in War. For, the Turk is continually at war with some or other; but so have not any of the aforesaid Princes been. And hence it is, that He hath always been of the gaining hand; and that, either by taking in, and adding to His Empire some new places; or else by establishing to himself, and making sure what He hath formerly gotten. But it is now time to return to our former discourse.  
I say therefore again, that it behoves the King of Spain to take care, that His Friends be at Unity among themselves, but that his enemies, especially in Germany, be at variance and discord: and He must not let slip any Opportunity for the bringing of this about. And it would be a most excellent course, for the bringing down of the Heretics courage, and taking them off their edge, if there should be erected in Germany Schools for Philosophy, and the Mathematics; that so by this means the Younger Heads might be busied, and taken up with these kind of Speculations, rather than spend their time in Heretical Studies. And I would have others of them to be employed in contriving of Engines for War, both by Land and Sea; and in other Mechanical Operations: and let the choicest Wits amongst them be invited, by large Salaries, to go into the West-Indies, and there to apply themselves to the study of Astrology. But there is an Admirable way of causing a separation betwixt them, which pleaseth me very much; and it is done two ways: the first is, if all desire and willingness of meeting one another, and laying their heads together to plot or design any thing be quite dashed in them: and this is to be done by fomenting what disgusts, and Jealousies there are amongst them, so that one of them shall not dare to tell his mind to another, or to trust any man with any of his secrets. And this was an Art that Charles the Great made use of; who also, besides His Ordinary Tribunals, set up a Secret Court of Justice in Westphalia, for the keeping of the W●stphalians in Order, who, after they had received Baptism, lived very strangely nevertherlesse; and not without suspicion of being false to the Christian Faith. A second way is, by hindering them from ever being able to do any thing, that may be Prejudicial to the State: and this may be done, by seeing that there be no Affinities, Leagues● or other Correspondences contracted between the Principal and most powerful Persons of that Nation; and Secondly, that no person that is, of any very Eminent Account amongst them, be suffered to live there, but that he be removed some whether else. And this course did Charles the Great take, to avoid the frequent Combustions that arose in Saxony, by sending away all the Nobility of that Province into France. Lastly, let him be sure to place in all their Counsels, Colleges, and about all Magistrates, some of His Creatures, to serve him for Spies, and Informers.   

CHAP. XXIV. Of France.  
SEeing that there is no Christian Kingdom, that is more able to oppose, and put a stop to the growing of the Spanish Monarchy, than France is, (I speak here to such Kingdoms as are United, and lie compacted together all in a body) as being the greatest, richest, and most Populous in Christendom: for, it hath in it seven and twenty thousand Parish Churches in it, and feedeth about a hundred and fifty Millions of Souls; and is so fruitful by Nature, and so rich, through the care and industry of its Inhabitants, that it comes behind no other Country whatsoever: Add hereunto, that It lies not far from Spain; and the Inhabitants thereof do naturally hate a Spaniard; and are besides excellent Soldiers, and have all but one Head over them, residing also in their own Country: all which Circumstances you shall not find to meet in any one Country besides: for some lie either very far off, as the Turks, and English do; or else are heartless, and unapt for War, as are the Italians; or else are divided among themselves, as the Germans are: All these things (I say) being considered, it will be needful that I should here give a more exact, and punctual account of the F●ench then ordinary; wherein also I shall discover, what, and how great Errors we have of late years committed, in reference to them; that so for the future we may be the more wary, as to this Particular.  
The French Nation, being descended from japhet, by Gomer, by their strength, and the force of their Arms, and having also their Religion, and the Fates Propitious to them, have had very great Successes; in that under the Conduct of Charles the Great, and King Pepin, they arrived to so great a Monarchy, as they then had. And certainly all the other Princes of Christendom had at that time an e●e upon the Kingdom of France: and if the French had but crushed the Impiety of the mahometans, when it was yet but in the Bud, they might easily have compassed the Monarchy of the whole World: and that so much the rather, by reason that their Rivals, the Spaniards were divided into Many several Kingdoms, and were besides held in Play with the Moors, who had invaded their Country; so that at that time they were not at leisure to interrupt the French, or to take them off from their Designs: as the French at this day hinder Them in theirs. But for as much as the French have not the skill of carrying a Moderate Hand in Government over such Foreigners as are under their Subjection, but are too Impatient, and Indiscreet; they could never yet attain to so great a height of Power. For they are apt to arrogate too much to themselves; & showing no gravity at all, they permit their Subjects to do what they please; and so sometimes they use them too cruelly, and sometimes again too gently; having no regard at all to their own defects, and weaknesses. And hence it hath come to pass, that though they have gotten many things abroad, yet they have not been able to keep any of them. For, in One evenings they lost all Sicily: and almost in as short a time, the Kingdom of Naples too, together with the Duchy of Milan: and for no other reason, but only because that they knew not how, through want of Prudence in Governing, to oblige their Subjects to them by the Love of the Public Good: nor yet took any care to draw in others to put themselves under their Protection. For, when the people once perceaved, that there would be very little or no difference to them, in respect of their Liberty whether they served the French, or the Spaniards, they would not vouchsafe so much as to draw a Sword in their behalf. And for the very same reason did the King of France, and the Duke of Milan several times lose their Dominion over the Genois. We may add hereto, in reference to the French, the Discord that was betwixt the Sons of Charles the Great; because that one of them would be King of Italy, another of Germany, and a third of France: and likewise the weakness of the French Nobility, who would needs all be free Princes, and live of themselves without any Head: such as are the Duke of Burgundy, the Earl of Flanders, the Duke of Bretaigne, of the Delphinate, of Savoy, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, with divers others; each of which would needs be an Absolute Prince of himself So that as well for these Reasons, and because of their being divided in their Religion, and also as well by Fate, as by God himself, and besides, by not laying hold upon Occasion, when it was offered, they seem to be excluded from ever attaining to the Universal Monarchy of the whole World. And therefore the Majesty of the Universal Dominion over all seems rather to incline toward the Spaniards, both because Fate itself seems to have destined the same unto Them; as also, because it seems, in some sort, to be their Due, by reason of their Patience, and Discretion.  
But because that the very Situation of the Country, the manner of their Arms in War, and the natural Enmity that there is betwixt the French and the Spaniards, seem to require that France should be continually in War with Spain, and should be still interrupting their Glorious Proceedings; like as also when it was in a flourishing state under Charles the Fifth, it was hindered by Francis King of France; and as it may also at this day be troubled by the Heretics of France, and their King Henry the Fourth, who is a Valiant, and Warlike Person; these things, I say, being considered, it nearly concerns the King of Spain seriously to consider the state of his own Affairs, and withal to weigh the Power of France; and to be sure, when any fit Opportunity is offered to fall upon them with all his might, & to set upon them on that part where they are Weakest, that ●o that other part, where they are more powerful, may sink of itself. Seeing therefore that they are weak, not in Arms, but in Wisdom, and Brain; He ought to manage his War against them accordingly. And therefore, first of all, he must be sure to lay hold on Fortune, and Opportunity, whensoever they offer themselves; as evidently appears by the example of that good Fortune, that delivered the aforenamed King Francis, and Germany into the hands, and power of Charles the Fifth; by which means, had he pursued that Opportunity, he might have crushed all the Princes that were his Competitors; for he ought immediately to have bend his whole strength against France, and by the assistance of the Germans to have repressed, and kerbed the Insolency of the French. I say, by the assistance of the Germans: for they, as being the more Fierce Nation of the two, have always been as an Antidote against the Fierceness of the French. And hence it is, that the Franconians, Normans, Swedes, Gotlanders, Danes, and other Northern Foreign Nations, have always, in a manner, been to hard for the French, that lie not so Northerly as they. And therefore, as I said Charles the Fifth ought immediately, with an Army of Germans, to have set upon France. And after that, he should have put Guards of Spaniards into all their Castles, and strong Holds, and should have placed Italians in all their Courts of Judicature, and have appointed them to regulate their Laws; and then should either have brought France wholly under his own Power, and Obedience; or else should have put it into the hands of some Petty Princes, to be governed by them; and so should presently have declared Himself Head of the Christian World.  
But he, instead of doing thus, had recourse to that Vain, useless course of securing himself, by marriage; choosing rather to win over to him his Rival Neighbour by Fair means; which is never to be done, but with those that are farther off; and which is especially to be declined, when a Prince hath so Potent Neighbours that are his Antagonists for an Empire. For, the F●ench had first a design of making themselves Universal Monarches of the World, before the Spaniards had any such thought; whom the French afterwards envied, when they found them aspiring that way.  
A second Opportunity of keeping France under in such sort, as that It should not have been able to have opposed, or hindered the growing Potency of the Spaniard, was offered to his Son, Philip, had he but had the skill to have laid hold of it, and to have made the right use of it. For, Henry the III. of France being slain by a certain Dominican Friar, under pretence of his favouring those of the Religion; and the whole Kingdom of France being now divided into two Factions, namely, the Catholics and the Huguenots; and many Governors of Provinces having at that time the said Provinces at their Devotion as, for example, Montmorency had that of Languedoc, and Espernon, and others, had others: the Line of Valois being now quite extinct, and there being a great Controversy started amongst them, whether it were best for them to think of choosing any New King of some other House, or not: and lastly, Henry of Navarre being, by reason of his being an Heretic, hated by the Catholic Party; King Philip had at that time five Opportunities offered him: either of which had He but laid hold of, it would have been sufficient to have made him Master of France, or at least to have weakened the power of it very much; not to say any thing what might have been done, when all of them concurred, and met together.  
And yet to say truth, it lay not in his power at that time to effect this; for he saw, that if he should fall upon this design in an open way of making war upon them, it would have been necessary for Him then to have had good store of Soldiers to have brought into the Field; (which at that time He had not,) to be able to divide, and distract all the Nobles of that Kingdom, and to set them together by the ears. And therefore he should first of all have dealt under hand either with the Duke of Guise, or of Maine, or with some other of the most Powerful amongst them, and have promised to make Him King, and besides to make him His Son in Law: and at the same time to give hopes also to all the rest of the Nobility, that they should every man of them be made the Proprietary, and Absolute Lord of their several Provinces; as that Montmorency should have Languedoc confirmed to Him, Esper●on should have Provence; and every one of them should have had a promise made him of such Lordships as they liked best; and all of these He should also have furnished with money, that they might have been the better enabled to make resistance against Henry of Navarre. He ought also to have entered into a League with the Pope, and the rest of the Catholic Princes; that so joining all their forces together, they might all at once have set upon Henry of Navarre, who was of a different Religion from them.  
And then besides all this, He ought to have obliged to him the hearts of all the French Bishops, and Preachers, by conferring upon them large Dignities, and Preferments. And when all these things had been thus ordered, then either the King himself in person, or else, if He should not think that fit, His Son, or the Duke of Parma should presently have invaded France with an Army of at least a Hundred Thousand men, consisting of Germans, Italians, and Spaniards; and He should also immediately have sent out some to make Excursions into France, by the way of the Duke of Savoys Country, and by Navarre, and Picardy.  
And all these things should have been, with all care and diligence, put into Execution: which if they had, He had then certainly done his business, and had either added France to his other Dominions, or else might have Cantoned it out into many small Baronies and Republics, as Germany is; and so he should have been ever after secure from their being able to do Him any hurt.  
But King Philip was not nimble enough in his business; and besides, He was deluded by the French Nobles, who almost all went over to the King of Navarre: whereas, had He been but as quick as He should have been, all this had never happened. For this is the usual Course of the World, that every man looks first of all to his Own Interest, and then to that of the public; and accordingly men use to bestir themselves in troublesome times.  
But here, in this case, where every one of them perceived, that the good of the Public did consist in the welfare of each Particular person, and so on the Contrary; they then presently made choice of that which they conceived would be for the Public Good. And so, although those French Nobles, being at the first by Money, and fair Promises, wrought over to favour the King of Spain, and so were brought to enter into Action in order thereunto; yet when upon better Consideration they found at last that in case the Crown of France should pass away to another, or that the Kingdom should be parcell'd out into small Dominions, and Republics, the loss would at length redound to each of them in particular, whiles that the King of Spain might then with ease reduce them one by one, and bring them under his Obedience; seeing that they were so divided, as that they could not in any convenient time join their strengths together to make any opposition against him; and besides, knowing that France itself, which had been hitherto so much honoured by all other Nations, would now come to be despised by them; and that all hopes of ever attaining to the Crown would now be quite cut off from them; and, that they should afterwards find, that the Spaniards would but laugh at them for all their pains; they conceived it to be the safer, and more advantageous Course for themselves, to adhere to the King of Navarre, and receive him for their Prince. Which certainly when at the first, whiles they were inveagled, and blinded by the false hopes of the Spaniards Money, they had not so well and throughly considered, as They did afterwards, when they had once weighed in their minds what the Event was like to be, and also saw with their eyes what the Kings Proceedings were; They then at length began to elude Art with Art. Besides, the French, perceiving also how great Inconveniences would arise, by maintaining a War with the Spaniard, did therefore the more willingly and cheerfully proceed to the election of a New King, because that they were persuaded, that when a King was once chosen, those evils would then be removed, which yet at the first they made little account of.  
But the King of Spain committed yet another Error in this Point, in that by his Slowness He gave the King of Navarre time to make over to his Party the Princes of Italy, and the Pope, only by making them believe, that He intended to abjure the Protestant Religion, and turn Catholic: besides, that those Princes did likewise consider, that when France was once subdued by the Spaniards, whom they knew very well to gape earnestly after an Universal Monarchy, their Own Turns would probably have been next to have been swallowed up by them. This very Slowness of his was the reason why the Spaniard gained the less, and was also the longer held in expectation; and besides, by gaping in this manner after what belonged to others, became hated by all: So true is that Common Saying; namely, That there is no place Inexpugnable, into which an Ass, laden with Gold, can but get in. But then this is also to be added to that Saying; namely, that That Golden Ass, or that Ass laden with Gold, must have many Horses laden with Iron to come after it: that so while the Citizens are all busied in weighing, and telling out their Money, Thou mayest in the mean time make use of thy Iron in the subduing, and taking in of that Place.  
To this we may add, that the Spanish Commanders, as well as the French, played booty, as we say; neither of them fight for the Victory, but for Gain only. And the reason of this was, because that neither the King himself, nor his Son were present in person in the Army. And besides the Duke of Parma durst not at first, in the beginning of the War, hazard all in a Battle, without Commands from the King; by which means the King of Navarre had time given him to gain over to him the French Nobility, (whom the Spaniard had before wrought over by his Money to His side,) only by an Opinion they had conceived of his Military Valour. And in this He imitated those other most Valiant Princes, who, neglecting the Common People, made it their only business, to oblige the Nobles to them only: Which hath been the Ancient Custom with the Polonians, Persians, and French. And because, that the Nobles think it a thing too much below them, to march with Foot Soldiers; hence it is, that these very Nations have always been very strong in Horse; but have still been but weak in Foot.  
And seeing the business is come to this pass, that the King of France hath now won to himself the Affections both of his Subjects, the French, and of the Pope also; and hath thereby got himself more Renown, then if he had beaten the King of Spain himself; it is now to be feared, that He may sometime or other attempt to take in some part of Spain also. For, He is of a Turbulent, Unquiet Spirit, neither can the French hold, while they have well settled a Country that they have newly taken in; but they must on still, and fall upon some other; and this the King of France must the rather do, because that being out of Money, He is forced to forage abroad, and take from others, that he may ha●e to pay his own men. And therefore it will be necessary that the King of Spain take care that the Frontiers of Spain, and the Duchy of Milan also be well guarded, and fortified; and also, that he carefully observe these following Rules. The first whereof is, that he enter into a League with the French, who are his Competitors: and the Second is, that He hinder the coming of any Assistance to him either from England, or from Italy: both which things may be effected one and the same way; namely, if He do but persuade the Pope, that the King of France hath a purpose of Assisting the Heretics; and that, should he but once come into Italy, he would scatter abroad the Poison of his Heresy every where; and, that Tuscany, and the Venetian Territories will first be the Seat of the War, and afterwards will be his Prey. Let the King of Spain therefore deal with the Pope, that He would interdict the King of France the contracting of any League, or Friendship, either with the Queen of England, or with any other of the Heretics; such as are the Genevians, Helvetians, and Rhetians, or Grisons: for, these would be able to assist him very much. Let the Pope also make Him swear, that He will go to the Holy Land, and there join with the Italians in the Defence of the Christian Faith. But the best course of all would be, that the Nobility of France and of Italy should all join together, and should be sent in an Expedition against Greece; and that there should also be another Association made betwixt the Princes of the House of Austria, against the Heretics. For, if that the Christian Princes were but thus dispersed, and kept at a distance one from another, the Kingdom of Naples, together with that of Spain, and the Duchy of Milan also, would have none to stand in fear of, but would be secure on all sides: and besides, the King of Spain might in the mean time bethink himself what ways were the best to be taken for the reducing of the Net●erlands; over whom were he but once Conqueror, the forenamed Princes would be so much astonished at the report of that his Victory, and of his Military Strength, that they would never dare to attempt any thing against Him; no, though they should return home Lords of all Asia. For, although Pompey was a Conquerous in Assia; yet he was not able to stand against Caesar, that had now subdued the Belgic Provinces For, the Belgians, by reason of their Fierceness in War, put Caesar much more to it to subdue them, than those of Asia did Pompey, who was for this reason also inferior to Caesar in Power.  
Now in case that Henry the Fourth should die, as he begins now to be an old man, and hath neither Successor, nor Wife; or if he should marry, and should leave a Son behind him, yet probably he would be under Age; and so Conde would either be the next Heir to the Crown, or else would at least have the Administration of the Government put into his hands, during the Minority of the Prince; whose Ancestors, having always been the Leaders, and indeed the stirrers up of the Heretics of France in all their Wars, were the Authors of shedding so much Catholic blood: I say, should things come to thi● pass, it would then concern the King of Spain to lay hold on that Opportunity, in proposing to the Consideration of the Catholics of France, whether they thought would be the better course, to make choice of Conde, or else of some Catholic to be their King; remembering that He is the Son of that Father, that acted so much Cruelty upon the Catholics, which this Prince sucked in with his Nurses Milk.  
The King of Spain must also so order the matter, as that if He cannot bring it about, that the Kingdom of France should be divided in Judgement upon this particular, he must then deal with them, that it may be conferred upon some one that they shall pitch upon, by way of Election. Or else, in the last place, He must speedily have recourse to the Arts before set down: which King Philip failed in before. And this manner of Electing a King, upon condition that he be a Catholic, would very much please the Italians; and the Catholic Princes of France also would very willingly assent thereto; because that every one of them would have some hope hereby of attaining to the Crown himself. And if this should once come to pass, it would prove a very great Weakening to the Kingdom of France: for, during the Vacancy of the Crown, there must needs arise very great, and long Dissensions amongst them; and, possibly, the King of Spain also, being called in by some or other of the Princes, might come to have a finger in the business.  
Now for as much as Elective Kings are, for the most part, not much given to trouble themselves about the enlarging the Bounds of their Kingdom; because that they know very well, that their Sons are not their Successors; therefore neither will they expose themselves to danger upon the Account of another man's Interest. And this is the only reason, why the Emperors of Germany n●ver trouble themselves about the enlarging of their Empire; as neither do the Kings of Poland, unless they chance to be Persons of a high, Warlike Spirit, as King Steven was, surnamed Battorius; and Sigismond; both which maintained Wars with the M●scovites, Tartarians, and others, about the Principality of Prussia, and some other Territories; because they hoped, that their Sons should at least have succeeded them in those. This Course is of very good use to a Prince, for the acquiring of Military Glory, and through the Multitude of Victories, and the affection of his Soldiers, for the bringing his own Country under his subjection: which Course, I before showed, was to be taken by the Emperor of Germany, according to the Example of julius Caesar. Yet notwithstanding, this piece of Craft being well understood by the French, hath been the cause, that they have now laid aside all desires of enlarging their Territories, merely to avoid that Suspicion. And This Suspicion is the reason why the Venetians do not send Commanders of their Own into their Wars, but rather choose to make use of Foreign Commanders, whom a Little Money contents well enough for their Pay. For, as to this particular, it was no small hazard which they heretofore run, under Carmagnola● and Ludovicus Vrsinus. And Francis Sforza, who was but a Mercenary Soldier under the State of Venice, returning home a Conqueror, made himself Duke of Milan. For this very cause the Romans heretofore hated the Tarquins, their Kings, who till that time had always been Elective: and this very thing also was the Ruin of the Duke of the Athenians, that was Elected at Florence.  
Neither are Opportunities at this time wanting of setting the French together by the ears among themselves: for although their Peace is not at this time at all disturbed by any Foreign Enemies; yet they being naturally of an Impatient, Unquiet spirit, are always rising up one against another, although it be perhaps but upon their quarrel about the Heresy of the Calvinists, and I know not what New Gospel; which wheresoever it is preached, it bringeth, not Joy, but Mourning; not Peace, but horrid Wars; and filleth the Minds of Men, not with Good Will, but with rage and Madness. This Mischief therefore aught to be taken in due time, and have a stop put to it: for, this Contagion hath already infected above two hundred thousand persons in France. For, if so be it should spread further, and should infect the Nobility also, and Peers of the Kingdom, it would be much to be feared, that there would never be any end of the Troubles of France: which is now the Condition of Germany, by means of the Dukes of Saxony, Hessen, and others. For, as we see, such Kingdoms as abound with Nobles, are made in a manner Immortal; as we may evidently perceive by the examples of France and Persia. For, when France was heretofore in a manner all subdued, and brought in subjection by the King of England; yet it was afterwards, through the Industry, and by the endeavours of the Nobility and Gentry, wholly asserted & restored again to Its first, Natural Lord. And so likewise the Kingdom of Persia, which is one while annoyed by the Tartarians, and again another while by the Saracens; is yet so well defended by the Persian Nobility, as that It is kept from falling under either of their Power, and Obedience. But yet, on the contrary side again, the very same Kingdoms are by reason of their Nobility also obnoxious to most unavoidable and miserable Calamities; seeing they are able at any time either to assist, or protect all such, as endeavour to introduce any Innovations, either in the State, or Religion.   

CHAP. XXV. Of England, Scotland, and Ireland.  
ALthough the English seem the least of all to affect an Universal Monarchy; yet notwithstanding they have been a very great hindrance to the King of Spain's designs that way: several examples whereof may be gathered from the proceedings of the aforesaid Queen Elizabeth of England, who appeared both against the Catholic King, in the Low-Countries, and against the most Christian King in France, by fomenting the corrupt Humours in the subjects of both these Princes, and in assisting the Heretics both with her Counsels, and Forces. For they possess an Island that is excellently well furnished both with Shipping, and Soldiers; and by this means they rob the King of Spain in all places in the North wheresoever he hath any thing; and also wander out abroad, as far as to the New World; where, although by reason of the Fortifications made upon the Sea Coast, they cannot lay the foundation of any Kingdom, yet do they do the Spaniards no small harm there. For, that same famous Englishman, Captain Drake, following the example of Magellan, who bade done the same before him, sailed round about the whole World more than once; and it is no● impossible, but that the Kingdom of Bacalaos, which lies somewhat near to the English, and is very convenient for them, by reason of the temperateness of the Air, may be some time or other seized upon by them. However it is most certain, that if the King of Spain could but once make himself Master of England, and the Low-Countries, He would quickly get to be sole Monarch of all Europe, and of the greatest part of the New World. But, seeing that He is not able to reduce this Island under His Obedience, because that It is so exceeding strong; by reason both of its Situation, and multitude of Inhabitants, who Naturally hate the Spaniard and are quite different from them both in their Manners, and also their Religion; it will concern Him therefore to defend himself as well as he can, and to fortify and set strong Guards upon all such places of His Dominions as lie open to their Incursions; lest otherwise the English should chance to seize upon them. And such are the Haven Corugna, and all the Sea Coast of Galicia, Leon, Biscay, and all the Kingdoms that lie in the other Hemisphere; as shall be showed hereafter. But this he must make his chiefest business, namely, to weaken the Power of the English: for the effecting of which design, it would be sufficient, if He could but bring it about, that the Hollander, and the Freezlander should with their Fleets fall upon the English Forces at Sea, as I shall by and by make it plainly appear.  
But seeing He is so far from doing this● that his own Navies are very often damaged by the English ships, the only Remedy that is left him is, to provide himself of some Vast Fleets of ships which should lie at Corugna, and Lisbon, that when ever the Spanish Fleet shall return from the Indies, they may serve as convoys to It, and may bring it home safely: or else they may be sent forth either against Ireland, or England, and so may divert them from lying in wait for, and infesting of the Spanish Navies. And because the King of Spain is to be Lord of the Seas, it is very necessary that He build himself many Wooden Cities, that is to say, great Navies, for the securing of His Treasure that he recieves out of the New World.  
It would also be a very good course for him to hire those that are of the greatest strength among the Hollanders, though it cost him a Million of money, to guard such Fleets of his, as are to pass to and fro in the Northern Seas; and to deal in the like manner with such Nations, as are better skilled in Nautical affairs, than the English themselves are: as namely the Danzickers, by means of the King of Poland, who is allied to the house of Austria; likewise with the Gutlanders, Swedes, Finlanders, and the rest that are of Scandinavia, Denmark, Pomerania, and Borussia, procuring them to declare against the English, and either to set upon some of their Islands, or else to invade England itself, that so they may divert them from falling upon the Spanish Fleets; or else, if the King shall think it better, to set upon the English Navy itself. If, I say, He would but be at so great a charge, as to hire the said Nations to fall upon the English, and would besides but give them all the Booties that they should take from the English, He might compass all his desires: and besides, the seeds of such a Feud once sown, would spread far and near, and would never be killed and choked again. And therefore I conceive, that Money alone would be able to set these People at Variance, and make them fall foul one upon the other.  
And it is certain, that England stands in fear of no other Nations so much, as of those above named: because they are both more fierce, and more Populous Nations, and also more powerful at Sea, than the English themselves are. For, Spain cannot itself make any considerable opposition against the English, unless it be by makig use of some such Artifice; seeing that they are better acquainted with those Northern Seas, than the Spanish are. And then, England is an Island whose Inhabitants are both very Numerous, and they are also a diligent and subtle People; and it is besides very strongly fortified both by Sea and Land, and withal a deadly enemy to Spain, partly by reason of their different Religions, and partly because the English claim a kind of Right to that Crown, by reason of the Castilian Line, which is derived by the House of Lancaster; besides, divers of the former Kings of England of the Family of York, and others, have been allied to Spain.  
Now as concerning the weakening of the English, there can no better way possibly be found out, then by causing Divisions, and Dissensions among themselves, and by continually keeping up the same; which will quickly furnish the Spaniard with better, and more advantageous Opportunities. And as for the Religion of that People, it is that of Calvin; though very much Moderated, and not so rigid, and austere as it is at Geneva: which yet cannot so easily be extinguished and rooted out there, unless there were some certain Schools set up in Flanders, (with which People the English have very great commerce) by means of which there should be scattered abroad the Seeds of Schism and Divisions in the Natural Sciences; as namely, betwixt the Stoics, Peripatetics, and Telesians'; by which the Errors of the Calvinists might be made manifest. For the truth of it is, That Sect is Diametrically contrary to the Rules of Policy: for, they teach, that whether a Man do well, or ill, he doth all by Divine Impulsion; which Plato Demonstrates, against Homer, to be opposite to all Sounder Policy; which says, that every Man hath Free Liberty of Will, either to do Well, or Ill; so that it is in our own Power, either to observe, or not observe what is commanded us; and from hence we are to expect either our Rewards, or Punishments; according as I have most evidently demonstrated in my Dialogue touching Policy, where I have discoursed of this Point, though but briefly, and without any flourish of Language; which They, since they have become Heretics, are grown somewhat subtle in: and yet, being of a Nature that is still desirous of Novelties, and Change, they are easily wrought over to any thing.  
As concerning their Dominions, and Private Estates, the English are divided, and live in several Countries: whence some time or other the Spaniard may easily light upon some convenient Opportunity of advantage against them. For the King of England's Dominion is divided into Ireland, and England; which together with Scotland, maketh up the Isle of Great Britain. Now Scotland itself hath also many small Islands belonging to it, which are called the Orcadeses. And hence it is, that the Isle of Great Britain had always two Kings reigning over it: namely, one of them was King of England; and the other, of Scotland, who, by reason of their lying so near to each other, were in a manner continually at wars, and invading one another's Territories; for their Kingdoms are severed only by a little small River, and some few hills. But now the King of Scots hovers, as it were, at this time over England, not only by reason of his Neighbourhood to it, but also because of His Right, of Succession; for His Mother was Niece to King Henry the Eighth, who was Father to Queen Elizabeth that now reigneth; and, if we should confess the truth, there is none so near in blood to the Crown of England, as He is. And therefore the time now draweth on, that after the death of the said Queen Elizabeth, who is now very old, the Kingdom of England must fall into the hands of their Ancient and continual Rivals, the Scots.  
We may here add, that the Peers of the Land, who when they are assembled together in a Body, are called in their Language the Parliament, carry a great sway with them, and have very great Power: in so much that they seem to desire to set up an Oligarchy, or an Aristocratical State, according to the example showed them by the Netherlande●s. For, all Northern Nations are Naturally impatient of Monarchy, or Absolute Power in Princes; and the Kings of England were always kept under by the Parliament; till that now of later times under pretext of introducing a New Religion, they have taken upon them to exercise a more absolute power over their Subjects. But in Ancient Times the whole Kingdom of England was divided into four lesser Kingdoms; as Spain also hath been anciently distributed both into many several Kingdoms; both of which Countries did afterwards grow into two entire Kingdoms: although it cannot be denied, but that the Power of the Kings of England was never so great as that of the Kings of Spain.  
My opinion is therefore, that the King of Spain should do well to employ under hand some certain Merchants of Florence, that are wise and subtle persons, and that traffic at Antwerp, who (because they are not so much hated by the English, as the Spaniards are) should treat with some such of the English as are some way or other descended from some of the former Kings of England, and should promise each of them severally (no one of them knowing any thing what is said to the other) all the possible aides that can be from Spain, for the restoring of them to their Inheritances, Legally descending down to them from their Ancestors; and undertake to effect this for them, if not as to the whole Kingdom, yet at least to some part of it: requiring them to engage themselves to nothing else, (so to give a colour to the business) save only that they shall not join their forces, and assist the English in setting upon the Spanish Fleet at its return from the West Indies. For by this means each of them being puffed up with hope, will presently fall to question the King of Scots his Title to the English Crown, and will endeavour to oppose him in it. Let him also send privately to King james of Scotland, and promise him, that He will assist him to the utmost of his Power in his getting possession of the Kingdom of England, upon this condition● viz, that He shall either restore there again the Catholic Religion; for the love whereof, His Mother, Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots refused not to spend her dearest blood, and even to lay down her Life too; or at least, that he shall not annoy, or any way disturb the said Spanish Fleet.  
But then again on the other side, let him under hand labour with the English Peers, and the chiefest of the Parliament, and egg them on to endeavour to reduce England into the Form of a Republic: withal assuring them, that the King of Scots, when he shall have once gotten into the English Throne, must needs prove a cruel Prince to them, as having always about him a deep remembrance, how injuriously the English have heretofore dealt with the Scots. Moreover, let Him endeavour to strike a terror into Queen Elizabeth's friends, by often putting into their heads, that they will find, that King james will revenge his Mother's bloo● upon Queen Elizabeth's friends, seeing that She is like to leave behind her None of Her Own blood upon whom He might take revenge; especially seeing that His Mother, Queen Marry, when she was now to die, seriously commended unto Him the care of the Catholic Religion, and the Revenge of Her Blood.  
The English Bishops are also to be exasperated, and put into Fears and Jealousies, by telling them, that the King of Scots turned Calvinist out of hope, and desire of the English Crown, and being also forced to do so by his Heretical Barons: but that, when He shall once be quietly settled in the English Throne; He will then quickly restore the Former Religion; for as much as, not only His deceased Mother, but even the King of France also have both of them very earnestly commended the same unto Him. By which means it must necessarily follow, that the seeds of a continual War betwixt England and Scotland will be sown; in so much that neither Kingdom shall have any leisure to work any disturbance to the Spanish Affairs. Or else by buzzing into their ears, that in case King james should be possessed of this Kingdom, He wil● however be a Friend of Spain: that the whole Island would be divided into many Dominions, or else that it would come to be an Elective Kingdom; (by which means the King of it will be the less careful of making himself Master of other Countries, and of adding them to the English Crown; neither indeed, though he should never so much desire it, would he ever be able to do so, as I have before showed, where I speak of France:) or else, that this Country of England will be reduced into the Form of a Common Wealth, which will perpetually be at feud with Scotland; and that all Actions It shall undertake, will be long in bringing to effect, and so It will be able to do the less harm to Spain.  
The Spirits of the English Catholics also are to be roused up, and, as it were, awakened from sleep, and encouraged to Action: for by this means, so soon as ever the Throne shall be vacant, the King of Spain shall come into England, under Pretence of assisting them. Let Him also deal with those English Nobles, who are possessed of some certain circumjacent Islands lying about England, that they should exercise an Absolute and full Jurisdiction, each of them in their several places, and have Peculiar Courts of Justice of their own, distinct from those of England: which very thing we read to have been Anciently done by them.  
The Chief of the Irish Nobility also are to be dealt with, that, as soon as they hear of the Queen's death, they should new model Ireland either into the Form of a Republic, or else should make it a Kingdom of itself, throwing off all Obedience to the English; withal promising aides to each of them in particular: and that so much the rather, because that in that Kingdom, or Island, the Catholics, and especially the Friars that are of the Order of S. Francis, are very greatly esteemed and beloved. There is also much greater agreement and correspondence betwixt the Spaniard and the Irish, then betwixt them and the English; whether it be by reason of the Similitude of their Manners, or else by reason of the Clime, and the nearness of these two Countries one to the other. There are also in Ireland many Vagabond persons, and such as have fled their Countries, being men that are most impatient of Government; and yet are good Catholics, and such as may be able to do good service in this kind, as hath been showed already. But this sort of Men is not very rare to be found, either in England, or Scotland also.  
These, and the like Preparations may be made before hand; that, so soon as ever Queen Elizabeth is dead, they may be immediately put into Execution. For, there is no man but knows what horrid Civil Wars, and what strange Alterations, and Turns have happened several times in England. So that, what I have here proposed, ought not to appear to any man, as things either New, or Impossible.   

CHAP. XXVI. Of Poland, Muscovia, and Transylvania.  
THe Kingdom of Poland is in Our time the most Potent of all the Northern Kingdoms; insomuch that, if it were not so divided in itself, about Points of Religion, as it is; and were withal an Hereditary Kingdom, and had a Prince that were a Native, and were not Elected out of some Foreign Nation, as their custom is; it would prove a sufficient Terror to the Great Turk; especially, if the Great Duke of Muscovia were but joined with them. But the Nobility of that Nation, in whose Power the Election of the King is, are very much afraid of the King's Power; and for that reason They keep as hard a hand over Him, as possibly they can. The King of Spain therefore must endeavour as much as lies in Him, that no King be elected there, but such a one as is of the Catholic Religion; which course hath hitherto been observed amongst them. For, should they choose themselves a King that were of any other Religion, He would then very easily be induced to countenance, by his Authority, the Northern Heretics; who do all agree in these two Points, (although they differ among themselves almost in all the rest,) namely that the Pope is Antichrist; and, that the Archduke's of Austria are all of them such as fight for Antichrist. And therefore, upon any the least Occasion that could be, they would be apt to join their forces together against both the Pope, and the Emperor, their Neighbour; had they but any Powerful Prince to head them, and to be their General: which Charge none is so able to undertake, and go through with, as the King of Poland is. For, the King of Denmark is but a weak Prince; and the King of Sweden lies too far off; and besides, is severed from Germany by the Sea.  
The King of Spain must then in the next place by all means endeavour, that one of the House of Austria may be advanced to the Crown of Poland: or at least such a one as is some way or other allied to the House of Austria; as the now King of Poland is. And lastly, he must be such a one, as shall always make head against the Turk, and that should enter into an Association with the Muscovites, who together should to their utmost endeavour, as much as in them lies, the utter Ruin, and Extirpation of the Turks.  
He must also make choice of some of the Wisest, and most Eminent persons of his Kingdom, whom He shall send as Ambassadors to Cracovia, and who by their presence may add Authority, and Weight to the Spanish Union, in the Esteem of the Electors of Poland: and that may obtain of them, that in case the King of Spain should have more Sons than one, that the● They would Elect one of the Younger of them to be their King: for certainly, were any of the King of Spain's Sons chosen King of Poland, He would never be so simple, and foolish, as to take upon him to govern the Kingdom of Poland according to his Own Will and pleasure; as the King of France's Son endeavoured to do.  
Besides, He must deal with the People of Scandia, and the Dantzickers, by the means of the King of Poland, who now is King of Swethland also, that they would join together, and send out a Fleet against the English; as hath been said before. For by taking this course, the King's expense will not be half so great, as his Gains will be. He must also labour that the Prince of Transylvania may in like manner enter into a league with the Polanders; or else, that either He, or the great Duke of Muscovia may be chosen King of Poland. For, seeing that these two Nations are not only Neighbours to ●he Turks, but do also naturally hate them, they might easily be able to stop his proceedings. And I am verily persuaded, that among all the Northern Nations there is not any so fit, and able to oppose the Turk, as is the Muscovite; who, would but the Tartarians, and the Polanders join with him, might be able to make Incursions into the Turks Dominions, and march up even to the very Walls of Constantinople. Neither indeed hath Macedonia, or Moldavia, or Bulgaria, or Thrace ever suffered so much loss by any Nation, as by the Muscovites.  
And if there were an Association contracted betwixt the King of Spain and the Muscovite, either by Marriage, or else by the nearer Tie of Religion, brought about there, by the Industry of the Jesuits; it must needs prove a very advantageous business to Him: because that Spanish Gold is, among these Northern Nations, of greater Estimation, and Account, than any thing else in the world. And then must the King of Spain be very careful, that, as soon as ever he finds he hath wrought up the affections of these people to a Willingness to do him any service, He set them upon some Notable Expedition or other, while they are now ready for it, and before they begin to cool again, and repent themselves of their forwardness: For, Delay hath always been the Ruin of the King of Spain's Affairs; by reason that his Confederates, through his slowness in putting them in execution, have always had time enough to smell out the subtlety of His Designs; and by this means it comes to pass, that he commonly loses his labour, and is at charge to no purpose.  
The Bohemians also might be hired by the King of Spain's, and the Pope's Money, to join with the Transylvanians against the Turks; because that They are in league with the House of Austria. Yet, when all is done, there cannot be any considerable matter done in this Particular, without the Assistance of the Polanders also, and the Muscovites: and unless the Emperor himself also be a Man of a stout, and Warlike spirit; (as we showed before, when we spoke of Germany,) and use his utmost endeavour to stop all growing Mischiefs in their very Begining; lest, by Delay, they get head, and grow so much the stronger, and Intractable.   

CHAP. XXVII. Of Flanders, and the Lower Germany.  
IT is not without good cause, that the King of Spain endeavours by all possibl● means that he can, to recover the Low-Countries again: about the keeping of that only part whereof, which he still possesseth, it hath cost him more Humane Blood, than there is Water in it; and about which He hath spent more Gold, than there are stones in it. And yet neither is this a matter so much to be wondered at; seeing that, could He but once make himself Master of those Countries again, He might then very easily make himself Lord also of the Whole Earth. For, were this but done, both France and Germany would quickly follow, in spite of what ever they could do: and also England itself would be utterly ruined; and indeed all the Northern Nations would be much weakened, and rendered utterly unable to make any resistance against Him. For we see that Caesar, after he had once conquered the Belgians, made little account of all the rest of the Northern Countries; and so presently passed over into England. And indeed there is no power that lies more conveniently, and is better able to destroy the English Navy, than the power of Holland, and Zealand● for these Provinces, both for the Number of their Shipping, and also for their skill and experience in Nautical affairs, do infinitely surpass all other Nations whatsoever: not to say any thing of the fierce nature, or of the Wealth of these People. For these Netherlanders have divers Towns and Cities, that are built in the very Water, after the manner as Venice is built: out of which Towns, they may very commodiously issue out, and fall upon the English upon all occasions; and may be able to secure their Fleet, returning from the West-Indies; and so may have opportunity of carrying over Colonies thither, and making Plantations; and having subdued many Nations there, may exercise a free Trade of Merchandise in those Countries. And therefore the King of Spain must endeavour, to the utmost of his power, to reduce these Countries, and bring them under his Obedience again; which yet seems now to be a business of no small Difficulty; and merely through the heedlessness, and Ill Managery of the Governors.  
I therefore conceive it would not be amiss, to reckon up here all the Errors that have been committed by the Spaniards in this particular; that so they may learn to be the more wary for the future. And I shall also lay down such subtle ways and means, by which these People may be subdued: For the Northern Nations are all of such a spirit, as Naturally is addicted to a certain Licentious Freedom, and Liberty; in so much that no Prince shall ever be able to rule them by keeping a strict, and severe hand over them, without using Politic Arts, and by remitting something of their Authority. For, these Nations by reason of their Natural Fecundity● are very numerous: now no Multitude, or Great Number, is easily kept in order.  
They are moreover of a firece disposition; as being born● and brought up in a cold Clime. For, those that are born in such cold Countries, have their Natural Heat shut up close within them, neither doth it in them Evaporate in small, minute parts; whence it is, that they are full of Blood, Corpulent, and are full of spirits, and valiant; being also Lovers of Bacc●us, rather then of Venus: and they are, by reason of the Natural Fuliginousnesse, and mistiness that is within them, full of unsettled, tumultuous Thoughts; and, by reason of their abundance of spirits, are very prone to all Licentiousness; being withal very suspicious, and, by reason of their Drunkenness, showing little or no Gravity in their behaviour.  
These Northern People (I do not here speak of those Nations that inhabit the utmost Borders of the North) are moreover full of Courage, and without any Craft: whereas the Southrens are, on the contrary, full of Craft and subtlety; but very fearful withal. The Northern People are of a Temper of Body suitable to the Disposition of their Mind; being big-bodied, and full of Flesh; and are full of Blood, and Vigorous. But the Southrens are on the contrary, Crafty, and have Dry Bodies; and are apt to run away, then to stand to it in a set battle. Those former are of a Plain, Open Soul; these other are Wily and Subtle, and withal very Malicious; those wear a Lion's Skin; These a Foxes: Those are of a Boisterous, and Inconstant Nature; These Slow, but Constant in their Actions: Those are Merry, but These are Melancholic; Those are addicted to Wine; These to Women: Those are Courageous; These are Cowardly; Those are Licentious; These are more Composed●  
And therefore These are to have more gentle and easy Laws imposed upon them● for they are of so free, and lose a course of life, as that they cannot endure to be bound in by Laws; and besides, relying upon their own strength, they are apt to care little for those that are their Lords and Rulers. All which things we find to be quite contrary, in the Southern Countries; and especially in Spain, which lies something near to the Tropic of Cancer; beyond which are the Amphiscians', having their Noontide Shadows cast both ways, at several times of the year. And therefore I say, that this was the reason why they were so eager to change their Religion; first, because they are so addicted to Wine, and use to have so frequent Feast, and Drinking-bouts: whereas the Rules of Religion require a more strict life, with Fast and Abstinence. And secondly, because that being such as are subject to Vehement, and unruly Passions, they had an Opinion, that they should never be able to moderate themselves in their Pleasures. And this was the reason, that they were so ready to give ear to the Doctrine of Luther, and Calvin; because that these men deny, that Man hath Free Will to do either ill, or well; affirming moreover, that God himself doth work in men both good● and evil: which these Northern Men being easily persuaded to believe, they conceive themselves to have no power in themselves, either to forbear Drinking, or to abstain from Women. We may add hereto, that They have also longed to have an Opportunity given them of opposing the Pope, and the Princes, against whom Luther in his Sermons inveighed bitterly.  
Which Course of theirs was Diametrically Opposite to that which was taken in other Countries; where they easily perceived, what strange Troubles, and Tumults, the Introducing of a New Religion was the Cause of.  
Now the Heresies, that sprung up among those of the Southern Countries, were full of Speculations, and had much subtlety in them; whereas, on the contrary, those that were broached among the Northern People, were very gross. For, some of the Southern denied the Divinity, some the Humanity, and some the Plurality of Wills in Christ; some of them again denied the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Word, and the like Points, that were both Sublime, and full of Mystery. But the Northern Heretics, passing by these High, and Subtle Fancies, fell to cry down the use of Fasting days, Vigils, Penance, with Auricular Confession, and all those Points of Discipline, that hindered the Multiplication of Blood: to these we may add the Single Life of Clergy Men, and many other points of this kind; which, though they agree with, and are very Consonant both to Reason and to the Scriptures, are yet very repugnant to the Flesh, and Humane Senses. These men also oppose the Authority of Christ's Vicar: for, being Men of a high courage, they therefore stand stiffly to maintain their Liberty. And as in Temporal Matters, they are indeed under the Government of Republics, or Elective Princes; and yet are no farther Obedient to them, than they themselves please; even so in Spiritual Matters also do they take to themselves the same Liberty.  
And as among these Northern Nations their Commanders and Soldiers are more eminent for their strength and courage, then for their Policy, and Stratagems; in like manner are their Ministers, in their Disputations, much better at Railing then at Reasoning. And hence it is, that under the Pretence of Liberty of Conscience, they only seek after Liberty of Domineering● and being accounted the only Men; which pleases them much better. And therefore the first Error that was committed by the Spaniards in this Particular, was, that at the Diets of Worms, and Ausburg, Luther was suffered to go away alive. Which although, as some are of Opinion, was done by Charles the Fifth, out of a Politic consideration; namely, that by this means the Pope might have some body that he should always stand in fear of, and so should be forced to hold always in with the Emperor, furnishing him continually with Money and Indulgencies, till such time as He should attain to an Universal Monarchy; and withal pronouncing all wars whatsoever, that He should undertake, to be Just and Lawful: as fearing, that in case he should not do these things, the Emperor might take part with his Antagonist Luther: yet the event showed clearly, that this was done against all the Rules of Policy. For the Pope being by this means weakened, the whole Christian World is now thereby weakened also; and now that Heresy is introduced, all Subjects, under the Pretence of Freedom of Conscience, have shaken off the Yoke of Obedience; an evident example whereof we have in Germany, and the Low Countries, both which were Subject to the said Charles V. And therefore we may very well, and safely conclude from hence, that He was deceived, out of a certain Generous Pity; because He doubted not, but that He should be able to subdue not only Germa●y, a●d the Protestant Princes, but even the whole World also, whensoever, a●d as often as himself pleased. Which Fancy of his deceived him in like manner in those expeditions, that He made against T●nis● and France. And therefore I say, that it was well done of Him indeed to keep his promise made to Luther, so long as the Diet lasted; But yet afterward, He ought not only to have dispatched Him, in his return home; but to have proceeded to the utter extirpating also of the Protestant Princes. For, by this means, that Heresy had been utterly crushed in the very Bud; neither should Calvin, with so many others that have since in●ected both Germanies, ever have appeared in the World: neither had the Princes of the Netherlands so carefully followed the steps of the Protestant Princes of Germany against the interest of Cha●les V.  
A second error was committed by them in those Parts that border upon the Rhine; in that they believed, that they should be able to bring in subjection, and order, that People, that had now shaken off the Yoke, only by taking the course that is used by the Spaniards; namely by introducing that Rigid Inquisition, by the Duke of Alva. For we see, that Fires that are now beginnings by the strength of the Winds blowing on them, increase rather the more, then are any whit put out by the same. When as therefore at the first these aforenamed People cried out for Liberty of Conscience, that so under this Pretence they might shake off the Yoke of Obedience; and that they could not at the first of all suppress them either by Arms, or strong Holds, or by their Laws, that were yet accommodated to their own Natures and Temper: it was an easy matter for them to lay hold on their so much Beloved Liberty. And hence it was, that they divided themselves into several Republics, and chose themselves Commanders, in order to a War to be made with the Spaniards: and so by this means it came to pass, that all the most Ingenious, and Valiant Persons among them, had now an opportunity of showing themselves in the World, either in the Pulpit, or in the Field. Then presently followed the Wars betwixt them and the Spaniard; whereby these People were so much exasperated, as that they gave their Generals a greater Power than they had before; and therefore appointed Count William of Nassaw, Prince of Orange, to be General of all their Forces; who was a Man that was indeed more fearful than a Sheep, but more crafty than a Fox: to whom his Son now succeeds, who is a Warlike young Man, and grown famous for his worthy Deeds, and Victories that he hath gotten. And these Princes, because they professed themselves the Patrons of the People's Liberty only, were strangely followed by them, and cried up above measure. Then did they, to the end that they might make the People hate the Spaniards the more, bring in among them Calvinisme; by which means there was caused a greater Disagreement betwixt them and the Pope, and Spaniard, then is caused by the diversity of Manners, shape of Body, and Disposition of Mind that is betwixt them. For, the Netherlanders, as hath been said before, are white of Complexion, Tall, Licentious, great Drinkers, and Gluttons, Impatient, Indiscreet, Sanguine, and of a free behaviour: whereas the Spaniards are Black, Crafty, Circumspect, Sober, Continent, Patient, Discreet, Melancholic, Covetous, Severe, and Grave, and (to say all in a word) contrary to them in all things. So that it seems to be an impossible thing, where there is so great a dissimilitude, and disagreement in Manners and Temper of Body, to cause there any agreement of Minds; which before was maintained betwixt them only by their being united both in Religion, and Government: which Union being now dissolved, there was Necessarily to follow a Disagreement, and Breach of all former Ties of Friendship. And hence it is now come to that pass, that the Low-Countrymen do more detest and abhor to be subject to the Spaniards, than they love their own life: and so likewise, on the other side, the Spaniards hate them worse than the Devil himself: although they know how to conceal their hatred of them, better than the Netherlanders do theirs; yet in the mean time do they not omit to do them all the mischief that possibly they can, that so they may make up their revenge full. Now the want of weighing, and considering rightly of these things, was the cause of the loss of these Provinces.  
By what hath been said it appears, that the King should not have made so much hast to have brought in the Inquisition amongst them; neither should He have put such extraordinary Taxes upon them; or have affrighted them with the fear of War. But He should rather upon the sudden, and before they were aware of any such thing, have clapped strong Garrisons into all the great Cities, and all the Valiantest, and most Eminent Men of any Seditious City, should have been sent abroad some whither else, under the Pretence of some Military Employment; and the Ringleaders of all Heresies were to have been extirpated and rooted out; and honest Preachers, chosen out among the Natives, and such as were ●ound in the Catholic Religion, should have been substituted in their places: and then at last, after all this, should the Inquisition have been brought in, by the means of the Bishops, though under some other name. And yet even then, He should have forborn to have imposed any Taxes upon them: that so it might appear to all the world, that nothing but their own Welfare and Good was sought after, by Religion; and not the King's Advantage, and Benefit only. There should also have been set over them such Governors as were chosen either out of the Germans, or Italians; seeing they naturally abhor a Spaniard; and these indeed should be employed only in the keeping of Cities, but not be made Governors of them: for they are too Severe, and Ceremonious; whereas the Dutch should have such Governors set over them, as are more Remiss, and Easie.  
To these Errors were added others, that were committed in the Managing of the War: for, the King himself, who was very much beloved of them, as being descended of Germane Blood, yet never went himself in person to the War, but sent in his stead Spanish Commanders, who were cruel by nature, and withal extremely hateful to the Dutch; being such, as in their Commands would make use of Blows rather, then of Fair Words. And the truth of this appeared, in that they desired to have one of the House of Austri● to be their Head; and therefore made choice of Mathias, the Archduke. After him, they chose one that was ne●rer unto them, namely Francis, the King of France his son; who yet, having afterwards laid a plot so, as that upon a certain day appointed, he would have entered into the City of Antwerp upon a sudden, with all his Horse, whilst the Citizens dreamt of no such thing, and would by this means have made himself Master of it; (but in the mean time having beforehand laid no foundation for this his design, neither by way of Religion, nor Policy;) He was in an instant driven out again by the Tradesmen and Merchants, and that not only with the loss of his Reputation, and Principality, but so great was the Tumult, that He had like to have lost his life in it too. And although Margaret, Arch-Duchesse of Austria, was made Governess of these Provinces for one while, and ruled there indeed with the Love and good Will of the Subjects; yet could She not by any means reduce the same into a due Obedience; because that Heresy had now taken so deep root amongst them, and that the People had besides a suspicion, that She had a Design of reducing them, and bringing them again under the Obedience of the Spanish Sceptre: and this was the Pretence, under which the Ringleaders of that Sedition amongst them, covered their desire of Principality, and Liberty, which they so greedily thirsted after. And yet afterwards God himself showed a way by which these people might have been subdued; seeing that they were so divided by their several Sects, into divers parts; some of them standing for dull Luther, others for subtle Calvin, and some again for dissolute Zuinglius, and Mennon: in so much that you can hardly find a house amongst them, wherein these different Heresies are not maintained; neither are we wanting to ourselves in any thing, save only that we have not the skill to lay hold on so wished an Opportunity as this is, and to make the best use of it. For, every Kingdom that is divided within itself shall be destroyed; and a firm Union hath always a very hard Knot to ●ye.  
Notwithstanding we have not yet succeeded all this while; not because the Enemy doth do us any harm, but because we annoy them. For it is certain, that by reason of their differences in Religion, they dare not one of them so much trust another, as to join together in the Election of a General for their Wars: so that, if ever any where, it may be truly said here, that, Quot capita, tot sententiae, so may Men, so many minds. I would be understood to speak here, in reference to their Making of Wars abroad for the enlarging of their Dominions. For, they are every one of them so Jealous, as that they cannot believe, but that, should they proceed to the choosing of such a General to be over them, He would presently take upon himself the Authority to extirpate all such Sects of Religion, as are different from that which He professeth: and it would be the general fear of them all, that such a one would usurp an Absolute Power over them. And therefore we see, that the successes which they have had in their Wars, under the Conduct of Count Maurice, have yet heartened them so far only, as to enter into a League amongst themselves of maintaining a Defensive War, but not of an Offensive.  
And then in the last place, there be many other mischiefs that lie in the way, to hinder the Spaniards from compassing the Dominion of these Provinces.  
The First whereof is, because they are to fight with an Enemy in his own Country; to whom both the Nature, and Site of the Country, and also the Temper of the Air are very agreeable; all which are most contrary to the temper of the Spaniard.  
The Second is● because that this Nation understandeth very well, how great Inconveniences do arise unto them, by this their War with the Spaniard; and therefore it is not without good cause, that they do so hate the Spaniards, who are the Authors of this War: and certainly, to them, 
— Pax una triumphis  
Innumeris potior.—  A Firm Peace once settled betwixt them, would be infinitely more Advantageous, than all the Victories they shall get, be they never so many.  
A Third is, because that the Spaniards being now, as it were, mad, that the Netherlanders have been able to hold them play, now for so many years together; should they but once get the better of them, They would questionless make a horrible slaughter amongst them: seeing that They do now at this time miserably afflict what Towns soever they take in, punishing the Inhabitants most grievously.  
A Fourth Hindrance of the Spaniards Success herein is, because that the Spanish Commanders fight only so, as that they may have still Occasion to fight, and not that they may get the Victory; by this means making, as it were, a Trade of War; which should be used rather as a Means, not only of Defending, but also of Enlarging their Dominions. And the very same is the Practice of the Commanders of the other side also: for even Count Maurice himself, to the end that He may the longer keep that Power he hath in his hands, and that conquering the Country by degrees, he may at length get into his power the whole Principality of it, protracts the War, and spins it out as long as he can: and His footsteps do the rest of the Officers and Commanders diligently follow.  
Now the Spanish Commanders prolong the War, that so their Pay, as well as their Authority may also be prolonged; and take the same course here, that Charles Spinola took, when he was sent into Abruzzo, against Mark Sciarra; with whom he dallied only, and had no desire to destroy him: that so the Viceroy of Naples might leave Him to be as it were Lord of Abruzzo, and might also send him those large Sums which he had promised him for his Service; mean while that Scia●ra himself also sent him vast Presents, to the end He should not fall too hard upon him. And thus Spinola being paid on both sides, (both by his friend, and his enemy) continued for a long time, and without any danger, the Lord of that Country. So that it is no wonder, that King Philip having spent such vast Sums of Money in this War with the Net●erlands, hath yet not only done no good upon it, but hath besides exasperated the enemy so much the more, and caused them to be the more exercised and experienced in Martial Affairs, and hath given an Opportunity to his Antagonist, Count Maurice● and the rest of the Dutch Commanders, of acquiring to themselves great Fame and renown for their Military Prowess: and hath now brought the business to that pass, that his enemies, though never so much divided among themselves in their Religion, do yet, merely through fear of the Spaniard, continue faithful and Constant to the League that it made betwixt them.  
And therefore truly I am of Opinion, that this War which the Spaniard now maintains against the Hollander, is both more Disadvantageous to the Spaniards, and on the other side, more Advantageous to the Hollanders (only because they are thus continually forced to be in armest) than if they were let alone, and suffered to live quietly. For thus we find it testified by Sallust, and after him by Augustine; that the Romans, by being continually exercised, and vexed with War, by their Neighbours, became by this means more eminent and glorious every day than other; and by the Tyranny of Tarquin, and others, they grew thereby more and more united among themselves: whereas on the contrary, when they were once left to themselves, without any to annoy them, they then presently fell to raise Civil Wars amongst themselves. For when that Cartharge was once laid flat with the ground, and that the whole World was now conquered by them; being thus freed from all fear of Foreign Enemies, through a Mutual Emulation amongst themselves they became presently to be divided into Factions, and by this means brought destruction both upon themselves, and their Commonwealth; as we see clearly in the examples of Sylla and Marius; and of Caesar and Pompey: So true an Argument of Wisdom is it, not to hold your Neighbours in War too long, lest by that means they come to be Skilful and Valiant Soldiers. For thus heretofore it was objected against Agesilau●● who had been wounded by the Thebans, namely, that He had received but his due Reward from them, for teaching them, by His making a long War upon them, how to use Arms.  
But the chiefest point of Wisdom is, for a Prince not to make War upon his subjects; especially if they be his Natural subjects, and Natives. For by this means they will be but the more exasperated, and more Averse from Him: and so, that which was at first but only a little Heartburning, as it wer●, breaks out afterward into open Rebellion: as we see it happened to Sigismond, in his War that He made against the Bohemians. For certainly you will never meet with any People, that are so utterly devoid o● all shame, as presently and upon the Instant to rise and take up arms against their Prince; seeing that the very Name of Treachery and Rebellion is infamous, and hateful every where. But when that the Prince's sword is once stained with the subjects blood, and that the Tie of Protection is now broken, and all care of Justice thrown aside; they use then openly to fall off from him, and to declare themselves his Enemies.  
Alexander, King of the jews, beginning at last to be weary of the long War he had maintained against them, wherein he had destroyed at least fifty thousand men; and ask some of his friends by what means there might be a firm and happy Peace concluded upon betwixt them, was answered; that this could not be brought about by any other means, then by His Death: and thus did He, though too late, do that which He ought indeed to have done at the first. I could here reckon up many other examples to this purpose, but that I have resolved not to transgress against the Brevity which I at first proposed to myself.  
To return therefore to my purpose, I shall here lay down for an Observation, that those that are put to fight in their own Country, for their Wives and Children, pro Aris et Focis, as the Ancient Romans were used to say, are always wont to fight more stoutly, than those that make war upon a foreign Country; for, that Assault which is not successful the first day, grows by degrees weaker ever after, and withal adds the greater courage to those that are assaulted. For, the assailants, be●ides those other Inconveniences that Naturally accompany all War, which certainly are very great, are also wearied out by the Disagreeablenesse of a strange Air, and Soyl. Which thing, if Hannibal had understood, or considered, and had immediately after his first Victory at Trebia, marched against Rome itself, and had besieged It; he might at that time easily have overthrown the whole Roman Empire: Or at least, after his Victory at Cannae, which was much the greater, He should not have given the Romans any time to gather together fresh Forces; but, following the Counsel of Maherbal, should presently have set upon Rome itself. Thus Absalon also, if he had followed the Counsel of Achitophel, and had at the first pursued his Father David; he had utterly destroyed him, and had possessed himself of all judaea; neither had he given him any time to have gathered forces together, and to have recovered courage, as he did, to his Destruction. The Enemy is therefore either at first to be presently suppressed, that so he may not get time, and gather strength; or else he is some way or other to be drawn forth of his own Country; in like manner as He●c●les drew forth Antaeus, King of L●●ya, that so He might the easier dispossess him of his T●●o●●. F●● otherwise, the nearer he came to the ground, that is, to his o●●●ountry, the stronger he presently grew: as the learned Fable 〈◊〉 us. So that it, seems to be both a vain, and Absurd undertaking, to maintain a war still with the Netherlanders, in their own Country, seeing that they could not be conquered at the very beginning of the war: for the war doth but only increase their strength, and makes them abler to resist. And therefore I conceive, that there are but two ways left now to be taken, for the bringing this business to effect; the first of which is to sow the seeds of Division amongst them; and the second, To draw them forth out of their own Country. Cadmus, having a design of erecting a Monarchy at Thebes, whether he came a stranger, is said first to kill a Serpent; by which was signified, the Defence, and Safeguard of Thebes: and then afterwards, to sow the Teeth of it; that is to say, to scatter abroad the Poison of Desire of Innovation, and an Earnestness to be instructed in the knowledge of learning, namely, in such New Sciences and Arts, as he had brought over with him from his own Country. And hence Soldiers are said to spring up, who through mutual discord slew each other; and the remainders of them that were left, joined themselves with Cadmus, their Head, and Captain; so laying the foundation of the Kingdom of Thebes in Boeotia. I affirm therefore, that these very Courses ought to have been taken by the King of Spain; and not a war to have been only maintained against them all this while.  
And certainly if the Southern People would ever conquer, or lay the foundations of a Monarchy over the Northern, seeing that they are not strong enough to bring the same about, they ought to have recourse to the Arts either of Cadmus, or else of jason: although of the two, jason went the more wisely to work; seeing he first won the heart of Medea, that is, the good will and Affections of the Northern Women to him: for, the Women of those Countries are easily brought to love Southern Men, by reason of the Natural Heat that is in them, which those Women like very well: neither indeed do the Netherlanders hate the Spaniards so much, as their Wives love them. Afterwards jason, by the enchantments of Medea, slew the Dragon, that is, the Guard of the Kingdom; such as are the Warlike and Valiant men of a Nation● with the Preachers. And then did he by the means of enchanted Ointments tame fierce Beasts, the Brazen-footed, and fire-spitting Bulls; that is, by his Friendship and Gifts, He won over to him the Nobles, and Principal men of the Kingdom. And at length, by them he sowed about the Teeth of the Dragon; that is, by the assistance of the Nobles, he spread abroad the Seeds of Discord and Dissension about Religion, Arts, and Honours. Whence in the last place sprung up Soldiers, that is, Factions; (such as are those of the Guelphs and Gibellines, the Pontificians and Imperialists, the Lutherans and Catholics,) wherein they killed each other: But those that remained, chose jason for their Head, and Commander; and, though few in number, yet afforded Him their assistance in the getting of the Golden Fleece, that is to say, such an Empire as we here speak of.  
This Learned Fable I have therefore proposed, and explained, that I might show the King of Spain what he is to do; seeing that He hath hitherto taken so great pains, and lost so many men, and all to no purpose; as Cadmus did, before he had killed the Serpent. Namely, in the first place, I would have either the King himself, of else his Daughter, or his son, to go and dwell either a Antwerp, or Brussels; or, if he think fit rather, at Gaunt; that so, by their Presence, the Subjects may be the more encouraged, and withal Foreigners may be drawn thither too; herein following the Example of Cadmus, who, after his men were slain, went himself to the Fountain of the Serpent, that kept the same.  
In the next place, I would have Him remove from all the Neighbouring Provinces all Suspicion, or fear of having any more Wars made upon them by the Spaniards; and He should suffer them to live a while in peace, and quietness: and He withal show himself so gentle, and full of humanity to his own Subjects there, that Foreigners, taking notice of it, should even repine thereat, and should have a desire kindled within them of enjoying the same happiness, and of joining themselves with His Subjects in the defending of that his Dominion.  
In the Third place, He should remit the Taxes and Impositions that have been laid upon those Places that are under his subjection; and should exact no more of them, than what is necessary for the Maintenance of the King's Court only, and the payment of the Soldiers that keep the Garrisons there: But however, instead thereof, He should require a certain number of Soldiers to be raised yearly out of every City; which He may send away into the West-Indies. And let him be sure to pick out the stoutest, and ablest men, for this purpose; by this means diverting the Noxious Humours from hence, and turning them another way; and filling up with these men his Armies in other Parts. For, from all such Countries as abound in Men, it is better to require Men, than Money: for, this is both more advantageous to the Prince; and also more agreeable to the humour of the People themselves.  
Fourthly, I would have Him make a General Feast every year, to be kept upon one certain day, in each several City and great Town, and at His own charge; at which time every City throughout the whole Province would Voluntarily declare their readiness to serve the House of Austria. And at this Yearly Feast I would have no cost to be spared: for, there is nothing in the world that doth more unite this People among themselves, and bind them to others, then to Feast them, and make them Drunk once a year at least: which Practice is said to have been first taken up by Minos, the ancient Lawgiver.  
Fifthly, I would have the Name of the Inquisition taken away; though the Inquisition itself should be kept up by the Bishops, but under some other Name; and ●t should not be so severe, as it is in Spain, and at Rome; but the Terror of it should consist in Words only, and threatenings, rather then in any more Harsh Usage.  
Sixthly, that under pretence of a Croysade Expedition, there should be Indulgences, and Dispensations procured from the Pope concerning Fasting days, and the Abstaining from Flesh at certain times of the Year: for, these People are infinitely given to Feast, and Revellings.  
Seventhly, all Garrisoned Towns should be kept by Spanish Soldiers; but the Government of the same should be committed to the care of Bishops; as the Government of the several Provinces should be put into the hands of Cardinals; who should be such as are of Ripe Years, and a●e eminent also for Wisdom. And then would I have some of the Gentry of Venice to be appointed as Judges, and to have the hearing of all Law Causes amongst them: for by this means the Italians and Low-Country-men will easily be reconciled to each other; seeing that these later love the Itaelians much better than they do the Spaniards.  
Eighthly, let Soldiers be tempted by large Pay to leave the service of the Rebel Netherlanders; and these should be sent away to the King's other Armies abroad; and the Spaniards should do well to inveigle, and fetch away Women out of Their Quarters into their own; where they should be married to Spaniards. And I would also have Women of Quality from among the Dutch Heretics to be chosen out, and married to some of the Catholic Nobility: for, as I have showed before, these Women would willingly yield to love such Husbands. And indeed it is a wonderful thing to imagine, how Advantageous a matter it is to such Princes, as have conquered any Nations, to have their Subjects contract Marriages with the Women of the said Nations. For, Alexander the Great himself marrying Roxane, a Persian Lady, and giving to others of his Army a hundred other women of the same Nation for Wives, got Himself a great deal of good Will among the Persians; who hereupon persuaded themselves, that they should find Alexander a very courteous and loving Prince to them. And Livy writes of those of Capua, that nothing did more hinder them from joining with Hannibal, than the Affinity that had been contracted betwixt them and the Romans.  
Ninthly, let Him endeavour to weaken the Heads of their Factions, by making War upon them from several parts at once, and let all diligent care be used, that they may be more distracted every day than other, and divided among themselves: that so through their own dissensions, and their envy at the mutual Concord and Prosperity of their Enemies, they may even despond, and lose all heart and courage. And this course, of making your own Advantages out of your Enemy's Sufferings, is a most useful one, and was very much practised by Queen Elizabeth of England.  
Tenthly, seeing that it is only the fear they have of the Spaniard, and especially the hatred they bear to the Pope, that keeps them at Unity among themselves; because they do all unanimously agree in this, that the Pope is Antichrist, though in all other of their Tenets they are at sufficient difference among themselves; there must therefore care be taken, that all fear of War being removed, That Controversy only be proposed to be publicly disputed on; for, upon this do all the rest depend. Neither would I have any other Nice, or Frivolous Questions to be at all proposed to them to be discussed; but only that one, Touching the Novelty of the Papal Authority; as I have touched before, and whereof I treated sufficiently, in my Dialogue against These Men.  
In the Eleventh place, it must be Unanimously, and stoutly maintained against them, that All Commentaries whatsoever that have been written upon the Bible, whether by Catholics, or Heretics, ever since S. Augustin's time, are to be suspected, and not to be trusted to; and that the only Authors that are to be received, are S. Clemens Romanus, S. Cyprian, Clemens Alexandrinus, S. chrysostom, Basil and Tertullian. For, the Heresy of Denying Free Will, and the like, are to be better understood out of the Ancients, (to whom also these people are most of all addicted) then out of Later Writers, (whom they cannot endure to hear of:) as appears plainly out of Clemens Romanus. I would have that controversy therefore to be discussed, touching the Original of that Evil, that moved Epicurus, and some others, to deny that there was a God: for, they persuaded themselves, that He was excluded, by reason of Evil. Others there were, that believed there were Two Gods; of which number were Manes, and perhaps Pythagoras too. Others, as the Libertines, have boldly declared that their Opinion was, that there was no such thing, as either Evil, or Sin. Others have taught, that God is the Author, and Cause of all Evil; and that he is a Tyrant: and of this Opinion are Calvin, Zuinglius, Bullinger, Luther, and Beza; namely, while they will have God to be the Author of All Things. Which Opinion certainly, as both Cicero, and Plato teach, must needs tend to the disturbance of every Well Ordered Commonwealth, for as much as it deprives Men of all Freedom of doing either well, or ill; and so in effect destroys all Law and Discipline. And the long Canvasing, and dwelling upon the Examination of this Opinion, hath made all those on the other side the Alps, Atheists, and Epicureans; who have therefore denied that there is a God, because they would not assent to yield Obedience to the Pope of Rome.  
And therefore my judgement is, that in disputing with these men in the presence of Learned men, they should have Political, and Natural Arguments urged against them: And again, before the Common People, they should be required to give an account, whence they had their Calling: as I have showed more at large in my Dialogue, and my Political and Theological Questions, written against These Men. For, the Multiplying of Books, and the Spinning out of Controversies, do but add Authority to a Bad Cause, and besides also show like a kind of Victory.  
Twelfthly, these Heretics after they had put forth New Bibles into the World, and wresting all the Fathers and Historians as they pleased, put such interpretations upon the same as they thought good; they than began, in order thereunto, to apply themselves to the study of the Hebrew, and Greek Tongues, and started a thousand Grammatical Niceties, wherewith they have filled up many great Volumes: in so much that the whole North in a manner makes a Grammatical War upon us, rather than a Spiritual: whereas We have long since laid aside the study of the Languages, ever since we overcame the Hebrews, Greeks, and Latins, and have made them submit themselves to Christianity, or else have devested them of the power of discharging all Political, and Sacerdotal Administrations; as it is with the jews at this day. And therefore we intent not now to trouble ourselves any further with Petite Sophistical Niceties, and Grammatical Quirks; but relying only upon our own strength of Wit, we let alone all Prolix Courses of Disciplines, and the tediousness of writing huge Volumes: mean while that these men spend their time herein, and weary us out almost with their Cavillings, although they do not get the better of us.  
I conceive therefore, that these men should be taken off from these their Grammatical Heresies, namely by some New Arts and Sciences● and such wherein we are excellent ourselves. And to this end the King should erect certain Schools in all the Principal Cities, wherein the Arabic Tongue should be taught; that so by this means there may be such among his subjects as shall be able to dispute with the Turks, Moors, and Persians, who by the use of that Tongue spread their Ma●umetanisme, as We do Christianity, by the Latin Tongue: and so by this means our Intestine Wars may be laid aside, and our Arms turned against Foreign Enemies.  
There should also Schools be erected for the Mathematics, and Astrology; unto which these Northern People should be invited to come, by proposing some Salaries for such of them, as shall apply themselves to the Discovering, and giving an Account of such Stars● and Constellations, as are found in the other Hemisphere, in the New World. For, by this means there would redound to the Spanish Empire both Honour, and Profit. I would also have the Schools of the Old Philosophers to be opened again; as of the Platonists, and Stoics, and of the Telesins; that so the People may be diverted from Theological Questions, and may apply themselves to study Questions of Philosophy; for, these come nearer to the Christian Faith, than the Doctrine of Aristotle doth. Now the King, in doing these things shall follow the Example of Hercules, who, to the end He might the more easily overcome An●taeus, drew him forth of his own Territories; and also of Cadmus, who brought over New Arts and Sciences with him into Boeotia; and by means of the same, got to be Prince of that Country. And by taking this Course, the Principal among the Heretics, when they shall see there is more to be gotten there then here, forsaking their Heresies, will become Ringleaders in the Sects of Philosophy, and Astrology.  
And besides● that they may gain our favour, they will probably make head against their enemies the Turks, and their impious Doctrine, which hath insensibly crept into Germany; because it agrees very much with Calvinisme. There should also be erected Public Work-houses, for the exercise of Mechanical Arts, to which this People is exceeding Apt; and so by this means will the Business of Navigation be much promoted, together with the skill of Besieging Towns, and of taking them in by the use of Artificial Fireworks. By this means the People (probably) will be taken off from their False Religion, and divided one from another; to the great Advantage of the King, and Kingdom of Spain; to whom many will now come and tender their Service; and His Empire, which of late hath been Contemptible, and hateful to all the World, shall recover its ancient Splendour and Honour.  
13. There must mutual Contentions and Hatred be stirred up amongst the Nobles, and Principal Men of the Country: and that part, that most favours the Spanish Interest, must be assisted, and rewarded with gifts; that so the rest may be brought over too, and may be encouraged to do the like. But if this cannot be done, He must then rid them ●ut of the way; or if the cannot ●e found to have deserved death any way, then must their Reputation only be diminished, (●or Injustice never yet took deep root) or else they must be sent away into some other parts. Paulus Aemilius, that he might leave Macedoni● in a quiet and peaceable condition, persuaded all the Principal of the Nobility to take their wives and children, and go live in Italy. And Charles the Great, to prevent the frequent Tumults and Commotions that were in Saxony, sent all the Nobility of that Country into France.  
14. They should be prevailed with to sail away into the New World, and to join with the Portugal Fleet, and break into Arabia and Palestine, through the Read Sea, ●o to annoy the Turks, as shall be hereafter showed: that so being drawn out of their own Country to fight against Foreign Enemies, they may be destroyed by the Spaniards, who in this particular are much abler men than They.  
15. The seeds of Emulation, and Envy should be sowed amongst them, that after the example of those Brothers that sprung up out of the Serpent's Teeth, they may destroy one another; and that those few of them that shall remain, may be afterwards made use of by the King of Spain, for his service. But than it is necessary, in the first place, that the Serpent of Sedition itself, I mean Count Maurice, should be destroyed; and not have Opportunity given him, by the continuing of the War, of growing greater and more powerful every day than other. But before all● as I said before, there must be New Learning, and New Languages introduced amongst them, according to the Example of Cadmus; and there m●st likewise Women be got away from them, after the example of jason.  
16. The Hollanders are to be hired every year, (though it should Cost the King a Million of Gold) to be a convoy to the Spanish Fleet returning out of the West Indies; and also to secure the Sea Coast of Spain against the English; and those that are the Chief amongst them in that expedition, should deliver up their Sons for Hostages, till such time as they shall have done their business effectually. For these men will willingly be hired for money, to fight against England: and very probably there will at length be found some one or other of them, that will for money also betray even Holland itself, and their whole Fleet, to the Spaniards. And certainly, if the seeds of Dissension, and Envy, were but once sowed among the Principal men, and Nobles of these Commonwealths; they would never be able to hold up so stiffly against the Spaniards, and gain strength every day, as they do: neither would those, that now maintain Bookish Controversies against the Pope, get so much reputation and Authority among the People: and the King himself would also by this means confirm his own Empire both by Sea, and Land, and would draw these People over to him.  
17 These People are wonderfully taken with Miracles, and are great Admirers of any Excellency, and Eminent Virtue: so that any Holy, and Wise men, might easily by their Arts draw them to any thing. Therefore there is need of such diligent Workmen, who by their Doctrine, and Spotless Sanctimony of their Life● may call home those straying sheep to the way of Truth. And if it should please God to call Me to take this Employment upon me, I should &c.  
18. When these People were now once divided, and weakened; they should then upon the sudden be set upon by an Army: for Delay tends rather to the confounding, than the well Ordering of Affairs: For, 
— Semper nocuit differre paratis.  
When Preparations now are made,  
Designs are by Delay betrayed.   
The King should therefore fall in upon them with a numerous● and powerful Army, in the head whereof Himself should be, and should withal make use of some unusual Stratagem; without which, all his Designs will come to nothing. There should also some one among the Spanish Commanders, who is both a Stout, and also a Wise and circumspect man, be suborned by the King of Spain, to counterfeit himself to be a Renegado, and going over to the Enemy, should insinuate himself into the State's General, and should prevail with them to make him their General● as we read Zopyrus did, who betrayed the City of Babylon, whether he had fled, (having first cut off his own Nose, Ears, and Lips, and making them believe, that all those were the Marks of the Cruelty of Darius) to his Master: or, as Sinon did to the Trojans; and as Sextus Tarqvinius did, who going over to the G●bii● and making them believe that he was fled from his Father, and being both believed by them, and also chosen to be their General, he first cut off the chief men of the Commonwealth, and afterwards betrayed the said Gabii to his Father. For the bringing about of the like Design whereof, the King of Spain hath need of a man that is most faithful, as well as Valiant, and Wise; and not such a one as was that Perfidious fellow, Antonio Perez.  
19 Seeing that the Cities of the Netherlands were in former times, and before the Wars, the greatest Mart Towns in all Europe, and that for no other reason, but only because that the Customs of all such Commodities as were either imported thither● or exported into other parts (which were both infinite in number, and of all sorts) were but small: it will therefore concern the King, whiles He endeavours to reconcile these People to Himself, to take this into his consideration, and to recall again that Ancient Custom, and, in a word, to restore to the Netherlands its former Happiness, and to endeavour the Continuation of the same. For, although these Countries have no Gold Mines of their own, yet, while all things were quiet with them, and no noise of war heard amongst them; what by their various, and inestimable Pieces of Workmanship, and their admirable skill in Manufactures, and other Arts, they had got together so much Gold, as that they needed not at all to envy either the Hungarian, or the Transsylvanian Mines: Neither was there any Country more Glorious, rich, or more frequented by Foreigners, I will not say, in all Europe only, but in the whole World, than this was; in so much that, in regard of that vast, immense Treasure, that Charles the V. received from thence, it was for just cause called by some, The Emperors Indies.  
It much concerns the Interest therefore of the King of Spain, that He reconcile these People to Himself, and that things may be restored to their former State and condition; which is a thing that is wont to be very easily brought about. And to the effecting hereof He ought not to spare either for Cost, Pains, Counsel, or Industry.  
20. A Careful Administration of Justice, together with Peace, and Plenty of all things, will contribute much to the bringing of these things about; as also the Maintaining, and keeping up of Religion, Learning, and Virtue. For seeing that those that are of Religious Orders, and other Learned men, and Persons of Worth, are the men that are as it were the Heads among the rest of the People; whosoever hath These of his side, he may easily draw all the rest over to him also.  
For, those of Religious Orders bear rule over the Consciences of the People; as the Learned do over their Wits; and those of Eminency and Worth, over their Purses, and Military strength: Those former are looked upon for their Piety, and Religion; the Other for their Learning and Wisdom: Those through Reverence; These through the Esteem the World hath of their Parts.  
And hence it is, that what soever Those men either do, or say, it passes for Oracular, and is thought worthy to be embraced and followed by All men.  
21. The same also of a Princes being addicted to Mercy, and Clemency, and constantly persevering in the same, will stand him in very good stead; if so be that it may be but made known to all men, that this Gentleness, and Connivance in him proceeds merely from his own good Nature and Inclination; but that when ●e punisheth any, it is out of Necessity, and his Zeal towards Justice, and the love of the public Peace. Thus Nero, in the beginning of his Empire, by his cunning dissembling his Natural Inclinations, and his appearing to be a Merciful Prince, wonderfully won the hearts and affections of the people of Rome to him: which part He acted so cunningly, and to the life, as that, when a certain Sentence of Judgement, that had been pronounced by the Judges against an offender, was brought to Him to set his hand to it, He sighing said, O quam vellem literas non didicisse! I could wish, I had never known a letter.  
22. The Rays of some extraordinary, eminent Virtue, shining forth in a Prince, would also be of very great advantage to Him: for by this means he would not only oblige his own Subjects to him, but even his Enemies would be won over to love, and favour him; examples whereof we have in Alexander, and Scipio; both of which gave testimony to the World of their Singular Continency, and Moderation in all things; as likewise in Camillus, and Fabricius; who both gave evidence of the Greatness of their Courage, the one against the Falisci: and the other against King Pyrrhus. These sparks of Gallantry appeared also in the Emperor Conrade, in his war again Misic●; and likewise in Charles the Great, who besides his diligent Observance of Religion, and his endeavours to promote Learning, got himself a great deal of Reputation also by his Beneficence, and Liberality towards all sorts of men, both the highest, lowest, and of middle rank, and indeed generally to all. And certainly there is not a more Lovely, strong, and commendable Tie, whereby to bind the Affections of the People to a man, than Liberality and Bountifulness.  
23 But above all things, it would be a business of very great Efficacy, if that such Covenants and Agreements as have been made betwixt the King and them were but kept; which yet the Spaniards have neglected to do● though to their Cost, and the loss of their own lives. For, nothing doth more offend, and alienate the hearts both of Natural, as well as conquered subjects, then when they see that those Capitulations, as they call them, and Articles, upon which they have submitted themselves to any Prince, are altered, and changed by him. And we see, that this being not observed by the Duke of Alva, who was a Covetous, and Unjust man, and one that looked after nothing but his own Gain; was the cause that the Netherlands began to raise such Tumults there, and at length openly to rebel against the King. Whereas on the contrary, Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma, for his fidelity in keeping his promises and Agreements, (which is certainly an Infallible Argument of a Constant Mind, and of an Excellent Judgement, got himself an exceeding great repute of Gallantry and worth among the Netherlanders. And questionless He was a most Complete, and throughly-accomplished Soldier; and served as General under a most Just King, always commanding an Army under Him, for the service of the Church, and of God; sometimes following the example of Fabius, and sometimes that of Marcellus.  
24. Neither would it be a business of small moment, to bring in the Spanish Tongue into these Countries, and to cause it to be spoken there; according to the Practice of the Ancient Romans, who, when they had conquered any Country, caused the Nation conquered to learn the Latin Tongue. Thus did the Arabians also, after the example of the Romans, introduce their Language into a great part of afric, and of Spain: and William Duke of Normandy, surnamed the Conqueror, endeavoured, about five hundred years since, to do the same in England● But now, for the introducing of a Language into any conquered Country, it is necessary, in the first place that the Laws of that Country be written in the said Language, and that the Lawyers Plead in that Language in all Courts of Judicature; and likewise that all Commissions, Proclamations, and Petitions, be published, or written in no other Language but that. This was also done heretofore by Charles the Great, who having made himself Master of the Exarchate of Ravenna, which He afterwards bestowed upon the Church, He would have it called by the Name of Romania; that so by degrees He might bring into disuse the Language, and Customs of the Greeks, to whom that People had been formerly subject; and might withal implant in them the love both of the Roman Church, and of the Roman Emperor. And even the Great Turk also does not suffer any of the Inhabitants of Anatolia to use any other Language but the Turkish, save only in their Church Services.  
25. Education also seems to have a great stroke herein, as being indeed, as it were, a second Nature; by the means whereof, strangers are in a manner Naturalised. The King of Spain therefore should do well to take the Sons of the Nobility, and Principal men, as also such Poor men's sons, are are found to be endued with any extraordinary Natural Parts; and to take order that they may be carefully brought up in some of the afore mentioned Seminaries in Spain, either of Arms, or of Arts. Alexander the Great, finding the benefit of this course, commanded that so many Thousands of the Persian Youth should be picked out, and be Trained up in Learning the use of Arms, & in the Habit, and Manners of the Macedonians; conceiving that He should b● this means receive as much benefit by them, when they were once grown up to be men, as by his own Natural Subjects of Macedonia themselves. After the same manner doth the Turk bring up his janissaries, who are only the Children of such of his Subjects as he hath conquered by war, or else of Christians, and Foreigners, such as he can catch abroad at Sea; which afterwards prove the most faithful Soldiers to him that ever he had. And indeed these are the men, to whom the Guard and Protection of the Emperor's person is committed; and these men doth the Great Turk make use of only, in all Affairs of the greatest consequence, where there is most need either of strength, or Fidelity. By means of the Turks thus bringing up of ●he sons of his subjects, He makes two great Advantages to himself; For, first he deprives his unfaithful subjects of their strength; and then, secondly, by that strength of theirs, of which he hath deprived them, he confirmeth his own.  
26. I would advise Our King, not to despise, or make light of any the least Commotions, or Distempers among his Nobles, or Subjects: for, all Mischiefs have but small Beginnings; which yet, if they be neglected, and not looked unto in time, will very probably bring Ruin with them in the end: as we see, the least Clouds in appearance at first, do in the end produce most Horrid Tempests and storms.  
27. I would not have the King to assent to the Proposal of any thing, that may introduce with it any Change, or Innovation in the State: for, His very giving way to have the same deliberated upon, adds both Authority, and esteem to the same. All the Troubles that hav● befallen, both in the Netherlands, and in France, took their Rise from Two little Books; of which the one was read to Francis the Second, King of France, by Caspar Coligni; and the other was presented to the Duchess of Parma by the L. de Brederode.  
28. Let the King take heed, how he ever exercises his Absolute Power among those people, where His Ordinary Power will serve the turn well enough: for, That way of proceeding is proper to Tyrants only; but this Later, to Good Princes. And indeed, all Absolute, and Extreme Power may rather be said to be Tempest as, then Potestas, a Tempest, rather than Power.  
29. Let there be all care taken, about the choosing of the Ministers of State in those Countries, that only such be made choice of, as are but just sufficient to discharge the Trust committed to them; and that they be neither too much above it, nor beneath it: which we find to have been carefully observed by the Emperor Tiberius. For, those whose Abilities are above the Employment they are put upon, will be apt to neglect the same, as despising it, and thinking it below them: and then, the other are not able to discharge it, if they would.  
Lastly, Let Him never so much trust to any Peace, as to make him quite lay aside his Arms: for, such an Unarmed Peace would prove but a weak one. Constantine the Great, enjoying now a Settled Peace every where round about Him, disbanded all the Soldiers that lay in Garrisons upon the Borders of his Empire: by which means He set open a Gate for the Barbarous Nations, to break in upon His Territories. And in like manner Maximilian the First, trusting too much to the Truce agreed upon betwixt Him and the Turk, and thereupon laying down his Arms, was the cause of the Ruin of very many Christians.  
And thus have we discoursed of these Particulars, as copiously as we thought was fit to be committed to Paper: but, as for the rest of those more Secret Particulars, and which are more worthy of Observation, I shall reserve them till some other time, when it shall please his Majesty to admit me to his Presence, and shall give me Audience concerning the same. However, in the mean time, those things which we have here proposed, are not to be omitted: for, unless by these Means here set down, the People's good Affection towards their King be stirred up, and cherished, His Dominion in those parts will prove to be but like a Plant without any Root. For, as every the least Storm will be apt to overturn a Tree that hath no firm Root in the ground; in like manner will every the least Occasion offered alienate the hearts of the Subjects from their Prince, where they are but ill affected to Him before; and will take them off from their Allegiance to their Natural Prince; and being thenceforth hurried about by Fortune, they will one while adhere to One, and by and by again to Another. And hence arise all the Mutations that we see, in Kingdoms, and States: a most evident Example whereof we have in the Kingdom of France.   

CHAP. XXVIII. Of afric.  
THe Turk possesseth in afric all Egypt, Algiers, and Tunis. The Ki●gdome of F●z hath a peculiar King of its own; who notwithstanding might very easily be cast out of his Throne; because that Mahumetanisme in those parts is divided into above sixty several Sects. The rest of the Kings in afric have but very small Dominions; except only the King of the Abyssines, who is commonly called Prester john, and hath above fifty smaller Kingdoms under him. This King of the Abyssines is a Christian, although He doth not profess the Pure, Catholic Religion. It is necessary therefore, that Forces should be brought over thence into Spain, seeing that the passage to and fro is very easy. For, our King is possessed of the Kingdom of Oran there already, where He is in continual Wars with the Moors: who might easily all of them be conquered, if he should but make One Invasion only upon them with an Army of Germans. Neither indeed need the King fear any Obstruction to His Spanish Monarchy from those Parts. For, those Nations are much fitter to serve, then to Command, and bear Rule: neither have They ever been able to conquer any of the Northern Nations, but rather themselves have been always conquered by Them: excepting only Carthage, which was a Colony of Tyre; who yet were at length utterly ruined by the Romans. And the Arabians also passed over out of afric into Spain; where they kept their footing for the space of Eight Hundred years; yet were at length quite driven out again. Neither indeed were they truly Africans: but only the Novelty of their Arms, together with that of their Mahometan Religion encouraged them so far, as to fall upon so bold an attempt. But the Africans at this day are a very Weak, unwarlike People: and, for as much as they are Naturally Envious, Crafty, and of a servile Nature, the King of Spain, by making use of one of the little Kings there, might in a little time break in upon them, and make his way to the most Inmost Countries of all Africa; as the Romans of old did, by the help of M●sinissa. And therefore Sebastian, King of Portugal, did wisely, when he made use of the King of F●z his sons, for the getting, and possessing himself of that Kingdom; although he was not so very wise, in venturing his own Person in that Expedition. And indeed, because that the sons of those Kings are wont to kill one another, they are so much the more easily conquered, if a man do but make any one of them over to him. But seeing these People are so much divided among themselves, there is no need of fearing them at all.  
The King of Spain ought therefore to get further footing in afric; seeing that he hath opportunity enough of doing so, by reason of the many strong Holds that He is Master of, all along the Western, and Southern Coast of afric. And He should do well, to make over to him the above named Prester john; whom he should cunningly set against the rest, and get him to make War upon them. And the King of Spain may very easily contract friendship with this Prester john by means of the Jesuits, whom he may send thither; And He should also, by his Ambassadors sent to him for that purpose, put him in mind of the Duty, and Obedience that he owes to the Pope; (which was formerly done in the time of Pope Eugenius IU. and Clemens VII. by means of the Portuguez;) and so should make a League with him. There should therefore be sent thither such as are both true Catholics, and Learned men, to instruct them in the Arts, and in the True Religion, both which they are as yet Ignorant of: For, they would be easily converted; and that so much the rather, because they say it hath been heretofore foretold them, by a certain Prophetess, whose name was Sinoda, that They were predestinated to join with the Latins, and to root out the Turk, and to set at Liberty the Holy Sepulchre of Christ.  
Seeing therefore that the King of Spain is Master of all the African shores, He must make it his care, that none may have any Fleets to pass by the said Coasts: but that it may be free and safe for the aforesaid Prester john, by the assistance of the Portuguez, to sail into Palestine, when ever he pleases, by the Gulf of Arabia, and there to fall upon the Turks, and to do them what mischief he can. And to this purpose He is to be furnished with all Necessary Means, (as namely Engines of War, and other such Provisions) whereby he may be the better enabled to conquer the Turk. For, if Mahumetanisme should but once be introduced into that Kingdom of his, it would prove extremely prejudicial to the whole Christian World, and especially to Spain. He may also come in by Egypt, and so fall upon the Turk. And if there were but a gallant Fleet lying about Naples, that might go out at pleasure, and scour the Seas all along the Northern Coast of afric, it might easily be brought under the King of Spain's power: and those Slaves also that are at Algiers, and in Cyrene, might be dealt with, to rise up all at once, and rebel, in favour of the Spaniard. And such a Fleet, as I but now spoke of, might be maintained merely by the Prizes that they should take: and so by that means would both Italy be secured; and all such other places also, that are now obstacles to the Spanish Monarchy, might be taken in.   

CHAP. XXIX. Of Persia, and Cataia.  
THe King of Spain must endeavour by all Means possible to hinder the Persians, and those of Taprobana, from putting out any Fleets of Ships to Sea; and also the Arabians; for these people would questionless be a great hindrance to his Affairs in the East-Indies, and would annoy His Fleet in its passage that way: and might also probably infect the New-converted Christians there with Mahumetanisme. He ought therefore to build strong Castles all along the Coasts of Arabia and Ethiopia, and so likewise upon the Coasts of the Arabian Gulf, and also in all the Southern Islands that lie upon the Coast of afric, and Asia: and He should enter into a League with the Persian, against the T●rk. And yet perhaps He need not so much care to have the Turk quite extirpated; for, whosoever of those two, should overcome the other, whether the Turk, or Persian, he would thereby become so powerful, as that he would be able to conquer the whole Christian World, and so consequently to spoil all the hopes of a Spanish Monarchy: and it might prove as Prejudicial to Christendom, to have the Turk ruined by any other, but some Christian Prince; as it would be for the advantage of Christendom, that he should be conquered by the Christians themselves alone.  
But yet, seeing that the Turk does us continually very much harm, breaking in upon us by Hungary, Sclavonia, and afric; it would be good Policy to set the Persian upon him; and to take a course that He may have Guns, and such like Artillery ●ent unto him, to make use of in his Wars against the Turk. For, it was merely the want of these, that was the cause that He lost almost all Armenia, and that the Turk is now so Potent in the East, and that he so little fears the Persian, as he does: for by this means, whiles he is making War upon the Christians in the West, He is secure from all danger from Asia; and so gets ground upon us daily more and more. It would be convenient therefore to make a League with the Persian; and especially, in respect of the King's Negotiations in the East-Indies; because that His Fleet must pass by the Persian Coast. And I am of opinion also, that the same aught to be done with the Kings of Calcutta, Narsinga, and Caramania: but these are not to be furnished with Guns. They may indeed be instructed in the Art of Printing, and other Arts, that are in use among the Christians: to the end they may thereby have the Christians in admiration, and high esteem; and that by the introducing of Ingenious Arts and Sciences amongst them, they may be made our Own. And yet Arts are wont to become a Prey to Arms at last; unless they be both equally in practice together. And hence it is that Pallas, in the Fable, is said to have overcome both Calliope, and Mars; because She was experienced as well in the use of Mars his Arms, as Calliopes Arts.  
The like course is to be taken with those of Taproban●, China, and japan, by communicating our Arts and Sciences to them; as Printing, Painting, and the like; which will be very much admired by them; and by the means of which, they may by degrees he won over, and may be brought to embrace the Christian Faith. But those that deal with them, must be sure, that above all things they abstain from Covetousness, and exercising of Cruelty upon any of these people; lest otherwise they should be provoked, and should join all together against us, and should thereby prove a great hindrance to the Spaniards Designs.  
We shall not need to speak any thing here of the Great Cham of Cataia, seeing that his Country lies so far out of the road that the Spaniard takes in his Voyage to the East-Indies; notwithstanding that the Persians, and Turks have cause enough to stand in fear of him: and we know very well, that the Tartarians have many times overrun all Asia; and that also, becoming Christians, they restored unto Us jerusalem. Yet afterwards, when they once saw Our Unworthy, Base Disposition, in that, notwithstanding we all professed the same Christian Religion, we were yet continually at War one with another; they forsook Christianity again, and presently embraced Mahumetanisme, which at that time flourished infinitely, and was in high esteem throughout the Whole East. And by this means was it, that they came to give over making war any longer upon the Persians and Turks, whom they now suffered to live quietly, without being at all annoyed by Them, who yet had in former times often overthrown, and beaten them: But, on the other side, they were more and more alienated from the Christian Faith, and from the Christians, whom they saw to be so Base, and Unworthy, as to be continually at discord and variance amongst themselves. And yet I believe, that the Glorious Spanish Monarchy, which encompasseth the whole Earth, will shortly reduce them, and bring them to embrace again the Christian Religion: especially if there should any Wars break out in the Eastern Parts; and that so much the rather, because that Macon is now divided into many several Sects. Besides, the People of Calcutta, and of Goa, are Christians already, though but Nestorians: yet they might easily be brought to embrace the True, Primitive Christian Religion, if it were but proposed to them to consider, that God hath always preserved the Church of Rome, and firmly settled it in its own Proper Seat, and Power: whereas on the Contrary, all the Heresies of others have been successelesse, and could never get any Dominion, or Authority throughout Christendom: as appears by Arius, Nestorius, Macedonius, Apollinaris, and all other Authors of Heresies.  
Now I do not know any thing that would cause those most Remote Kingdoms to admire us more, and that would sooner draw the Inhabitants of the same from their Superstitions, and would besides weaken them too, and make them unapter for War, then if the Knowledge of the Liberal Arts, the Languages, Philosophy, and the Mathematics were carried thither from hence, by some of our Western Professors of the same; because that 
— Minuit vires, nervosque Minerva.  
Minerva's quiet Arts  
Take off, and Chill our hearts.  Let the King therefore take care, that Foreigners may be exercised only in Idle, Umbratil Sciences, and Light, toyish matters, and Pastimes: but in the mean time let Him keep His own Natural Subjects to the exercise of their Arms also, together with those forenamed Sciences: by which Means He may still be victorious.  
But lastly, (that we may return to our former discourse, touching the Persians aiding us against the Turks,) The Persians, having always relied wholly upon the Number, and Goodness of their Horse, have notwithstanding in the mean time, while they have been Victorious in the Open Field, yet lost their Cities at home. And therefore I say, they are to be advised to fortify their Cities with Castles, and strong Holds every where. For the Turk, although he have been many times beaten by them, hath yet by little and little so entrenched himself about, as it were, with Garrisons, and Fortifications, made in all convenient places, that he hath by this means made himself Master of a very great part of the Persians Country, and hath possessed himself at last also of the great City Tauris, or Ecbatan. They must be taught therefore to make use of the same Arts in defending themselves, by which they have formerly been beaten.   

CHAP. XXX. Of the Great Turk, and his Empire.  
BY what means the Turk endeavours to make himself Lord of the whole World, hath been, as I conceive, sufficiently declared before in this Treatise: and He will also at this time already be called, The Universal Lord; as the King of Spain is called, The Catholic King: so that these two Princes seem now to strive, which of them shall attain to the Universal Monarchy of the whole World. And therefore I think it not amiss to examine here, in what Particulars the one of them is either Inferior, or superior to the other.  
The Great Turk is the most Absolute Lord of, and Heir to all the Goods that his subjects have, throughout his whole Empire: and not of their Goods only, but also of their Persons. And in this, He is worse than ever any Tyrant was; in that He arrogates all to Himself: and, because that although He calls all his People, His Sons; Yet He doth not, like a Father, suffer them to inherit any thing; but only bestows yearly upon every one of them as much as He thinks fit, appointing them withal the Employments that they shall serve him in. He hath also a Religion that is framed according to his own Will only, without taking the advice with him of any Archpriest. He hath likewise a most Able Soldiery; because that He takes all the likeliest boys, and youths through all his Dominions, and breeds them up in Seminaries, erected for that purpose: and these He employs both in his wars abroad, and in peace at home; making some of them Soldiers, and others, Judges, and Noblemen also.  
Neither hath He any Barons to stand in fear of; neither hath He any Brothers to share with Him in the Empire: For, the Eldest Son, coming to the Empire after his Father's death, presently makes away with all his Younger Brothers. Neither can He want any Men: seeing that He permits every one of his subjects to take as many Wives to him as He is able to keep: so that neither Inheritance, nor Virginity are any hindrance to the Procreation of Children in his Territories. His custom is also in making his Wars, to go as it were round about in a circle● and so to deal with his Neighbouring enemies; neither leaving any enemy behind him, nor ever going farther from home one way then another, as hath been said before. And he hath besides an Admirable Art in his making his Cessations from Arms, and Truces with his Enemies; being sure always to make them for his own Advantage.  
Now the Turk is descended from japhet, by Magog; and he hath the Laws of Sem, derived to Him by Ishmael; whence hath sprung Mahumetanisme. And of Him, God himself foretold Agar, that His hand should be against every man; and every man's hand against him: and, that He should dwell in the presence of all his brethren. And therefore we see, that He hath pitched his Tents at Constantinople, in the uttermost Angle of Europe, over against Us, who are his Brethren, descending from Isaac, who was both the Legitimate, and Natural Brother of Ishmael. For, as the Spaniards are descended from Tubal, so the Turks are descended from Magog; who were both the Sons of japhet.  
And truly the Turk doth put forth his hand every way, not only against all Christians, but also against Mahumetans, now here, now there; one while on the right hand, and then on the left; and still goes away the Conqueror. He makes use also of another point of subtlety, which is, that so soon as ever He finds that we are at union amongst ourselves, He then presently flies to making a Truce with Us: which notwithstanding he presently breaks off again, so soon as ever he sees us at dissension among ourselves. And whensoever he is returned Victorious from one Cowtry, He presently falls to the making of some other Expedition, either against the Persians, or the Ethiopians &c. as hath been showed before.  
And yet though all these things be thus, yet doth the King of Spain lay claim also to the Dominion of that Empire, or at least of part of it, and tha● by reason of his Fraternity, both Natural from japhet, and also Legal proceeding from Abraham; but yet in respect of this Later, he hath the Pre-eminence above the Turk. For, he is descended from Isaac; from whom Christ, who is also God, is descended, the Chief Lawgiver of All; and He hath also thereby a general Promise made him, of the Universal Empire of the World.  
And because He was Blessed also in Abraham, the last Kingdom of the Saints, which is to succeed after the end of the Four Monarchies● and of which Daniel Prophesied, belongs unto him. But Ishmael, from whom Mahomet, the Turks Lawgiver, is descended, had no other promise made unto him, but that he should be an Absolute Lord, and a great and famous Warrior. Besides, both these Princes are a part of the Roman Empire; for after that the Roman Monarchy shall be at an end, there shall no other succeed it.  
But according to Esdras, the G●rman, which is now the same that the Spaniard, (as hath been said before) is the Right Head, but the Turk is the Left Head of the Imperial Eagle; after that Mahomet fell off from the Emperor Heracli●●● during whose Reign the Eagle was divided: to whom notwithstanding there was no other promise made, but that He should Devour the Middle Head, namely, the Constantinopolitan; whereas the Spaniard hath this Promise made him, thate he should devour the Left Head, that is to say, the Turk: as we have hinted formerly. And although that the Spaniard hath above him one that is a Clergy Man, and that is also Armed with the Temporal Sword; yet doth this make for his advantage, both in respect of Fate, and of His State, as hath been written before; for as much as the Spaniard, according to the example of Cyrus, hath under him the United Monarchy of the Saints; and the Pope is also a most sure defence and Safeguard to Him; by whose Assistance, he is able to deal well enough with his enemies, both with spiritual, and Temporal weapons: and yet so, as that He may easily withal avoid the suspicion either of Covetousness or Profaneness.  
Now as concerning the Absoluteness of Dominion, the Great Turk is herein much above the King of Spain. But yet I have formerly showed, that this very thing, of his not caring to have any Barons, or Nobles under him, renders Him, and His Condition and State so weak, that if he should receive but one sound Blow only in an open field Battle, it would so crush Him, as that he would never be able to hold up his Head again. Which cannot happen to the King of Spain; because that His Nobles, and Bishops, and also the Pope himself would speedily in such a case send in Relief to Him. The Great Turk keeps under all the Great ones among his Subjects, lest they should attempt any Innovation in the State, or act any thing to the Prejudice of His Monarchy; as the Nobility of France did heretofore. But then in the mean time He doth so weaken them, that they are not able to yield him any Relief or Aid at all, in case he should come to have need of it.  
As concerning Military Discipline, and the Manner of making War, the Turk far excels the Spaniard, as I have before shewed● yet notwithstanding, if the King of Spain would but use all convenient diligence, and withal carefully observe those Rules, which I have here laid down before him; He might, even in this Particular, surpass the Turk; and the rather, if so be He would but go himself in Person to the Wars.  
And as for the number of Men, and of Soldiers, the Turk goes beyond the Spaniard; and indeed in all his greatest expeditions, He hath ever done his business rather by his Numbers, then by valour. And yet his Subjects are divided amongst themselves in Religion; and then besides, all the Lands of every Country are given in Fee only to the Principal Commanders of his Militia: whereas the King of Spain hath fewer Subjects indeed in number; but yet they are more at unity among themselves. But I have already shown how the Number of the King of Spain's Subjects may be increased, by their Marriages with Foreign Nations● and also how, by means of erecting Seminaries for the instructing of Youth both in learning, and the use of Arms, the Valour of his Soldiers may be increased; the Neglect of making use of Which Means, hath been the cause, that the Turk hath overstript us in this particular.  
As concerning the business of Money, I conceive there is little or no odds on either side. But if the King of Spain would but proceed in that Absolute way of Power over his Subjects that the Turk does over his; He might easily surpass him in Riches. The King, I confess, wants Money; but I have formerly showed him, by what ways He might gather together Money enough to maintain a war against the Turk. Now the Turk useth infinite Celerity and speed, in putting what ever designs He hath in execution, sparing no cost or charges for the providing of all things necessary for the same: so that with the present Money that he hath in his Treasury He presently raiseth Men, and provides them Arms, and gets all things immediately in a readiness, in order to the expedition He is upon; and when he hath laid out all the Money that he had in his Treasury, he then presently falls to filling it up again, by laying fresh Impositions and Taxes upon his Subjects.  
It is a necessity, that is in a manner Peculiar to the Turk, of making War upon his Neighbours round about, and as it were in a Circle: for, they are all his enemies. But now, the condition of the Spaniard is otherwise. For, betwixt His Kingdom of Naples, and his Duchy of Millan● there lie the Pope and the Tuscans; who are united unto him by the Tie both of Religion, and Friendship. He lies something remote indeed from the Netherlands, and the West Indies: which notwithstanding render him worthy the more admiration; because that, by reason of his Fleets, he lies as it were near unto them: and by means of the same he may possibly in time make himself Master of those other Parts also which he hath not yet possessed himself of; as we shall show hereafter. The King hath also this advantage, that although those Country's l●e at so great a distance from one another; yet, by the Tie of Religion, they are all joined to Spain.  
Lastly, whereas in Turkey the Eldest sons of the Emperors are wont always to make away with their Younger brothers, this piece of Cruelty of theirs does but set a Note of Infamy upon them: and it may easily so fall out, that some One of these Younger Brothers may get away out of his Elder Brother's power, and may be able afterwards to make War upon his Brother. And we see that this had been like to have come to pass in Gemes, the Brother of Bajazet; who, having gotten out of prison, might have been able to have done his Brother very much Mischief, and, by the Assistance of the Christians, might have made his way into Greece, had he not, by the Arts his Brother Bajazet used, and by the treachery also of the Christians, been taken off by Poison. And Selim, although He did not desire to make Himself Emperor, yet He made himself very strong; at first, only to preserve himself from being put to death; but afterwards, taking the Opportunity when it was offered him, He turned both his Father, and Brother out of the Empire, and commanded them to be both put to death: at which Juncture of Time, that Empire might very easily have been utterly subverted, and ruined. And truly I conceive, that the Total destruction of that Empire cannot be brought about any other way, then by this one thing; namely, their most bloody Cruelty that they Practise upon their nearest, and dearest Friends and Kindred. For, seeing that the great Turk takes as many Wives to himself as he pleases, and so gets an Infinite number of Sons by them; all which are most certainly assured, that, when ever their Eldest Brother comes to be Emperor, They shall be all of them murdered: it is very probable, that some time or other there may Civil Wars arise in that Empire, by which it may either be totally destroyed, or at least may be divided into many parts: which would give the Turks enemies an Opportunity of falling upon him, and so of ruining him. Neither need any one wonder, that this hath not as yet happened to this very day; seeing that this Empire is not of any so very long standing For, Ottoman, who was the Founder of it, died but in the Year of our Lord 1328. in the time of Pope Benedict XI. And yet we know, that there have already been bloody Wars amongst them; which seems to confirm this our Prognostication; and makes me the willinger to give credit to Torquatus the ginger, who foretold that it would come to pass, that in the time of the Sixteenth Emperor of Turkey, that Empire should fall to the ground: namely, when the Moon, which is the Ensign of that Empire, shall begin to decrease; that is to say, when It shall be divided into Two Horns, by two of the Great Turk's Sons rising up one against the other, and causing the Empire to be divided into Two parts: One of which Brothers, turning to Christianity, shall come over to the Christians. Now these Two Horns signify Two Kingdoms: for Kingdoms are oftentimes denoted by the Ensigns, or Arms of the same: as we see in the Revelation of St. john, where the Kingdoms themselves are from their Insignia, called sometimes Dragons, sometimes Eagles, and sometimes also Lions; and the Prophet jeremy calleth the Kingdom of the Assyrians by the name of a Dove; because the Assyrians had the Figure of a Dove for their Ensign, or Devise.  
Now in this Particular the Spaniard is much more happy than the Turk; because that His Sons do not fall out, or hate each other for any such Cause. Yea, we see at this day, that those of the House of Austria, partly by reason of this very thing, because they are Brothers, and Kindred, and partly also through fear of the other Christian Princes, and of the Heretics, are at so much the greater Concord, and Agreement among themselves. And you shall scarce find more Brothers, or Kindred, in any one Prince's Family, then in that of Austria; and yet have not these ever broken the Bond of Consanguinity one with another; nor have ever raised any Commotions in their Republic, through Ambitious Ends and Respects: but have, on the contrary, preserved each to other their Just Rights Untouched, and have lived together in so Unshaken a Concord and Union, as that they seem to be so many Bodies, animated all with One Soul, and guided all by One Will.  
We may add hereto, that the Younger Brothers of this House have hopes either of being made Cardinals; or else of being Elected Kings of Poland, or of some of the other Foreign Elective Kingdoms: so that the House of Austria, by reason of the Multitude of Sons, grows the Greater; whereas the Ottoman House does, for the same reason, decrease every day more and more: not to say any thing, how much the Turk's Subjects are offended with this Tyranny of his.  
Experience also testifies, that the Daughters of the House of Austria have, by their Marriages with other Princes, and the Inheritances thereby fallen to them, very much advanced the Greatness of the Austrian Family, and have enlarged their Dominions in a wonderful manner: and besides, they have also caused the hearts of their Husbands, and of their Subjects, to incline to Our King: and of this we have a clear Example this day in the Wife of the Prince of Transylvania, and likewise in the Duke of Savoy's, and the King of Poland's Wife. And the women of the Austrian Family are also all of High Spirits, and are besides adorned with the Endowments of Virtue, and Gravity. Whereas, on the contrary, the Great Turk bestowing his Concubines only upon his own Slaves, and Bassas, (as they call them) gets himself no advantage at all from abroad; only He hereby obligeth these men to be true and faithful to Him. And therefore my Opinion is, that it would be the best way for the King of Spain, never to marry a Wife out of the Austrian Family; unless He should thereby come to inherit some New Country: because that it would be much better, that those Daughters should be married abroad to Foreign Princes; that so they may turn the hearts and affections of their Husbands toward the King of Spain.  
But seeing that, as hath been formerly said, the Turk stretcheth forth his hand against All Men; whence it comes to pass, that All men in like manner stretch forth their hands against Him; all whom yet he is frequently wont to delude by his Cessations from Arms, and Truces, (for He keeps his faith with none of them:) it would be a business worth our serious consideration, how this Practice of his might be turned against Himself. Which that it may the easilier be effected, the King of Spain should prevail with the Persians, to invade Arabia with a Sufficient Army, persuading them, that this would be the only means of securing their Own Territories; and possessing them withal with this persuasion, that the Turk is the Common Enemy, and that therefore he ought to be set upon on all sides to the uttermost of their power; lest, after they have once overcome us Christians, They themselves should fall to be his next Prey: And then● that under a Pretence of Zeal for Religion, they should possess themselves of the City of Mecha, where is the Sepulchre of Mahomet, who was the Head of their Empire: which Designs being but once happily, and Prosperously accomplished, that then all other things would the more easily be brought about.  
Let the King of Spain also take care, that there may be a League made betwixt the Persian and Prester john; and this Later should be persuaded to send out as great an Army as he could, to invade the Common Enemies, the Turk's Country; which Army should be carried over by the Red Sea, by means of the Portugals Fleet; or else, He may send those Forces of his in by Land: and that not only to enlarge their Own Empire, and Dominion, but also for the Advancement of their Religion, namely, by recovering of jerusalem, where the Sepulchre of our Saviour Christ is, which both We, and the Ethiopians too have now so many Ages been deprived of. Both Nations therefore ought to bend their whole Forces that way.  
It would also be very Convenient, that the Muscovite (who should be persuaded to this by some Polonian Orators) should at the same time fall in upon Bulgaria, and Moldavia, with an Army. And the King should so order the Matter, that at one and the same time the Emperor, and the Prince of Transylvania should fall upon him in Hungary, and the Polander upon Macedonia, and Mysia: that the Tu●k being by this means so distracted, may not know which part to relieve first. The Georgians also should be secretly dealt withal, to embrace this General Association, by the Venetian Merchants, and to fall upon Anatolia, and Trapez●nd, or Macedonia. And for the promoting of this Design, it would be very convenient, that every one should keep to himself what he hath got; except jerusalem only; which should be reserved for the King of Spain: of which Country the King also should shortly afterward by little and little get the Possession, by making use of the Conveniency of the Red Sea.  
I would also advise, that the King of Spain, and the Venetian, together with the Pope, entering into a Mutual League together, should at the same time also fall upon Morea, Cyprus, or Egypt: for which purpose such a Neapolitan Fleet, as we have formerly spoken off, would be of very excellent use and Advantage. And afterwards, they should divide such Countries and Places, as they have taken, and share them among themselves, making the Pope their Judge, and Arbitrator herein. And this Association and League made betwixt the aforesaid Princes, I would have to last for the space of whole ten years. For by this means the Turk having his hands full at home, would be taken off from making War upon the Christians in the West, as he now does, to the great detriment of the House of Austria.  
And to this end, it would be very Expedient, that there were a League made both with the Persians and Prester john: for these People might very much annoy the Western Countries. And this would also make very much for the Advantage of the Venetians too, who stand in no small dread of the Turks; whom, because they are not able to match them in Power, they are fain to pacify and keep quiet by fair means, and Presents.  
There are some that are of opinion, that there are two ways by which an Association, or League might be made by the Christians against the Turk, if not for his total ruin, yet at least to the bringing about of some very good effect. And One of these is, that all such Princes, whose Territories border upon Turkey, should at one and the same time set all upon him, every one of them invading that part of the Turks Dominions that lies next him, not with any certain part only of ●is Forces, but with the whole strength and Power that he can possibly make in the World: for so, all of them should enjoy an equal share in the spoils that were taken.  
The second, and that the more Noble, is, if that very many several Princes would but resolve, for the glory of God, and the Propagation of the Church, to set upon the Turk, either altother from one part, or else from divers parts all at once: as we read to have been done in those former Heroic times, when as many several Valiant Princes, out of Germany, the Netherlands● France, and Italy, some of them selling their Territories outright, and others of them pawning the same, gathered together an Army of above forty Thousand Men, and marching with them into the Eastern Countries, and there beating the Turks out of Nice, the Persians out of Antioch, and the Saracens out of jerusalem, they afterwards laid waste the whole East, and in a short time recovered the Holy Land. In which Expedition this especially is to be taken notice of, that neither the Emperor himself, nor any other King, was either their General, or so much as went along with them in it. And notwithstanding that afterwards indeed the Kings of France, and of England, as also the Emperors, Conrade, and Frederick, made several expeditions into those parts, not for the taking in of any New Countries, but only for the keeping of what the others had formerly gotten; yet for all there was not any thing at all done by them, worth the speaking of.  
But now there ought to be care taken, in this business, that all may share alike in what shall be gotten: for otherwise, the Design would be quite spoiled, and never come to any thing. For, as in a Clock, if there be any one Exorbitant, or Irregular Wheel, it spoils the whole Harmony, and mutual Agreement that should be in it: so likewise, in all Associations, if there be any Deficiency in one Part, it proves to be the cause of the Dissolution of the whole Union.  
A clear example whereof we have in the League that was made betwixt the Popes, Paul III. and Pius V. the King of Spain, and the Venetians: which though it were managed with the greatest diligence, and eagerness on all sides that could be, and with Incredible success also; yet it came all to nothing at last; and that merely for this one reason, namely, because that it did not equally concern the Interests of all of them, that That Expedition should be so carefully undertaken, and so diligently carried on. For, Spain hath no great advantage by any thing that is done against the Eastern People; which yet is most beneficial to the Venetians: in like manner as it is of little or no concernment to the Venetians, what ever is done against afric, which yet is of very great advantage to Spain.  
And this is the reason, that the Venetians, who stand in fear of the Power the Turk hath in the East; and the Spaniards who are afraid of their Neighbours of Algiers, can never unanimously go on together against the Enemy, with equal courage, and desires. And by this means the Pope, lying in the mean time in the midst betwixt them both, and being forced to be at a great charge, yet hath no benefit at all thereby. But to return to our Present discourse again, whence we have digressed.  
There is yet another way, whereby the Turkish Empire might be overthrown; and that is, in case that some one of His Chief Commanders in war, who was at first a Christian (such as were Cicala, Occhiali, and Scande●beg) should be prevailed withal, by such large Promises as should be made him, as namely, that he should have some Christian Province given him for his reward,) to betray the Turkish Navy unto us, if at least He have it committed to his charge: or else, in case he hath been appointed by the Great Turk to manage any Kingdom under him, as His Viceroy; he should then have the possession of that Kingdom promised him; as suppose, of Tunis, Algiers, or the like. For there is no doubt to be made, but that such a one had rather be the Sole Absolute Lord of any Kingdom, whatsoever it be, and so to have the Power of transmitting it over to his Posterity; then to be but a kind of Nobler Slave to the Great Turk; having neither Power in his li●e time to give away any thing to his friends; nor at his death to leave any thing to them, And I am verily persuaded, that there is nothing that keeps these men from attempting such a Rebellion against the Turk, more, then because they despair of ever being able to bring any such their Undertake to effect; as not daring to confide in the Christians, or to rely upon them for Assistance. Yet if they were but sincerely, and Ingenuously dealt withal, I am clearly of opinion, that they might be brought to this.  
It may also so happen, that some such Gallant Vindicator of the People's Liberty may spring up among the Turks themselves, as was Moses, the Hebrew, among the Subjects of Pharaoh, King of Egypt; and such a One, in case the Great Turk should entrust him with any great Authority, or Charge, might questionless be able to do him an infinite deal of Mischief. There might also a General Association be made amongst the Christians; by whom He might be brought to a Pitched Battle; (as we said before) and might have one or two such Notable Blows given him by them, that he should be never able to hold up his head again: because that he hath not any Nobles, that might relieve him in such a case. And this might the more easily be done, because that he hath within his Dominions an Infinite Number both of Christians, and jews: who, if they but once saw him overthrown, would all presently come over to Us. And yet in the procuring of such an Association as this, there would be required either very much Patience in the Pope, and the King of Spain; or else a very great necessity, that should force All of them to join together.  
Now these Princes should all be bound, by mutual Covenants drawn up betwixt them, that every one of them should have a Proportionable Share of what soever shall be gotten by the said expedition; and also that those that have gotten possession of their own share, shall assist the rest also in the getting of theirs; after the Example of Reuben, and Dan: who after they had possessed themselves of the Country that lay on this side jordan, were then to assist their brethren in the subduing of the further part of it, that lay beyond jordan.  
There ought also to be a persuasion wrought into All, and every one of these Princes, that by the King of Assyria, in the Scriptures, is prefigured unto us the Great Turk: who, after he hath destroyed the Kingdom of Israel, that is to say, the Kingdom of the East, or that of Constantinople; He will then next overthrow the Kingdom of judah, that is, of the West; except they repent them of their Heresy, and return again into the Bosom● of the Church of Rome, which is our Jerusalem: (as I have written in my Christian Monarchy) and that so, together with the Empire, the Priesthood also will be lost, and will pass over into the New World, (as I have there demonstrated by Political Reasons,) except they take the Course here set down before them. And perhaps also it may hereafter so come to pass. And when the Turk, who is the Typical Cyrus, is destroyed, then shall the Church be renewed again. It is therefore most Necessary, that all Christendom should join their forces together, for the destruction of this Ravenous Wolf, who by his Strength, and Cunning, hath taken from us Two Empires, and Two Hundred Kingdoms; mean while that we do nothing but fall together by the Ears one with another. But if this cannot be brought about, the Persians must then be persuaded to join with the Ethiopians, Muscovites, and Polonians, as hath been said before. And I do believe also, that the Great Turk's Bassas, and other of his Subjects would quickly be got to fall off from him, if so be they could but be once fully persuaded & assured, that they should each of them really be made the absolute Lords of what they now possessed. All which things ought to have their Accomplishment in the death of this Mahomet III. now Reigning, seeing that That Number is Fatal. The Great Turks Younger Sons also are to be seized upon, and conveyed away, lest the Eldest Brother should Murder them according to their usual Custom: and this the Venetians may do conveniently enough by their Merchants; or else the same may be committed to the Christian Slaves that are there, to be done by them.  
After that this Empire shall be thus weakened, and divided, it would be convenient then to send thither some Preachers, who should endeavour to convince the Natives of their Error. There should care also be taken by means for the bringing of Printing into Turkey; by means whereof that People may be taken off from the exercise of Arms, and may apply themselves to Books; and by being taken up with Disputations concerning Points of Divinity, and Philosophy, both of the Peripatetics, Stoics, Platonists, and Telesians, they may be divided amongst themselves, and so be the more weakened. For, those that give themselves to the study of Books only, usually become a Prey to such as apply themselves to the exercise of Arms, and the study of the Arts too: as we see in the example of Athens, which became a Prey to the Lacedæmonians; both which Nations Philip, King of Macedon, by the force of his Arms afterwards subdued, being first instructed by Epaminondas by what means this was to be effectd. Cato was wont to say, that the Romans would lose their Empire, so soon as ever they should begin to apply themselves to the study of the Greek Tongue, and Sciences. This the Great Turk, who is wiser than We are, knew very well; and therefore preferred rather the exercise of Arms, and got him great Guns, and Slaves; I mean, those Jews, that were sent to him by Ferdinand, the last King of Arragon: for he knew very well, what, and how great Advantage might be made by Slaves; and that the Children that they should beget, were to be brought up in the exercise of Arms, and the knowledge of Military Affairs.  
But then, on the contrary, He would not receive, nor accept of those Printing-Presses, and Letter, ●or the Printing of the Arabic Tongue, that were sent Him by the great Duke of Tuscany; because he would not have his Dominions filled with Books, because that would much take off the Military Valour of his Subjects; and besides, because that Mahumetanisme, by frequent Disputations about it, might easily in a short time have been overthrown.  
It hath also been very prejudicial unto Us, that we have had no Law made for the Enjoining of Silence; whereby we should have been commanded to conceal some things from others: which Law certainly would have been of very good use. But now adays in Germany all things are made Public, and laid open to the whole World: and hence it is, that we see every one there publisheth in Print a New Bible; and that the Empire goes to ruin, and that all places are overwhelmed with Luxury, and Riot. And, had not the fear of the King of Spain's Armies kept the Netherlanders in Awe, they also would by this time have been at Effeminate, and Luxurious as the Germans are. And the like would have befallen to the English also. So that we might have hopes, that unless there were a War maintained amongst them, to keep them in exercise, they would all quickly come to utter ruin; after that they should but once come to be Effeminate, Heartless, and at discord one with another; as we have said formerly: and that so much the rather, because that the Heresy they profess, seeing it denies the Freedom of the Will, is repugnant to all Principles of Policy. Now all Heresies, when they are once gone so far as to Atheism, are reduced again into the way of Truth by some Wise Prophet or other; such as were in Italy, Thomas Aquinas, Dominicus, Scotus, and others. For, Heresies also have their Periods, as well as States; which fall first, from being governed by good Kings, into the hands of Tyrants; from their Tyranny, into an Aristocracy, from thence into an Oligarchy, and so at length to a Democracy; and in the end they shift about again, and in a Circle, as it were, return again to their first form, either of a Kingdom, or a Tyranny.   

CHAP. XXXI. Of the Other Hemisphere, and of the New World.  
THe Admirable Discovery of the New World (which was foreseen by St. Brigitt, and expressly foretold by Seneca, in his Medea, and there lively set forth in its proper Colours and Names, according as he had received the same from one of the Sibylls,) hath been the cause that this Hemisphere of Ours hath been thereby rapt into the greatest Admiration that can be. For, some of the Ancientest among the Philosophers, of which number was Xenophanes, were of Opinion, that That Other Hemisphere lay all covered over with Water; some others, as Lactantius, and St. Augustine, thought that the Earth was not a Perfect Globe, about which the Sun was carried in his Diurnal Motion. And some others believed, (among whom was Dante,) that those Countries were Inhabited, and were a certain kind of Earthly Paradise. Some there were that doubted hereof; amongst whom was Aristotle: and again some others of them confidently affirmed, that the Earth was an Absolute and Perfect Orb, or Globe: and of this number were Plato● and Origen. And therefore it is but for just cause, that all the World admires the Spanish Monarchy, as both very Daring, and very Powerful; seeing that It hath measured, and overcome so many Seas, and in a short space of time hath put a girdle about the vast Globe of the Whole Earth: which neither Carthage, nor Tire were ever heretofore able to do; nor yet the wisest of All Men, King Solomon: whose Fleet, making its Voyage as far as Goa only, and Taprobane, spent always three whole years in the same; which yet Our Seamen now adays perform in three Month's time. So that, although the Vast distance of place, that there is betwixt the several parts of the Spanish Monarchy, seems to render It Weak; yet doth their Admirable Skill in Navigation, for the shortening of those Distances, together with those other Means of Uniting these Parts, which the Spaniards daily do make use of, or, may make use of, when they please, make the same most Illustrious, and more Admirable, than some perhaps do imagine. However, to the end that the King of Spain may not only keep what He hath already gotten, but may also enlarge his Empire; I shall here give in a Catalogue of such Errors as have been heretofore committed, in reference to the managing of his Affairs in the New World; and shall show, that they ought with all speed to be corrected, and taken out of the way; laying down withal those ways and Means, by which the King's Power in those Parts may yet be enlarged.  
When that the Spaniards, directing their Course through the Western Ocean, were now first arrived in the New World; the Natives beheld them with Astonishment, and Wonder; and, having never dreamt of any other World but their Own, believed verily Those Men to have dropped down from Heaven; and conceived them to be the Sons of the Clouds, by reason of the Thundering Noise they made with their Guns: And then again they heard, with Trembling, and fear, Speaking Papers, and Writings: all which things likewise even Ourselves at first wondered at, as well as they. For, neither had We All these things upon ● sudden, all together, and in one and the same instant of time presented to Us, as they were then to Them: and besides, Assuefaction makes all the most Unusual things at length Familiar to Men. In a word, They could not choose but have all yielded themselves up freely, and of their own accord, to the Spaniards, who, as they were really persuaded, were all Gods; had not They themselves, by their own Dissolute and Corrupt Life, removed all such Opinion of Divinity far from them, by their Cruelty, and Covetousness in hunting after the Indians Gold, which they themselves regarded not: insomuch that the Natives were fain to betake themselves to the Mountains, and to defend themselves against them as well as they could. And this is the reason, that the Spaniards could never make themselves Masters of the whole Country of Peruana, (which is half as big again as all Africa) but were fain to keep about the Sea Coasts, and those Plain and Open Countries that border upon the same; nor could ever get any farther Northward than Florida, New Spain, and New France, Baccalaos, and the Country about Mexico, but were always repulsed by the Natives. Whence it plainly appears, that the Spaniards ought at the first to have cherished that good Opinion which the Indians had all generally conceived of them, by their Innocent, and Virtuous Life: for, by this means, they must needs have become Masters of the whole Country. And besides, they should have openly professed, and made it known to all, that They were really the Sons of God, and not of the Clouds; and were sprung from a much Nobler Seed, and were endowed with an Immortal Soul: and that it was God, that had created both the Heavens and the Earth, and that disposeth of, and governeth all things according to his own will and pleasure: and that by how much the more Noble any Creature is, (such as are Men, who are His Sons, being created after His Image,) so much the Greater, and more Vigilant Care hath He over Them, then over the rest. So likewise they should have informed them further, how that All Men sinned in their disobedient First Parent, Adam, whom they have ever since imitated in that which is Evil, rather than that which is Good: Yet notwithstanding, that God, who is the Father of All, loved them so dearly, that He found out a Means of calling them back again to His Worship, and of translating them at length even into Heaven itself, sending amongst them Abel, Enoch, and others to instruct them. But, that They, growing continually Worse and Worse, provoked God, their Father, to wrath; who therefore suddenly swept them all away, except One only Family, by an Universal Deluge. And, that it is the Same God, that by putting a vast Sea betwixt them, had divided Their World from Ours, which very thing was asserted heretofore by Plato, where he speaks of the Atlantic Ocean. And, that Noah sent over Colonies into their Countries, and peopled that whole Tract of Land, from Peru, as far as Baccaleos with Inhabitants. And that afterwards the whole Progeny of Noah, within the compass of which the Indians themselves are comprehended, sinned also; except some few of them only: and that God sent afterward among them also Other Instructers; as Moses, and others: whom, when the World believed not, that then God himself took Humane Flesh upon Him, and out of the Infinite Love that he bore us, put on Our Nature; that so, making use thereof, as of an Instrumental Means, He might the more Effectually teach us, what way we must take, for to go to Heaven; and how that Truth is to be observed in all things: (And all these things should have been instilled into them by friendly Persuasions, and fair Means; and not by force of Arms:) And last, that God himself in his own person, and by his own Example confirmed all things that He ever taught; and laid down a Pattern before Us, according to which We ought to walk in this life.  
And that, after He had taught us, that we ought not to be terrified, or affrighted from the Worship of our God, even by threats and Death; Himself first underwent Death, suffering it by the hands of Cruel Tyrants, to the end that we might be encouraged to follow his steps: and that, Rising again the third day from the Dead, He ascended up into Heaven, leaving behind Him his Vicar upon Earth, who is called by the name of The Pope; who sits in His Tribunal, being endowed with Celestial Wisdom; being assisted also by many most Valiant Princes, who all mantain the Divine Truth; among whom the King of Spain is the Chief. And, that now God, being moved with compassion towards Them, who were all Idolaters, and Violators of the Law of Nature, had sent their Brethren the Spa●iards, to convert them, and to bring them back again into the way of Truth, and by means of the Pope, and of the King of Spain (from which Country Their World was divided at first by the Flood) to bring them home to Him: Adding further, (and sayings) that, God hath given us skill to build Ships, and to tame Horses, and command the Sea; and hath showed us how to make Vocal, Speaking Papers; that so, the Indians seeing all these things, might the more readily believe us. And that we are able, besides these things, to do any other such Miracles as He himself did, when He was upon Earth; as namely, Healing the sick, Raising the Dead to life, if so be that we be but Obedient to his commands, and be Baptised with water, in the Name of the Only One God, and be cleansed from Our Sins by His Invisible Grace. And that He hath given us these Arms, to punish all those, that should endeavour to hinder the Propagation of the Truth.  
Some such Prologue as this should have been used, to win upon them at first: and they should also have made choice among the Indians of some such, as by their looks they should have guessed to have been the fittest to be instructed in this Doctrine, and should have instilled the same into them: and should afterwards have sent them, like the woman of Samaria in the Gospel, to call their Countrymen, and fellow Citizens, and should have used them with all gentleness, and courtesy, and without either Cruelty, or Covetousness. And they should besides have persuaded them, that They regarded Gold as little as the Indians themselves did; and that they made use of It only by way of Exchange for other things; and desired to have it, without any Covetous mind at all; letting the Indians see withal, that they brought them Iron for their Gold; which is a much more useful Metal, both for the Manuring of the Earth, and also for the defence of Man's Life itself.  
And then, after all things had been thus carried, they should have presently clapped abroad their ships as many of the Natives as they could, under pretence of some such Command, given from Heaven, to the Pope and the King of Spain; into whose Dominions they should have carried them, and have disposed of them in Colonies dispersed up and down through afric; from whence they should afterwards have been conveyed over into Spain, to be made to labour there, and to till the ground, and to be instructed in Mechanic Arts; mean while that the Spaniards themselves should follow their exercise of Arms, and so by degrees shall subdue their whole Country.  
But now, the Spaniards that first landed in those parts, were mere Rude, Boisterous Soldiers; and such as knew not of how great force the Opinion of Divinity, once raised in the minds of men, is, towards the subduing of them. But they, as if they had been come into an Enemy's Country, fell immediately to hunt after their Gold, and to pillage them of what they could; making it plainly appear, that they took little care of the saving of the poor Indians Souls; and yet though they never had prepared them at all by preaching Christ to them before hand, yet how ever they would needs by threats fright them into Christianity, and force them to be Baptised, and to believe that Christ was Crucified for them. Which things certainly at the first sight, could not choose but seem to them to be most Absurd; as Namely, that Water was able to bring any one to Heaven; or, that God could die: and so by this means They at the very first became a Stumbling Block unto All of them, as the Apostle Paul speaks, by not observing that Apostolical Rule; Praedicate hominibus, Preach to All men.  
By this means therefore the Spania●ds coming to be repulsed by the Natives, they Presently fell to killing of them: so that the Natives betaking themselves to the Mountains, the Spaniards than fell to hunt after Men, no otherwise then they used to hunt after Wild Beasts; and returning home at night, they made their brags how many Indians each of them had killed that day: and so by this means, they in a short time laid that Country, for the space of three Thousand Leagues together, utterly Waste, and void of Inhabitants; never considering at all, that by the common Tie of Humanity the● were their Brethren whom they had so Barbarously destroyed; and that we are All of us descended from Noah; and therefore that all that are not Baptised, are not presently to be accounted no better than Beasts.  
But by this means it came to pass, that the miserable Wretches, seeing that Gold was so highly esteemed by the Spaniards, & indeed was more accounted of then the Men themselves; they grew to be very much offended at them, and said, that The Spaniards desired to bring them under their subjection, only by the Sprinkling of a little Water upon them, (meaning that of Baptism) but that their Dominion over them, would be the very same with that of the Wolf over the sheep, only to worry them, and tear them in pieces.  
They retired themselves therefore to the Mountains; and from thence afterwards issuing out, they have sometimes got the better of the Spaniards; in so much that to this very day, having now pretty well learned how to deal with them, they have the courage to come out against them with their● Arms; no longer reverencing them as Gods, but driving them away, and chase them as so many Ravenous Wolves.  
And from hence sprung up another Mischief also● which is, that Spain, which itself was very bare of Men, was notwithstanding forced to send over Colonies into those Parts: and yet for all this, the plain truth of the business is, that the Soldiers that were there, were so inconsiderable for their Number, in respect of that Vast Tract of ground, as that they were very hard put to it, to keep what they had got. For the taking off of which fear from themselves they fell to Slaughter, and to kill up the Natives out of the way: which is an argument of the greatest Ignorance, and Cruelty that can be.  
So that I am clearly of opinion, that the King of Spain should make it His business rather to people those parts, and to increase the number of the Inhabitants; then to enrich himself only with the Gold and Silver that is fetched away from thence; if so be He look after his Own greatest Advantage, and would continue Lord of that Country. And therefore I would have him in the first place to take order, that there be a Catechism made, and published in the Language of the Country; whereby the people there might be instructed, first of all, in the Principles of the Law of Nature, and of God's Providence.  
Then would I have a History to be compiled from the Creation of the World down to Christ, and so continued on to Our times; which should be written in a brief, Compendious Way; according to that short Form which I have laid down in few words, in my Preface to this Discourse; and after the example of the Fathers of the Church, who in converting the Heathens to the Christian Faith, made use of the like Compendious Method; as, for instance, Clemens, and Lactantius did: and not such Prolix, tedious Forms, as our Modern Writers use now a days.  
There should also be chosen, out of such of the Natives as are instructed in the Principles of the Christian Faith, some, who should take upon them the Office of Priests, and Preachers; and these should be sent abroad among the rest of their Countrymen, that keep about the Mountains, (to whom the Spanish Preachers cannot come) and should offer them their Brotherly Assistance; and should tell them what things the Pope, and the King of Spain, as in the Name of God, would have them informed of; and withal, how grievously, and severely God had punished our World, by Heresies, and Mahumetanism, only for the former Inhumanity, and Cruelty used by the Soldiers towards Them: And that now the King hath sent again to them the second time such Persons, as should with all mildness and gentleness invite them to receive the Christian Religion. And with these should be joined also some of Our Preachers; who, after that they had faithfully, and Effectually discharged their Office there, should then be preferred to be Bishops, or Abbats; that so, others, by their example, might be encouraged to do the like; and also that those People might know, and see, that great Honours are by us proposed to such men, as we send over to them, to teach and instruct them.  
And it seems also to be very Necessary to institute some certain Order of Preachers of the New World, to be expressly known by that name; seeing that the Business seems altogether to require it. And the King of Spain must also take care rather, how that Country may be made Populous, & full of Inhabitants, then how the Natives may be all rooted out. And such among them, as will not be converted to Christianity, He may make Slaves; after the examples of the Romans; and Lucullus, who alone had forty thousand Slaves of his own, by whose means he dug down nine Mountains, and laid them levelly with the plain ground; and these Slaves the King of Spain may put to row in his Galleys. But as for those that shall embrace the Christian Faith, they may be put to learn Mechanical Occupations, as Smiths, and Carpenters, and the like; that so the Spaniards themselves may not need to look after any thing else, but wholly to mind the exercising of themselves in Military Affairs; following herein the example of Croesus' King of Lydia, whose Custom it was, to put all such Prisoners as he had taken in War, to learn the trades of Carpenters, and Smiths; but to keep his own subjects close to their Arms only. I think it fit therefore, that a great number of those Indians should be transported over into Spain, and afric, and should be set to build great Cities all along upon the Coast of afric, and of Asia; the strong Holds, and Government of which Cities should be put into the hands of Spaniards only; but the tilling of the Ground● and the Mechanical Arts should be left to the Indians to follow, or to some other the like Slaves of the Spaniards, that should also be Christians. And when any of the Indian Kings should chance to be converted● and transported over into Spain, they should have Baronies conferred upon them there, that so the Spanish Empire might thereby be rendered the more Glorious; and that the Indians also might by this means be brought by degrees to love us, and our Countries.  
And if the King of Spain had but observed all these Rule●, He might at this day have been possessed of larger Territories, both in afric, and Asia; and Spain also would have been more Populous, and strong, and the New World much Richer than it is. And therefore in my Opinion, it is the most Absurd thing in the World, for the King to make those parts a Treasury to supply Him with Gold & Silver only, and not rather with Men; seeing that these later are, of the two of much the greater Value.  
Now of those Indians being brought up to Trades, and coming in progress of time to be sufficiently Hispaniolized, the King may make Soldiers also: as the Turk is used to do with such of our Children as he takes to bring up in his Turkish way of life. Then would I have in each several Province of the New World, an Austrian Seminary to be set up, for the training up of Young Soldiers; who should acknowledge no other Father, save the King only; and another Seminary for Women; of which we spoke formerly; and likewise another for Mariners; of which I shall speak more hereafter. And by this means it would so come to pass, that within less than Thirty years, the King would so abound with Faithful Domestic Servants of his own, that He would have no further need to make use either of Auxiliaries, or Mercenary Soldiers; and He would hereby also win the hearts of the Indians to him, when they shall see their Children to be brought up in so Liberal and Ingenuous a way of Education, and shall find them nothing so Rude, and Ill-behaved as they were before; and so they will the more readily yield to serve the Spaniard.  
Lastly, seeing that That part of the World is at so vast a distance from this of ours, it is necessary that these Parts should be united, and joined together as much as possibly can be, for as much as there is no Empire but is Lame, and Imperfect without this Union.  
The first sort of Union is, True Religion: and therefore there ought to be strong Castles, and Block-houses erected upon all Havens, and Mouths of Rivers; lest the English breaking into these Parts, should bring in Heresy: whereby the whole Design of the Spaniard would be utterly frustrated, and come to nothing. And besides, there should be nothing had in greater Reverence, where any of these People are in Presence, than the very name of the Pope; that so they may be kept the faster to our Religion. And they should be brought also to sue to us, and to desire us to prescribe them some Rule of Living here, and also the Means of attaining to Eternal Life hereafter.  
In the Second Place, the King of Spain must make himself Absolute Lord of those Countries; for if there should but any other Christian be chosen King in that Part of the World; Our King were then quite lost. Now there is none that He need to fear in that point, unless it be some Principal Noble Man; especially, if it should chance to be such a one, as is descended lineally from some of those Worthies, that were the First Discoverers of this New World; as, namely, if he should be descended from Columbus, who first of all discovered these Parts; or else from Cortesius. So that it seems to be necessary, that such as have performed such gallant pieces of Service, should be rewarded indeed with very great Honours; and Preferments: but than it should not be in those Countries, that they themselves had subdued. For we know that marquis Vaglio, who was Nephew to Columbus, was once very near being chosen King; And even the Vice-Roys themselves, (as they call them) might easily make themselves Kings, if they pleased. And therefore none but some Principal Nobleman, that hath great Revenues of his own either in Spain, or Italy, is to be placed as Ruler of the New World; or at the least, some Cardinal, or Bishop, that hath many kindred here with us. The keeping of all strong Holds also, and Castles, is to be committed to some Garrison Captains, who are to expect their reward from the King; and the Vice-roys are to live, not in any of the strong Holds, but in Cities: and it must be so ordered, that those that are the Commanders of the strong Holds and Castles, and the Vice-Roys, may be as much at variance and discord, as possibly may be. Over such Countries as have been conquered by Portugals, there should be placed Spanish Governors; and so on the Contrary; thus uniting the two Kingdoms the more; and by this means the Kingdom will be the more happily, and the more safely admininistred. Clergy men should also be frequently sent to these strong Holds and Castles, to take a view of them; and especially the Capuchins. The Authority also● of Particular men is to be restrained; neither ought too great a Power to be granted to any One man, in any matters that are of very great Moment and consequence; but these should be transacted by the Personal, joint consent of all, or at least by signifying the same by their Letters, In like manner as all things that concern the King's Interest in Italy, are by a very wise course therein taken, appointed to be considered of by the King's Ambassador, lying Lieger at Rome, the Viceroy of Naples, and the Governor of Milan.  
The Third sort of Union is of Goods: and therefore my Opinion is, that the King should do well to divide every New discovered Country among the common People, and Maimed Spaniards, according to the Ancient Roman Law, called Lex Agraria; joining with them also such Africans, and Indians, as he had, not long before, transported into afric; but still under this Condition, namely that None of them all shall account what he possesses to be his own proper Goods; but must reckon upon all to be the Kings; save only what belongs to the Clergy. And Fields, Castles, and Offices are to be frequently taken from those that hold them, and to be disposed of to others; that so the Eyes of all may be upon the King only, in whose gift, and at whose disposal all these things are: yet the fruits of the Earth of every man's Land they may gather and enjoy as their own.  
There should also Judges be appointed out of the Clergy, who should assign every man what is his Due; and should allot so much for the Maintenance of the Clergy, so much for to pay Soldiers, and so much to be paid to the King for a Tribute. And these Judges should take care to see, that no Spanish Soldier shall possess any thing as his own, save only his Arms; unless it be by chance some small Orchard, or Garden, for to recreate himself in: but they shall all be maintained at the Public Charge. And as for such sons of Soldiers, as shall not be fit to serve in the Wars, they may be put to the Plough; and in their places, to the end that the whole Power may still be solely the Kings, there may be some such chosen out among the Husbandmen, as shall be thought most fit for that purpose, and may be trained up to the use of Arms. And thus shall all things be ordered according to the Kings own wish, and desire; and the King himself also shall be beloved above all things; neither will his Subjects desire to have any ample Possessions, seeing they all depend upon Military service only, by means whereof they are daily enlarged. And when it shall be thought convenient so to do, there may be Vines, and the Seeds of other things sent over to them; that so they may have wherewithal to delight themselves: but yet, let them be so sparingly furnished with these things, as that they may always stand in need of us for their support. For, if that the use of Vines, the liberty to till the ground, and the exercise of Arms, together with the use of Printing, and the Building of Ships should be denied them; the King might thereby easily incur the Suspicion of Tyranny.  
In the most convenient places of that Hemisphere there should be erected Schools for the study of Astronomy, the Mathematics, the Mechanical, and other Arts and Sciences; as hath been formerly showed: that so the Constellations of the Heavens, and the Seas, and Countries of that Part of the World may be the more fully discovered, and made known.  
I would not have either the Kings, or lesser Princes of any of those Countries to be killed; but rather to be carried over into Spain: For, that will both add to the Majesty of the Spanish Empire; and will also very much win upon the Affections of the Indians.   

CHAP. XXXII. Of Navigation.  
BUt now, for the better preserving of this Dominion of the New World entire to himself, the King of Spain had need to build him a great number of Wooden Cities, and to put them out to Sea; which being laden with Commodities, may continually pass to and fro betwixt this and the West-Indies● and by being perpetually abroad, and so scouring those Seas, may hinder the English, and others● from making any Attempts that way. For the performing of which Design, the King of Spain will have need of very many Ships, which should also be very well Manned, with a sufficient number of Seamen; which should sail about to the New World, and round about afric, Asia, Calicut, China, japan, and the Islands adjacent; subduing all where ere they come.  
And all this might easily be effected, if that the King would but give his mind to gather Men together, rather than Money: seeing that it appears evidently enough, that in those Expeditions of his against England, the Netherlands, and France, He was utterly frustrate, and failed of his designs, merely through his trusting too much to his Money, and his want of Able Soldiers.  
First of all therefore in all the Islands of Sicily, Sardinia, the Canaries, those of the Achipelago, St. Lazaro, in Hispaniola likewise, and the Philippine Islands, I would have Seminaries to be erected for Mariners, and places appointed all along the Coast of Spain, where young youths ma● be taught to build Ships and Galleys, and may learn to know the Stars, and the use of the Mariner's Compass, and of the Sea Tables, and Charts: all these things I say, I would have beaten into the dullest heads. And then, whensoever He destroys any Country, He ought to have more regard to the Captives, then to the spoils of it: and so becoming wiser than formerly, He shall change away Gold and Silver for a better sort of Merchandise.  
Secondly, at what parts so ever His Navy shall arrive, He should make Havens, and erect such Work-houses; especially at the mouths of Rivers and Bays, He should cause Ships and Galleys to be built; in the manning of which He may make use of such Mariners as have been brought up in the foresaid Seminaries.  
Thirdly, when He hath thus gotten to be well stored with Men, He may then treat with the richer sort among the Portuguezes and the Genois, and let them know, that they shall have both of them free liberty to buil● themselves Ships and Galleys, and with the same to sail round about the New World, which is now almost wholly the King of Spain's, and to go into the Havens, and to fall upon Towns and Castles there, and to keep all the Booty they shall there find, to themselves; only the places themselves they shall deliver up to the King●, together with all the Elder Children of both sexes, for the supply of His Seminaries. And if they chance to take any whole large Country, they may have whole Baronies bestowed upon them for their Reward. And by this means both the King will be enriched, and the Genois will become the Instruments both of confirming and enlarging the King's Empire: who yet are themselves so rich, as that they are able either of them to set forth whole Fleets of Ships against the Great Turk● and to take in very many Countries for themselves, if they pleased: and therefore the King's Navies ought always to be so much the greater, and the better provided.  
Fourthly, the Hollanders also, Dantzickers, and the Gutlanders are in a friendly manner to be dealt withal, and persuaded to do the same, as is said before; only upon this condition, that ●hey shall deliver in their Sons as Pledges, that what places soever they shall take in, they shall not reckon upon them, as gotten to themselves; nor shall introduce Heresy into the same. And by this means they would be the easier brought in subjection to the King, even without making War upon them, in like manner as the Genueess are; and thus by degrees would the whole World be brought over to comply with the Spaniards Customs, and Manners.  
Fifthly, every seventh year such persons, as are condemned to death, are to be called forth; and, under the show of a gentler punishment, are to be sent away into the West Indies: and so likewise the Children of Heretics, and of such others as shall be conquered by Him, either in the Low-Countries, or afric, should be sent into the Seminaries: that afterwards they may be serviceable to the King, both at home and abroad, both in Nautical Affairs, and in the Tilling of the Ground.  
And, I would have the King to be well assured, that He hath not more need of any thing, then of Men; and especially, of some most Experienced, and Able Person, for the managing of His Affairs; such as were Lycurgus, and Solon; of which sort of Men there are many more to be found now adays, then there were then; only, by reason that they are Obnoxious to other men's envy, they are not so much taken notice of as they ought to be. There should also be Mathematicians sent out of the Low-Countries, and out of Germany, into all parts of the World, for the observing of the Motions of the Stars, and what New Constellations there are; as also to observe the Situations of Countries, the depths of the Seas, what Motion they have from the East toward the West, together with their Ebb and Flow, and which of them increase when the Moon is twenty five days old, and again decrease when she is twenty six; and which are fitter for the Summer Voyages, and which for Winter, and under what Star reigning; so likewise in what parts their waters are thick, and heavy, and in which they are thin & light; and again, which of them are wont to be frozen, and which not: together with all their Rocks, Islands, and Shelves: for, the knowledge of these things will tend to the advancement of the Spanish Monarchy, more than any thing else whatsoever. For, God himself desires, that these works of His should be known; and He also reveals them to all such, as desire earnestly after the knowledge of the same.  
There ought also diligent notice to be taken of all Habitable Places, and Temperate Climes; and in what parts of the World there are Pigmies found, and where G●ants; where the Inhabitants are Black, and where Red; where White, and where Green; passing along thus in order from one Climate to another. For the perfect knowledge of the World, is as good as the Gaining of That half of It. And God himself hath given the World into the Possession of the Spaniards, because that They, above all others, have the most earnestly thirsted after the knowledge of the same; and because they also graced Columbus with Honours, and dignities, for that he desired to inform himself in the knowledge of World, as being the Handiwork of God himself.  
Besides, this course would be also of very good use, for the bringing under (through their Admiration of the Spaniards,) and also the weakening of the Northern People.  
Now, that there may be continually safe Passage for the King's Navies to and fro, He ought to set up two Orders of Maritime Knights, after the example of those of Malta: the Masters of which Orders should have their Residence in Spain, and they should be divided into Two Colledges● one of which should be called The Eastern, and the other, The Western: in which these Knights should be brought up from their Youth in the study of Nautical Affairs, and the Exercise of what ever concerns Navigation; where also they should take an Oath, that they will employ themselves continually in the scouring of the Seas, and use their utmost endeavours, both for the Protecting, and also the Enlarging of the Spanish Monarchy; for which purpose also the Younger Sons of the Barons should be made use of especially, and be employed in these Sea-Services, some as Commanders, and some as common Soldiers only. And if the King would but once resolve to put all these things into practice, He would quickly render Himself Formidable to the whole World; much more therefore to England, which yet He now stands in fear of: and besides, all hopes of being able to put forth any Fleets to Sea, would be quite cut off, both from the Turks, Persians, and all others whatsoever: and withal, those Salaries which are now swallowed up by Idle, useless Persons, would be more profitably bestowed upon such Worthy, Heroic spirits as we here speak of.  
There should also be proposed, for the greater Encouragement of all such stout propagators of their Country as Cortesius was, some Proportionable Rewards; not so much of Money, or Possessions of Lands; (for these savour too much of Covetousness; and may possibly by corruption be purchased for money;) but rather of Honours: namely, that they should be allowed to have their Triumphs, after the example of the Ancient Romans; and should enter into Spain under their Triumphal Arches, wherein should be described such Places as they had taken, together with the manner how those Places were taken by them. They should also have their Statues Erected, for their greater Honour; and underneath the same there should be such New Stars as are found to appear in the New World set up, wrought in Metal. Neither can it be imagined, how much good this course would do for the preservation of Military Discipline, and also for the exciting, and stirring up of all men's minds towards the attempting of noble, and high things.  
It would also make very much to the business in hand, in case that the King would but command, that all the famous Acts of what persons soever, whether Commanders, or Common Soldiers, should be Publicly recorded, with the Names of the Authors of the same set down ●o them: for, this would serve as a Spur to stir up others to the like Attempts. For seeing that those Monuments and short Inscripti●ns that we see in small Chapels, do inflame those that are living, through the Desire of Fame, and excite them to the study of Virtue; what ought we to think it will do, when Men shall see that their Names shall be recorded in Annals and Histories, and shall be carried throughout the whole World, and celebrated to all Eternity? In which Particular certainly our Castilians were very much overseen; who, notwithstanding that they performed things most worthy to be committed to everlasting Memory, namely their so frequent Compassing the Earth about, their finding out of so many Islands and Continents, and, which is the most eminent piece of service of all the rest, the Discovery of the New World; yet did they never all this while take care to employ any Able person, in the committing of these famous Acts of theirs to Memory, and, after the example of the Greeks and Romans, to record them in Writing, and transmit them over to the Perpetual Memory of Posterity: Although that the Portugals have herein gone far beyond the Castilians; for they have found out such able persons, as have published abroad to the world their gallant Acts, both in Latin, and in their own Native Language.  
The Second sort of Rewards should respect Profit; and this I would have to be the Chiefest Dignity, or place of Honour in the Kingdom that should be taken in: the King whereof should be carried over into Spain, and should there be instructed in the Catholic Religion; and there should also be conferred upon him some Barony in Spain; to the end that It might so be rendered the more Illustrious; and also that the rest of the Indian Princes might be given to understand, that we put not to death any of the Kings of such Countries as we subdue, if that they will but embrace Our Religion; (as, for instance, Motecuma, Atabalipa, and some other petty Kings that we could name:) but rather use them with all courtesy, and civility that may be. For, it is Fear of being put to death only, that forces those Princes to take up Arms against the Spaniard.  
Businesses of State do all contain in them some Certain thing; the not knowing of which, makes all other things both Difficult, and also Vain, and to no purpose: as in sailing, there are some that spread the sails, and others that ply their Oars, and some again are employed either in casting forth, or taking in of Ballast; yet are all these things to no purpose, unless there be joined with these an able Pilot, who by his skilful steerage of the Vessel, shall make good, and set forward the Labours of all the rest. And therefore Spain especially hath very great need of some Wise Person, that should know in what thing chiefly consists the Stern (as we may call it) of the Kingdom; without the knowledge whereof, all Conceits, Contrivances, Labours, Charges, and Consultations whatsoever will come to nothing. After that Pope Clement the VIII began to think of making a Reformation among the Clergy, all men were ready to put to their helping hand, and assist in the framing of New Laws, Orders, and Ceremonies, together with appointing of Fasting days, and such Habits as every one should wear. But I, living at that time at St. Sabines, told them plainly, that all the endeavours of the Commissaries were vain; seeing that the Rule itself was sufficient for the bringing about of all those things; neither indeed did they know, wherein the main point of the business lay. I added moreover, that the whole business of the Reformation consisted in this, that no one particular person of the whole company in Monasteries, or the like Religious Houses, should have a Key or Lock to himself of his Cell, but that there should be only One Common Key, that should serve both for the Dormitory and also for every man's particular lodging. For this would have been a means at once to have put an end to all Proprieties; and to have kept out all Wanton Books, Gifts, and Obscene Poetry. But when that the Chief and Principal Governors of this Ship once perceived, that all this would redound to Their Loss, there was none of Them then that would set his hand to the Stern, nor come to the head of the matter: but they would only have some Laws to be made, concerning Novices only, and such as were newly entered in Religion: but would not hear of any thing at all that touched their own interest. And so by this means the good Intention of the Pope was utterly frustrated, and came to nothing.  
The Kingdom of Spain therefore hath need of some Wise Palinurus, by whose Conduct all things may be rightly managed according to the Rules before laid down. Which certainly would much more tend to the advancement of the Majesty of its Empire, than any Macchiavilian Suggestions, and Cunning Devises whatsoever, which have nothing of a Good Conscience in them at all; and which besides serve as a Cloak only, to disguise the Tyranny, and Cruelty of Princes, by arming them with the Law of Majesty; and which countenance such Abuses, as even not silly Women, much less People that have been accustomed to Liberty, can endure. And therefore I cannot sufficiently wonder, that there should be any that should so extol this Impious Politician to the heavens, as they do; as if His Writings were a Certain Rule, and Idea of a Good, and Happy Government. And yet this I do not so much wonder, as I am angry at, when I see that most Vile Maxim in Politics to be admitted in the Administration of State Affairs; namely, That some things are Lawful in respect of the State, and others in respect of Conscience: Then which Opinion there cannot certainly be imagined any thing to be either more Absurd, or more Wicked. For, he that shall take away, or restrain that Universal Jurisdiction, that Conscience ought to have over All Things, as well Public, as Private, shows thereby, that he hath Neither any Conscience, nor any God. The very Beasts themselves are lead by a Natural Instinct to such things as are good for them, and refuse whatsoever would be hurtful to them; and should the Light of reason, and the Dictate of Conscience, which were given unto Man that He might know how to distinguish betwixt Good and Evil, be utterly Blind in Public Things, and fail in businesses that are of the Greatest Moment? I have had, I confess, I know not what Itch upon me, to give an account in writing of such Points, as that Author ought to be chastised for with the Rod of Censure; and not only he himself, but all his Disciples, I mean, the Counselors of Princes, and their nearest Favourites; for certainly both all the Scandals of the Church of God, and all the Perturbations and hurly burlies that have happened in the whole World have had their rise from hence. But yet I have thought fit to hold my hand till some other time, seeing that some others have written of the same Subject already very copiously, and also because that the thing is of itself clear enough. And therefore I fell upon another Design, whereby I might Illustrate the Majesty of the Spanish Empire; the conservation whereof is a business of much greater difficulty, than the Acquisition. For, Humane Things do, as it were, Naturally increase sometimes, and sometimes again decrease; after the example of the Moon, to which they are all subject. And therefore it is a most High, and weighty undertaking if not such a one as is above the Power of Man, to endeavour to Fix them, & keep them in one Certain, standing Condition; that so they fall not from the pitch they had arrived at, nor grow worse, and fall to decay. For, in the Acquisition of any thing, both Occasion, Fortune, and also the Enemy's Errors, and other the like Accidental things do very m●ch assist; which are yet all of them placed without a Man: But to keep what is got, requires both an Excellent Wit, and singular Wisdom. Valour is of use for the getting; but Prudence, and that not Ordinary neither, for the Keeping what is Gotten. For the raising of Tumults, and Sedition, the Vilest Persons have power enough: but Peace, and Quietness have need of Art and skill to maintain them. The Lacedæmonians, that they might show, that it was a business of greater moment to keep what was Ones Own, then to possess himself of what was another man's, appointed punishments for those only that had lost their shield in fight; but not those that had lost their Sword: and among the Germans, of old, it was reputed a most Heinous crime for a man to have left his shield behind him; neither was it Lawful for any man in that Scandalous manner, to be either present at their Sacrifices, or to join with them in any of their Meetings. The Romans also were wont to call Fabius Maximus, the Shield of their Commonwealth; but● Marcus Marcellus, The Sword: And it is certain enough, that they made much more account of Fabius, than they did of Marcellus. Of this Opinion also was Aristotle, who affirms in his Politick●, that the Office, and Duty of a Lawgiver doth not so much consist in the constituting, and Forming of Cities, as in the endeavouring to preserve them when they are form, and to make them stand firm as long as possibly may be.  
Neither need that to trouble us at all, that the Propagators of Kingdoms have always been more highly esteemed then the Conservators of the same; for the reason of this is, because that their Present Acts do more affect, and take up the Eyes of men, and do make a greater Noise, and show, and are fuller of Ostentation, and Novelty, which all People so dearly love. And this is the reason, why most people do more applaud, and are delighted to hear of Expeditions, and Conquests; then they are taken with those other more Peaceful Arts of Preserving what Men had before gotten: which Arts notwithstanding, by how much the more Tranquillity, and Quiet they work withal, so much the greater both Judgement, and Wit, do they argue to be in him whosoever he be, that knows how to make use of them. And as Constant Rivers are much more Noble than sudden Torrents, that are caused only by the Accidental falling of some Violent Showers of Rain; which yet are with more Admiration gazed upon, than those more quietly-flowing Rivers; Just so is it with the Common People, that always have him in greater Admiration and Account that Wins Countries, then that preserves them when they are gotten. And yet the truth is, that it is a much harder Task, (as Florus hath also observed) to preserve and make good a Province, then to make one. These things are indeed gotten by strength; but they are kept by Good Laws. And therefore I shall conclude with that of the Poet: 
Non minor est virtus, quam quaerere● parta tueri.  
It shows as great a Skills  
To keep, as Conquer still.   
And now I conceive I have treated Copiously enough, touching the Prudence, and Occasion that the King of Spain ought to make use of, both in General, and Particular: notwithstanding that having been detained ten years in misery, and being also sick, I could not have the opportunity of furnishing myself with such things as this business required, nor could have the help of any Books; for indeed I had not so much as a Bible by me when I wrote this Discourse: so that I shall the more easily deserve the Readers Pardon, in case that I shall have any where dotingly failed, either by setting down some things in such places as were not proper for them; or else by writing some things twice. I have done what I was able to do; though I could not do what I would willingly have done: the fuller handling of all which things notwithstanding I shall reserve for some fitter Opportunity.  
In the mean time I desire, that Your Lordship would take the pains to peruse this Tumultuary, sudden Piece; which yet I hope I shall revise again, against the next Easter: and therein I shall take the more pains and care, and shall take away, and add, where I shall see cause. This Age of ours hath also Its Solon's Lycurgusses, and Joseph's, which are sent by God himself: but they are kept under, and are not admitted to the Presence of Princes: And that Common Saying, namely, that there are no Solons, or Aristotle's born now adays, is most false. For indeed there are such born even in these our days; and such as are better than they too: but they lie hid, and concealed; whiles that Gentiles are had in admiration; but Christians are envied.  
But I would have these things committed to Secret Ears: for hereafter, when they shall have been viewed over again, and corrected, they will be more esteemed of, than the Sibylls Books were by the Roman King. It is not in the power of Envy to hinder me from speaking thus much: for, when those things which I have here delivered shall but come to be examined, and made trial of, Spain shall know what It hath to do, and shall perceive how great my desire is to assist it in what I may. 
Pro captu Lectoris habent sua fata Libelli.  
Books either fail, or hit,  
By th' Scale o'th' Readers Wit.  And thus I shall now take leave of Your Lordship; whose Honours, and Deserts I desire, and earnestly pray, that Almighty God would crown with a happy length of years, and a full increase.  
FINIS.