OF GOVERNMENT AND OBEDIENCE, As they stand Directed and Determined BY SCRIPTURE AND REASON. Four Books. BY JOHN HALL. Of RICHMOND.  
LONDON, Printed By T. Newcomb, for J. Kirton, A. Roper, G. Bedell, and G. Sawbridge, and are to be sold at their Shops in St. Paul's Churchyard, Ludgate-hil, and Fleetstreet, 1654.   

The Preface.  
TO have undertaken a work of this nature, was once as little in my thoughts as (the occasion of it), the sad distraction of my Nation. But as they say of him that was born dumb, that he burst into speech against those he saw ready to murder his Father; even so, the past and feared desolations of my native Country, come with such pressing horror upon my soul, that neither my general dumbness and insufficiency in all things else, nor the particular difficulty of this, can keep my natural affection in longer silence: that is, from endeavouring to warn posterity to avoid the like inconvenience for the future; by discovery of both rise and cure of that which is introductive thereof; namely, disrespect and contempt of the present Sovereign power.  
For they shall find it plain, that from the time that Subjects shall be taught and permitted rudely to press within those secret vails of Authority, which their wiser Progenitors had set up for its support and defence, that, their ignorance not letting them see throughly the cause of these different respects given to Superiors more than others, they shall (like Cham) no sooner see, then despise their father's nakedness.  
And as with them it fareth, that, through remoteness and want of reading, know of their King no otherwise then by report, (as of something of Power, Riches, etc. above that which is incident to ordinary men) to apprehend him to be some other thing than man also, even so, when ambitious men, finding Authority oppose them, have for the people's engagement, laid open to public view, That he is but as other men are, and it may be worse too, that this power and greatness he hath above the people, he had it but from them and for them; They then begin to be so much ashamed of their old ignorance, and so much taken with this new insinuating lesson, that their industry and practise thereupon is not to be wondered at.  
And as themselves are now pleased with these Schollies, as matters of high discovery, so each one is ready to stretch his fancy therein, and in a kind of pride we all take to seem more wise than ordinary, these discourses are told and enlarged to his yet loyal neighbour, with no little glory of his new illumination. He looks on himself in his past ignorance, and on others not yet apprehensive of so much light, but as little Children, admiring those Babies which themselves had dressed up. For he comes now to think all those Prerogatives, ornaments, and Ceremonies given to Majesty, nay Majesty itself, to be but a sort of Pageantry and show to please the ignorant sort with. And as Bell and the Dragon were sometimes made terrible, that, as in their names and right, others might be the more superstitiously cozened by those that attended them, so to no other end, (as they suppose) was all this obedience and expense by some Politicians and Courtiers called for, as of duty to this one, but that themselves, under colour of his name and Authority, might make their private uses thereof.  
Whenas, by these and the like practices, the sinews and foundation of Government and Authority shall be let loose and dissolved: and men once precipitated in a course of stubbornness and insubjection, all those usual Arguments and Discourses made of that respect which is to Monarchy itself due, and how it was not an office and power of yesterday devising, but had the confirmation of Antiquity and Law, or the like, will all of them, prove ineffectual to give a stop to these proceedings. Even because most of the writers of this kind, to win readier belief, did still argue under the same supposition of derivation of power from the people, and so to Princes by Paction; by force whereof they thought they might defend him and his Authority, as in Justice, against any violent or injurious attempt: whence it proved, that want of building on the true and sure ground made their labour unsuccessful: and, instead of conviction, did (for the most part) but prompt with farther Arguments (upon the same foundation) to increase & perfect that structure they had already begun. And although they again did strengthen their Arguments from the particular Laws and usages of the kingdom itself, yet not diving deeper into the ground thereof, and showing that what is there done is but upon the general reason of Government and good of Obedience, common to it with all places else, the success was little.  
For the people being once confident, that power came all from them, it must be supposed by them entrusted for their good, and that when they saw it otherwise they might reassume it: for else, say they, it was a dry Right without a remedy. What if their Progenitors, for their folly or cowardice herein, had been punished with deserved slavery? they would make use of the blessed opportunity to recover their native freedom, with the same resolution & courage that others had oppressed it before. And as for Law, the interpretation thereof was not in the King, but them: as was the Legislative power also. That the sin of Rebellion was falsely imputed to them, they were the supreme power, and above Kings: the whole people cannot rebel against the Prince, more than the greater against the less.  
In this case, since Antiquity cannot be taken upon her bare word, but that the reason why it was so formerly done, must be also given unto men now, there is no remedy but to let them see how that which hath been herein formerly appointed, was for, and will prove (if observed) the only general good: by which means people seeing their obedience to be their benefit, as well as their duty, cannot I conceive but more readily follow it.  
So that now, being forced to dig even to the very root of Government, which could have no subsistence but by Religion, nor that again without a Deity; this drew us on, in the first place, to make some proof and discourse thereof: and of that work of Creation, to which Providence necessarily succeeding, as God's way of Government in all things besides, was needful in some things to be here also treated of: not only as having man himself so considerable a part of it, but as partly imitable in the Government of Kingdoms also. For as the Laws and Rules of Nature are but for the establishment and security of Creatures in general, so those for Peace and Unity in Kingdoms, are for men in particular; those are to make and keep all Creatures in their species serviceable one to another, these to do the like between man and man.  
Then being to consider men as linked in society, it was expedient I should first search out what man's natural end and aim apart was, before I discoursed of the other; These I have treated of under two sorts of Pleasure, one of Sense, in degree common to him with other sensitives, the other of Honour, his intellectual pleasure; and in a manner proper to him above them all. Then, although I concluded politic happiness or aim under two kinds, that of Peace, and that of Plenty; yet of the first of these, and how it may be best attained, my present undertaking is only intended. For as life exceeds, nay is (indeed) the subject of all other temporal enjoyments, so peace in holy Scripture is usually taken as inclusive of all other blessings. To this end, I first show how most of God's Precepts, and particularly those of the Decalogue, aim at Peace, by their express directions, and by strict and often Admonitions to obedience. Afterwards I show the politic way of effecting it; namely Unity, and by men's submitting their differing desires amongst themselves, unto the definitive sentence of one. This is first showed in the less Government of a Family to one Master, and next in a Kingdom to one Sovereign; all which are the Arguments of the first book.  
After these just forms of Government, I shall speak of its contrary, Anarchy, or breach of Unity; and that as well in its birth and struggling condition, called Faction and Rebellion, as in its settled condition (of counterfeit Unity) in Aristocraties and Democraties. And because encouragements to Sedition and Rebellion have been taken from the deceivable notions of Liberty, Tyranny, Slavery, Property, Law and Justice, Public good, Trust and Paction, Councillors and Magistrates, etc. my next attempt is to declare and examine them, and those Arguments drawn from them, according to their several Chapters and Titles; being not otherwise definitve, then to that purpose. Then I speak of the right of Dominion, as it stands founded on natural example and practice; to satisfy some scruples, and to prevent such objections as might 〈◊〉 arise thereabout: and these I make the subject of the second book.  
The third Book is wholly spent in stating the case of Government and Obedience according to Precepts and directions drawn from Religion. Under which Title, as I have endeavoured to make Obedience appear Duty by Conscience as well as Reason, so I would not have it expected I should undertake any methodical delivery of the body of Divinity, or make any farther in road thereinto, then what may serve to uphold & direct the building itself. Even to show how that which is originally, and was by God mostly intended and given as a tye to humane preservation and peace, through interest and ignorance, may be, and is, in these latter days, too often made destructive thereof; by such as, under one pretence or another, are despising of Dominion, and speaking evil of Dignity and Government, the most necessary means for procuring it: and are everywhere so ready to kill men, in a mistaken zeal of doing God good service.  
And although that Treatise be distinguished into Chapters, as intending to have had my Arguments and discourses (for the Readers and mine own better help and case) enclosed and directed by some method, yet being therein to make use of many Texts of Scripture which, besides the purpose they were exprsly brought in for, did contain also farther evidence in the proof of many assertions delivered in several discourses foregoing, It cannot therefore be expected that I should be always true and proper to those titles. Yet, if I shall be found in needless Tautologies and Repetitions, I shall acknowledge them to be things as probably to be expected from my weakness, as I hope they are pardonable through my strength of zeal to settle public good by agreement: on whose behalf, I have ever conceived it better to err in saying too much, then too little.  
In the mean time, I am not ignorant of the prevalence of repetition itself, especially in a popular Address; where prejudice and contrary belief hath grown more from itreration and pressure of Doctrine, than weight of Reason. And therefore, as I have purposely interwoven my Discourses with variety, to encourage men to read, notwithstanding such general prepossession, so have I caused the same assertions many times to enter the Stage anew, in a dress suitable to the present scene. For many truths may be insinuated by degrees, which prejudice or ignorance would not suffer to enter all at once. By which means I may also (happily) light on the instruction of some, who, like impatient spirits, not able to fit out the whole Play, may yet be won to the relishing of the main Plot, by those Reasons which the Preface, or that part they light on should afford. For although it may well be expected at the hands of that Architect, that is to erect a building with Timber already framed, that he not only observe exact method in the raising and settling the same: but also that those pins which he shall make use of for joining and fastening his work, may be both for number so certain, and also for place so settled, that they are not to be removed: Yet can it not be presumed that he that fells those Trees whereof these Tymbers and pins were made, or he that cleaves a knotted log, should be so regular and determinate in his strokes: but must be forced to make often use of the same wedges again; according as he shall find those knots and stonds of his work (occasionally) to lie in his way. He also that undertakes to complete and adorn any building whose foundation is sound and good, hath most of his skill depending upon the sightliness of his work. Whereas he that is to rip up the whole Fabric, for amendment of the groundwork & taking away of some decayed principles, must expect his commendation from ingenuous, strict, and more judicious inquiry; and not from the eye of the present beholder.  
Lastly, that I may have something of Ethical foundations, as well as Oeconomical and Political, I have, in my fourth and last book, considered each man in his inclinations apart; to see if any Government may be found to keep him in order without fear or constraint. In which many things not very pertinent hereto are put in, to give light unto some discourses foregoing, and to entertain the Reader with some variety, after so long a discourse in a confined Argument. Which being many of them but as snatched pieces from other studies (where the gradations of Nature had been more Mathematically examined towards some such discoveries as were requisite to man's happy life, as he stood naturally and unsubordinately considered so) I have here put them down to serve as helps to the composing of those differences which have all this while been a hindrance unto them. Being in good hope, (from that fair progress towards a right settlement in Government and equal way way of justice which already appears) to be in a short time restored to an ability for proficience in those more Mechanic essays, which the avarice and injustice of some particular persons hath hitherto deprived me of. In the mean time as in many other of my afflictions I have found the good hand of Providence turning all things for the best, and bringing good out of evil, so do I now with greater comfort submit to this diversion: as foreseeing that if I had not upon these unhappy occasions, been brought to discourse of the sins and remedies of uncharitableness and disobedience (the usual consequents of plenty and pleasure) I should then, it is like, have been so taken up with men's more general and more present and sensible contents arising by the other, as to have rested inconsiderate and silent of these mischiefs which the enjoyments in this kind might produce.  
In these and other speculations and discourses, as I may generally say, that I am neither Thief nor prisoner to the Text or Tenet of any man, so do I desire to be understood, that I was not hereunto induced through arrogance or affected singularity: but the small proficience in Arts towards man's use, and the daily failing of public peace and agreement, notwithstanding those Rules and Maxims hitherto delivered, together with the diversity of opinions concerning them, causeed me, for a while, to lay aside all Authority but that of Scripture or Reason; to see what a new disquition from these would afford, In any of which, if too great zeal to the Cause and end in hand have led me into error, and to deviate and transcend these my propounded warrants, I do here profess to be ingenuously ready to acknowledge myself a debtor to any sober and reasonable conviction. In the mean time I am expecting that some men's interest should lead them to clamour and outcry, on my more severe dissections made towards the cure of public Peace, 
Jer. 6.14.  which have been by others but slightly healed and skinned over.  
But, as many Land discoveries had not been, had not some more daring travellers adventured beyond the road of common belief and opinion, so, to the increase of knowledge, a latitude of enquiry and judgement must be allowed: although it may, in some things, thwart the ordinary current of tradition. For I find that Truth and Knowledge have not a greater and more common enemy then fear of reproach: that is, whilst writers, through fear of contradiction, strive to confine themselves to the sense of such as they hold of greatest reputation for ability in that whereof they treat, they leave but where they begun; and proceed with such wariness to themselves, that it makes them forget the errand they go about; which is the farther infirmation and benefit of others.  
In my following Discourse; as I undertake to clear things from the sinister constructions which ambitious heads have heretofore given, so, I doubt not, but I shall be by many therein construed, and my Arguments prejudiced, as if coming from a Court or a King's parasite: and an a better to Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government. But because they that are so, do it in hope of reward from those they flatter, and myself not having any encouragement therein from the present fortune or affection of any now, I know not why any should think me less indulgent to myself and posterity, as considered in this common relation, than others to theirs: so as to employ so much labour to court and countenance our common misery. For could it ever have entered into a steady thought to have enthralled whole mankind (as they stand separated amongst us in Kingdoms), to no other end then to advance (here and there) a single person to dignity, in comparison of whom, thousands of themselves were, and might ordinarily be presumed superior in merit.  
And I must confess, I was myself a great while pleased with the seeming reasonableness of such like common maxims; how unfit it was that all should be subject to the arbitrary Government of any one, and much attentive I was to all those fine inventions and contrivances for his constraint herein: but, when I saw that Soveraingnty must at last be somewhere, and that to divide it, if it might be, was not to lessen, but to increase its yoke; when I saw that Covernment, a Government, must be Arbitrary, I then concluded that the burden of one Tyrant (if it must be so), was easier than that of many.  
I am not ignorant of the natural sweetness of Liberty, not in man only, but in all things that have life and sense. For to what end these, if when, by them, I am made perceptible of a benefit to myself, I shall at the will of another be deprived: and but rendered the more miserable, by being desirous.  
It were (no doubt) a happy estate, (could a man tell how to fancy it without utter extirpation of Nature), if there were sufficient of things created, not only to satisfy the use, but to satiate the most greedy appetite of each thing living; in such sort, that each one might not covet any thing enjoyed by his equal, or of others above him. It were then again necessary, for completing universal content, that each one had, over each, and every one, such full and absolute Dominion, that he could not by any aversion of Power or Will in them be restrained.  
Seem these things as large, and as impossible for performance as they will, yet appetite, as appetite, cannot otherwise stint itself; but the desire for enjoyment & possession of power over all things and persons, is as natural as over any one. Creatures below us have their appetites but few, so that, in enjoying what they seek, they are but seldom, and then not lasting disturbers of one another, But, as for man, there is not, from the greatest to the lowest, any that desireth not the increase of his power: and he that, like Alexander, should command all, would not yet rest, both from wishing more worlds to command, and (it is like) had he been entered among the Gods, would have striven for command there also.  
Look we to things again, how shall we think what is within the verge of humane reach should now pease all men, when all of it formerly could not please one? For so, our first Parents themselves must encroach on the propriety of Deity, in desiring to know good and evil. And think we yet that the poorest creature living would not be immortal, if the flaming sword of impossibility kept him not off. But now, as nature hath bordered us by her Law of irresistability, so that age, sickness, infirmities, with all their attendants, are not by any attempt or insurrection of ours against her avoidable, even so I could wish that some way might be had to prevent men's risings against one another. Yet then, since some must be subject to others, what course can we fancy to make them subject and not subject; that is, that their obedience shall be their liberty? shall we wish that every man had his desires in all things so moderated, that having, or not having, or his having, or another's having, were alike contentible? then indeed, would no subjection be needful, to keep of mutual injury through interfering desires. But yet some kind of guardians there must be, to provide food and things necessary to cram down these appetite-less innocents': lest their reward of preserving others should turn to their own destruction. But if we cannot fancy desiring and not desiring equal, but must acknowledge appetites the wheels of the soul, then is there no way left, but to admit of degrees of command amongst men themselves; for our orderly enjoying those stocks of blessings by God afforded us; and to keep us at unity, and from the common destruction of one another.  
To this end, God placeth man at first in a state of subjection to one head: so that (no doubt) had Adam lived, he had been (as natural Father, so) King of all mankind. But his death being sentenced, left brethren (as in equality) should contend, this power of one man's command over another was the established due of birthright: for else, we cannot think it personally indulged to Cain, over one so much better than himself. By this course, if observed, men should have continued in due quiet and subjection, until the numerousness of the several subject families might make the common head of them assume another Title. And therefore we find that where God promiseth to any person a great increase of race and posterity, he promiseth withal, as a completing of that blessing, that Kings should be born of them. But after such time as Ambition, Covetousness, Revenge, and the like, began so to prevail amongst men, that neither God's Precepts, nor fellow-feeling of the miseries of rebellion, could keep them in obedience; how just is it with God, to make our own stubbornness our punishments? So that, if we impartially look amongst all those desolations of Nations, they are but the issues of their own Civil wars and contentions: which had their first rise from popular discontent and insurrection.  
An Argument more popular and pleasing I know it had been, to have extolled such Kings as measured their power by Justice and their Laws: but I, being not now to write to Kings, but to subjects, and in what concerned them in order to peace, shall respite that till the King's part in order to Peace and Prenty shall be treated of. Therefore writing to such only, I chose to prefer their certain benefit by obedience, before Discourses that should flatter them to their ruin, by insinuating unto them a power they can never make use of, without the mischief of disagreement and Civil war. For there is certainly, a vulgar and popular flattery, as well as there is a flattery which is personal: and this is (doubtless) the most dangerous of the two, as having more to seduce. The which kind of insinuation is but too apparent in many writers of this kind: wherein, men considering that those that are to be their Readers, (and from whom they expect encouragement and applause) are such as stand interessed in the relation of subjects, they do thereupon deal with them in their discourses of freedom, power, or the like, as those do that tell black women they are fair; that is, to be wholly respective to those their own private interects and designs to be by this courtship gained, and not at all to the truth of things themselves; or to the benefit of those they pretend to instruct; whom they do really abuse by this their unfriendly information.  
As for example; whensoever this unhappy controversy between Prerogative on the one hand, and Liberty on the other, shall, for decision, be by both King and people referred to Law (for no Kings nor no people do professedly decline them) who then shall be the Judge? shall the King? No, he is a party and to be ruled by them. Well then, we will suppose the Subjects no parties, nor to be ruled by them, but to interpret and (perchance) make and alter them as they shall find cause. what shall follow, but that they thereupon divide into Factions again? some putting the power into I know not what and how many Magistrates; and some into such and such Representatives; all of them as far from truth, as differing from one another. But as, in either case, they set the Law above the King, so they set the Subject above the Law; dealing in the one as preposterously as the other.  
But, in this, as in all other cases, the natural tie of self interest and respect doth so blind and bias us in our judgement and practice, that we will bring in as reasonable and practicale in the Kingdom and Commonwealth, what we think highly unfit to be exercised towards ourselves in our own Families; that is, not only to think it lawful and convenient that more than one should be there governing at once, because ourselves may happily be one of that number; but also we are always ready to entertain and practise all rules of restraint, whereby, under colour of Divine or Humane Law, all that live under him as Subjects, may make themselves otherwise when they please; upon allegation that the Laws and rules of Justice and Reason, are to be in the first place obeyed. Whereas, if the children or servants of our own Family, should in our Government and Commands demean themselves with like stubbornness, either by disputing the soleness or arbitrariness of our power in general, or by scrupling their obedience to each command in particular, until they find it by God or their Prince Authorized, how would we then cry out against this sin of disobedience in them? when as yet we think it but duty in us, that the Obedience we owe to our King, the Father of our Country, should be answered with such demurrers: pride and prejudice always equally prepossessing us to bring down and levelly all power that is above; as well as to subject and keep under that which is already below. But say men what they will, Obedience as obedience must be implicit: and he that, in any command of lawful Authority, obeys no farther than he finds reason so to do, obeys but himself, and not another.  
And yet are Princes and Governors the less to wonder at this stubborn inquisitivenes in subjects, since it is no other than what hath been, and is daily offered to God himself: in prying into the reasonableness and morality of his Laws and Justice; even from our first Parents to this very hour. A thing of well known advantage to that proto-Rebel, whereby to rule in the Children of disobedience. For if once we come so far to arrogate, as to believe the reasons of God's Actions and Counsels are apparent to ours, his will (as of course) must be submitted to ours also. Therefore, as than it was, hath God said you shall not eat; so, every day still it is, such and such Commands and Laws, are but for such and such ends; and, whether those ends were expressed by Cod or no, every man is ready, according to his own interpretation, to obey, or not obey; or so far, and no farther; even to a perpetual distraction in Religion, and disturbance of one another, where a supreme definitive sentence is not kept up.  
And as we usually thus search into his Counsels, for the Reason of his Laws, so set we up models of equity of our own, for measuring his Justice. Insomuch as, upon every extraordinary and remarkable event, how peremptory are we to assign this, or this for a cause? each one judging his own apprehensions of right and wrong, as the only necessary patterns for God's proceedings and intentions herein. Which, whilst they shall differ so much one from another, and can be but one true, (if any be) must they not charge God foolishly? For example, amongst us, that have now felt in so high measure his deserved hand, those that are of the Romish opinion, say, This late revolt is in Justice for our Kings deserting his Obedience to that See; and our particular Schisms, the punishment of our grand Schism from them: and the more particular pressure thereof, lighting on the Nobility and Gentry, are the punishments of their engrossing the Church's Patrimony; which, like the coal from the Altar, hath almost consumed their nests.  
These, looking upon this kingdom as the head and pillar of Protestantism, say, That as Reformation of Religion was first set up by our Princes, out of State designs of alteration of Government, and of being independent on the power of Rome; so are they now but justly punished, with the same pretensions by their own Subjects; who, in their risings, (they presume) have as great Authority to interpret Scripture against their Civil Governors now, as formerly against their spiritual head. And they farther say, That as to gain strength and general assistance from the Laity, was the only reason we first made the Scriptures vulgar and common, that under the obliegingness of so high a favour, (whereby their abilities seemed to be flattered to an equal pitch with the Clergy), they might be gained to that side, that therefore our present requital, from popular wresting these Scriptures again to public disturbance amongst ourselves, is but just also.  
Others, that are from them in opinion most contrary, so are their reasons also. They tell you that Popery and Superstition were here too much, and too long countenanced and abetted: they tell you that the Clergy were yet too high and powerful, and their maintenance too great and unbecoming: that things have thus happened, because the true sense of Scriptures and thorough Reformation from Rome, were too little regarded.  
Others, that (it may be) regard neither of those extremes, (but look on things as politicians) will tell you, That the assistance of the Scots formerly against their Queen, the assistance of the Dutch and Rocheller against their Kings, were the just causes of insurrection now: and they will tell you also, that the beheading of the Queen of Scots was ominous to the like fatal blow: Believing it a Vice against common prudence, for Princes, out of consideration of any mischief to one another, to do that which should be destructive to all; as well as it is a sin against Religion, neglecting the rule of Do as thou wouldst be done unto.  
By all which, and many more instances which might be given of like nature, being first bewitched with our Understandings, and then idolising our own justice to be the same with Gods, we do cause Rebellion to creep on us as the sin of witchcraft, and stubbornness as Idolatry; That is, we will then only begin to serve God and obey his Laws, when we have first interpreted them to serve our own turns; which is (in effect) never to obey them more. Whereas, that more remarkable token of Obedience, that was to Abraham imputed for righteousness, was in fact seeming as contradictory to justice and goodness, (so far as humane ability could reach) as it was to the stream of his own particular affection.  
For my own part, I am not more in love with those four letters that spell King, then with the rest of the Alphabet. And could I see probable hope, how that thirst of governing might be satisfied to general liking and agreement, by that sovereignty which each subject should, by this means, have over the common vassal, the King, I should have rest contented with my share therein; and have rather given encouragement to this so common a benefit (where first all of us should have had our contents by being real governor of this one, and then that one contented (again) with the titles, formalities, and shows of his Government also) then have made myself subject to so much labour and censure. But as, in all works that are to be done, there must be the worker, the work, and the instruments whereby he brings it to pass, (the which, in order to the work, must be at the workman's appointment and choice); so, in this work of Polity and Government, the commanding are workers, the commanded the work; and the Law, Magistracy, Councillors, etc. are the instruments for effecting it. Whether Prince or people shall be workmen I will not here say; only thus much is evident, that Laws, Magistrates, etc. must be at the choice and dispose of such as rule, and also above the ruled: as holding necessarily a middle term, to unite and agree them in the work itself.  
If (as considering how things are now practised, and the many opinions to the contrary) I shall be by any hastily condemned of ungrounded novelty, for that not contenting myself in the modest and equal way of commending Monarchy above other Governments I have quite cast Aristocraty and Democraty out of the right number, and reckoned of them but as Anarchies: I shall entreat them to consider, that I only undertake to look into Government and its forms, as they stand authorized in Scripture or Reason; and not as they stood in humane device or practice: and therefore, I hold myself no further blamable than failing hereof. For unto my strictest enquiry, there could not be found one Text, amongst those we call Canonical, countenancing and mentioning any other form: not so much as one word of the power of People, or Nobility, Parliaments, Senate, etc. which the restless wits of men have since devised, as in derogation to the other.  
Nay, when God means to express himself by titles of power common to men, it is either of King, or Father, which, as the greater and lesser Monarches, have alone divine Authority to command over men's persons. And I believe all knowing men will confess, that as only God expressly appointed this form, so nature also, at least at first in her golden age, and whilst she was at the best: insomuch as, for some thousands of years, it is by all concluded there, was no one sort of people otherwise governed then by Kings. And therefore, by that same rule of strangeness and wonder where with others may behold my Positions in condemning, I may behold theirs, in approving them: even that a sort of men there should be, that pretending their utmost and only subjection to God's word, should yet contemn the power of Kings so often and so expressly warranted thereby, (as given from God the Fountain of power) and on the contrary, settle it on such devised Orders and Degrees, as neither for number, or office, had direct Authority or Example from thence.  
But it is usual with the opposers of Monarchy to take their advantage against the evidence of Texts of this kind, as in Civil matters, men are wont to do against those they contend with about any property or title. For if they know the letter and plain sense of the Law run on the side of him they oppose, they then find no such ready way for his defeat, as to entitle the King or some eminent superior thereunto. Even so shall we find Kings now adays used in the interpretation of many of those places of Scripture which make so plainly on their side; that is, when the power and perpetuity of this Office is anywhere set forth, they then would have the whole sense and scope thereof to imply Christ himself, and not this his immediate Deputy.  
By which kind of proceeding, they do (by fact) evidently prove themselves guilty of that pride and arrogance they would reprehend in another: and that it is not Christ's honour that is hereby sought, otherwise then in order to their own. For since they do allow him to have his deputed Officers amongst us, for declaration and execution of his Will, will it not therefore follow, that the greater the honour and power of this person thus substituted is, by so much will the honour of Christ whom he doth herein represent be increased? It is not therefore to be believed, that subjects of any sort would have thus justled with their Prince for precedence and going next to Christ, had they not more considered their own honours to be thereby gained, then his to be thereby lost.  
But as the light of Scripture shines undeniably clear everywhere on the face of Monarchy, so doth it in record and practise also: And therefore we shall find, that when God appears for the settling the first moral Laws for men to live by, there was not, nor had not been in the world, any but Monarchical government settled. When again, the King of Kings and Prince of Peace, Christ himself appears, (as the old impostors in Oracles became silent, so) all Republikes and States had hid their heads under one Monarchy or another. And that which may be observable in other stories is, that the Greeks themselves, who, in restless wits, were the ring leaders in Doctrines and Examples for all these Civil alterations, as well as (in a manner) for all heresies in Religion, and upon no other ground then with an affected pride to express their power and freedom in both, above the rest of the world, (who in regard of themselves they styled barbarous), are at this day, and so have long continued, the examples of highest slavery and oppression in both kinds.  
Besides these high Authorities and Examples, that so evidently declare for Monarchy alone, I could never tell how to settle my Reason on any other foundation: being unable to fancy how Sovereignty could have been divided without dividing Obedience; how unity could proceed from plurality; a●d how Peace could be amongst Subjects, when the Peacemakers themselves must be still in danger of variance with one another. And farther, I could by no means conceive but that (proportionably) as one man could not serve two Masters with equal duty and respect; so, on the other side, that many Masters could not command or govern one or many servants, with equal power and affection. And therefore, laying down for my ground, that as death was the worst of evils to a man as a man, and so also, that Civil war was the worst of evils to men as sociable, it was reason I should seclude these inventions as failing of that main end of Government, and reckon them (at best) but plausible pretenders thereunto.  
And the same reason I must also give, for declining that fancied way of founding Government and Authority on Paction. For, while Prince and People are hereby put to a continual question what these Pactions were, as in a thing of no more evidence, it must needs happen, there will be produced, instead of Peace and Agreement, a perpetual ground to intestine dissension and rebellion.  
In the survey of all which, or any thing else delivered, if any shall make objections of inconveniencies in that degree of arbitrariness I have assigned unto Princes, I desire to be understood as not thinking any Government can be by men in this life exercised, where no mischiefs shall sometimes happen: but, leaving that hope till we come to the government of God himself, if the inconveniences hence probably arising proceed not from the form but the persons, if they be such as are not only to that, but much more to others incident, and if after, and beside side all, it still appears that this form is only of divine institution and example, and, so also, more naturally and necessarily procuring peace, the end of Government, than any other, I shall then confess I have arrived at the end of my whole labour: which was to settle public peace and good by obedience to Authority; without reflection on the private benefit of any person therein likely to bear sway.  
But being to write in an age, wherein all men stand, not only divided under that different sense of loyalty which Alexander once wittily observed in his two followers, Ephestion and Craterus (namely that one loved Alexander, the other the King) but also, being to write in a Nation, wherein Monarchy itself stands wholly approved or rejected, as the persons therein likely to rule, are differently considered as friends or enemies, I cannot therefore but expect that, from these so different and contrary interests of others, these my writings themselves should also be obnoxious to as contrary censures: that is, of having reflected too much or too little, towards the praise or dispraise of that person, whom they, according to their several engagements, would have had more openly commended or disproved. Whereas I, who, from sense of the calamities of our civil broils, had been drawn to be of Craterus opinion, as the best remedy I could devise, thought it neither proper nor reasonable to deliver myself in any Ephestion like expression; or to appear as Foe or Advocate to any man: but to set down and handle the whole Argument as a Christian Philosopher, in a general Treatise and Discourse of government, according to Doctrines or Examples drawn from Scripture or Reason, without reflection or censure of any one Nation in particular: as will easily, I hope, appear by that which follows.   

A TABLE Of the several Chapters contained in this following TREATISE.  

BOOK I.  
CHAP. I. OF Deity, p. 1.  
CHAP. II. Of Providence and its rule in general, p. 3.  
CHAP. III. Of particular or self-Providence, p. 5.  
CHAP. IU. Of Government as it stands in natural Reason, and it's reputed Original, p. 8.  
CHAP. V. Of each man's private End or Felicity, p. 12.  
CHAP. VI Of Honour, p. 16.  
CHAP. VII. Of the Laws of God leading to Government, p. 24.  
CHAP. VIII. Of the Master of the Family, p. 28.  
CHAP. IX. Of Sovereignty and its Original, and of Monarchy or Kingly power, p. 41.   

BOOK II.  
CHAP. I. OF Anarchy, p. 79.  
CHAP. II. Of Faction and its original and usual supports, p. 98.  
CHAP. III. Of Rebellion and its most notable causes and pretences, p. 104.  
CHAP. IU. Of Liberty, p. 114.  
CHAP. V. Of Tyranny. p. 122.  
CHAP. VI Of Slavery, p. 126.  
CHAP. VII. Of Property, p. 130.  
CHAP. VIII. Of Law, Justice, Equity, etc. p. 139.  
CHAP. IX. Of Public good, Common good, or Common-weal. p. 158.  
CHAP. X. Of Paction and Commerce, p. 161.  
CHAP. XI. Of Magistrate, Councillors, etc. p. 177.  
CHAP. XII. Of the Right of Dominion, p. 186.   

BOOK III.  
CHAP. I Of Religion in its true ground, p. 213.  
CHAP. II. Of Religion as commonly received, p. 116.  
CHAP. III. Of the Church Catholic, and of the Fundamentals of Religion, p. 222.  
CHAP. IU. Of each particular Church and its power, p. 226.  
CHAP. V. Of the forms of Church Government, and of the jurisdiction claimed by Churchmen, p. 233.  
CHAP. VI Of the head of the Church, and the Scriptures interpretation, p. 249.  
CHAP. VII. Of Love and Obedience and of our state of Innocence thereby, p. 261.  
CHAP. VIII. Of the Coincidence of Christian Graces, p. 277.  
CHAP. IX. Of Charity as it stands in Nature, p. 299.  
CHAP. X. Of Patience, Long-suffering, Humility, Meekness, etc. p. 310.  
CHAP. XI. Of Idolatry and Superstition, and of the power of each Church her head in the establishment of Ceremonies and divine worship, p. 328.  
CHAP. XII. Of Antichrist, p. 349.  
CHAP. XIII Of the mystical delivery of some divine Truths, and the reason thereof, p. 388.  
CHAP. XIV. Of Athiesm, p. 403.   

BOOK IU.  
OF the causes of like and dislike of content and discontent, and whether it be possible to frame a Government itself, pleasing and durable without force and constraint, p. 419.    

BOOK I.  

CHAP. I. Of Deity.  
FRom the observation of the dependence of one thing upon another (as of its Original and Cause) we must come at last to fix on such a cause as is to all things Supreme and Independent: For to proceed infinitely we cannot, but shall lose ourselves as in a circle, whose ends will be as hardly brought to meet in our conceit, as it is to imagine the most remote cause, and most remote effect, to join by immediate touch.  
Observe we again, That no Operation or Effect, could ever have been produced in regular and orderly manner, unless the direction thereof had (first or last) proceeded from a voluntary Agent: So that, when we find the Superior Bodies, Elements, and other Creatures void of sense and will (by their constant endeavours) either pointing to any end at all, or such other ends as have respect and benefit beyond themselves, they must be concluded but as Passive Agents in both cases: and the latter respect (especially weighed) will at last bring us to pitch upon one Agent or Author of such universal power, and concern in all things, as to be the true Creator and Director of them all: One, I say; for should each Element by itself, or should the will of more than one be the Guider of Productions and Effects, would it not follow that this Procession of chance, or different aim and will must necessarily set Nature sometimes at a stand, for want of sufficient power and direction what course to follow, or (as it were by a kind of Civil War) make her endeavours so distracted and weak, that nothing but dissolution and confusion could follow?  
From all which we may conclude both a Deity, and the unity thereof; and that (as a free Agent) no operation could have proceeded from him without an end, whereby, (as by an immutable Law) the effects and endeavours of other Creatures, stand directed and limited unto certain ends and bounds, which otherwise would not proceed at all; or else do it infinitely, or destructively to one another.  
And upon the same reason of having the virtues and endeavours of natural Agents and Elements thus stinted and directed, it will follow, that as there must be such original Elements, as might have fitness to answer these Laws and Rules of Providence; so, this pre-existent matter could not be equally eternal with Deity, but must be at first created by the same hand it is now guided: for should they not, or should there have been no creation at all, but a perpetual pre-existence of Elements (before they had by the Rules of Providence their virtues and abilities harmoniously directed) they must, by their irregular courses, have been the destruction of one another.  
As therefore, in the first case, to skip and balk the more immediate and instrumental causes of things, and fasten them as immediate upon God the Supreme (after the usual way of the ignorant) were so to confound and jumble Causes and Effects, that there should not in nature be any certain Production at all, because if the Supreme Cause should be an immediate cause to the most remote effect, then, in order backward, that remotest effect must be a cause to that which was his immediate cause before, and so on; or else what was the immediate effect to the Supreme before, will now (by its removal therefrom (and coming to be as immediate cause to the most remote effect) want a cause for its own Production) so, in this latter case, the like would befall, if (through want of good and true observation of the dependence and reason of effects and causes, till we come to the Supreme Cause or Reason) we should fasten the Productions of Elements or first matter on Chance: for, if they be constant and uniform, how shall Chance own or lay claim to them?  
Again, to make them Coeternal with Deity, is to deny his Eternity, or their dependence on him, who must precede the Chaos, in time, as that again must precede the Endowment and Regulation of the qualities of the Elements themselves, in time also. For so, fire was before heat, as the cause is before the effect; which, had it been Eternal, and the qualites of burning thereto annexed without limit (which must have been had it been from itself only) what would have become of the race all things else in this general conflagration? which now, keeping its degrees, and being confined within such and such subjects and bounds by a Superior Power, is a great and necessary help to their Production; That, and all things else, readily obeying the Law of their Maker; from whom, as from a most wise, Omnipotent, and Bountiful Creator, nothing but works and operations suitable are to be expected.   

CHAP. II. Of Providence and its Rules in general.  
AS therefore the perfection of this World's Maker doth sufficiently argue the perfection of the work; so doth the perfection of the work as justly plead for continuance. Continue it could not by any other Power then that whereby it was founded; yet, as before, no want in God, or merit elsewhere (but a natural propension to extend and express his own goodness and beneficence) caused a Creation: So in the course of Preservation and Government (that stood thereunto necessary as to an end) God was yet at liberty and free in the way and manner of applying it: that is, whether to proceed by more express and personal execution of his will, or else to operate by natural Rules and Laws: And so far it is from abating the just esteem of the Act of Providence, in comparison of that of Creation, because God doth not in this (as there) so immediately work; as (on the contrary) the very imposition of Nature's Law, and the Endowment of creatures of all sorts with such Instincts and Properties, as in the prosecution and exercise thereof, they shall be continually able to keep up both the common and their private preservations, argues, by how much the means is the weaker, the greater to be the strength of him that enabled and appointed it.  
But then, as every thing became hereby positively good, so, proportionable to the impression of Divine favour, and similitude of the workman imparted to the work, a comparative degree of Perfection and Goodness did arise; and consequently, the greater care for their preservation may be seen to have been taken. For to have made all creatures, Men or Angels, had not only overthrown that beauty and goodness arising by the universal variety; but, inasmuch as the Perfection of those creatures stands chiefly in comparison of things below them, (for in regard of God they are all base and poor,) these lower Perfections being taken off, see we not how the Perfection aimed at, in respect of that higher, must have necessarily ceased also? Whereas now, they of themselves keep it by comparison, and those inferior creatures, by their several uses to the preservation of the whole world, of one another, and of man in particular, have therein also their distinct degrees of Perfection and Goodness. So that each creature having nothing but what he had thus received, it follows, that what is now in them, was in him as in its original before; their limited receipts, in all kinds, only differing them from him in Almightiness.  
The first impression or communication of Divine Resemblance, was that of Entity or Positive existence; and this, necessarily entering with Creation itself to be more or less imparted, all creatures stood yet differenced, and beneath their Maker in point of eternity and degree of continuance. But that which was Personally denied, by the mortality and decay of Individuals, is by another way, to wit, by Propagation (in a sort) made good. Amongst others, Man, as bearing the most universal and nearest resemblance in the attributes of his Maker; so hath he (above other creatures) a nearer stamp of Eternity conferred on him: insomuch as, by the benefit of Resurrection, he stands exempted from that rule of total decay, wherein (with the whole world itself) other things are inevitably involved.  
Come we more nearly to observe all creatures in their natural operations, and how they are all directed to mutual preservation by the wise and well set Rules of Providence; Inanimates necessarily, and creatures of life voluntarily, pursuing those actions that lead most directly thereunto. See we not the elements (and other things wanting life) by their constant observation of Nature's Law, to preserve themselves and creatures of life; to whose use, as being more noble, they seem in a manner wholly intent and directed? In these heavenly bodies we may easily discern this Rule of Providence, in their constant Preservation and ours, although the means by which it is done, be as far removed from our knowledge, as they are from our sight: but their correspondence and endeavours in this work of universal Preservation, we have reason to acknowledge and admire; for by means of their several virtues and influences it is, that the ambient air is continually enabled to hatch and nourish all sorts of creatures, which the earth and water (as the common Wombs and Parents of things) do afford in such variety.  
And in these lower Elements also, see we not how regular and constant they are in the course of common Preservation, and maintenance of the degrees of Creation and Providence? For, rather than a Vacuum shall again be to destroy Creation, the air will not only admit degrees of extension and compression in its self; but the water and earth will yield to transmutation of part of their own bodies thereinto: whereby, taking up more room, they afford sufficient supply, to avoid nonentity and confusion. Mark we not how, by their endowments of dense and rare, heavier and lighter, they are constantly able to keep their ranks and places in regard of the Centre: And thereby orderly to obey the Laws of Nature in Production and Maintenance of other Creatures? So that when water soaks into the earth, or remains below it (as in the Sea, Ponds, Rivers, etc.) it is not to displace the earth, which, by means of this compactness, is kept on heaps and hills, from taking that his proper room itself, but to remove so much air as was there before, into a more natural and higher station. And truly, the knowledge of weight and levity, and how to put nature to struggle in endeavouring a Vacuum, and altering the natural consistencies of bodies, is the mother of all natural motions, and mechanical operations.  
Come we yet to consider the species and race of creatures more particularly, and how they are all made apt to receive and bestow the virtues and bounties of Nature for the good of themselves and others. How ready and constant supplies find Plants and Vegetables from the earth? And, as if they knew their individual Preservations were not valuable to that of their Race, see we not how they spend their whole endeavours in the growth and security of their seed? And till they come to the ability to propagate, we call them in no kind perfect; as, on the other side, when this ability is once over, their decay is as apparent. To what purpose ●●●ve those goodly Blossoms, Leaves, Fruits and Flowers, but to mellow and defend the Seed? To what purpose the Stem and Boughs, but to reach out this Seed to receive growth and ripeness, from the influences of Superior bodies, and to remove them from the injuries of things beneath? the seed being now ripe and fallen, Nature's care seems removed from the Plant, who now (as if her work were done) doth droop and wither; and to maintain the perpetuity by her course of succession, usually makes the leaves of the Plants (by their fall) a covering to the seed; till the fitted earth hath afforded it some fastness and receipt.  
Mark we last Creatures of life and sense being by that means capable of Pleasure and Pain, and we shall find them hereby (as by Reward and Punishment) stirred up most to avoid or execute those actions that have directest tendencies to their subsistence and preservation; that action that tends to the more universal Preservation of the Species, having greater delight annexed to it then that of food that maintains the individual only. So that, Creation is but Providence begun, as Providence is but Creaation complete; and, however Creation did precede Providence in the execution, yet doth Providence that in dignity, as being the end and aim thereof; even as that again is excelled by its end also, which the glory of God.   

CHAP. III. Of particular or self Providence.  
AS the Preservation of the several Races and Kinds of Creatures was unto the continuance and supply of the whole Creation necessary: So again, to the Preservation of each Species, the Preservation of Individuals was necessary also; and that (consequently) there should be appetites implanted in them leading thereunto: For although some lower sort of creatures have no individual Perfections at all to seek, but, as parts of a greater mass (being parcels of earth, water, stone, metals, etc.) have (with things of like kinds) their welfares by Nature readily furnished: yet creatures of life, (which thereupon come to be called individuals,) must have this appetite of Self-good and Preservation, conferred on it with such degrees of intention, as to aim at the utmost Perfection in its power, without such sense of duty elsewhere as might cause it to intermit its proper care, and (it may be) in its divided endeavour, be negligent of the good of both.  
For to think there could be separate subsistences, and yet depend on foreign Preservation only, were impossible: because if Thomas his being should depend on john's, john's must again depend on Williams, and so infinitely, till one Person had all dependencies; which should not then be many, but one man. Or should they reciprocally change, and the reason and will that Thomas now hath, be in William, and so Williams in Thomas or John: how should either know the others wants, and consequently provide for his good and safety?  
And therefore, this endowment of separate-sense, will, and understanding, whereby each particular is enabled to provide and have regard unto itself apart, makes it manifest that the maintenance of Creatures (as before said) was necessary to be kept up by this appetite of self-seeking and following a private end and sovereign good respective to itself only. For although the many mischiefs (hereafter to be spoken of) arose from hence, yet (on the other side) was it the fountain of all the good they had: inasmuch as good men we cannot be, except we be men, and well-being must presuppose being; which had herein its necessary foundation. It was again necessary, in maintenance of that variety of Creation, and of that Oeconomy and rule of Providence God had appointed. For should all creatures have passively and unwittingly followed impulsive directions, as inanimates do their Instincts and Properties, this had been to overthrow Sense, Reason, and Will, as things useless, and to forbid the Almighty's goodness, (in some resemblance to himself) to make creatures sensible of felicity; and thereupon, lessening our benefit, so should it abate his praise and thanks. And further, it would stint the race of Creatures, from coming above that of Vegetables.  
Or should God have furnished all creatures with reason sufficient, to have known good and evil perfectly unto the degree of Angels, (so as to have followed it without reluctancy in themselves, or injury to others) this had been to overthrow both man and all degrees of Species below him. Or should (again) all creatures have had sense, and an end apart of their own to follow, this must have put a great stop to those many affordments and offices, which inanimates now supply to sensitives, as seeming made wholly for them. For so (for example) should the Sun, the Earth, the Water, etc. have had private and self-desires, would not the good of both vegetives and sensitives be interrupted, and many times foreslowed? And so also, if vegetives should have had life, and (thereupon) sense of those many sufferings which the continual employments of men and other sensitives put them unto, both for food and otherwise; would it not, on the other hand, have been inconsistent with the goodness of God to have thus inevitably tied his Creatures to perpetual torment and affliction, even to their equals in nature (for so to sensitives they must have been if they had been sensitives also;) and, on the other hand, would not the knowledge and sense of these h●rms have made them shrink and decline that readiness wherewith they now stand serviceable? Whereas now, by this appetite and ability of self-preservation, prosecuted in some willingly, and in others not, they keep up their several Species; and are thereby enabled in the variety and order appointed them, severally to set forth the praise of their Maker.  
Upon this it follows, that although the act of Generation, (which tends to specifical Preservation,) be in each creature hotlier pursued than any that reacheth to individual conservation only; yet it is done and maintained out of self-respect; either in sensitives voluntarily, as being thereto alured by the greatness of pleasure, which is their private end; or in inanimates necessarily, where Self-Preservation, (their general end) is by natural instinct so closely involved therein that the whole Perfection of the thing itself dependeth thereupon. And so far are creatures herein from intending any thing beyond themselves, or showing specifical aim, that their endeavours stint themselves to the individuals of their own race: it being done in so high a degree of Propriety, as, having therein (as it were) transplanted their whole strength, it obtains (by this transmigration) a kind of Identity.  
In pursuit of this appetite of Philautia, we may observe Plants and Vegetables to follow their individual Preservations so greedily, that they are ready to rob of growth and nourishment all within the verge of their own activity, even of their own kind; nay each single fruit, grain, or berry of the same Plant will do the like to his fellow; and by too covetous engrossing the common sap, leave many of the same stock to pine and wither. And so again creatures of sense, having life and motion, and a greater desire and ability to attain (than them) the objects of their use and delight, are ready, with all kind of violence, to enter possession, without due consideration of their fellows like desires and wants. Upon this ground depend all those conflicts for mastery amongst beasts, which reach many times to mutual slaughter; the most harmless creatures exercising this force in some kind, or time, or other.  
But, above all, man, being a Creature of most divine resemblance, and his Preservation of higher esteem, had this Philautia more strongly implanted. For with inanimates he resembles him in positive existence or being, with creatures of life and sense in being capable of pleasure and content; but, above them all, he comes nearest (by much) in strength of reason and understanding. And as sensitives go beyond inanimates in enjoying the benefits of Nature's store, so have men, beyond them again, an appetite (above comparison) both in the generality of desiring and the ability of attaining. Insomuch as, both in regard of their serviceableness and readiness, and the largeness of man's appetite to entertain and make use of them (as beforesaid) we may be called little worlds by ourselves; having, in us, their virtues epitomised, as well as uses stinted: All things seeming but made for us, and no creature exempt and useless from our employment, for benefit or pleasure. What can he wish? above him is an indulgent God, enduing him with appetites and reason, to desire and attain the objects of his content in abundant variety: Below him all creatures standing obedient, and thereunto serviceable.   

CHAP. IU. Of Government as it stands in Natural Reason: and of its reputed Original.  
IN this happy estate of innocent coveting and enjoying, we at first stood by the goodness of him that made the delight of all things ours, and ours his; until, ungratefully intermitting our acknowledgement and delight upwards, we forfeited our delight below, by breaking that command which should have been the pledge and type of both. Wherein (besides Ingratitude,) man's fault seemed Pride or Presumption; in aiming to break the link of that Golden chain and rank of Subordination, wherein Nature had limited us; and so, balking our dependence on God, be as it were gods unto ourselves, 
Gen. 3.5.  in the knowledge of good and evil.  
Now is it that the most ordinary and useful parts of our bodies come to be accounted nakedness or sin, which had we been content to enjoy according to the natural simplicity of our first state and the example of other creatures, we had continued innocent in their use; and other injuries done by self-seeking, being according to nature, and she being content with self-sufficency, she had therein been, as well our warrant as our spur. Whereas now, our unbridled lusts leading us beyond all bounds and measure; and then, having those former innocent acts mingled with our inordinate desires (and so with them taken upon our own scores) they thereby become sin also.  
From hence come we to be assaulted, from without, with the revolt of the creature, and, from within, by our own concupiscence, which proves now both our sin and our punishment. For whilst, in our greedy and hasty pursuits, Reason wants either ability, or time to consult of good or bad, our woe instead of our weal is many times embraced. Before, when we were content to follow the natural Laws of our kind, we could do nothing ill; and now, trusting to ourselves, we can do nothing well: And seeming not content with those miseries that singly assail us, our unsociable dispositions finding occasion to make others the objects of our malice and revenge, pull on ourselves the like, or greater punishment than they did strive to inflict. And again, instead of those reciprocal helps (in our decay) which should have grown from consort-ship, our interfering desires continually engage us to mutual prejudice.  
And then, when the whole store and variety of nature can hardly satisfy the boundless appetite of one man: how should they content all? Whereas beasts (neither covetous of Propriety, nor relishing their price by difficulty) are content with the simple and ready food of grass or the like. They quietly and peaceably enjoy their loves and rest: and, after their own repasts, can without envy or dislike see the satisfaction of others. Whereas man, in his unlimited appetite, seeking to engross the common revenue of Nature, and esteeming the content of others a privation to himself, in a restless covetousness, makes a dearth in plenty. For, be himself never so throughly glutted, he yet grudges at the satisfaction of another; and would (at least) have it his bounty. It would trouble our Arithmetic to sum up the variety of our food, apparel, and other delights, wherewith (not nature, but) the satisfaction of our inordinate desires makes us perpetually industrious: and when all is done, it is not selfsufficiency that can please us; but we become as unsatiable for quantity as kind.  
And further, since equal things cannot but have equal desire and claim; and since neither men's prerogatives amongst themselves, nor proprieties over other Creatures are by Nature distinguished; how should the possession of one happen without the discontent of another? what's the issue of this discontent but strife and fight? and of fight but death? to the disturbance of Nature, and destruction of her chief Masterpiece.  
The riches of the earth, that without labour sprang up, and satisfied the desires of our innocent Parents, must now only be the reward of our travel; but who will till the field before he can be assured of the Crop? and if when Nature, out of her general regard, and intending the good of all, set no bounds or distinctions for the private possession of any, (but that all may lay equal claim to the soil and fruit,) why should any take more pains, when afterwards his propriety shall be but equal? and, as the issues of his labour, so himself, in defence thereof, but rendered a more probable prey to the next violent hand. To sum up all, consider on one side the variety of Nature and the Creatures, in objects for our use and delight; and on the other side, our proness to strife for their possession: or (for better instance) suppose all those things free again wherein men now enjoy their unquestioned propriety, and Nature as lose to make equal tender of them to all: what but hatred, confusion, and destruction, could we imagine would follow, instead of our now peaceable agreement?  
Therefore supposing (as is usually done) mankind to have at first lived in this confused condition, (wherein equality of persons and community of goods set every one against another, where while all things were all men's, no man had the enjoyment of any thing) and then, no doubt, this sense of the miseries arising by dissension, would be the chief motive to bring men to submit to Government, and think of some way of unity. For, partly out of remorse of the slaughter of others, and partly out of just fear that the like might befall themselves or friends, the occasions of their miseries would begin to be enquired; and withal, the likeliest means of preservation and peace.  
And because quarrels had for the most part arisen about propriety, propriety would be the chief thing which, by Laws and Rules amongst themselves, they would go about to establish. In which doing, besides the abatement of strife, they foresaw a general positive benefit to ensue: for where before they found that what was every man's profit, was no man's care; and while all might reap, none would plough; or while the herd and fleece was common, the breed was neglected; fear of famine and other humane indigencies quickly taught them (with most reason) to expect the best return of public utility and trust, where private hands might gain by managery; and to make the wheel of common, concentrique with that of private advantage. They quickly found that a small proportion, enjoyed with security and peace, renders more content and increase to the owner, than a larger which fear of disseisen makes unuseful. Therefore necessity (the mother of wisdom) having taught them to embrace peace and unity, reason farther taught this way unto it: namely, that (as the division of their wills and appetites had before made disturbance, so) the only means to acquit themselves thereof was to submit to some definitive sentence and determination in all controversies; hereby, many became one in this grand Politic body; and as in the natural, though the arms, legs, and all other parts, draw greedily for themselves apart that nourishment which is for common supply (and that with self-consideration only;) yet all of them keeping their natural order and rules, and relying on the affordment of such members as are of public concern and trust, not only their single, but joint preservations did follow. For the brain affords nerves, the heart arteries, the liver blood to all parts, as having the like interest in them all: and while each member is thus supplied, according to the proportion which its oeconomy and service to the whole doth require, and that Geometrically every one hath alike while they have enough, why should one repine at another? For if (according to the old allusion) the hands or feet, alleging their greater pains and service, should ignorantly quarrel and envy the greater rest and supplies of other parts, and hereupon grow so stubborn as to refuse the directions of the common head, so far as to disable it and those public useful members of heart, liver, etc. from performing their offices, must it not follow, that the whole body thus perishing, the hands and feet must therewith perish also? For the whole body (subsisting by, and) being but collectively these members, each of their particular growth and good made that of the whole swell also: So in this Politic Body, the several benefits and advancements of particular members are made, by this union of will and application, to be the increase of the public.  
But it is (by the way) to be considered, that in submitting thus Politicly to have each private will swayed by a public, (which thereupon became the only legal will or sentence,) it is not to be supposed that the faculty of willing could be resigned: for that is impossible, and beyond our power, it being not capable so far to reflect on itself, as to will to be willing, or not willing in any thing: for (if so) such kind of choice would proceed infinitely; nor could the actions necessary for preservation of each individual, have any settled, certain, and final sentence for direction or execution on its own behalf: but the effect of our wills (or the power to execute the same) is that we (promise, and) are to suspend, or deny, if contrary to public allowance.  
And, as not the faculty of willing, so not that of understanding and judging can be wholly left and silenced; because that also is to the preservation and subsistence of each man as man, (that is in his separate and personal capacity) and to the constitution of will itself absolutely necessary. But, because my private understanding (taking me distinctly for a single person) was for self-preservation only, I can from myself claim no right farther to use or apply it; but in such cases where Polity hath placed me in the relation of a subject and member of a Politic Body, united for common good, there it is reasonable that, as my particular good is unvaluable to that of the general, so my liberty and right of judging Public benefits and expedients should be as unvaluable also.  
And although in this course of Politic submission, men could not but expect decisions many times contrary to their private opinions and desires; yet, since this was the only way to common peace and safety, they thought it reasonable that a general good should be preferred before a particular; and as we in our Natural, so they in this Politic Body, were curing with mutilation or patience the impotencies and griefs of particular members, rather than the whole body (with all other Members,) should run into common hazard, and, while striving to show partial affection to the grieved part only, the life and subsistence of all should be endangered. For as when life is taken from our natural body, it remains a body no longer but a carcase: so Politic bodies being bereavest of their life, which is general agreement and submission to Authority, continues no longer a Commonwealth but Anarchy.  
Wherefore we may observe that Monarchy was not only the most ancient and useful form of Government, as having in it the most apparent unity: But also that this chief office was that of a Judge, being in all causes, and over all persons, supreme head and governor. Not that any single benefit, or the advancement or good of any one person was thereby intended; because that otherwise, and without this relation, they were to be presumed but of equal merit. And so, if we shall diligently consider all those examples of more special and extraordinary favour and abilities bestowed by God Almighty in Holy Writ, we shall find that the good of the whole, or some more considerable part of the people, was the end of those miraculous and personal endowments, and not single honour: it carrying too great a disagreement to God's justice, and too plain a show of partiality, that whole Societies and Orders of men should be to no other end abased but to the advancement and good of one. And to this end only were all those Prerogatives and Privileges annexed to the persons of Princes, as (amongst others) that of irresistible power. For their chief end being the peace of the Kingdom, and ceasing of strife and slaughter; in the doing thereof it must be aswel in his power to decide (if equity shall so lead him,) on the fewer and weaker side, as on the more and stronger; and so much his Obligation of Protection must imply: Else, if the stronger should of itself (and notwithstanding such decision) have still power by force to achieve their own desires, and refuse submission, to what end should Government be? for without it, the stronger side did before judge and prevail for itself; but now, all Power being resigned into a third determinate hand, it is no more of right in them but him: and the offer to reassume it, is the highest breach of Trust, and the Treason of all Treasons even the betraying of all Order and Government itself.  
By all which we may discern the Original reason of Government and power of one man over another; we may see why every soul should be subject to the higher powers; and how all powers come to be of God: 
Rom. 13 1, etc.  and why the resistance hereof, as the greatest crime, is to be punished with damnation. For, without submission to Government and Authority, what peace can be hoped for? and without peace, what temporal good can be expected? because, as the care of God in the preservation of all creatures in general, is called Providence; so, being applied to man's particular, it is called Peace. A blessing of such utility, that, in Scripture, 
Num, 25.12  we may observe all other blessings included therein, as the more worthy: so that in our prayer for the peace of Jerusalem, 
Psal. 122.6.  any other state, we include all sublunary benefits it is capable of; and, as our God will be called the God of peace, so our Saviour the Prince of Peace, 

Rom. 15.33. Isa. 9.6.  
john 20.21.   who, (as a compliment of all blessings) saith, Peace be unto you: and enjoins it as a common and summary benediction to others, Peace to this house, or, Peace to this City. But because peace in itself seems but a Negative happiness, 
Matth. 10.13  we will now (so far as is for the present needful) speak of Man's end and happiness in general: which by means of this peace he strives to attain and secure.   

CHAP. V. Of each Man's private End and Felicity  
WE before touched how the different Perfections of Creatures arose from the different nearness to Divine resemblance; and that the whole Creation took effect out of God's intention to express his goodness, and reap thereby due praise and glory; and that this difference of participation and resemblance appeared most in man, as a creature most lively enabled both to the relishing and enjoying this goodness and bounty, and withal of greatest engagement and ability to return due praise. We are now to consider, that as it would have seemed unreasonable in God, to expect praise from us for such things whose use and possession we could not at all apprehend or acquire: so to increase this praise and thanks, it was necessary that the objects of our felicity, and our vigour in enjoying and possessing them, should be increased also. And again, as for to have coveted and delighted in any by means of our affections, and then have wanted the benefit of reason and discourse to attain it, had been and abuse: so to imagine we should have ever put forth to the possession of any thing, the pleasure or benefit whereof we did no ways apprehend, were absurd; and therefore in this necessary conjunction, our reason and affections are heightened and helped by each other: yet Reason doth usually play the part of the Servant or Ministerial Officer to the attaining of what we apprehend as Pleasant: which Reason having assented unto on the behalf of the object, (out of which Pleasure is expected) it is then called Good: or when on the behalf of the way and means to attain it, it is then called Virtue: especially if it overthrew not a greater Pleasure in others, to which end all Laws are framed Politically, appointing punishments to keep off the seeking of such Pleasures.  
They that have hitherto defined man's felicity, have stinted it to such and such particular objects, wherein (for the most part guessing by the measure of their own relishes and apprehensions) they themselves thought greatest happiness to consist; but we not making man's felicity narrower than the objects thereof will afford, (and reckoning small pleasures even to be parts thereof also) do not mean to contend in what particular object or exercise this delight doth most consist, leaving it to ties proper and indisputable judge, each man's own appetite) but do affirm man's end to be pleasure. At which, if any seem startled, as esteeming a difference should be put between that which is good and that which is pleasant, (and that goodness may be had where pleasure is not,) their mistake ariseth from the observation that since many men and creatures take often delight in such things as procure them afterwards great harm and sorrow; and, on the other side, finding many things which are painful in the present possession to prove afterwards good; they seek (thereupon) to divide Good from Pleasant: Not duly considering that, besides God, no object can have in itself a positive or perfect degree of goodness; but it is in them comparative only, even according to that serviceableness they yield to other things, as for food, clothing, or other use. Therefore the measure of good received from any thing, must be rated according to the relish, entertainment and serviceableness it finds in the receiver, which must make it good, or not.  
For if by good we understand what is commodious and necessary for the preserving and perfecting our nature, without regard whether it be pleasant or not; see we not how they take away the use of sense and reason, and make the felicity of living Creatures not to exceed that of stones and other Inanimates: for these have this felicity conferred on them with greater constancy and assurance than Sensitives; and, if such kind of passive or negative happiness could dignify, would be more excellent of the two: Whereas they, having no apprehension, relish, or delight in what they do, we may justly account them excelled by Creatures of sense: as they are again by man, surpassing them all in the variety and vigour of his enjoyments.  
As, for instance, in that intellectual pleasure of honour, wherein man seems so delighted as if he were a second Deity, they have either none, or small apprehension. Their ears are not capable of harmony, or the sweetness of eloquence; nor their eyes delighted with Colours, Figures, method, etc. They want also many varieties of tastes and smells which we possess. And, (in a word,) as man hath brain (the root of sense) in greater quaintity than they, so also he exceeds them in the use and effects thereof: being more various and abundant in his desires, and more vigorous and steady in his possession. All which will conclude, that goodness in Sensitives (as such) cannot be where pleasure is not; and that goodness is but another name for Pleasure, or (commonly,) the way our reason apprehends to it.  
For when for the health of my body I endure Physic, (or other observations which are troublesome and unpleasant) or, for the good of my soul, abstain from any thing pleasant, or undergo any task or penance; see we not how that which is called good in both kinds, is but in respect it is the way to what is pleasant afterwards for the appetite following Pleasure as her general end, and preferring the greater to the less, by the help of reason finds, that in these and like cases, this end is not otherwise attainable. For this lasting pleasure of health, doth far countervail the temporary sufferings of Physic; and the reward of heaven any momentany punishment; and (in both cases) proves not the avoidance, but Pursuit of Pleasure. For, is any thing Pleasant to the taste for other cause eschewed but out of fear of some other detriment? nor can we make an Atheist forbear his pleasure, when the terror of shame or the Law are off him: or the Glutton his appetite in any thing which fear of sickness forbids not. From the first instance, we may conclude this Maxim That slighter and less durable pain is to be suffered, rather than greater as if that of Physic, to that of Sickness and Death) and, in the other case, That greater pleasure is to be preferred to less, as well as some is better than none at all.  
Mark all we do, and it will be as feed to this harvest. We labour for money, not for itself, but because it is the sure and common Purchaser of things pleasurable. It is this natural thirst we pursue, even when in things we seem least to look that way: For, who are they that most deny themselves in the contents of this life, but such as have greatest hope of heaven hereafter, and the reward by God there promised? Having in his presence fullness of joy, 
Psal. 16 11.  and at his right hand pleasures for evermore. From all which, we may plainly see Pleasure to be our good or end, and only then to be avoided when it procures pain, or by its possession thrusts out a greater.  
The scandal and exceptions commonly taken against making pleasure our aim, is because some thinking pleasure to be only placed in our sense, common to us with beasts, they have thereupon thought it below man's dignity. But why so? since we have senses alike, should not their use be alike? And since, as we formerly proved, men by their senses be capable of more pleasure than other things, why should we think it done in vain? If to this, be added that of his intellect, mind and contemplation, what shall we think all these advantages to pleasure afforded him but in jest? and not rather conclude, that whatever delight, content or pleasure man is capable of, the same is truly his end. To think otherwise, were to tax God with cruelty and deceit; in fixing our desires to objects of our ruin, or hooking in our overthrow by this golden bait. For is it not by this appetite that all the pursuits of living Creatures are guided, insomuch as what is naturally and kind-like done, is also pleasurable; and whatever is harmful or destructive, is painful and irksome? Is not the food which preserves each individual take with delight; and that act that preserves the Species taken with more delight? because the more good is not what is most nourishing, of best relish, and (on the contrary) what is worse; have beasts any other rule to feed them by then this? and are they not herein more infallible and happy than we, who (by way of Physic or Pride) making some unpleasant tastes familiar, do many times so adulterate our gusts, as wanting that truer guide, we come (through familiarity) to incline afterwards to both tastes alike, and then, wanting reason sufficient to follow and know our own constitution, our sickness (instead of health) is often procured? In which regard we may call Pleasure the natural Probat of good, or the aim of each sensitive individual (as such) by nature's governor prudentially appointed, that thereby it's own, and the general good and subsistence of the whole might be preserved; and so God's end and the Creatures might have a constant way of meeting; which left to be done by such means as their own understandings and fancies should contrive, they could never certainly nor uniformly do: For, should Creatures private ends be immediately the same with Gods, Reluctance, disobedience, and confusion must follow: In as much as Sensitive agents, (with reservation of their specifical differences) could neither be universally endued with such sufficiency of understanding and comprehension, as throughly to discover what was truly tending to common Preservation, and the glory of God, (things in themselves the only chief good and end of all things;) nor could they again (in respect of will) be supposed, either generally, or equally one to another, so strongly and steadily inclined, (out of sense of virtue or piety) as to endeavour an end and good of more high or equal concern to others; as when now, led by the more proper, sensible, and pressing invitation, each one doth by constant following pleasure, it's own end, more constantly and generally prosecute that which is God's end also, his glory, arising by our contents and preservations.  
So that, in a word, place any creature in such a condition as to be furnished with continual pleasure to the utmost degree which its kind is capable of, and who can doubt its felicity? It is true, he might take delight in such things as might be hurtful afterwards: but when this cometh to pass, the supposition is broken: for the pleasure is over, and pain is come instead thereof: unless we can imagine there can be harm without pain, as a sickness or disease which (having sense) we should not be sensible of. And, in this case, we fall upon the rule of comparison before mentioned; better forbear a present Pleasure, when a greater Pain is the necessary consequent thereof; and so again on the contrary: both ways concluding that the most lasting and highest pleasure is preferable to that which is shorter and less: and therewithal, that pleasure is that we seek, and pain what we would avoid. For, if I take delight in such things or actions as bereave me of health, do they not thereby bereave me of Pleasure also, by taking away the only necessary taste and subject thereof: and, on the contrary, possessing me with the pain of sickness or death? If again, I take such delight in all, or any the things of this life, as thereby to lose the more full and lasting pleasures of a future and better, and to be also in danger of torment: do I not again transgress the rules of comparison, and prefer a less pleasure to a greater, and a greater pain to a less? Is it any thing but the pleasures and joys of heaven that draws our wishes that way? for, if heaven and hell were to change conditions, and the torments of hell be in heaven, and the pleasures of heaven in hell, I would know if any would choose heaven, which now men do, as knowing that in a place of God's continual presence (the Fountain and Author of all good) the harm and torment of his Creature is not to be feared. Again, making good the object of our wills and appetites, and by good understanding eminency and beneficialness only, and not pleasure: how can the sovereign good of all men be the same, or they thought equally inclined to embrace it in respect of will? for since that kind of goodness must have measure and issue from the understanding, (as being properly the object thereof) how shall the end or sovereign good of wise men and fools be the same? No, they will plainly differ, both in degree and kind: whereas now, by their joint seeking pleasure, they differ not in regard of their end: For the Fool that fails either in the choice of the object, (whereout Pleasure was expected or fitness of the means to attain it, must be presumed to have as naturally and strongly coveted it as the wisest. So as not only the wisest and fools, but beasts and all Sensitives follow Pleasure as their common end: which, according to their utmost abilities, they necessarily covet, reason only making them differ in choice and pursuit. In which respect, although that addition to pleasure which understanding must yield, from the contemplation of prudential choice or managery, may make wise men's pleasures more good; yet doth it not deny the other to be in degree good too, no more than the acknowledgement that full pleasure or acquiescence of mind, which is nowhere but in God to be had, as the only object that can fill both the Sensitive and Rational appetite with full acquiescence as in its full and final object, doth deny every degree of pleasure and content to be in proportion good also.   

CHAP. VI Of Honor.  
OUr discourse past was to prove man's end to be Pleasure; wherein we proceeded no further than in declaring that part of it which was not altogether proper to him as man, but as an individual Sensitive: But now, being to enter on the discourse of Society, it is necessary we treat of the other part thereof, which is proper to him as a moral and intellectual agent, and doth arise from very Society itself; because as from company and converse with others, I come to affect and be provoked to imitation; so again the desire to have my proficence therein appear, makes me for honour sake to affect Society and Company. Whereupon we may say that Honour, Estimation, Reputation, Pride, etc. grow from without us, and do receive both their appearance and increase through degrees of subordination: being (for the most part) the return of gratitude from Inferiors to Superiors. For, if all were equal, as in nature, outward honour or shame could not be, in comparison of one to another.  
Now, as Superiors have high Power above those under them, so have they advantage of being pleasurable to them in their many senses; which because it cannot be from them adequately repaid in kind to him that hath but the sense of one person, therefore by the expressions of the Inferiors joy in possessing this benefit, he hath so lively a sense in his contemplation hereof, that the joys of many come to be his. And hence is it, that it is a more blessed thing to give then to receive; and that not only in respect of God, 
Acts 20.35.  who is the rewarder of charity, but also because there must be more joy in the pleasures of many, than one. Therefore the honoured must have two properties, Power and Goodness; answering two other relations in the honouring, Obedience and Gratitude. And yet Power seems but for Goodness sake; and when it is given by God or Authority, is but in order to that. For as in God himself, the attribute of Optimus hath, by the consent of all People, been put before that of Maximus: so, in all offices of honour from him derived, Power is added but as a servant to that degree of beneficence wherein by their Places they are put to represent him, and act in his stead: after the same manner as the means or instrument is in any thing a servant to the end. So that to make power alone the object of honour, is to make it the same with fear: and it is also to make it, not only the same with obedience, but not to difference it, whether it be hearty or just, or not. For although to honour and to obey, do usually signify the same, yet because the inferior is always in that kind to honour his superior, it is still with presupposition of the right and merit of the person commanding: else to obey the usurped power of a robber, although in a greater command, is not so much honour to him as it is to my Prince or father when I obey them in a less. And not so only, but the several returns of our obedience, and acknowledgements to persons of rightful power are in degree more or less honourable in themselves, as the drift of that command is more or less meritorious. So that although some of the heathen, out of supposition of those many other benefits received, might, in compliment or ignorance, forbear publicly to upbraid their own Gods with those 'scapes and faults acted by their power, yet doth the story of Pallas punishment of Arachne for pourtraying them, assure us that they thought mere power to be dishonourable when it had not goodness in design. Whereupon, it was their use to reverence and worship, as public gods, those that had first been public benefactors.  
Whilst a beneficial action is in intention and execution, it is merit; and when received it is duty: which do again differ in proportion, as the Courtesy and the freedom thereof do; that is, as the one is free and intentional in the gift, and as the other is so also in the return.  
When merit is assumed without sense of desert, it is pride, and when given without it, it is flattery: flattery being but the be-lying of our one sense to the honouring of another. And therefore, vulgar flattery is the basest, because they can be but little worthy: Whereas flatter God we cannot, because he deserves beyond any expression of ours.  
In this intercourse of obligation, between superiors and inferiors, a paction may seem employed, and the benefit or courtesy to call for gratitude. If this gratitude come from a particular person, it is called thanks; if from many, applause; which when it is past present sense, and is a fruit of memory, is called honour.  
In the pleasure formerly spoken of, every man's own sense is judge; this is judged by the sense of others, for they had the benefit, and our pleasure is in the intellect; as being the reflex of theirs. And, as good and bad actions have the private testimony of the party's conscience, so have they also the public attestation of the people, or those that receive them, called honour or shame.  
Without this way of being sensible of the pleasures of others, the rule of Do as thou wouldst be done unto, would not have its avail, for upholding the mutual benefit of one another in society. For since pleasure was our end, why should I labour the pleasure of others, if myself had no share therein? Therefore God, to provoke us to common preservation and good, imparts to us of this ability of being sensible of pleasure received by others: and even as, for our individual preservation, he makes us apprehensive of pleasures proper to senses of our own, so hereby, for common preservation sake, he makes us sensible of the pleasures of others. When we assume this honour, and yet conscience consents not, it is (as aforesaid) pride. If we affect it to public disturbance, it is ambition, vainglory, etc. Yet ambition seems to regard the mark of it, to wit, public employment, but vainglory and applause may rest in self-content.  
Honour arising from being beneficial to others, it must be more, as that is more true and general: and, being the reward that inferiors give to superiors, it is in the first place due to God, as obliging all creatures for all those pleasures they enjoy. Then, as it is to him only due, so from him only to be had; as being part of his right: and as from the abliest Judgeto value the deserts of others herein. For whilst it remains in the people's acclamations, it is like bullion: but when God or his Vicegerent have stamped it, the people know what quantity of respect or gratitude each honourable person must have. Else, as bullion, according to different esteems, would be valued by some more, by some less, (so that no use could be of it:) so honour also, without this coinage, would come at last to be quite deprived of its worth.  
They that placed men's felicity in good, virtue, and contemplation; might have regard to this intellectual pleasure: for if reason (through its confirmation of the attainableness and lastingness of that object of pleasure which my appetite chooseth) hath made it good; the very use of this good, doth (through familiarity) insinuate itself, and so become pleasure also. So virtuous actions, that have political pleasure their end, or make way to their own, pleasure by promoting that of others; and contemplation, which hath pleasure of any kind for its aim, do, from custom to attain pleasurable subjects, become the objects of pleasure themselves.  
This makes Religious and Civil duties to be performed with delight: no otherwise then as men used to hunting, do not only place content in the end of it, namely the catching some creature for use or pleasure; but this very labour, exercise, and toil in catching it, comes to be pleasure itself: and the cry and barking of Dogs, comes to be like music. Hence also it comes, that the covetous desire of riches, makes even those ways to attain them to lose their usual relish of care and labour, and become content and pleasure. According to the answer of a rich father, that being told (by way of reproof) of his sons whole delight in spending what with such great affliction he had gotten; he answered, He had more delight in getting, than his son could have in spending. For pleasure that depends not on the bodily sense, but on the fancy, can have no judge but the fancy: and then, being made up of use and custom, pleasure must differ according thereunto: therefore that which is most honourable in estimation of others, is so with me. For as my sense cannot err in judging of things pleasurable to me, so cannot the opinion of others, in matters of opinion or knowledge of what themselves enjoy.  
So then, this estimation is either of things, or persons. As for things, all the rate they usually have, above necessary use, ariseth from hence: and they can be no otherwise rateable then by common esteem. But this common esteem arose at first from the particular esteem and use of them by persons of honour: which had also its encouragement from scarcity, whereby the appropriation might be more firm and entire. For as the honouring do (in outward regard) make and constitute the persons honourable; even so also the honourable persons make the honourable things.  
So that then, all pleasure may be comprehended under these two main heads: that is, either pleasure of the sense, proper to the body; or of honour, proper to the mind. The last is the greater, and more sought; as carrying with it the interpretation of virtue and merit, by beneficial actions to others; which the more communicable, the more good: and hath again degrees; according to the resentment of pleasure in the receiver, and according to the generality of that acknowledgement which gives it esteem. Whereas pleasure of sense, looking only at private satisfaction gives way to this; at least in public competition hides itself: and is judged only by the sense of the particular party, whether it be pleasure or no. Yet it seemeth that this pleasure of sense is more true, natural, and necessary. For first, the other, being founded but on opinion of others, hath not like evidence to sense, which as more natural, is common to all men with other Sensitives: and is so necessary, that it is the promoter of all actions; nay of honour itself, if it be marked. For the reason why honour is had, or expected; is from knowledge, or opinion of something done beneficial to others; which benefit could not have been or perceived, but in such things as were pleasurably received elsewhere, even by testimony of sense. For so shall we find the highest marks of honour, affixed to such as invented the means of men's living in greater security and delight: things which have respect to all.  
For should we make honour depending on itself only, as of a race or stock (which we call Gentry) this is to countenance pride, and obstruct the way to virtue, by suffering such to assume honour, who will not go the way to it themselves; and do by possession of the reward, discourage such as would. Truly, to be of good parentage, is of great advantage and encouragement to virtue, but we see it ordinarily to fall out otherwise: and then, when the antiquity of Arms and true Descent, is all that can be bragged of, I would first ask, since these Arms are derived as from their Fathers, and so on from father to father, what assurance in such length of time, that no one of the Wives played not foul play? Which happening to any one, the advantage of blood is to all that follow. I will then again, (as in favour to their side) suppose those Arms they now bear, were not bought, or gotten by other indirect course; but as a reward of some notable service to the Commonweal (or Prince, the life thereof,) were bestowed on their first Ancestor, to remain as in memory of this virtue to posterity. And then I shall ask, how they that come from his stock, and derive their honour as from him, can be more honourable than he; more than a stream, be greater than the fountain? If not, how is this usual brag of of antiquity? Again, if the fountain of their Gentry were the best man, though the first of his stock; they then plainly place true honour in virtue.  
It is therefore worthy notice, that since every thing is best preserved by the same means it was first begun, the best and only way to keep up or increase the reputation of their house, is in imitation, or increase of their progenitors virtue: and native or hereditary honour, serves but as cyphers in Arithmetic; that is, to add so much more honour or shame to all the parties actions, as his rank gives him advantage of power above other men. Not but that honour is due to Nobility that have Offices by birth, as Dukes, Counts, etc. for this being given to them by Kings, as to hereditary Officers in such places, which always make them publicly honourable (as having thereby power and designation of serving the Commonweal above others,) remains due to such. Else, the honour of a race is but negative: that is, absence of the shame of ignominious birth.  
Whereupon it may appear, that honour is gained by advancing sensitive pleasure; and honour being the end, is more worthy than pleasure that is the means. For so usually, the forbearance of the parties own pleasure in private enjoyments, is made the way of getting and increasing honour. For if naturally and ordinarily, there were more pleasure or self-benefit, in performing the act whereout honour is sought, then in the contrary, what thanks or honour can be due? In which case, honour is plainly preferred to the sensitive pleasure of my particular. And honour (for the most part) is difficultly attainable; and the other is in custom varied. And on the other side, they that have this sensible pleasure, lose no honour thereby: and perhaps at another time, may gain honour by like means: so that neither then, did they prefer sensitive pleasure to honour, and now they plainly put honour before it. That is, they do on both hands prefer the gain of some honour, to the loss of some pleasure: although none would prefer a continual torment to a continual shame. It faring in this case between the comparison of pleasure and honour, as between meat and money: for although each man is ready to spare and abate of his diet to advance his estate, yet would none choose to be rather wholly deprived of the sure and natural way of sustentation by food, then of the artificial way of doing it by money.  
So that, honour seems the only reward to virtue. For as nature, by sensitive pleasure, stirs us up to beneficial things to our own behoofs, so the politic pleasure of honour, to what is good for others. For the pleasure or suffering of others, being not perceptible by my bodily sense, how should I else be provoked, if this politic sense of shame and reward had not been (as aforesaid) entertained? whereby, (still retaining my natural appetite of self-seeking) I covet, and promote mine own pleasure, by advancing that of others.  
And this appetite of honour seems natural also: for beasts and children have some sense thereof: but this is as far as they are sociable, and have lookers on. For though children, in their sports, make pre-eminence or honour their end, it is not till they come to some ripeness: but then, honour being only due where virtue or beneficial actions did precede; and children having no knowledge of them, how should honour be due to them? so that than it is not honour, but pride.  
And then, by the same rule, as none know good and virtue perfectly, it will fall out that all men are both comparatively honourable, or proud one to another: and that none but God can be truly honourable. For in men, honour is so far from being estranged from pride, that pride is its usual parent: & honourable things and actions, please us but in reference to publication; which may be then termed ostentation. And so, it fareth also in matters of shame: for we blush not when faults are spoken of in such company, where we think they suspect us not guilty of them: nor blush we when we are alone, or privately thinking on the same, or other things which we are guilty of: and again are ready to blush, though not guilty, if we think the present company suspect and observe us as guilty.  
Honour being thus made the mark and reward of virtuous and beneficial actions, we need not wonder at the esteem of it amongst men: and consequently of the great strife amongst us, for the having all kinds of things pleasurable and beneficial in our power: insomuch, as the poorest vassal in the world cannot be so far destitute of this appetite, as not always to covet, and sometimes to presume, he hath laid an obligation: whereby some honour, (at least in the lowest degree (thanks) seems to him due. And hence (on the other side) it is, that Sovereign's themselves, are so jealous of powers under them, to eclipse obligations. For honour being, in a manner, all that subjects can give him, he cannot but be herein very tender. And truly, man is in nothing brought nearer to resemble his Maker (whose glory and praise was the end of all he did) nor in any thing so truly differenced and exalted above beasts, (being in pleasure of sense ready to equal him) then in this appetite.  
But we must take heed of the extremes thereof, Pride and Ambition; that seek it without desert, or order: the one, as slothful, and the other, as restless, deserving it not. For as it is necessary only to Deity to be unlimited in power, and consequently to have all obligations due; so, to other creatures this omnipotency being denied, their merit in honour can but rise according to that limited power their species is naturally bounded with. So that for any to attempt to ascend, and be like the most High in power, will prove their weakness and fall: as to that first man it was, who would be like him in knowledge.  
As thus in nature and the course of providence, so in policy also, (where it is by Law and rule set down how each one shall be serviceable to another, and which doth limit a degree of obligation, by limiting their powers according to their ranks and callings) the same rule of moderation must take place. We may hereupon define true honour, to consist in the full discharge of the beneficial duties belonging to each man's rank or place. For, if he do assume till this be done, it is arrogance and pride; and, if he seek honour by gaining power beyond political limits, it is ambition. And hence it is, that ambition is one leading cause in all public disturbance and rebellion. For so glorious a thing, it seems, to have power to lay general obligations, that finding it no otherwise attainable, but by seizing on that power which now hinders; I am provoked to use all the means I can thereunto: and although the same good I now seek to do, be already done by others, yet my restless desire of estimation will not let me alone; till by engrossing all power, I shall be able to merit all obligation. And nothing in a Kingdom can be more dangerous than this affected popularity: for it puts all in disorder, by its unorderly proceeding in the search of honour. For (as beforesaid) all honour is God's right, whether you take him as the universal Author of all benefits, or whether you take it as the only thing inferiors (as such) have power to bestow: in both respects it is to him in the first place due; as by way of gratitude for his benefits, so by way of submission to his power, and therefore we shall find, that, in Scripture phrase, to honour, and to obey, signify usually the same.  
And, as to God primarily, so to others, according to the trust and charge he allows them (to be more or less publicly serviceable) honour (as derived from him) must be holden and acknowledged: so that whatever benefit others by our means receive, and do therefore acknowledge obligation, we must take heed we forget not (like Herod) the true Author of this power, in assuming it wholly to ourselves.  
Amongst the persons by God trusted with charge for beneficial actions, the chief are Kings: for these, in their several Dominions, are, as (under him) fountains of power, so of honour also. For they, (in God's stead) are the only able and authorized Judges, of the reality and generality of public benefits: insomuch, as if receivers should be sole Judges, they (as parties) would but regard their own satisfactions only; and call that public, which was but private benefit. For these are subject both to flatter and mistake: but he, having the public in his peculiar trust, and looking on all with like interest, can, as the representative whole or common Sensory, best and most impartially judge of common utilities: and to him only it must therefore belong to confer honour, and the marks thereof: for else, while ambitious and proud persons, were seeking and arrogating as they like, true honour would not be: and while people did, through continual strife and slaughter of one another, set up such as should be still undertaking their greater benefit, they should lose (as in the Fable) their bone for a shadow.  
We must therefore (as before said) reckon honour as it is in the subjects or people, but as Bullion; of no use to them, nor to those that have it: and that the value of it must be according to the coinage of that Prince whose image and authority it bears.  
Hence we may observe, that in Republikes, and where Monarchies are not, settled honours are not neither. For there is only applause, estimation, or the like momentany and uncertain shadows: because with them, honouring and honoured are the same in degree; & honour signifying pre-excellence, must needs be to none, when it is equal to all; or at least equally divided amongst so many. And then, how shall they confer on others, what they have not themselves?  
And, as upon this ground, honour can be only in Monarchy, so must it also follow (from what hath hitherto been spoken) that it must therein also flow from him to the people, and not from the people to him, as some would construe that maxim, That honour is in the honouring, and not in the honoured. For since (as before noted) the honourable or beneficial act, must precede the honour or thanks thereof, as the cause must precede the effect; even so, the honourable person (which must again precede as the cause of that act) must also much more precede, and be the cause of the honour that follows thereupon.  
And in this respect, the subjects or people are so far from being originals of honour, that they can therein (at most) but carry the force of an Echo, in the return and report of that voice or rate of honour which must come from above: to wit, from God, or such as from him have benefits to give. As for example, 
1 King. 1.39.  when all the people said, God save King Solomon; as they could not be understood thereby radically and primarily to confer the Office and power itself, so neither to be fountains and originals of the honour then given: but the power and pleasure of David, testified by the presence of his own servants, and other attestations of his approbation and assent, must be looked upon as efficient causes of this honour; and the people but as subservient and instrumental therein. Even as also that honour which Mordecai received by being brought on horse back through the street of the City, was originally to be ascribed to Abasuerus that had commanded it to be so done to the man whom the King would honour: and, 
Esther ●. 9.  in testimony that this honour was derived from, and authorized by him the fountain of honour, and that the people were but to be the reporters and publishers thereof, had also commanded him to be attended with some of his own royal retinue, and some ensigns of honour and estate proper to himself.  
And as thus, the honourable must precede the honouring in time: so must they in dignity too, as the cause doth the effect. For although (as to the present act wherein the cause and the effect stand as relatives) they are alike in time, and constitute equally one another, as all Relatives do, (so that one cannot (as to that relation) be set or substracted, without establishment or overthrow of the other:) yet, if we measure excellency by that power, virtue, and force, whereby any act is maintained between two relatives, we may well, in that regard, account the Agent before the Patient: even because he was first, and more eminent in the action by which the relation was effected: as the father is before, and more excellent than the son, although (as to the relation itself,) he was not a father till he had a son.  
So in Monarchy, although there cannot be a King till there be Subjects, because (as they stand in the relation of governor and governed) one must constitute another; yet because, even in that very act of Government, the Monarch or King must (as the Agent) precede both in time and dignity any virtue or worth that can come from the subjects, he must be accounted original of the power thereto belonging; and not they, who can be only passive; and that (at most) in proportion answerable to the power of him that rules. For if his power and force therein be never so little; yet cannot they in their relation of obedience exceed it: whereas they may very often be defective, in the ability of their performance of what he doth command. Whereupon, as the command must precede the execution, so must the Commander precede the commanded, both in time and dignity; even so far, as to be the constitutive and efficient cause thereof; that is, as to the whole relation; although, in the single and separate acts, they may stand reciprocally and equally constituted.  
Nay, although, in respect of each single act, honour may be said to be in the honouring first, as the ball projected (for the rebound sake) must (as to that rebound) proceed from the place it was thrown against, before it can come to the projectors self; yet, because this rebound took beginning from the ability and intention of the projector, even as the honourable act did at first, from the honoured person, we must therefore confess, the honoured to be the original of the honour thence arising; and not they that are passive. For so far as the people's honour shall proceed without, or beyond consideration of approved desert, so far it is flattery, and not honour.  
And therefore, upon the same reason that the Creator may be said to precede the Creature, (even in that very work of Creation) although he were not (as to that relation) Creator till there were a Creature: and as again, the Father doth precede in time and dignity the son, (even in reference to that very constitution of sonship) although he were not a Father till he had a son: so (for conclusion) the Monarch and Governor, is so far from receiving his essential honour and power from the subjects and governed, as he may (on the otherside) be accounted constitutive of them; even in that very relation: and must (however) be acknowledged the Author of that honour that ariseth from the work itself: which, as it had issue according to the virtue of the Agent, so must the power thereof be ascribed unto him; and so from him to God above, who is the fountain of all power and beneficial acts: and not to the people below; who are only passive and receivers. Of whose farther care and power over us in this act of Government we shall next treat, by discoursing of his Laws sent amongst us, for conferring this honour on persons here below: whereby we might be enabled to prevent those inconveniences in Society which the private and unlimited seeking our own ends, (hitherto spoken of) might else prodduce.   

CHAP VII. Of the Laws of God leading to Government.  
THe dignity of man above other Creatures we have heretofore in part touched; as also, why (thereupon) a greater care should be taken for his preservation: and therefore, lest a matter of so high concern should be left unto so slender protection and guidance as that of his own reason, God himself hath furnished him with Precepts and Laws from above for his direction: Religion being nothing else but God's supply of nature's light for our good; or an expression of God's love and Charity to us, by directing us how to be charitable one towards another.  
And, to divide the Law of Nature, from having the same end with that of Religion, is to divide the Author, and set him against himself. For although, to strengthen the observation of his Laws (in regard of his known power, and our necessary dependence upon him) he doth accept and call for our performance as a service to himself; yet, I see not how any can, without injury to his al-sufficiency, think God's condition thereby any ways bettered. But in these performances, we are to consider that saying of Eliphaz in Job, Can a man be profitable to God, 
Job 22.2, 3.  as he that is wise may be profitable to himself: is it any pleasure to the Almighty that thou art righteous, or is it gain to him, that thou makest thy way perfect? No, we must (with the most Religious King,) believe and confess, that our goodness extendeth not to him, but to the Saints that are on earth, 
Psalm 16.2, 3.  and such as excel in virtue: that is to say, to such as live in society with us: which sociable living is inclusive of all virtue. And although it is a Saintlike quality to be conversant in virtuous and benificent actions, and to be obedient unto the good Laws of God; yet is the good of keeping them their benefit only whom we converse with on earth, and not directly his. 
Job 38  And therefore Charity is the end of the Law, and also of those many other precepts set down in holy writ; as to diligent enquiry may easily appear: and the injuries to our neighbour, are reckoned in the Scriptures as sins against God. But to make things a little more plain by instance, we will make some observation upon the Decalogue itself: 
Leu. 6.2, 3, etc.  as the head and ground of the rest.  
The value and credit of all things, and particularly of Laws, must arise in our esteem, either as they are apprehended by our own reason available for our good; or else they must have the known testimony of such an Author, whose wisdom and love towards us may no ways be questioned. But, in this case, for one man (without farther authority) to impose upon another, with what reason shall he expect success? for being but my equal in nature, how shall I know him my superior in wisdom? Because (in respect of will) we being all equally inclined to seek good and avoid evil, and each one doing it to himself in the first place; I have (no doubt) in that regard, reason to prefer my own wish or inclination before that of others.  
And then also, although the will cannot fail in the constant choice of good, yet it being dependent on the guidance of the understanding, according to the strength or weakness thereof, it attains what is really so, or is beguiled with appearances: yet it will fall out, that these appearances shall have equal credit with that which is real and more beneficial. For, be the measure of my understanding never so small and weak, yet it being all I have, and in me the supreme and only judicatory; how shall I judge the insufficiency thereof? For, if we should have in us one understanding above another to be judge thereunto; we should again need another understanding, to give testimony and direction to that: nor could we herein come to any pause. And then farther, although error commonly happen for want of true induction, and sufficient enquiry into the particulars, out of which our conclusions are, or aught to be framed; yet when education, or other prejudice hath so far forestalled my judgement, as already to fill and settle it; it is almost bootless for any then to persuade me to new enquiry: it being, but is as if you should wish me to believe, that my desire of my own good hath been so weak, that competent care and pains hath not been taken therein: or in effect to entreat me to believe, another loves it more than myself.  
Add to this, that since the general acknowledgement of man's excellency above other creatures, and of one man above another, is chiefly accounted in respect of understanding; therefore, for me to acknowledge any insufficiency herein, cannot be expected: as concluding too much to mine own shame. Whereupon, we may see how scornfully the name of Fool is taken, even by them that are most so: for first, how should he know it, and then how should he like it? And when men are heard to confess their insufficiency in respect of others, it is for the most part feigned, and in compliment to them: thinking to commend and advance their sufficiency by their humility. Or if it be real, it is in such and such particulars, wherein themselves have not put forth with like endeavours; as our ready and common excuses for all sorts of failings may witness. Which is so far from acknowledging any comparative insufficiency, as my being confident, that if myself had bestowed equal pains, I should therein have excelled; it will argue my pride rather than submission. And even in practical arts and operations, where sense can be judge of present good and bad, how partial are we to conclude for ourselves? Or when the effect makes it too apparent against us, we lay not the fault on want of inward sufficiency or understanding: but on some corporal, or external wants and impediments.  
All which doth plainly discover the difficulty, if not impossibility, of one man's submission to the guidance of another. And especially in matters of speculation, this stubborness doth arise: for so we find in matters of Religion, which all men look upon with like interest and concern, and consequently concluding that they have therein taken the directest course; each on becomes so inflexible, that no re-examination will be admitted.  
And to come to our purpose, for making and entertaining of laws for all men to live by: if they be such as have that proportion and agreement with my reason, as it can discern their goodness, I shall then for their own, and not for their author's sake accept them. But what law can be so framed as to find universal acceptance: or if some could, yet, so many as (for number and use) are fit for the government of whole nations in all kinds (amidst so great variety) what agreement can be hoped for in their receipt? Are not men usually in this case found rather inclinable to rules of their own invention, then obedient to the directions of others? Who till they are by some supernatural natural power differenced, must be presumed in command but equal: and in that respect, want that authority which is unto all Lawmakers requisite. And hence it is, that the most famous founders of Common weals, have still avouched a God for their Author.  
Whereupon, since the force of law, must depend on the authority of the Maker: and that, according to our belief of his sufficiency in himself, and interest in us, our obedience to his commands will proceed; it pleased our Allseeing God in the first Table to settle our reverence and attention to himself: He first tells us he is God, and that we must have none but him: for until we be brought from the condition of Athiesm, what authority can precepts from Divinity have? 
Exod. 20.2, 3.  or if other Deities, should have equal or better place in our esteem then him, our obedience to his commands would not proceed with due readiness.  
And secondly, By denying us the making of Images (the usual expression of other Deities) he doth remove a great bait to this alienation of mind, 
Exod. 20.4.  both to them, and also the fear of placing our devotions on Creatures or second causes: whereby (in regard of their unworthiness to him) having his presence and authority (by their means) lessened in our sight, our observance to his laws would necessarily fall.  
And as his credit should not be impaired by mingling, so neither by perjury nor by common and unnecessary discourse of him, as of a person of ordinary esteem: therefore thirdly, under the prohibition, Of taking of his name in vain, 
Exod. 20.7.  our highest respect to his honour is challenged: upon which the more due observation of his laws will follow. And as this duty of reverential obedience, is in Scripture commonly known by the name of fear. So to implant it, and draw on the people's obedience the better, God in giving these fundamental Laws, appears more plainly and majestically, then ever before or since: himself then talking with them from heaven, That his fear might be before their faces, 
Exod. 20.20.  that they sin not: that is, break not his laws.  
And fourthly, knowing the weakness of our capacities, in conceit & remembrance of things so sublime; and that by practice and iteration, we are best won to approve & keep these things in our mind; he appointed a seventh part of our time to be kept holy to that purpose. In which last command that seems most strictly enjoined, yet we may observe him to point out, that the end of all laws was more ours then his service: 
Exod. 20.8.  and therefore he indulgeth, not only the cure, and other necessary works for the good & safety of men, but the pulling of an Ox or Ass out of the pit: our Saviour concluding in this command, as in behalf of all others, 
Mark. 2.27.  That the Sabbath was made for man, and not man for it.  
And God having thus given fit and sufficient rules, for fastening his own authority in our belief, he comes to those main precepts which establish our preservation and mutual peace: and begins with the foundation of society and government, to wit, obedience to superiors: and that under the notion of the most common and unquestionable relation of that kind, which is parental. 
Exod. 20.12.  For should he have settled obedience under any other relation, it could not have been so universally known and binding: because all could not be wives, nor servants; so as the authorities of husbands and masters, might be universally inclusive. Nor could all yet be subjects; inasmuch as there were yet many Independent families, not grown so great, as that the Master should take on him the title of King: and particularly the Jews themselves were yet such. It was therefore under this notion, the straightest and most universal obligation to obedience, because none could be exempt: inasmuch as having every one fathers and mothers of their own, they were thereupon, as under the notion of an officer of power, also enjoined to obedience to the public father of their country. And therefore, the observation of this precept being so necessary, it is observed to be the first commandment with promise: and the end and benefit of it is plainly annexed, 
Epes. 6.2. Exod. 10.12.  That our days may be long in the land. For if (slighting the honour and respect due to them and their commands) we trust to our private Rules and Wills for public guidance, what will follow but civil dissension, blood, and slaughter? which in the sixth and next command, he expressly forbids, saying, 
Exod. 20.13.  Thou shalt not kill: a crime so foul, that nothing but the life of the offender can satisfy it.  
And then seventhly, To prevent occasions of quarrel and murder, most commonly arising about propriety; he, by saying, 
Exod. 20.14.  Thou shalt not commit adultery, removes it in the chief rise thereof, our wives and posterity. For to what other use (almost) labour we the possession of all other things, but to furnish and transmit unto them? but if my issue be not mine, or uncertain, with what heart shall I bestow labour for them? And then, if this parental love and care shall cease, shall not nature and providence want one of her main supports: whilst these younglings, unable to provide for, or help themselves, are left in danger of perishing. Again, suppose them all brought up, yet when with the strength of body, the knowledge of their different beget doth come to appear; what will follow but scorns, derisions, and slaughters? Therefore, as marriage was to be a means to unite families one to another (and was therefore forbidden in the same kindred, as having this union already made) so doth the due observation of wedlock (especially on the woman's part) unite each family in itself: and is the most excellent means to peace and agreement: Whereas, adultery administers occasions of quarrels of parents and families one with another, and of the same family in itself. And therefore we find, however tende● God is of the life of man, the breach of this command is punished with death.  
And then eighthly, to steal is to destroy propriety directly, 
Exod. ●0. 15.  and thereby unity: when as (on the contrary) aright to give witness and information in our neighbour's business, and between party and party, is the likeliest way to settle it, and peace amongst us; which is ninthly commanded, when the Bearing false witness against our neighbour is forbidden. 
Vers. 16.   
And lastly, Having given us such commands as will cut off the chief branches of our quarrels, he now by saying, Thou shalt not covet, kills them in the root. For because I cannot commit external upon another, 
Verse. 17.  but what I had first approved and contrived in myself: even so, if I had not first (by covetous desire) invaded my neighbour's property in my thoughts, I should not have attempted his disseisin by act or force; which force will then occasion resistance, resistance quarrel, and quarrel death. And this death being against the whole course and rule of God's providence; Multiply, increase, 
Gen. 5▪ 1.  and replenish the earth; and in the noblest race of his Creatures, man; we may see plain reason why God should be so careful in giving these and other Rules for our preservation: and why (to enforce those Rules the better) he should be so express and careful of his own honour and service, as their ground and foundation.  
Nor doth the Moral Law, and Old Testament look this way only, but Gospel-Precepts (by comparing those cardinal virtues of Faith, Hope, and Charity, and giving to Charity the precedence (as their end) do teach us the same thing also. For though Faith was enjoined in the first place, it was not for its pre-excellence; but because, as my belief of Deity, or hope of Heaven stands in measure and degree, increased or remitted: so (in proportion) my practice in Precepts of Charity will follow. Which virtue of Charity, being the end thereof, and the true substance of all other Graces; they without it come to be reckoned but as sounding brass, and tinkling Cymbals. For as we before showed, 
1 Cor. 13.1.  that God's glory is the end of all things, and of man more especially; so we must (according to the precepts and rules of Charity) take care of the life and welfare of our neighbour, as we tender in any sort the glory and service of God: And, to the end this peace and safety may be the better acquired, submit to the authority of such as have the sovereignty and command over us: which shall now be our next discourse.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Master of the Family.  
THe discourses hitherto, have been to show the end of Government, which is Peace; and the foundation of it, unity and subjection; and the tye and Authority for both, which is Religion. For without this, how could Nature have set one man above another? And if reason (grounded on such agreement and consent as before supposed) should have done it, yet what Obligation for continuance, longer than the same reason of respective good that set them up, should in the same measure make it reasonable for continuance? For the same natural tye of self-seeking, that caused men to submit at one time, would be as available and just, for them to take contrary course at another: nor could Contract or Paction be then in force, because a stronger Obligation than seeking our own, could not be had. Therefore until the fear of an irresistible Power for punishing this breach was added, that first conceit of mine own particular benefit, which caused me to make my promise, would also warrant me (if I saw cause) to break it. Nor can fear of punishment, from those to whom I submitted; or fear of suffering myself by consequent or example from others, prevail otherwise, then as in my apprehension over-poyzing that benefit I expect: which, if yet by force, fraud, faction, or other practice, I can secure myself against, and avoid; the best course for myself, is the most justifiable. And, until a positive Law comes from God to state and make sin, sin there cannot be: but folly there may be, and is, if through neglect or weakness, I stray from Nature, and prefer another's benefit to mine own, by any tye above self-consideration. For Man, considered in mere Nature, must be presumed as inculpable in pursuit of his desires, and remove of obstacles, as all things else; though like them, it should extend to the death of the Oponent. For that which warrants the end, warrants the means; and except the difference be made else how, be they greater or less, they are equally allowable. And till Religion be, Conscience or fear of guilt, cannot be. Therefore we may see just cause, that God himself should come in with his Commands amongst us, and enjoin us so often to make him our only fear: for Precepts or Religion, as they give us great light what to do in policy, so are they the only strong Obligations to make it valid. Because from hence it comes to pass, that men considered in Nature as self-seekers only, and thereby destructive to one another; are now by policy made to do the same still; and therewith to promote that good of others also: so that whilst it is impossible (without Nature's subversion) but for individuals (as such) to mind their own benefit only; they have now, their hopes and fears (arising out of all things to be done or omitted in their power) so increased by promises and threats annexed to divine Precepts; that the guidance of divine light, and not of our own, must be the choice of our reasonable Will. Therefore if I do injure or do not love my neighbour as myself, as God Commands, I do thereby not love myself as Nature enjoins; and do, in committing sin against Religion, commit also folly against Reason; by so much injuring myself.  
And so again, for keeping Commerce and Society: He that sweareth to his neighbour and disappointeth him not, though it be to his hindrance, 
Psal. 15.4.  shall have the greatest of rewards. And so further, for honouring and obeying of Parents and Princes, how many are the rewards and threats running that way? So that, should we not by natural Reason, be led to see and follow those our benefits, arising by obedience to those politic Governments; yet, out of natural prudence; when such large good or evil, to fall on our particulars is annexed, we cannot without self-prejudice refuse. And therefore, being now come to set these Monarchies on their true foundations, we will speak more particularly of their Powers and Jurisdictions: beginning with the Father of the Family; who, in his less Territory is a little Prince, as the other is a Master of a greater Family.  
In the treating of this Oeconomical policy, it is not to be expected that I should in this place descend to particulars so far, as to set out the respective duties of all the Members of the Family one to another, more than I do in Kingdoms; but only to set out the power of the Governor thereof, and the grounds of the others obedience: and that, upon the like grounds of Reason and Scripture as I do in the other. So that in the confirmation of the power of this Master, whereby Children and Servants were to obey in all things, we find in holy Writ those many Precepts for perfect obedience: 
Col. 3.20, 22.  and that Abraham had it as well in his power as duty, to command his children and household, to keep the way of the Lord, and to do judgement and justice. 
Gen. 18.19.  Where, by Judgement and Justice, we must suppose the Power of life and death meant and included: as other Nations have formerly granted it to Fathers also. According to which power, formerly given, Gen. 9.5. we find Judah sentencing his daughter-in-Law, to be burnt upon suspicion of whoredom: which he did, both as Father to his own Family, and also by the Prerogative of Elder Brother; as being every man's Brother in his own Family. By which power he afterwards again acquitted her, knowing himself to be the man involved in equal guilt: even as the adopted elder Brother David, did afterwards upon like occasion. Therefore for Abraham to have killed his son, was not to have exceeded his rightful power: for had it so been, God would not have commanded; and Abraham not knowing any intention of diverting him, might have bogled at it.  
But for more full explanation why one person and no more should have power in each Family (the reasons being the same) shall be discoursed in the title of Sovereignty, and other places of Government Monarchical. For this Dominion being scarce anywhere absolute in that relation, but all Families being included in other Sovereignty's, the duties of those subordinate thereunto cannot be determined otherwise, then by saying they owe their obedience to him in all things, not prohibited by such as are superior unto them both.  
Against those that make the institution of the family, the eldest (as fitting best that ancient thinness of people) we shall not contend much: though we might instance in the Government of God himself; and that of Michael the Archangel among the good, and of the devil (as Prince) among the bad: as also that Adam (before he had family) was by God made Monarch of all Creatures below; and of Eve also. But for answer to such as hold it barely natural, or at least more natural or reasonable then that of Kings; I shall first say, That if by most natural they mean that practice which is common to men and sensitives also, they shall find the contrary in many instances. For when there is any association of Birds, Beasts, or Fishes, it is always under one remarkable Commander of that Flock, Herd, or Shoal. And as for that Government of Family, it is among none of them; nor can be: for except some sorts of Fowl, they have not their proper Females, and so must want the propriety of the young, whereby to make their family. And Fowl we see, as soon as their brood can fly, beat off them, and part with one another; all becoming strangers. And from the coupling and pairing of the Fowl, we cannot conclude for marriage: unless therewith, we say, that the having more than one wife is unnatural.  
And then, for the natural subjection of the females, many kinds of them speak the contrary. Insomuch as the designation of number, and the power over Wives, is not natural and constant, but political and differing. And as for the Males equal care of the young ones nurture (practised in some Fowl) it ariseth from his extraordinary assurance of propriety in the brood: for from the time of their first congression, to her hatching, he is never so absent from his Hen, as to endanger his jealousy. Yet all those Cocks that have more Hens than one, though there be no other Cock in the company to cause suspicion, beat and hate the young. And then, as for the way of being a servant appropriate to one another in any sort, no Creature knows it.  
Come we now to men; we hear of Nations practising, and some men of reputation propounding the natural community of Wives, and so overthrowing Families: both which do yet entertain Monarchy. The like we may say of the Amazons, who have no Families, and yet have Monarchy.  
But now, if by saying the Government of a Family under one head is natural, they mean thereby reasonable, we agree; and that for the reason heretofore, and hereafter to be given; namely for unity of Government in Commonwealths: which Reasons are most of them so agreeing to both, that they shall not need recital. And truly, when I have impartially considered, how both of them have foundation from Divine Authority and political prudence, I can lay the mistake of this partiality only to this; that such as write hereof, are usually themselves Fathers of Children, Masters of Servants, or Husbands, or likely to be so; and then, to strengthen the duties of all those relations (as in order to themselves) we may find good reason. And therefore are not only all those Texts of Scripture looking that way, taken in, without any to oppose them; but Nature is also brought as its first groundwork; so confidently, that one would think God Almighty might have spared his Precepts. But, on the other side. King's are not themselves writers: and if they did (as in justification of their own Power, and subjects Duty) it would be called partiality; because so many have interest against him. And if any of the Subjects, out of Conscience of Truth, and for the subjects good too, (if they well considered it) write in defence of Monarchy and its power, (not only such as have prejudice, by being under other forms, but) other subjects also, that have all of them their particular interests and hopes (by increase of liberty) will accuse him of flattery. For a Monarch is a head above them, and so remains the object of continual envy and trouble, as eclipsing them all: which if away, they in democratic equalities (if some of them be not more ambitious) might be all Monarches; both absolute over their own families, and, as they could make faction over others also: whereas now, they of their family and others may appeal in case of oppression.  
Another prejudice against Monarches is, for that their subjects being numerous, they must trust the guidance of them in many things to others: against whose pride (as knowing them to be but their fellow subjects) the repine is greater, then if the Prince (as the Master) should act himself: all whose miscarriages comes ever to be laid to the fault of the Government itself, by such as would be rid of it. Which unjust censures or revile come again through secrecy of offenders (amongst a multitude) or through multitude of offenders (as considered in themselves) to be unespied or unpunished by the Prince: whereas the paucity in the Family enables the Master to act by his own knowledge, and quickly to discover complaints: which you may well think, he will (for his credit sake) by power or craft smother: at least you may think, that if he do write or speak of the Master's duty, it shall not be in a language as to involve or tax himself.  
As thus in Government of persons, so in matter of propriety, there is another great prejudice arising to the Monarch above the Master of the Family: and that from the same inconvenience in number of subjects also. Which is, that the Master (in regard of his smaller charge) can hold all the distributions of his fortune, (that are allotted to the trust of sons or servants) so within the verge of his own knowledge and account, that he need not grant so high proprieties as the Prince must; whereby to cause grumbling, when any part shall be recalled.  
But however, their disagreement is but accidental: and that, either in regard of number, or in regard of subjection. For the first respect (as aforesaid) may make them differ in their manner of exercise and managery of power, and in the latter they must differ in the measure: because Families are usually included under other Governments; and so the Master is tied by the Laws of the same from exercising Arbitrary power. Yet they agree in institution: both of them having absolute power of Government from God. For the Prince by his Laws cannot be said to give the power of Master, but rather to remit it as he thinks good: because the whole Family, and each one in it, must be looked on as subjects to him, as well as the Master. And indeed, Families as now they stand under other Governments straightened in power, may be called politic Governments for the education of children chiefly. And therefore why other Creatures have it not, is because they are not only less considerable, but also for that their young are so soon able to shift for themselves: which women could not throughly do between child and child, if this divine political institution of marriage, had not been to engage the man also. And yet, though marriage (or having the propriety of wives) and also their subjection be from Divine positive law, yet I find not but the quantity of that subjection, and number of wives, is at the dispose of the higher power: and where none is, at the husbands.  
But let us go on, to examine the particulars of a Family, how they stand in nature. First, the foundation of the Family is in the wife. Now all say marriage is not natural: but that propriety of wives, was one of the first positive precepts: when yet there was but one man and one woman; and they could not have choice. Now in nature, children are the mothers, as amongst all other Creatures, the young belong to the female, and to the male only as having propriety in the female. If it be said man hath power natural over the woman, as the male of other things hath over the female: this is indeed natural, for the stronger to rule the weaker, and not proper to the sex: for such females as are stronger than males (as in some Creatures it chanceth) rule them too: and for aught this imports, a strong wife may govern a weak husband, as the Nation of Amazons do practice. But what is this to the ruling of women in general; or to having of particular wives?  
Now suppose the power of the father derive itself from having it over the wife, and so naturally governing as in her right; then the question will be, How long, and till what age this power shall last? And what Creatures example they will follow therein? If they say it is at the parents dispose: this is still indeed the arbitrary government of the stronger over the weaker: and unless they claim the just authority of God's precepts, nature gives them little other right.  
I but (you will say) the child is bound to the father, in so high an obligation of gratitude as he can never requite. But not bound to him (I hope) till he know him. Well, but suppose he is first to take his mother's word for that; then we are to suppose again, that as his mother hath (during his infancy) natural power over him, so hath she (with herself) resigned this power to her husband. In this case, we must consider, that gratitude is a free and intended return for a benefit, which in the receivers apprehension was freely intended. For if the giver were not free from constraint elsewhere in what he did, or else did it according to paction with the relative party; in the first case it obligeth not, and in the second but as other pactions do. But if it be free, without indenting for return (such as we call a gratuity) then is the obliged as free in measuring and proportioning the return, as the obliger was in bestowing the benefits: and the Agents in both kinds must be reciprocally Judges. For although a courtesy (as in reference to the good of Society) may imply a secret paction for return, yet it differs much from a true paction. First in that pactions have their returns expressed: and next that a third superior party is called to see performance: but in gratituties, as the Donor could be alone judge of the benefit intended, so the grateful of the measure of benefit received, and consequently, what return is most proportionable; both to his present power, and that receipt also. And if you put it in the obligers power, to demand return according as he shall say his intentions were, you will at last leave no steady place, or measure for return or obligation at all.  
Children (while little) can neither apprehend benefit, nor make return: unless you will say that the sport of the child is return; as acceptance from the loved, is requital to the loving: for men are not always traders in what they do; but the pleasure of doing is many times the cause of doing. If this be the case (as having parents provoked by the affection of propriety, and pleasure of doing) they lay no obligation beyond self respect: at least, until the child be of such years, as to be able to discover and value truly the benefit received, his return cannot be expected: which can then only be what he thinks good; except God's positive precepts strengthen his gratitude beyond nature. But since this obligation of the child's is first placed for his generation, and then for his education, we will a little inquire into both, and will begin with that of generation.  
In this, man must be considered (like other males) as prompted by natural appetite, with no farther direct intention of laying an obligation on providence for continuance of his kind, then when the like appetite, causing him to eat or sleep, he thinks expressly on preservation of his individual. And, if the behaviour of the males be well marked after this meeting, they will seldom be found in any glorying or exulting humour, as confident of good done: but rather shame and reluctance. And again, what shall we think of those, that through poverty or other considerations, might be unwilling to have been the parents of children at all? So, for the woman or female again, although she (besides her share in generation) ha●h pa●t of her own substance employed in nourishment of the young whilst it is within her (and passeth her time in bearing, not in pleasure, but mostly in affliction) yet, since nothing of it is voluntary, it remembers me of an undutiful, but pertinent answer of one (that was reproved as unnatural for slighting his mother) which was, That she got him for her pleasure, and brought him forth for her ease.  
But now you will say, that nurture and education after birth is voluntary, and so obligatory. And truly so say I too; because in nature (as to her equity) it is in the mother's power to expose it if she will: yet it is not so in Religion, for direct precept obligeth the parents to nurture and education of them, thereby proving the duty more positive than natural.  
And then, what shall we say of children as they are usually nursed elsewhere? what shall their duty go to the nurse? No (you will say) the nurse is paid by the parent: if so, then (if this education and nurture be not done as a duty from the parent in respect of God's precept) there lies an obligation but for so much as the cost is. But then again, if an exposed, or other acquired infant, be adopted and taken in, and instead of being nourished for money, is (it may be) bought from the parent with money, to which parent lies the greater obligation?  
If any speak of the affection of parents to the young, this is strong indeed in the female, but not lasting enough to make a family of. But if the male have any thing hereof, it is increased as the conceit of his propriety is: For males of other Creatures use it not; because the female only knoweth her brood: and men love their children, not as they are really so, but as they believe them so: wherein no revealing natural sympathy leads them, but opinion, which many times deceives them, as shall be more fully discoursed in the title of property. But what is this to the natural duty of children to parents? Truly this affection runs so coldly upwards, and so differently, that if God, the Law, and the Parents authority kept them not in duty (when they were of equal power) they might naturally enough (if the example of other Creatures might be trusted) use force against any assault. For as each individual is by nature furnished (as aforesaid) with competent ability to preserve and maintain itself, therefore the youngling (that as yet wants strength and understanding so to do) is in natures account not fully separate from the individual of the female: but this being now effected, it is then by natural course to follow self-guidance, as the parent did before.  
And lastly, as for the power of a Master over his Servants; if they be hired, none will (I presume) doubt, but that it is political and pactional. Indeed the government over slaves is natural; depending on force: and here pactional or political precepts meddle not: leaving them to the Lords dispose, in as high a degree of propriety, as any other goods.  
But now while we have been thus vindicating Monarchy, against such as would not have one in a Commonwealth to be as natural a government as that of one in a family, if any should think what hath hitherto been spoken, is to take off the reputation and authority of the Father or Master of the Family, or to weaken the obedience of any under him, they quite mistake our intent: for our aim is to strengthen it, that therewith the other (having the same end and foundation (and that more general and strong) might be therewith strengthened also. For as all power is from God, so all obedience must run in respect of his commands: either express to himself, or such as he hath delegated, and though he gave to Kings and Fathers, so large a portion of his power, as to enable them in their governments here to be assisting unto him in the course of humane providence, yet they are not to Idolise themselves; but to think, that since they are no otherways set up then by his authority, that therefore those under them are not subjected in that degree by nature, but by his precepts: for as all things should refer to his glory, so the nearer we come in our expressions of it, the better. Whereupon I conceive that the Master of a Family, challenging obedience by God's direct and many precepts to that purpose given, is upon more warrantable ground, then relying on nature, and referring to God from thence, as at greater distance.  
And as this will be (if well considered) a stronger obligation to duty, for wives, children, servants, etc. so it will be therewithal more noble also, if when (as voluntary Agents) they may expect reward of their performances from God that enjoined them, then if, out of innate brutish principles, common to them with other Creatures, their reward went not higher than their direction. We therefore say, that the head of the family hath the true power of a Monarch in himself; and where he is out the jurisdiction of another's Sovereignty, is a Sovereign himself: and may judge, sentence, and execute (according to Gods and his own laws) wife, children, or servants, as truly as the greatest Prince. For as some Families may be greater than some kingdoms, so the same person, at the same time, may be a Monarch or Sovereign, and yet but head of one family: even as Abraham, though he might want unction, Coronation, or other Ceremonies to entitle him a King, yet had the same authority at home and force abroad, as had those other four victorious Kings, which he with his own military servants overcame. Therefore we will now compare the power and exercise of this government to Monarchy, as hereafter we shall that of Monarchy to this.  
The father we will compare to the King; and so he is to have all those royal prerogatives (where he is absolute and independent) that enable a Governor in chief: namely the Office of supreme Judge, with its attendants; the power of making and interpreting his own Laws, that is, to have aswell the power to instruct and direct what to do, as the sword of Justice, to punish those that shall do otherwise: and in all these cases to have the last appeal, etc. For, if wife, children, or servants, or a faction of them, shall take upon them to decide controversies, or to make, interpret, or execute laws to that purpose (without, or beside him, and not allowing any their fellows of the family liberty to appeal to him as supreme) the unity, peace, and government of that family is broken and lost. Then, as the Monarch makes Magistrates, so the Master hath power to appoint what Stewards, Bailiffs, Receivers and other Officers he thinks good; without the leave of any of the same family. Then, as the King lets out the stock and wealth of his Kingdom in several properties for the good of the whole kingdom (that is, for increase of the public stock by private managery) so the Master entrusts the wife, children, or servants, as he sees occasion: taking of them (as the use of the family requires) such proportions as he thinks fit: whether it be tenth, or twentieth part of the increase; which answers the taxes in kingdoms. So lastly, hath he power over their liberties and personal services, for his own or the family's occasions. But these, and other similitudes of jurisdiction, will be spoken of more largely under Monarchy.  
Some have thought that a family could not be rightly called so, under such a number of persons, that is five at least: and that in it, there must he all relations; that is, of wife, children and servants. They might also have aswel put down servants of all sorts, that is, slaves too, because most families in other Countries have them: but I, considering a family as to preservation of mankind by government, and not as to the increase of it barely, say that the sole power of each family, as a family, belongs to the head thereof; and that in the relation of Master too. And I do farther conceive, that, as wife and children are commanded as members of the family where they are, so, if they die or depart the family, the Master doth still remain the head of the family, although he be now neither husband nor father: and that, although it be but over two servants, aswel as before: For although his power be not so extensive over few, yet it is as absolute. And the same is to be judged again, though he have none but children, or none but wives: for though these may alter his relation to those under him; yet having sole power, he continues in the full right of government as Master of the family: for, considering them in their general relation of governors and governed, though the Master (from their differing relations that are under him) may differ in notion or title, yet the power is of God, and not from their relations, as inferiors.  
If the wife, before marriage (and being yet free) make paction for part of his power, yet she is so far from constituting the power belonging to his office, that he (when he shall judge it necessary) may reassume this for aught she (as of proper power) can hinder. The like may be said of children and servants; unto whom, by promise or without, he may suspend, or remit the execution of his power, as he shall judge fit: and yet cannot he be said to have derived power from them. Let us now proceed to resemble their orders and relations, and then speak of the Anarchy or overthrow of a Family.  
The Master himself we have compared to the King, and now his Wife we will compare to the Order of Priesthood in the Kingdom: which is to be ruled more by love then fear, and yet is to be subject to the same head. The Children we may compare to the Nobility and Magistrates; who standing in degree between Monarch and people, or Master and Servants, serve as the Ministers and conveyors of Justice and protection downwards; and by their sole dependence of the good of the Monarch or Master, serve as Bulwarks against any forcible attempt. The servants in the Family, do resemble the other subjects in a Kingdom.  
Now this Government in a Family is changed through remissness or weakness in the Master, as is the Kingdom through the like in the King: for if he act only by others, the acknowledgement will follow the power, and themselves through contempt, lose or hazard their Sovereignty. As, if the Master be uxorious, then (as the undertaking Clergy can make Religious Cognizance stretch as far as they please, so) the Wife (as incident to Women) being grown proud of Government, will (as it were now her own right,) take all upon her to general discontent. But if he be indulgent, and trust his power to Children, than they, neglecting all above them (that is power, Civil and Ecclesiastical) fall a trampling on all the Servants, as ambitious Nobles in a Kingdom; till the Subjects be Rebels, or Slaves. And lastly, if (as making himself equal with his servants) he affect popularity too much, he thereby loseth his bulwarks of Nobility and Religion, things of no esteem with them: and lies as a deserved prey, to his servants and subjects next violent attempt.  
Let us now see their likeness in their Anarchies. If (in the weakness or absence of the Master, or infancy of the heir) the power be exercised partly by the Wife, followed with one part of the servants; and by the Children, followed with others of the Servants, (so that there is division by factions) Anarchy is begun. If the Wife prevail, as in title to her Husband, or as Protector to her son and heir, Monarchy is not in much danger; because she and the Clergy have great interest in the Crown. But if Master and heir die in the contest, and the Children prevail and Govern jointly, than it is one sort of settled Anarchy; which is Aristocracy. If the servants that took the part with the Master's Title prevail against the Children, or the children's insolence shall make the servants that followed them desert and join with others against them (so as to overcome them and rule themselves) than it is the other sort of Anarchy; namely Democracy: both which are (upon the same reason) as opposite to Government in a Family, as in a Kingdom.  
But now, although there be more mutterings and repine in each Family (that is against the exercise of the Government of the present Master thereof) then is in a Monarchy, (having consideration to their proportionable numbers) yet to set up such standing Factions, or to prosecute them so far as to overthrow the form of Government thereof, cannot be in like manner subject to the Family as Kingdom: and this, because the Master or his heirs interest, is by Superiors Laws still upheld: and then, the Masters of all other Families having concern in the example, do so order things, that the Faction of one Family can never have force enough, to prevail (by precedent) against so many. Whereas in the Monarchy, (discontented parties having made a Faction so great as to overpower the appointed head therein) there is not another present superior fear to keep them from destructive proceedings: for other Monarches will rather help it for gain to themselves; and other heads of Families will forward it, out of consideration of their share in Government, when this one is taken away.  
And none can doubt, but that Children and Servants are throughout as desirous, and covetous of the Fathers and Master's power and riches, as the factious Subjects are of these of a King: and would as assuredly make their associations to deprive him thereof, and also join in confederacy to enjoy them amongst themselves as the other do, if they had but equal hopes of prevailing, and of being unopposed. And could these of a Family secure themselves in their narrow bounds, against the Prince and his Laws, and the disturbance and intermeddling of the Masters of other Families, as well as Republikes can fortify against other Monarches: we should soon find more Anarchical Families than Kingdoms: I mean number for number.  
For since we all know that the Father's estate is more often and with more covetousness sought then the Kings, if Fathers had nothing but their sons Consciences for their defence, as Kings have, they would often fall into worse fortune. But Monarches wanting, first present undertakers of their common protection when their Offices are invaded, as the Prince is to the Fathers; and Monarches again, being not unanimous and active in upholding each others rights, as Fathers are; it is no wonder, if we find here and there an Anarchical Kingdom, even daring to profess themselves so; which Families do not. But, would Monarches take the common interest to heart, as Fathers do; and be as vigilant to preserve their neighbour's power as others are to overthrow them; they would find that it would be the steadiest course to maintain their own power at home: and that, when other Kingdoms could never have been known successful in enterprising their King's subversion, their subjects would never undertake it; no more, than the Children or Servants of a Family dare for the like cause, attempt the like against their Father and Master: The main reason that Subjects usually have to desire such Change, being the example of such or such a neighbouring people, as have thriven therein: and so, making fortune and success the only judge of right and wrong, they do proceed accordingly: all stories telling us, that until Anarchies came into the world, such a thing as limited Monarchy was not in being.  
Let us now again see their likeness in Rebellions, and its pretences. The Wife, if she be of greater spirit then to be confined in her proper employment, takes occasion from her Husband's remissness, or too great trust in her, to enlarge her power in the Family, and to encroach on her Husbands also. With these she lays Obligations, and raises dependences as to herself: and having now (as she believes) gotten strength to stand alone, or above her Husband, she becomes more insolent and open: Which if it shall awake him to curb by his just power, then comes she to spread through the Family the charge and power she hath. She saith, That the power of the head of the Family, grew from the Family: for as the Family was in greatness or power, so was the head thereof also: and therefore that they (as the fountains of power) might use the same to their just vindication from oppression. She saith, that as all kinds of good is increased by communication, so the good of the whole Family, is to be preferred in reason to the single good of any one; especially since (as the case now stands) that one seeks but his own hurt also, led and blinded with evil Counsel. In which case, necessity of self-preservation, will not only justify; but duty to their Master, requires the other members, to join in a course to force these from him, and take the charge of his person and Government themselves. She tells them, that a Family (as a Family) hath foundation on the Wife: and that (as without Religion (well instructed) there could be no firm obligation for subjects obedience; so) without a Wife no Children, no Family: and so no Master thereof. Besides (though truly she is loath to say so much herself, yet) her Husband's late disrespect and forwardness to cross her, makes her fear (as men are now easily inclined to heresy, so) he hath turned his affection to some other women: and therefore she would divorce herself from him; that so he might be as excommunicate in his Family. For, although it is true, that obedience is to be given to him by the Law of God, yet again it is as true, that he is to keep God's Laws as well as we: if not, 
Act. 5.29.  we must obey God rather than men. Nay, when he hath neglected his duty to his Family, in not providing for them (as this man hath done) Saint Paul expressly saith, He is worse than an infidel. Now, whether it be not fit that one that hath denied the Faith, 
1 Tim 5.8. Ibid●m.  an Infidel, nay worse than an Infidel, should not only be excommunicated, but put from Government, she thinks none can doubt.  
But above all, through her Husbands often absence about other employments, and remitting the directive part of Government to her in many particulars, she lays the greatest claim to make herself (as it were) Governor in chief; leaving to her Husband (as pertinent to him that hath none but the coercive part) the honour and authority only of a subservient officer: that is, to execute & punish according to her determination and censure. No otherwise, then as the popish and Presbyterian Clergy, upon advantage of their sole exercise in the Office of public instruction, do come to believe at last, they are supreme and uncontrollable herein: and do thence infer, that as the body is to be subservient to the mind, so the Prince (or Civil Magistrate as they call him) ought with his coercive part of Government, to be reckoned but as subordinate, and Ministerial to what they in their spiritual capacities shall enjoin.  
Not remembering, that all that external jurisdiction and power she exerciseth in t●e Family, is subordinate, and to be acknowledged as derived from his supreme headship; even as done by her as his Wife in his family, by virtue of that choice and designation he then made at the time he personally ordained her to be his Wife, and so consequently took her into this consortship and share of power. For although the positive power and honour belonging to her as a mother and Mistress of a family be to be derived from God only, even from the sacramental efficacy of marriage and Ordination itself; yet since it cannot be imagined that the constitution of a less and subordinate power was intended to be the overthrow of a greater, therefore should she have considered, that she is negatively in all things by him restrainable in the execution thereof. Nay more, in those things which she acts as Mistress of the Family, over any but her own Children, she is to hold herself as well impowered as restrainable by him: although in respect of that obedience (or honour rather) which her own children give her, she be not to acknowledge any humane derivation therein, but is impowered as mother, both by the Laws of God and Nature; and that in chief, where no other head or Monarch is.  
With these and such like insinuations she may be supposed to win Children and others of the Family into a faction and association with her: by whose help she may be able to work her ends. For although women be (rather) more desirous of Government than men, yet they, wanting bodily strength, are forced to draw in others to their assistance, by setting up of their interests also. Thus Children shall be won in, by hope of some parity of power with the Father, as well as Peerage among themselves; for, by the Text of Fathers provoke no● your children to wrath, they would both have the duty of Fathers employed, 
Ephes. 6.4.  of not commanding more to their Children, than what they are willing to act, for fear of angering them: and also that, being provoked by their Father, it was just and reasonable for them, to prosecute this wrath of theirs unto the abating his power for the future.  
Then, the Children, when they meet with an easy and indulgent Father, and one that hath never so much as said to them, why do you so? but hath suffered them to rule and sway over the servants as of their own right, 
1 King. 1.6.  by his too great trust to them given; these (I say) are apt to forget, the joint and common interest they have in their Father's support, and thereupon to be drawn into these insurrections. But when the Father shall now find himself despised, and shall discover that they (as contemning his Authority) are beginning to make factions amongst his servants, as seeking their own interest and ends; and thereupon would now begin to curb them, and it may be (according to Solomon's advice) put wise servants over these his sons that cause his shame; how will they begin to cry out on their slavery, 
Prov. 17.2.  when strangers and servants shall be made favourites? How ill natured is his own children, to his Peers? But it is no marvel (they tell the rest of the Family and people) that they are so used, for it is for their sakes, and only because they have ever held up against such as would enslave them: for if they would flatter him in such a course, they might have preferment and favour enough. No, no, their Conscience and zeal to the public, would not let them be of this Bedchamber and Court-Junto: they are public spirited, and all for the common liberty and good: and will maintain the Families, or people's liberties and properties; and (above all) the true Religion.  
If the Father, finding his Wife more true, do particularly use her assistance or advice, Oh what scorn will they cast upon their mother. What shall they be ruled by the distaff! Are women fit for such employment! What shall they be Priestridden! Let women (on God's Name) spin, and govern their own maids: have they not Callings of their own? As if there could not be a greater injury offered them, then to tell them that they must be subject to any other precepts of Religion, but what was of their own contrivance.  
But all other clamorous maxims, come far short of those used by the ordinary servants; being now left with none above them: the Children and Nobility being dead, or disheartened by long contention; and others now content, to join with them in their heady alterations. Now come they to conceive and cry out, That since the main body of the Family or Kingdom consists of the servants or subjects: that therefore their good and advice, should be most taken into concern. The Master had no other power over them, than what he had by paction; they (by that) made him to be a Master: and since they entered thereinto but in order to their own good, why should they be hindered at any other man's pleasure for the future? No, since they are now restored to their own just natural freedom again, they will not be subject to any sort of rule, but what shall be for their own good; yea, and at their own choice. Which once resolved, what strange fancies and models of Government, do they at once contrive & practise over one another? What a many of play-days will they make, till, under the notion of slavery, all necessary ways to sustain the Family be neglected? How are the names of Tyranny, Slavery, Liberty, Freedom, etc. tossed up and down like Tennis-balls? And, because their weakness and inexperience cannot let them see what proportion of Liberty just Government will admit, they, for fear of want, are still crying out Liberty, Liberty: and as (amongst Children) there is a contest (by way of sport) for saying some word or sentence oftenest in a breath; so amongst them, these that in their Proposals of Government, can name and promise Liberty most, and can put the other political railing terms of Tyranny, Slavery, Oppression, &c. oftenest upon others, are concluded to have most infallibly found out the best Government for them to follow.  
In the passed discourse of the power of the Father and Master of the Family, and of the subjection and obedience which those that are under them do owe; it will not (I hope) be expected, I should enter into the particulars of his duty again, in the government of them; or of things belonging to the Family; more than I shall afterwards, set forth the manner of kingly administration: therefore (upon the reasons before given) leaving the Master's part towards his Family, to be treated of when I shall speak of the Kings towards his Subjects, what hath been said will (I conceive) be sufficient to set forth the ground and right of the Master's power, so far as to estate the obedience of all under him: and the inferences thereupon, will I hope, prove pertinent (by their likeness) to encourage our subjection, and disprove our insurrection against Kings: to which end this Discourse was chiefly intended.   

CHAP. IX. Of Sovereignty, and its Original; and, of Monarchy or Kingly power.  
BY what hath been delivered, both in explaining those many particular Laws from God himself, and those many Documents deduceable from the light of Nature for the establishment of Government, we cannot in reason now own its Original, or that power whereby it is made and founded to any other than him. For, in respect the thing itself is of so great honour, we may well think God to relate to the particular glory of conferring hereof, when upon occasion of impowring the King of Kings, he saith, 
Isa. 42 8.  My glory will I not give to another. For God, that hath all power belonging to him having resigned this Sceptre into the hands of Chri●t, 
Psal. 62.11  to set judgement in the earth, and cause the Isles to wait for his Law; 
Isa. 42.4.  it is not for men to set up to themselves such Images of Authority as are of their own graving and contrivance: lest we be found resisting and opposing him in these his proper attributes, of kingdom, power, and glory; even by refusing or opposing such Ministers and forms of Administration, 
Matth. 6·13.  as are by him to this end appointed amongst us.  
Insomuch, that if any should think it of humane production, and argue, that because the good and preservation of the people was the cause of this power in Princes, that therefore these people must be the originals thereof also; they would by this assertion, rob God of his due. For, although they and their good are partly the final cause, yet are they so passive therein as it cannot be reasonably conceived, how they shall be able to act above, or upon that power they must suffer under: and their good again, being subservient and much inferior to a higher and better end, God's glory, it will follow that this, as the more worthy, must, upon the same ground prove the final cause also: and the other remain but as a means thereunto.  
And if the people be thus weak herein, what claim shall they lay to be efficient causes? How can they be brought to bestow what they had not? Or shall we think, that now, in corrupted Nature, men have farther power to order and govern themselves, then while it was pure? For even then, by right of Creation, Providence, and Protection, man, with other Creatures, stood subject; and had, in the very state of innocence, a Law to observe: and well had it been for him to have had more regard to this power: but now, lapsed and depraved as we are, our acknowledgement and subjection to this power and sovereignty will agree more, both with our benefit and duty, than before.  
Nor can we think, because our present distempers need, or call for this coercive power, that therefore we are the radical cause thereof: no more than the sick patient, can reckon himself the cause of cure, or of the Physicians skill. Whereupon, since power cannot own its original to impotency, we must derive it from its only Author, namely God: and therefore the judgement which kings give, is by God owned as his; and he is called God's Minister. If power were from the people, 
2 Chron. 19.6. Rom. 13.4.  Democrity were the best form of government, and Monarchy the worst, as farthest from its pattern and original: but (on the contrary) we find it on all hands confessed that Monarchy is best; as having in it most apparent unity, and coming nearest to its pattern and fountain, God Almighty.  
Again, supposing power at first from the multitude, it must be from each person, according to that Maxim quisque nascitur liber; and then, if all be free by birth (as each one must, or none must) how can the children of contractors be bound to the compacts of their fathers, more than they were to theirs before: or why have they not power of alteration aswel as they? for if universal consent makes it, it is a thing which never was, nor never can be had; women, children, servants, and many people more (under one arbitrary qualification or other, made by such as bare sway) being secluded. And therefore, the persons of Electors decaying, and others of equal birthright daily succeeding (if general consent makes governors lawful) the question must be daily asked: Nay, if major Votes of these Electors, may, in equity pretend to bind the other, than no power can be of any continuance without new capitulation: because part of the old Major Voters will be still dying, and so a number of non-consenters now succeeding, they must be still ask consent anew, or else it may be doubted, that these new ones added to the old minor vote of non-consenters, may make the major number, and so make it to be no lawful government. And so farther, by this maxim, how can conquest or succession have any right? which it hath, by confession of all.  
Again, since rebellion is a resistance made by a less rightful power against a more (for so disobedience and stuborness comes to be called Rebellion against God;) why should we not call King's rebels to the people (if his power be from them) aswel as call them rebels to him? acknowledging hereby all power of right in him.  
We may further find that God, to express his own propriety in conferring the power of kingship, taketh often to him the title of King, as of the supreme and high power amongst men, and never of any Aristocratick or Democratick compellation: sometimes putting it before, and above his own name of power; as if it were most highly emphatic to express the original thereof: as when farther to set forth himself as a great God, he adds, and a great King above all Gods: 
Psalm. 95 3.  importing, that as he had made them Elohims to men, so would he still keep his own paramount right, in being a Melech over them. And so Moses, for a greater honour and grace is called King, as inferring none but such to have indubitable power to make Laws: for it is said, that Moses commanded in a Law, even the inheritance of the congregation of Jacob; and he was King in Jesurun, when the people and tribes were gathered together: 
Deut. 33.4, 5.  that is, he had power before, and not from their assemblies.  
And so again, God, for the farther enabling and honouring of Kings, usually gives unto them of his own titles of kingdom, power, might, majesty, honour, etc. which he doth not to any, but these his own Lieutenants: whom in the Psalms he most particularly owns as his second self, and under the appellation of Gods (there given them) shows that their power must be acknowlegded from him only: 
Psalm. 82.6.  I have said ye are Gods, and all of you children of the most high. And as this his so saying, confers on them the stamp of his power, so keeps he to himself, the sole prerogative of being God of Gods, 
Vers. 1.  and great King above all Gods: for he judgeth among the Gods; to see if they deliver the poor and needy: rid them out of the hand of the oppressor. 
Psalm. 82.4.  And these texts of the 82 Psalms, are by our Saviour thought so clear, for proof (not only of Kings derived power from God, but also) of their near representation of other his honourable attributes, that he makes it the only Scripture argument, to prove the assumption of Divinity to himself warrantable: if he called them Gods unto whom the word of God came, and the Scripture cannot be broken, how say ye of him whom the Father hath sanctified and sent into the world, thou blasphemest; because I said I am the Son of God. 
Joh. 10.35, 36.  Wherein he proves, that since Kings (being but adopted children of the most High) ought to be acknowledged Gods, how much more he, that (being expressly by the Father sanctified and sent into the world) might truly assume and say, I am the Son of God: and that he was eminently (above others) this natural Son of God, he there attests his works: which, although the stronger proof, abolisheth not the strength of the proof of the King's power; namely the word of God, the Scripture that cannot be broken.  
And for that exception, of King's unlikeness to God in regard of immortality, But ye shall die like men, and fall like one of the princes, 
Psalm 82.7.  it makes their resemblance of God in power, etc. (while they live) yet more clear: as being thence to be concluded, as far above the ordinary sort of men (and Magistrates also) in their life time, as now in death like unto them. And by that differencing those (there called Gods) from an inferior rank of Princes, it must signify that supreme office of kingship only: because on earth, Princes are under none else: And therefore is Monarchical government there acknowledged the foundation of the earth: for (complaining of their present injustice) it is said all the foundations of the earth are out of course. 
Vers. 6.   
Nay, so far are people or subjects from having any authority to confer these high places, or of having from God any rightful power over one another, that they have it not wholly over themselves: so that no man can kill or destroy himself, but he is so farforth culpable, as a transgressor of the Laws of God and nature. For as the measure of our good abearing to others, is from presumption of our good inclinations to ourselves: if we proceed by such self-injuries, how shall the damage of our neighbour be avoided? in whose, and our destruction, there will happen a diminution to God's general property in mankind, by loss of so many individuals. Upon which ground, we see that Kings as God's Vicegerents, and under him proprietors of their whole territories, must (for the enabling them in their account) have account given them for the life of each one of his subjects: which although destroyed by himself, is yet murder, and the party culpable, as Felo de se.  
So then, There is no power but of God, and the powers that are, are ordained of him: he it is that taketh away kings and setteth up Kings, 
Rom. 13.1. Dan. 2.47.  a God of Gods and Lord of Kings he is: and he himself by paramount right, beareth rule over the kingdoms of men, and giveth them to whom he will. The which to deny, and to ascribe this gift and power to any earthly derivation, 
Dan. 5.21.  is with Nabuchadnezzar to have the ●eart and understanding of a beast only, not of a reasonable creature.  
And Daniel farther tells Baltshazar, The most high God gave thy father a kingdom, and majesty, and honour, and glory: and for the majesty that he gave him, all people, nations, and languages trembled and feared before him: he put to death whom he would, and whom he would he set up, and whom he would he put down: 
Vers. 18, 19  all which (as it shows the original of power, so) being spoken of heathen kings, what can more directly point out the largeness of authority, necessarily belonging to that office, as derived from God, to whom all the kingdoms of the earth belong, 
Dan. 4.32.  and whose Lieutenants they are? Could the law of nature, or any other unknown prerogative of one man over another, have otherwise made the taking of man's life away other then murder; had not a power herein been thus gotten from God (who only had it) to be exercised by his Vicegerent: to enable him (as before said) to put to death whom he would?  
Which general power of the sword of justice, we may find given to Kings, at the same time God gave over the immediate managery thereof himself: for so are we to understand the words, 
Gen. 9.5.  at the hand of every man's brother will I require the life of man: namely, to denote unto us that Officer, who is appointed to the execution of this power. For although God will have man's blood now punished by man himself, yet it is not to be done by every one, but by such an one as should personate and represent every man, as being every man's brother: so that by the words hand, and brother (in the singular number) we are to understand that this power of life and death, is hereby put into the trust of this public and general person, now the adopted elder brother under and after the law; as it was in the natural elder brother before the law.  
And that this verse was not idly added to the former, but to signify this common person the King, will most plainly appear by comparing it with that description of Kingly office particularly given to the Jews: in which, this officer is there specified under that relation of brother three times, and under no notion else: 
Deut. 17.15.  one from among thy brethren shalt thou set king over thee, thou mayest not set a stranger over thee, which is not thy brother: and again it is there said, 
Vers. 20.  that his heart be not lift up above his brethren. In which places, since the relation of brotherhood is so often used, and not any other word or relation (as of bidding them choose one of their own nation, country, kindred, religion, etc.) it must show it to be a direct paraphrase on this place.  
And that which will yet most of all clear it, will be the observation that this first prediction, and appointment of Kingship by God all the world over, was upon the same occasion with this prophecy, and appointment of kingship by Moses amongst the Jews: because that in both places, the relation and notion of brother, is set down by occasion of the establishment of the like chief mark of their office, namely supreme judicature. For as in this place this public officer and judge, was appointed upon occasion of God's first setting down positive laws for men to be governed by, so in this place of Moses it is set down after, and upon occasion of settling the power of supreme judicature between blood and blood, etc. in one judge amongst that people.  
Some have thought the judiciary power, and the designation of magistracy, not to be set down till the sixth verse: and that in the most general terms of who so sheddeth, 
Gen. 9.6.  etc. But I conceive that verse, to contain a general recital of God's care of humane preservation, by the vindicative prosecution of the causers of his death, whither man or beast: both which had been before particularly spoken to. For that chap. containing expressions of God's providence for man and beast, after their former destruction, we may note, that as the forbidding to eat blood was sacramentally delivered to teach men clemency and abstinence (in that their indulgence for dominion and food over beasts) so (on the other side) to show us that God careth for men too, it is next added, and the blood of your lives will I require at the hand of every beast. By which words, since we cannot conceive how beasts should be otherwise (in that kind) responsible to God, then by his Minister of justice amongst us, we must therefore conclude, the requiring hereof at the hand of every beast, and at the hand of every man, is to be made good by that judiciary authority of every man's brother next following. All which will plainly appear to be the sense hereof, by the 21 Chap. of ●xodus: where laws are set down for men and beasts in that kind offending: which are to be exercised by the present judiciary power, and not left to every man in the literal sense.  
But, to return to the other part of kingly power according to daniel's description. By setting up and pulling down whom he pleas●th, we may see the subordination of all estates, orders, and degrees of subjects unto him: inasmuch as the power of all other magistrates, must be reckoned but as derived from him as supreme, and their power but as parts and slips of his entire trust. And this was well denoted, when God took part of Moses spirit to enable the subordinate Ministers to exercise their functions: for, although God had sufficient of his own to give as yet unbestowed, yet, to show the necessity of their dependence and subordination for establishment of government, he grants them portions only of what had been entirely conferred on one before: that so agreement and unity might be preserved, by this unity of spirit and bond of peace; which would else be distracted by plurality of persons.  
And to this end, were these persons to be at Moses choice also: for the Lord said unto Moses, Gather unto me seventy men of the Elders of Israel, 
Numb. 11.16.  whom thou knowest to be Elders of the people, etc. and I will come down and talk with thee, and will take of the spirit which is upon thee, and will put it upon them, and they shall bear the burden of the people with thee, 
Vers. 17.  that thou bear it not thyself alone. Which places plainly show, that although God, at Moses suit, did give others power to bear part of the burden, yet is their manner of constitution so ordered, as to mind them of subordination to the Monarch: and again, there is nothing of popular consent herein: All which would be well considered, by such as are so credulous of the sovereign power of the Sanhedrim.  
This delegation of power from God to Kings, was usually conferred under the name of Unction: for so saith Samuel in anointing Saul, 
1 Sam. 10.1.  is it not because the Lord hath anointed thee to be Captain over his inheritance: plainly implying, the power and office to be conferred with the unction: and that also as coming from God; the Lord hath anointed thee. And therefore, under this incommunicable and sacred title of Gods anointed, their protection is again by God more expressly owned, then of other persons.  
This unction or mark of power, is in the first place due and proper to Christ; thereupon called the Christ, or the anointed of God. 
Joh. 6.69. Luk. 2.26. Dan. 7.14. Luk. 1.33. 1 Tim. 6.15.  Hereupon, all the kingdoms of the earth are our Lords; and he also is King of kings, and Lord of lords and prince of the Kings of the earth. Moreover, he being the eternal wisdom of his father, by and under him it is, that kings reign, and princes decree justice: nay, the very heathen are his inheritance, 
Psalm 2.8.  and the utmost ends of the earth his possession.  
And as in acknowledgement of derivation of office and power from Christ, Kings (as anointed under him) do waer his cross on their Crowns: so by virtue of this Unction (as by a kind of Sacrament) it is that their persons have ever been held so sacred, that none have ever yet found out a way, or dared to practise the annihilation of the stile itself of King, more than that of Father from the same persons that were really so: as in other officers set up by humane authority, is usually done, by way of degradation.  
The which amongst Christians, hath been chiefly confirmed by the example of David's usage towards Saul and Ishbosheth, both of them his open and professed enemies: Against the first of which, although there might be high faults objected, and that against God also (who did thereupon by Samuel make so much known of his will of rejecting him, that the people could not be ignorant thereof) yet, because they wanted express warrant from God to be actors therein (as Jehu had) they durst not presume to lift up their hands against the Lords anointed. 
1 Sam. 26.23.  Nay David himself durst not do it; although his advantage by his overthrow, and his opportunity to do it were most apparent: and who also, had as high provocations from Saul, as might have tempted any ordinary humour of revenge: and had farther (beyond the pretence of any ordinary subject, or any order of them) as great a presumption of insubjection as could be: because of his own Unction by God's appointment, and from his knowdledge of Saul's rejection. Yet he, in proof of derivation of kingly Power from God only, finds nothing but express authority from that God that hath set them up, to be warrantable for the pulling them down: they were the Lords anointed, not the people's: It was therefore his part, and much more is it the part of others now, to permit that powerful hand that brought this rod upon them, to have liberty to remove it in a way and time of his own. For how can they do it as subjects? and from whence should they derive insubjection?  
If then they be Gods anointed, the rightful power to govern accordingly, must be therewith conferred: or else the Unction were vain, and in a mockery of God. If the politic corporation confer the power, let the charter and seal of Office that speaks it be produced: let us see the hands and seals of those that conferred this power, as also their Commissions and authorities for so doing; that we may be satisfied with the just derivation thereof. But now, as donations and assignations of humane interests, use to pass and be conferred from one party to another by such like ways of conveyance and none else; so, this passing by anointing, it must show it to be confessedly of a different nature. But to give a clearer light to the comprehension and distinction of Divine Right and Authority in these things, we shall here take leave a little to digress.  
As to deny God Almighty to be the prime and supreme cause of all things, and of those virtues and abilities whereby each thing is effected, is perfect Atheism, so (on the other hand) to submit and fasten on him (as immediate Agent) those operations, which by the ordinary course of his Providence he hath appointed to be the productions of natural causes, doth as strongly argue ignorance: but if in those effects and productions which may to our sense be observed to come to pass by the interposition of such second Agents, as neither by any naturalness in themselves, nor observation of ours could be reasonably concluded the causes of them; in that case again, to deny divine power, and ascribe to Nature and second Agents what is above their reach, is both Athiesm and folly too. To ascribe the hardening of the Clay to God Almighty, and not to the Sun or Fire, is to be foolishly derogatory to him: even as it is also, to deny him to be the cause of that heat and virtue in the Sun or Fire, whereby it came to pass. And no less than so it is, to ascribe to the virtue of the Clay, that Cure which our Saviour wrought on the blind man: for neither any known naturalness in that Agent, nor observation of the like elsewhere, could reasonably warrant such presumption therein.  
As thus in Inanimates and the general course of Providence, there ought to be a discreet distinction made by us, in the setting down of what operations are immediately Divine, and what Natural; so much more, in those things which are wrought by Creatures reasonable; and where as well the Agent as Patient are voluntary, as in Matters of Government and instruction it fareth. In which respect, since there cannot be any natural Reason or Cause assigned, why the will of one should be efficatious to the Government of the will of another (as in itself) it must follow, that that constant course and settled way of so doing, must be attributed to Divine Authority only. Constant and settled way, I say: for that there may many humane contrivances be made, to introduce temporary subjection and agreement, which cannot lay claim to be of divine institution: and because again, although this Monarchical Government be alone Jure Divino, and so only constant as to the way and form, yet (through humane frailty) it may many times fail in the measure and end of its efficacy.  
The Officers that are to claim their Functions and Authority as Jure Divino, are first the King or Monarch: who is from and under God himself, established as well in causes Ecclesiastical as Civil, supreme Governor. And then Fathers, Masters, and Husbands: as Civil Governors. And then those of the Clergy, as spiritual guides and directors, under this their chief guide and director: unless it be where, and when this Master or Father of the Family is insubjected and independent: at which time he (being himself a supreme Monarch) hath (as Elder Brother) those Priestlike and Civil Offices of instruction and coercion, by the Law of God united in the same unsubordinate person: even as amongst those great and more ancient Families it fared, before Nations came to be under kingship; or that the Priesthood was divided from the Civil power.  
Nor doth matter of Reason alone (as already and hereafter to be showed) prove the Authority of these Functions to be Divine, but the express precepts by God himself to that purpose given, do (beyond dispute) settle these Officers, and none else as of Divine right, immediately to them derived, for authorising them in their acts of Government and Power. By which words of immediately derived, we may know how to put a difference, between that Power and Authority which is exercised by Kings themselves, who hold of none but God above them, and that which others their Magistrates perform: who, being ordained in their power by the Prince, cannot be said to hold their powers otherwise then as immediately received from him.  
But although (in this regard of subordination) it may be in some sense true, that the Priest and Master of the Family may be also said to derive their power from the King (where Kingship is) even because in the exercise thereof they may be by him directed or limited, yet is there a great difference to be put between them and Magistrates, in respect of claim to divine right in performance of their Functions. The Magistrate, as he is positively & affirmatively empowered by the Prince, so is he also negatively under him in the execution thereof: the Priest and Master of the Family (on the other side) have all their positive power of instruction and jurisdiction from God alone derived: being negatively only restrainable by the Monarch in the outward act and execution thereof: whereas, to the King himself it is alone peculiar, as to be by none but God affirmatively impowered, so to be by none but him negatively restrainable.  
But then again, although in each independent family, the offices of instruction and coercion be united in chief in the person of the same Master, yet between the Authorities which those of the Priesthood and the Masters of Families do severally execute (where they are not united) there is unto the Order of Priesthood a greater honour annexed (in respect of divine claim and Authority) then to the other: and that not only because instruction must be supposed to precede coercion in time and order, but also in dignity: in respect or the different dignities of those that are to be the objects of their Authorities; the Priestly Function presupposing always a more noble Object (namely such an one as is endued with understanding and wit) whereas bare coercion can reach unto neither of them. And under the Gospel again, a farther addition of honour and divine Authority will arise, from the observation of that more spiritual charge and Function, they inwardly claim towards the promotion and exercise of God's kingdom in our hearts: whereas amongst the Jews, the drift of the Priests instructions had for objects the outward acts and Ceremonies chiefly.  
In which regard of instruction and preaching the Fundamentals of Christianity (taken as Gospel duties) they stand by means of special ordination thereto, not only separately distinguished and enabled above other humane power (as the persons to instruct and teach Gods will are distinct, and in that respect above those that are to obey) but also, whilst they meddle not with such things as have tendency to civil Peace and Duty, they are unsubordinate to the Prince himself: nay above him too; as his spiritual Fathers: and as having their efficacy, and holding their authority herein immediately from Christ, as his Ministers; and not of the political head of the Commonweal.  
The Father and Master of the family enter upon their authorities and function according to natural course and equity, without personal designation and appointment from the Prince and his power, and are afterwards restrainable in all things as he shall think good: but those of the Priesthood although they were by the laws and authority of the prince personally ordained to stand as God's Ministers, yet are they (on the other side) as God's immediate Ambassadors and prophets, subordinate to none. And this Gospel duty of preaching, besides public prayers and administrations of the Sacraments, are to remain as the proper duties of persons in holy orders, without exemption of the prince himself: For although to each prince (in order to peace and government) the chief and general care of instruction in the ways of righteousness doth appertain, as it doth also in each family to the Master thereof, yet doth the office and efficacy of instruction in the mysteries of Gods inward kingdom depend on the authority of none but God himself.  
But these things are to be understood of the Clergy in their spiritual Functions only; and as they relate to one another as equally Gods Ministers: and not as they are differenced amongst themselves, in reference to that distinct proportion of external jurisdiction and power, allotted them for peace and order sake. For as in the first respect they are under none but God, so in the second, they are wholly subjected to the Prince: he being (as great Bishop and overseer of the whole Church) to preside over the Bishops of the particular Dioceses thereof, upon the same Reason and divine Authority, that the Diocesan doth preside over the Parochial Minister. And upon the same ground that the Prince (as great and general Father and Master of the whole kingdom) doth preside in the Government of each Family, by means of that civil Magistracy which is exercised under him, in like manner doth he as head of the Church, preside over the whole Clergy in Ecclesiastical administrations; by means of this Episcopal jurisdiction, which is to be by him directed or restrained: of all which more hereafter.  
Having thus far premised in the declaration and distinction of Officers and Functions of Divine right, for the better understanding the present Question, as well as many other discourses which will hereafter follow, where the same shall be farther proved by Scripture, I hope it will to all unprejudiced men appear, That although God doth not now (as sometimes formerly) so immediately & expressly operate in the unction and designation of particular persons, or that there is not now any special Ordinances sent from Heaven by the Ministry of Angels or Prophets (as amongst the Jews sometimes it was) yet can we not hence infer, that their power can now arise from nothing else amongst Christians, but the pactions and agreements of such and such politic Corporations: unless they will also say, that nothing is to be acknowledged as from God, but where himself or his express Messenger is seen.  
But they should observe the difference of God's pleasure, in the degrees of his manifestations to us under the Gospel, over it was to them of former times: and how that since God was manifest in the flesh, those former and more express extraordinary ways for setting up of Kings, have ceased amongst other things. For God, who at sundry times and in divers manners spoke in times passed unto the Fathers by the Prophets, hath in these last days spoken unto us by his son: whom he hath appointed heir of all things, by whom as God made the world, so doth he now uphold all things by the word of his power. A great part of which power, is that power of Kingship: whereby, as God hath committed all power to the son, so Christ again, being ascended on high (amongst other gifts he gave unto men) this of power of Government was one. And in Christ's hand it shall alone continue, till the end of the world; at which time, 
1 Cor. 15.28.  the son also himself shall be subject unto him that put all things under him; that God might be all in all: that is, may personally and immediately again govern that new Heaven and new earth, 
2 Pet. 3.13.  wherein dwelleth righteousness: whereas the iniquities and violence of men in this world, had by degrees caused him to make this his recess from appearing in their government himself, as we shall in brief declare.  
In the first age God appears as in person, and speaks by lively voice in the emergencies of man's directions; for so appears he to Adam in his instructions: and although he hide himself for fear of guilt, yet his acknowledging to have heard his voice in the Garden, shows plainly he was used thereunto. 
Gen. 3.10.  And that this appearance was not straightened to Paradise, or good men alone, may appear by God's Colloquy with Cain: who was not at all (we see) feared or startled at any unexpected strangeness, but answers very familiarly, Am I my brother's keeper? 
Gen. 4.9. Gen. 6.12. Gen. 6.5.  But at such time as all flesh had corrupted their way, and that God saw the imaginations of man's heart was evil, and that continually, he resolved his Spirit should no more strive with man: 
Verse 3.  that is, he would not so immediately undertake his government here, whereby to be provoked to any other repenting that he made man, 
Verse 5.  a Creature so polluted, that he must be washed by a flood.  
After the flood, God begins to give standing directions for man's guidance; and submits the execution of them to man also: God will not longer immediately reprove and punish (as in the case of Abel) but whosoever sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed. Which Precept, as we may not (as before noted) conceive given, that murder should be punished with murder; by leaving every person power to kill in revenge, as he saw cause; so, we may farther gather what was the Officer designed hereunto, by that blessing which God gave unto Abraham (the person he next appeared unto) when he said, I will make Nations of thee, and Kings shall come out of thee. 
Gen. 1●. 6.   
After this promise, we shall find that Gods next appearance to Abraham is by Angels, not by himself, as formerly to him and others he may be noted to have only done: and in this way of manifestation, he ordinarily continued till Moses: after whom another sort of messengers succeeded of a lower allay, namely Prophets. The which as they served to give divine direction in that particular kingdom of the Jews (during its time of Theocrity) so did they cease at the coming of our Saviour, and calling of the Gentiles: for they prophesied but till John; who may be said to conclude these appearances for direction in our Government, which should come from that person of the Godhead that made the world, and to foreshow all power to be managed by that person that redeemed it; that is by Christ: by whose Authority and Precepts we were to be outwardly governed, as well as to be inwardly guided by those of the Holy Ghost: of which, more in the Discourse of Religion, as also of the surcease of miraculous appearances.  
Christ being thus become King of Kings, we are not to expect him expressly putting in these his several Deputies; no more than while he is doing any thing else. It is enough that he hath left us his own, and his Apostles many Precepts for obedience unto them: which surely he would never have done, if such an office were not to have still continued. It is enough we have Moses and the Prophets setting forth this succession of kingship as God's Vicegerents: if through stubbornness, We will not believe them, neither will we believe though one should rise from the dead. 
Luke 16.29, 30, 31.   
Therefore, as Christ was to succeed his Father in his Regency of men here below, so doth he not alter the way and form of administration thereof by Kings formerly used: nor yet the substance and general scope of those former Precepts, by God given to that purpose: but leaving the one as well as the other to stand in force by his not repealing them, he may then be supposed also to have made his recess from personal administration for our good, upon the same ground that God himself did before: to wit, that those frequent repetitions of impiety, oppression, and other sins which we hourly commit, might not be continually provoking divine Justice to our destruction. For so we find God saying to the Israelites, Exod. 33 3. I will not go up in the midst of thee, for thou art a stiffnecked people, lest I consume thee in the way. And as this was by God spoken after the promulgation of the Law, and just upon his promise of sending an Angel or chief governor (like Joshua) before them (as is set down in the verse before) so may we find Christ also, 
Act. 1.3.  after he had for the space of forty days spoken of the things pertaining to the kingdom of God, (and that to the Apostles his then supreme Deputies) to make his recess likewise, from immediate administration in the things of this world: retaining to himself still, his high prerogative of King of Kings, his actual Session at the right hand of God, far above all principalities and powers. 
Ephes. 1.21.   
And so far should this delegation be from lessening Gods or Christ's just power in our esteem, as it will upon due consideration increase it: for omnipotency should not be omnipotency, if potency of any kind were excluded. And therefore, as in the general course of Providence, his Almightiness is the more apparent, by enabling 2. causes and weak instruments to produce and execute effects proper to deity only: so in this particular of Government (by delegation) to authorize and enable others, which of themselves could otherwise claim neither power nor right herein, it doth, by conferring one another without diminution in himself, so far (by addition) imply an augmentation of power: inasmuch as self-ability (simply considered) is not so large, as when (unconfinedly all things), or any thing can be made susceptible of this strength. In which doing, the weakness of the instrument will also increase the reputation of the Agent, by having his strength made perfect and apparent in weakness: when from so low a degree, 
2 Cor. 12 9  its honour and power shall be so advanced that it shall be (as it were a second deity) able to act things proper to deity only; as in right of government: and that, without all just pretence of arrogating to themselves, or derogating from him.  
So that now, we ought rather to admire and magnify the ways of God's government amongst us, then by such reprobate and Athiestical Tenants, seek to dethrone him, and set up ourselves in his stead. For if our Pactions and Associations here below, can once make us independent on him; what will they be, but Conjurations and Conspiracies against Heaven? and so (upon the matter) must he be subject to our apprehensions and appetites; and either in the way of government, operate as expressly and personally as in former times, or else, must we conclude it reasonable to deny his care, or interest therein at all?  
As if, because God was only known more immediately to create the first man, therefore, all now must owe their Creation to their Parents only; as not having in our sense any other cause of production, than the known way of generation, common to us with all other things. Or, because God doth not now rain Manna, Quails, or other things from Heaven, as to the Jews he sometimes did; but that the Sun, the Earth, and other Elements (together with man's industry) are the only sensible immediate conveyors and causes of all our food and other benefits we enjoy, it is therefore reason that our ignorance in his ways of dispensation; should forthwith exclude our acknowledgement of his care and providence: and make the usual returns of thanks we give for such things, appear rather to proceed from compliment then duty.  
By this Doctrine, we may as well also conclude against man's right of Dominion over other Creatures; because the first Dominion was immediately given to Adam and Noah only: when yet, (by privilege of birth) we have right to inherit also whatsoever belonged to them as men: this being a natural and common, and not a personal prerogative only. The like we must hold, of heirship to the government of a Family: not making its power dependant on the Will, or any consent to be derived from Wife, Children, or Servants; but he exercising and enjoying it as proper to the Office.  
And what were this Doctrine, but to overthrow and walk quite contrary to the Doctrine of Christianity? which constitutes, and commends Faith, where present sense is wanting: and in matters of divine doctrine or example pronounceth him happy that shall not see and yet believe. 
Joh. 20.29.  For if God mu●t be always tied to evident demonstrations in the manifold dispensations of his Spirit, and of every good and perfect gift from him proceeding; then must miracles be continual, as that of the fiery tongues; otherwise (in such spiritual donations) how shall sense be satisfied we are receivers at all? Or, if no such manifestation now be, must we thereupon make answer, that we know not so much as whether there be a Holy Ghost or no? 
Act. 19.2.  or, because there is now no such manifest breathe used, nor no persons of equal authority to Christ or his Apostles to confer ordination; must we say therefore, that that power, whereby Priests and Ministers exercise their spiritual Functions, is merely humane; and from them only received, that are immediate workers therein? What were this, but, as before we had thrust God out of Government and superintendency of the state (by reckoning his Vicegerent as the peoples, so now) to interdict him any particular care or Authority of the Church also; by accounting his Ministers our own?  
But, in sum, this power of Kings, belongs to them as Kings: and by virtue of these their Offices, it is that God owns the very Heathen, as servants and Deputies to himself: 
Isa. 44.28, & 45. 1.&c.  for so Nabuchadnezzar, Cyrus, etc. held and exercised their Authorities, and yet had no special revelation or Ministry for their enthroning, as had Saul, or David; or different from other Princes. And (indeed) if this power came not by office, then are all hereditary Princes but usurpers; and falsely said, to reign in their father's stead: for how could they reign without power, and have power without special ministration? As for example, Solomon held his Kingdom from God, and by as good right as his Father; and that by force of his Office and Unction; although ministered but in the ordinary way, and at his Father's command only: he held it not from any paction of the people; who rather looked on Adoniah as the true heir, and accordingly joined with him in rebellion.  
And if any think, that it was in regard of some special occasion, God was to employ Nabuchadnezzar, etc. that they were thus particularly owned; this is not denied; but the question is, whether that extraordinary power, or that ordinary one over their Subjects (common to them with other Princes) came by any extraordinary revelation or designation from Heaven? so, as both to enable their subjects to elect and appoint those individual persons, (without regard to their right otherwise) and then, those persons also to act and execute accordingly. But although nothing extraordinarily appeared, yet do these Kings confess their power from God: 
Dan. 2.4, ●.  and we find it the custom for all Kings, to write themselves Dei Gratia; and acknowledge the holding their kingdoms and powers from God only. To this purpose (amongst Christians especially) their Crowns, Sceptres, Swords, etc. (as Emblems of power) are first offered, and then received from the Altar: by the last act acknowledging their power from God only; by the other offering it to his glory and service, the main end of policy.  
And therefore, though Jephtah had an ordinary way of entrance to the Government, namely (by making Association) he was brought in by the faction and assistance of the Gileadites; yet is he reckoned sent of God, as well as Jerubaal, Bedan, and Samuel; who had extraordinary ministration, So that, although God do leave those intervenient actions of Succession, Election, Conquest, etc. to the same ordinary event of Providence with other things in men's choice and dispose, (which may therefore (in a sort) be called a humane Creature) yet the collation of power is from him only: no otherwise then in marriage, the Husband's power over the Wife depends of itself, and not on any resignation from 〈◊〉: although, for her greater obligation toobedience, her consent be necessary.  
And therefore, those that would wrest those words of humane Creature, to import that all kinds of Regiment and power which men exercise one over another, is but of humane Authority and institution, would make the Apostle contrary to himself: for it is plain, that he, writing to the converted Jews (amongst other admonitions to good behaviour) to observe this of submission to Authority, could not be imagined to have made that an Argument thereunto, which should have been quite destructive thereof. For if the Argument had run thus, You are to submit yourselves to all such forms of Government as you shall be under; inasmuch as they being all but things of humane device, and having no power but what they (as a new sort of humane Creatures) had received from those many deities their own Subjects, it is therefore Reason that you should submit yourselves unto them for the Lords sake, even because yourselves, as setters of them up, have power above them. No certainly, it is best to interpret humane Creature (or Man in the general) to imply, and be put, by way of excellence, for man in particular: that is, for that supreme and eminent person in each Country, who, as the representer of all men therein, had Authority to command every humane creature in his jurisdiction. For we are to submit ourselves to every Ordinance of man, thus virtually and collectively considered, and not to every Ordinance of every man else, that should take upon him to command us. Because this were to confound the persons submitting, with those to be submitted unto: and to make the injunction useless, if to be fulfilled by what we, as men, did enjoin to ourselves; or impossible, if bound to submit to every man besides.  
Whereupon we may conceive, that, by way of pre-occupation, those words of humane Creature, or humane Ordinance, are put in with that latitude by St. Peter. Namely, the better to fasten their subjection, who (having had amongst themselves, the office and race of their Kings so expressly designed from God himself,) might else have bogled at the submission to kingship elsewhere: as thinking them but of humane device and power. And therefore we may interpret him, admonishing them (who were now to have their conversation honest amongst the Gentiles) to be subject to these higher powers, although no such express divine designation did so appear, 
Verse 12.  but that their offices & powers might seem but of humane Creation. For they were to know, that those powers were of God: 
Rom. 13 1.  and that therefore they were to submit themselves for the Lord's sake, that was the Author of every just derived power.  
Which words for the Lords sake, as they may serve to explain the power to be of God, 
1 Pet. 2.13.  however humane device or custom be intervenient, so will they serve to restrain the generality of the object of our submission formerly set down, by conferring it only on such as can claim it for the Lords sake: namely to Kings as supreme, 
Ibidem.  or to governors as sent of him: of which more hereafter. 
1 Pet. 5.5.  So that than our submission one to another, shall be made good, by giving it to our Elders; or to such as from the Lord have power to require it: 
1 Pet. 2.17.  even as also, the way to honour all men, (which would have seemed a strange as well as difficult precept) is in the same verse explained, by Honour the King. 
Ibidem.  For by honouring him above other humane Creatures, and by honouring others as he appoints, 
Rom. 13.7. 1 Pet. 2.17. Rom. 13, 7. 1 Pet. 2 17. Rom. 13.7.  I can only rightly honour all men, and give every one their due. For as by fearing God above all, I give fear to whom fear; so by honouring the King, I give honour to whom honour?  
So that lastly, by this restriction of all humane Ordinance and Authority unto Kings as supreme, we may note St. Peter to be explanatory of his brother Paul: who, in his Epistles, as he had many things hard to be understood, and which the unlearned and unstable did wrest to their own destruction; so this wresting, and the damnation or destruction thereupon following, was nowhere to be so much feared, as by interpreting that those higher Powers he appoints us to be subject unto, are but such as are indeed the lowest powers; being but such as are ordained of ourselves: and not such as are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rightfully derived powers from the true I am, or original Being himself: and so given by him to one Deacon or Minister here below, viz. to the King: to whom therefore we are to be subject for the Lords sake, that is, in acknowledgement of God's power abiding in him, so far as to authorise him in this his Office.  
And therefore, it will now appear a most unreasonable supposition, that any should give what they never had: for from whom had the people this power? Why should we confound, or subtract their relation as subjects; and, instead of a capacity to be governed, think they had power of governing? Or, if they had, who was then the governed? For take away one relation, the other will also fall.  
Or, will you suppose in them a vain power, that should never be brought into act in them, as in the hands it was first put? Why should we think God so unnecessary in his dispensations? Is it not more agreeable with reason and truth, to put this power directly into the hands of the persons that should manage it, then by such long deviations, first to give it to the people, that the people may give it to the Prince, that the Prince may again give, and make use of it unto, and upon the people: and all to no other end, but by this reciprocal dependency, to be at last, both of them independent on the true Author of all power, which is God himself.  
But this opinion of the Prince his dependent power on the People's, grows usually from the observation men make, of the different powers which Princes have over their Subjects, in comparison of one another: as thereupon concluding, that if this power belong to the Office, and to Kings as Kings, and that from God (who is no respecter of persons, but gives to every man, and so to Kings, what is due and necessary for their callings) how comes one King to be less absolute than another? Is it not (say they) from the different stipulations with their people, at their Coronations and Elections; when by them, they are tied to the observation of such Laws and Customs as do more or less straighten them? By which means (changing the former Argument about derivation of Kingly power itself, into the manner or measure of its execution) they think to obtain their conclusion. But the Question is not, whether the proprietors of any thing by the Law of God or Nature (not being particulary restrained) may suspend or dispose of part of their rights, or not; but it is, whether Princes be hereof proprietors, or not.  
And they that think Princes are impowered from their subjects, have their mistake hereof, because from these obtrusions or Pactions they think them to have their power, when instead of giving they are but restrictions and abatements thereof: for so, upon good heed it willbe found; and that these liberties of people, have arisen but from the grants of former Princes; and not Prince's power from them: even thereby acknowledging, all power to spring from its proper root. So that, when people lay claim to any Privilege, the Charter or Grant of such and such a Prince is alleged, as its ground and Authority: wherein they then being petitioners, and ●●il styling themselves subjects, there is no more reason why the indulgence of former Princes, or Rebellion or Force of Subjects, should be of more avail to despoil Princes of their just power and Sovereignty, then for Wife or Children, in any Association of theirs (by way of Fact) to take on them the rights and power of Master of the Family.  
For although in different Countries and places, the Marital or Paternal power is more or less, and so also, Bishops, Pastors, etc. are in some places restrained more than in others (in Ordaining, Preaching, Baptising, and also in jurisdiction and government) shall we therefore conclude, their Offices and Powers was not at first founded, and so to continue as from God; but is at the liberty of Wife, Children, or People, both how far, and whether it shall be so or no.  
And to come yet nearer, because they are usually esteemed the greatest Princes that have greatest store of Subjects; it should be thence thought that their power was from people; because increased according to their power, and number. What shall we then think of such as have power increased from their wealth, from their Forts, Magazines, Arms, Navy; or by the valour and military discipline of their people? What is power therefore first in these things, and from them derived to Princes? doth the Artificer receive the power or skill belonging to him, as Artificer, from the instruments? can they make no difference between having power over, and receiving power from? What do Princes Treasures, Militia, etc. convene in their underived Majesties; and freely elect also? have Military subjects double or treble Votes, because they have more power? Nay, are not Princes to derive all their power from them, for they usually set them up and uphold them? nothing less reasonable.  
For, as that Father, that hath none but weak or indigent Children, is yet as much, and truly a Father, as he that hath rich and potent ones: even so, these additions do not constitute formally the power or office of any King or Monarch, but are only accessary qualifications, to difference them in their comparative powers from one another. And therefore, although in the glory of such actions of Children or Subjects, that flow not formally from their relations as such, and do yet reach to the honouring of their Father or Prince, it may be said, that honour is in the honouring, and not in the honoured, (meaning that it is in the honouring first) yet can neither they, nor any subordinate Corelate (as heretofore noted) be truly said to be originals of any honour or power, formally in them, by virtue of that relation, wherein Father, Prince, or other Superiors stood to them as principle: but, on the other side, since they voluntarily entered not into these relations, nor had been Sons or Subjects, had not the intervenient acts of Generation, Conquest, etc. made them such, it must follow, that what was the Author and Cause of that relation, must be Author and Original of that Honour which is thereby caused: and may consequently, challenge the propriety and disposal thereof.  
Whereupon we may infer, that such Concessions of predecessors, are no more binding, than the precedents of an indulgent Parent, aught of right to take from the heir that power, which afterwards, as Father of a Family, shall come to be necessary and due unto him: but as forceable Entries, are in Law and Equity held invalid towards the disseisin of a true proprietor, the like must be held in these usurpations and encroachments on the Sovereignty.  
And therefore, as they, supposing power in the people, do thence infer, that as they are trusters, so, they are to reassume as they think good: so, it now truly appearing that power is from the Sovereign, if he, or his predecessors, have indulged more than he finds, will now stand with public good, he may rightfully reassume also.  
From all which premises we may conclude, Sovereignty to be a Power deputed from God to one person; for the Government of such or such a Kingdom or Society. From God I call it; because (as elsewhere showed) all power is from him only: and to one person it must be, because as the original of power affects unity in himself, so was he never found equally to distribute or entrust it otherways.  
If you will, you may call Sovereignty the puissance of any Society, united in one person, for the attaining political ends. Where (by Puissance) is understood that natural Force, Virtue, Vigour, or Ability, which the Subjects had before to operate externally; which doth now come by this congression, as the sticks of a Faggot by the band, (according to the usual tale or allusion of the old man to his Children for Unity) to receive such augmentation of strength, as to accomplish and subdue those ends and difficulties, which divided, were not to be done: so that as without it, the Major part took on them (as the representative whole) uncontrollable power over the Minor, so the Prince being no more truly the whole, hath irresistible power also.  
By external operations, is meant the prosecution of such desires as may be of a foreign concern only, or that have influence or respect beyond the party acting; for otherwise, my own will is still director. But, where loss or gain cannot be wholly centred in myself, rules of association do require, that application and direction be made and sought from the common centre of a Commonwealth. Therefore although, in natural strength and bodily force, the Prince continue still but of equal ability to others, yet, through this resignation (by submission) having more than all, he is of power to act against all opposition; according as reason and political good shall dictate. Political ends, or the good of association; is either that of Peace, or that of Plenty: the one made by submitting our own several powers of decision unto the determination of one uncontrollable Judge, the other by his distributing (as from a Centre again) to people (the circumference) the assurances of propriety, protection, & other benefits, consistent with political utility & justice.  
This vigour is not only gotten by way of addition or accumulation, as when (for the removal of the strength or opposition of a powerful faction) he is assisted with the strength of others, but sometimes, by suspension of vigour in the subjects: whereby, his power comes to be more, by their having less: or, by their obedience, he grows able to command.  
If you will have a larger description, Sovereignty, which establisheth true policy, is an apparent, certain, and accessible union of irresistible power. Apparent and certain (I say) for else how shall littigant parties know where to make their addresses? accessible it must be also, both for the last appeals sake, or what else it shall choose to act by itself; otherwise it's being is in vain: And thereupon, union it must have in itself; how else can it give to others? For, in this respect, it must be (as before said) like the Centre in a circle; for there, as the singleness of the Centre makes the union and meeting of the circumference, and consequently but one Circle; so two Centres, though never so like and near, yet (having circumferences drawn from them) will make two Circles. And further, as the Centre gives being to the circumference, so the circumference to it again: for until this be drawn, the centre is but a point; as until the subjects be, the King is but as another man. And as, until this Centre be fixed (whereby to measure equal distances on all hands) it will remain an uncertain round, and not a Circle: so in policy, till the body of the people are fixed upon an unity (as upon a Centre) they have no assurance of equal and certain proportions amongst themselves: but, as all lines are made of points, so, these individuals, striving to make up this Circle without a Centre, or making two or more Centres, they will in the latter case, make two or more Circles or Commonweals; and in the other (as wanting a common and perfect rule or measure) make it (like an unequal round or circumference) to consist of many irregularities and factions.  
And then again, as the Centre of the earth hath in its union the virtue of the whole Globe, insomuch as the desire of approach of massy bodies (which we commonly call motion of gravity) is directed to it, and not to all or any part of the circumference besides; so, this union of property and power, must first be united in one Centre of Sovereignty; that so, the whole force and vigour, resting now there (like as one foot of the compass must fix and make the Centre before the other can make the Circle) subjects may be capable of an harmonious receipt and direction from thence again, by the straight lines of attraction and intercourse: which, as it will prove nearest their journey's end, namely the attaining political good (called peace & plenty) so will it also keep them, from justling or interfering upon one another, in their addresses and desires; and thereby avoid political evil, which is civil war.  
For if any faction of the people, should grow to that greatness and temerity, as to disannul sovereign command; then should sovereignty be no sovereignty, nor political happiness at all attainable; the measure or way thereunto being thus lost or uncertain: no more, then if the force of union or attraction, should be greater or equal in any part of the earth's circumference then in the Centre, it could still keep its round figure; or indeed have any determinate figure at all: but, by this uncertain, or unequal direction and addition of massy bodies, some one part of the circumference unproportionably swelling, the Centre must alter also: whereby, for want of settled place in that element, it should not be able to operate in due manner. So in States and Kingdoms, if they have not a common Centre of desire and good, or have not the same so definite and certain, but that all or any parts of the people may take upon them, according to their separate appetites to judge and determine of good and bad, what equality or proportion can the whole have? for this differing and doubtful application, will not only render it weak and disfigured, but also one part destructive to another.  
So that no government can be rightly called a Commonwealth, or one Commonwealth, where the supreme power and interest is not centred in one person. For, in Monarchy, as there is a personal, so is there a natural and necessary union: when as in all Pollarchies, there is still a natural and necessary division of persons and interest, and only an accidental and contingent union, occasioned by some foreign fear. In which case, they may be supposed for a time strengthened and united by way of Antiperistasis only: Whereas the Monarch, having an unity in himself, must constantly remain so.  
As we have a pertinent simile of this agreggation of power, property, etc. in the Monarch, in that vision of Nabuchadnezzar (wherein himself as that great goodly tree, is represented as the common author of protection and food for all sorts) even so we have a plain direction to this unity, 
Dan. 4.22.  from God himself. For after that he had given command for making of Judges and Officers throughout all the tribes (by whose number the people might be supplied with means of decision) he then (to unite and Centre them) saith, If there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgement, between blood and blood, between plea and plea, and between stroke and stroke, being matters of controversy within thy gates: 
Deut. 17.8, &c  then shalt thou rise and get thee to the place which the Lord thy God shall choose, and thou shalt come unto the Priests and Levits (meaning for decision in matters of Religion) and unto the Judge that shall be in those days, and inquire, and they shall show thee the sentence of judgement: and thou shalt do according to the sentence of judgement which they of that place which the Lord thy God shall choose, shall show thee: and thou shalt observe to do according to all that they inform thee, according to the sentence of law which they shall teach thee, and according to the judgement which they shall tell thee thou shalt do: thou shalt not decline from the sentence which they shall show thee, to the right hand or to the left, and the man that will do presumptously; and will not hearken unto the Priest that standeth to Minister before the Lord thy God, or unto the Judge: even that man shall die, and thou shalt put away evil from Israel: and all the people shall hear and fear, and do no more presumptuously.  
Here we find an express and direct injunction to obey the supreme definitive sentence, aswell as a promise to constitute one: no pretence of our private judgements, can warrant us to decline from their sentence, to the right hand nor to the left. Mark we not, how many strong, and urgent commands here are, and how often pressed and repeated, for maintenance of this Sovereign united power in the person of one Judge. For as all Israel was contained in the tribes, and every tribe united in its own Fathers and Elders, so, for common unity, and quieting their differences again amongst themselves (being there called Blood and blood, and between plea and plea) one common and uncontroleable Judge is to be set up and obeyed: from whose sentence they are not to depart, under any pretence of law or equity to the contrary. For although the Law had been given to the whole people, yet are they not to interpret it, but to do according to the sentence of law which they shall teach.  
And, under the notion of the Judge that shall be in those days, he is to be obeyed either actively or passively, however tyrannical or unjust his sentence may appear: because between plea and plea (or where law is on both sides pleaded) there the definitive sentence is to be enquired and obeyed from this supreme Judge only: that is (as before said) either actively by prosecuting (according to their utmost devoir) all his lawful commands, or passively, by enduring the penalty or punishment, in cases plainly against the Law of God. For as God's Law, in regard he is the fountain of power, and supreme Judge of all, aught in the first place to be obeyed; so, even in that very case, disobey the Magistrate they did not, inasmuch as, where obedience or penalty were both set before them as eligible, they might choose either of them. But however, active resistance or rebellion (there called doing presumptuously and not harkening) is neither in lawful or unlawful commands, (that is, neither on the right hand, nor on the left) to be tolerated; but to be punished (as so presumptuous an offence doth deserve) with no less than death; to the end that all Israel, (or the whole People) may fear, and do no more presumptuously; or attempt again to rebel.  
And, lest it might yet be doubted what manner of person this should be that must have such great obedience, the next Verse (by way of Prophecy) shows the other Officer that should follow Judges: that when they should come unto the Land which the Lord God gave them, and should possess it, and dwell therein, they should both desire, and have a King set over them. And this, being a state of Government best befitting that Peace and Plenty they were then to enjoy, must needs be acknowledged given as an accomplishment and increase of their other blessings: For under that notion God promiseth it to Abraham as aforesaid, That Kings should come out of him: 
Gen. 1●. 6.  and the like again he promiseth to Sarah, 
Verse 16.  That Kings of People should be of her: the like was promised to Jacob, Kings shall come out of thy Loins: 
Gen. 35.11.  who again, as the next Father to the Tribes, gives it particularly to Judah; as an high blessing to be settled on him, in right of that primogeniture which his elder Brother had forfeited: namely, that this promised Sceptre should not depart from Judah, nor a Lawgiver from between his feet, 
Gen. 49.10,  till the Shiloh come. In which last Promise, under the notion of Lawgiver and of Sceptre, in the singular number, we may well understand the Judge and King before mentioned.  
All which, would be well considered by those that fancy other Governments to that of Kings; or think that the Israelites might, at the time when they had full Possession of the Land, have chosen any other Government aswell. Not marking, that it was as expressly foretold they should have a King, as that they should possess the Land: for the words run in the future; When thou art come into the Land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, and shalt possess it, and shalt dwell therein, and shalt say, I will set a King over me, like as all the Nations that are about me. It is not said, If thou shalt say; no such conditional, but an express duty or Prophecy: For the conjunction and here used, And shalt possess it, and dwell therein, and shalt say, etc. makes all of them equally certain. And the People's fault in choosing a King afterwards, & God's punishment of giving him in his anger, we must impute to other circumstances: as being done in a hasty humour of diffidence of God's protection, who was then their King: that is, till then had governed in chief himself, and was to have his advice and consent asked, in all great and extraordinary occasions.  
During which time of more personal and immediate undertaking their protection, their sudden desire of alteration, was the same reproach to him, in his providence and care for their personal securities, as their murmuring for choice of food was formerly in the wilderness: for as then, Quails, Manna, etc. (things in themselves good, and to be acknowledged great blessings) were given in anger; because unseasonably and distrustfully demanded; so now also, this promised blessing of kingship, because asked upon the fear of Nahash and the power of the Ammonites, was the occasion of Gods punishing them in the first person that should have it, in regard they had demanded it in a way derogatory to him, as if distrusting his care or power in their preservation.  
It was unseasonable also, because they had not as yet the full possession of the land, and so no time as yet (according to Moses appointment) for ask of kingship from God. And that they were not as yet in full possession of the land, nor such a state of secure dwelling therein as could be called rest, appears (amongst other things) in that they had not as yet attempted the rooting out of Amaleck, which should have been done upon their first settling according to Moses words. It shall be, when the Lord thy God giveth thee rest from all thine enemies round about, in the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee for an inheritance to possess it, that thou shalt blot out the remembrance of Amalek from under heaven, 
Deut. 25.19.  thou shalt not forget it: And because they neither had yet so possessed the land as to do this thing, therefore did God appoint that person to do it, which he had given them as King by way of anticipation, in answer to their hasty unseasonable petition.  
And that this prediction of kingship was aswell mandatory as prophetic to this their time of future rest and enjoyment of the promised land, and so unseasonable as yet to be put in execution, will most plainly appear by the comparison of it with that prediction and appointment of setting up a Temple, when they should be in the like condition, for the establishment of God's house, and of his deputy in that house, as the tokens of Glory and rest of the Nation: being to be accomplished together (as shall be more fully declared hereafter) for it was plainly then foretold them, Ye shall not do after all the things that we do here this day every man whatsoever is right in his own eyes. 
Deut. 12.8.  Which being the very same expression as was used of them when there was no King in Israel; it must import, that then they should be under a higher restraint than before; 
Judg. 17.6.  and that they should be confined both to one place of public worship, and to one person of public Judicature; then, and not till then. For ye are not as yet come to the rest and to the inheritance which the Lord your God giveth you, but when ye go over Jordan, and dwell in the land which the Lord your God giveth you to inherit: and when he giveth you rest from all your enemies round about, 
Deut. 12.9, 10  so that ye dwell in safety (which they had not, nor did not at their election of Saul) then there shall be a place which the Lord your God shall coohse to cause his name to dwell there. 
Verse 11.  That is, more eminently to dwell there, in respect of the greater glory of this one place, and this one deputy: so much more lively representing the unity and glory of him that thus miraculously procured their rest and safety therein.  
It savoured of ingratitude to Samuel also; who, now grown old in their service, they might have patiently attended to have let him honourably end his days in the government. And, besides that Gods granting it makes the having of a King lawful, they that then refused or slighted the Office (saying How shall this man save us) are called sons of Belial: that is, 
1 Sam. 10.27:  men without yoke, or rebels. And, we may farther conclude God's decree for establishment of this Office, in that is was before promised as a dignity and reward to Samuel himself; that he should walk before Gods anointed for ever: 
1 Sam. 2 35.  which must express the Office of a King shortly to ensue (for Judges were not anointed) even as it must also import, that it should be an honour for him to attend him.  
They that would urge this expression of they have not rejected thee, but me they have rejected, to import their direct abandoning God's regency, as God, and not their desire only of the change of the Function and Officer he had before deputed over them (and so think that now Princes had not their power from God as his Ministers, but were to derive it from the people's pactions) should rather (methinks) have grounded their opinion on the Israelites former expression, at their election and submission to their first earthly governor in chief, Moses. For thereby, a refusal of God and Paction with Moses may be rather inferred: Speak thou with us and we will hear: but let not God speak with us, lest we die. Here, 
Exod. 20.19:  the people are set down as expressly declining Gods immediate government, and as choosing, and treating with another for the exercise thereof: Whereas in this place they object nothing against Gods more immediate meddling with them at all. And therefore this phrase of rejected me, is to be construed as in relation to their disobedience and rejecting of Gods commands only; and not of his person, but as by consequence. In which way of interpretation, there are many places of Scripture that may warrant us, but none that can instance where the Jews, or any of the Gentile Churches or people, did either wholly, or at all so abandon Gods or Christ's regency, as to choose or submit to any absolute or Independent Prince or governor; and not rather (as to God's Deputy and Minister) think themselves obliged to obedience unto him aswel in conscience, as for fear of wrath and bare political respect.  
And if any think these expressions, I will set a King over me like, etc. and again, him thou shalt set over thee, etc. do import that therefore their power is from the people; they may observe the people to come to Samuel to make a King over them: and although he delayed it, yet they, 
1 Sam. 8.5.  knowing of no such power of themselves, come to him again: inasmuch as Samuel said unall Israel, Behold I have harkened unto your voice in all that you said unto me, and have made a King over you: and verse the 13 it is said, 
1 Sam 12.1.  Behold the Lord hath set a King over you; as truly showing whence his power came: for however (as aforesaid) circumstances made it evil, as good things may be evilly done, yet their having and desiring a King, were both from God.  
And that the Office was given to them as a blessing, may be farther noted from God's speech to Samuel: To morrow about this time I will send thee a man out of the land Benjamin, and thou shalt anoint him to be Captain over my people Israel, 
1 Sam. 9.16.  that he may save my people out of the hand of the Philistines; for I have looked upon my people, because their cry is come unto me: Which last words do plainly declare the intended end and benefit of this Kingly Function: and they may well prove God's designation thereof, as the means; even as he had designed the end; the safety and good of his people. And as these words prove the constitution of the Office, and that in kindness (although their hasty demand might make the person given as a punishment) even so the former part of the verse, Thou shalt anoint him to be Captain over my people, must show both his supreme power, and from whence the Authority of this Officer was derived: that is, from God, not from the People.  
A farther proof that the desire of Kingship was not a fault in the Jews, is, that neither David, nor Stephen, nor any else, reckoning up the faults of that Nation committed from time to time against God, did account this for one.  
Nay this particular person and his power were from God, in such sort, that it was no more in their power to refuse, then to steal or murder, and yet be innocent: 
1 Sam. 11.14.  and therefore we must interpret that which is called the renewing of the kingdom at Gilgal with him, and the Covenanting of the Israelites with David, to be nothing else but to show to the people the person whom God had chosen; that they might continue in obedience to him and his stock. Whereupon, as this was necessary in Saul and David, because the first of their Families, so was it after left off in their Children; who still reigned in their stead: that is, in their right only; according to God's promise to David, to establish the Throne upon his seed for ever.  
And therefore (I hope) it was not in the people's power (as in right of their paramount Sovereignty) to refuse this Family or take another: if it had, sure God did them great wrong, to settle it thus without their just consents. So that Gods not showing them these Kings, till himself had determinately anointed and appointed them that Power and Office, shows he acknowledged no Negative voice of Government to reside in them, but only the duty of subjection: to which end, their Oaths and Promises of Allegiance were to be made before him, as is signified by the offering Sacrifice at Gilgal: of which more hereafter.  
And as the forecited Prophecy and Direction of Moses, did plainly show Kingship to follow this first settling the Jewish Nation in safety and honour; so, almost all the Prophecies of their restauration, do again run in the same manner. But, because we shall speak of some of the rest elsewhere, we will here only speak of that set forth in these eight last Chapters of Ezechiel, which is undeniably pregnant and express herein. There this Office of kingship is so particularly described, that the usual gloss of Antimonarchical men, in attributing to Christ that power and honour which in some places is given to Kings, finds no colourable shift in this place, because it is said, And my Prince; 
Ezek. 4.8.  shall no more oppress my people. Which Oppression being not to be feared from Christ himself, and the admonition being in the plural number, it cannot be thought congruous for him: as, on the otherside, the assignation of a certain portion of Land for his maintenance; not to be alienated or encroached by any of his servants, but to remain to his Children only, must intend Kings, not Christ. And so must show also, both the designation, and settled perpetuity of that Office: who, as the supreme Officer of power and honour, is, in this recess of God, to retain the Image of his Authority, and be acknowledged as in his stead. As may most plainly appear, by that command of keeping the Eastgate for him only; saying, This gate shall be shut, it shall not be opened: and no man shall enter by it, 
Ezek: 44, 1, 2, 3  because the Lord the God of Israel hath entered by it: therefore it shall be shut: it is for the Prince, the Prince he shall sit in it to eat bread before the Lord: he shall enter by way of the porch of that gate, and shall go out by way of the same.  
Nor can we by Prince understand chief Priest (as some would) because they neither had this power of Oppression: and also were distinguished from the Prince under the notion of the sons of Zadock; 
chap. 48.11.  and so had Lands distinct assigned for their maintenance. And therefore again, although the Priests are there appointed to put difference between Holy and Profane, and to judge in the Assemblies of God: 
ch. 44 23, 24  they are still to be supposed as under the Prince herein: being presently appointed to be the sons of Zadock: which are to be presumed Loyal, as having been by the King put into that ministration for that very reason; when Abiathar, for joining in rebellion with the rest of Israel, was by the King thrust out. So that the Priests here spoken of, being always set under the notion of sons of Zadock, it seemed needless to set down that, in this, or other things, they should be subordinate to the Prince: for this Zadock and his successors (representing the Evangelical Priesthood) were by God's appointment, 1 Sam. 2.35. to have a sure house built them, and to walk before Gods anointed for ever: the last words signifying at once, 
1 Sam. 2.35.  the perpetuity of both Christian Kingship and Priesthood; as well as priestly subordination, to succeed.  
And if we shall take these chapters as prophetic, to set forth the state and pattern of the Christian Church (as usually is done by Christians) and not as literal to the Jews only (as they usually do) then, nothing can remain more luculent and clear, than the divine direction hereof, for the perpetuity of this Office in the Christian Church: in order to other Prophecies elsewhere mentioned; of having Kings to be their nursing Fathers, and Queens their Nurses: and of the Churches having sons, whom they may set as Princes in all Lands. Which Office, as it is undeniably therein appointed, 
Isa, 49.23. Psal. 45.16.  so to make it farther appear to be prophesied, as necessary to complete the Church in a state of perfection and happiness, we shall find that it is to be showed to the Jews as an unquestionable plot to that purpose; and to be promised them upon their good abbearance: saying, If they be ashamed of all they have done, show them the form of the house, and the fashion thereof, etc. that they may keep the whole form thereof, and all the Ordinances thereof, and do them. 
Ezek. 43 11.   
By which we may find, that in policies established according to the pattern in the Mount, Kingship and Priesthood must be: and that the one can be no more omitted than the other.  
How this Office of Kingship was ordained to accompany and complete the flourishing estate of the Jewish Church, and to precede and be instrumental in building the Temple, will be more fully discoursed hereafter: when we shall have occasion to speak of such places of Scripture, as contain a connexion of promises to that purpose; as 2 Sam. 10.11, etc. & 2 Chr. 17.9, 10, 11, etc. and other places. All of them plainly showing, that Jerusalem (or the Church) is (or aught to be) builded as a City that is compact together, or is at unity in itself: that is, 
Psal. 122 3.  hath an inward principle and groundwork of Unity and Peace in itself, from this Divine appointment of one Governor to preside therein: even by setting there the Thrones of judgement, the Thrones of the house of David: 
Verse 5.  and not, as left to a plain way of dis-union and division, by means of any poliarchical contrivance, to judge and govern without a Throne: whereby their Compaction or Union should not proceed from any naturalness in the form and means within, but from contingency and fear without.  
But because some Anti-Monarchical men do believe that it was no more lawful for the people to desire a King afterwards, then at that time, and are very urgent, that the words, I gave thee a King in mine Anger, should be interpreted as though the Office of Kingship were so given, (without considering also, that he was taken away in wrath, and so rightly construing the absence of the Office to be a greater punishment than the imposition) it is to be noted that these and many other expressions uttered in reference to Saul, had relation to him as a person hastily demanded, and so given as a punishment; and not as to one, on whom (and his posterity) the flourishing estate of that Church was to be settled. For that promise we shall find annexed to the Tribe of Judah (as before noted) of whose lineage also our Saviour was to come; whereas Saul, being a Benjamite, it could not be thought that he was the person to be settled herein. Nay, so much himself doth acknowledge to Samuel, while Samuel is telling him of his Election. viz. Am not I a Benjamite of the smallest of the Tribes of Israel, 
1 Sam. 9.21.  etc. Wherefore then speakest thou so to me?  
But than it may be asked, how we shall make good those expressions which Samuel used unto him, 
1 Sam. 13.13.  that God would have established his kingdom upon Israel for ever? Why, this might have been fulfilled by means of his lineage in a feminine line, matched into the Tribe of Judah, as was that match of Michal to David. But you will answer, that Michal was made childless for a fault of her own, and not other Fathers. It is true, she committed a fault to deserve this punishment, but it hinders not, but the same punishment was in pursuance of a former fault of the Family also: as we ●inde many precedents in Scripture, and in particular one done about the same time, namely the punishment of Elies' house, which will come home to this. For we shall find Solomon thrusting out Abiathar from the Priesthood, to punish his personal act of disloyalty to his Father, and yet, it was by God's secret appointment ordered to be done, to make good the threat against Elies' house (namely, to fulfil the word of the Lord concerning the house of Elie) even so, we may interpret the punishment of Saul's first fault (that is, 
1 King. 2.27.  the cutting off his blood from the Crown) to be accomplished in Michal: and his other fault in sparing Agag threatened to be punished in the rejection of his person) to be made good by his untimely slaughter. And the due observation of these Stories, will also instruct us, how that the building of the Temple, (signifying the glory of the Church) and the settlement of Kingship and Priesthood, were all accomplished together: and how Kingship was the leader in this Chorus of happiness, as Gods chief Instrument for completing of them.  
For so are we instructed by the direction which Moses gave concerning matters of Appeals; 
D●ut. 1●. 9.  wherein, the expression of the Judge that shall be in those days, not only denotes another manner of Judge then formerly, but the Priests and he, and the place which the Lord should choose being conjoined, 
V●rse 8  must signify their contemporary establishment for perpetuity: for to none of the other Judges God had said, Why have ye not built me an house? nor was Kingship nor priesthood settled but in Solomon and Zadock the sons of David and Samuel, and immediate instruments in building this Temple, 
1 Chron. 17 6.  the figure of the Christian Church to succeed.  
Nay this Office and power of kingship is so clear in Scripture, that it is usual with the abetters of Polarchies now adays, to balk it in the plain sense thereof, and to hearken to Philo, Josephus, and I know not what Antichristian Authors, to learn from them the Authority of the people, of the Sanhedrim, and such like Magistrates: not considering the interest and prejudice wherewith these men writ. For they, designing to bring their Writings and Nation into the more esteem amongst the learned persons of those times, and having so long lived, and been so well entertained, the first among the Grecians, and the other amongst the Romans, as to be affected with their humours and way of learning; they had the same reason to commend those other Forms, and to depress this Kingly Office and Power, as they had to commend thereby, their own writings and Country.  
And as in Kings all power is thus united, so he alone it is, that is the true Representative whole: and whose actions may bind the people, without their consent, but not theirs, without his. And so much is often by God acknowledged; making the good or ill of the King and Kingdom all one. Thus Abimileches particular detaining of Sarai: 
Gen. 20.9.  is by him apprehended as an evil threatening his whole kingdom: and we find Saul's particular act against the Gibeonites, punished with the people's famine; 
2 Sam. 21.1. 2 Sam. 24.15.  as David's numbering the people afterward, was punished with their Pestilence. And in that whole story, we may observe the punishment or reward, the good or ill of the people, still to answer and be proportioned, with the Virtues or Vices of their Princes: and that, though the people did offer in the high places, 
2 Chron. 20.33. 2 Chron. 21.14  or had not prepared their hearts to seek the God of their Fathers, or the like: yet if this general Representative person was upright before God, even for his sake, a blessing did ensue: which is nowhere observed to be done in respect of any subjects piety. And this may seem less strange, since we find that Adam (being made Monarch of all Creatures) should have the violence of his race, imputed and charged on them; so, as to involve them in the same guilt and destruction by flood.  
Nor is this degree of power before spoken of, much more than what before was practised by Moses himself, according to the advice of his Father-in-Law; as we read Exod. 18.20. namely, to make Laws and Ordinances for them to live by, and where Law was already made by God, to reserve to himself the interpretation thereof, as also all appeals, and all difficult and important causes: and (for the better dispatch sake) to refer common causes to subordinate Judges. All which is again farther expressed, Deut. 19, to the 18. where he owns the making Judges, and last appeal. Our of all which it may be found, that the most material marks of Sovereignty were in many of these temporary Judges: as the power of making some Laws, and interpreting them; the last appeal, and supreme decision of controversies: especially in Moses, because he was a King too (as formerly noted) and so made by God, and not by the people. And unto joshua next, as made by Moses: for on him by God's appointment was he (by imposition of hands) to put some of his honour, 
Numb. 17.20.  that all the Congregation of Israel might be obedient: that is, that he, by receipt of this justly derived power from God his Vicegerent, might have full power to command them.  
And therefore are they also called Kings; as in the inte-rregnum, (when there was no Judge) it is said, 
Judg. 17.6.  there was no King in Israel: and yet was these Judge's power inferior to that of Kings, coming after.  
This sovereign power of Kings, we may find employed in that answer of Samuel to the people, of the manner, or power of a King: which, had it but been equal to that of their former Judges, 
1 Sam. 8.11.  what needed it have been told the people? And they that will not have the things there set down to be in his power, but that he was to give account thereof, or that his actions were controleable by any order or body of the people, do yet commit a greater absurdity: for then, to what purpose should Samuel go about to fright the people with a thing of no danger, and which was in their power to remedy? For so it follows, 
1 Sam. 8.18.  that they should cry out in that day because of their King, and the Lord should not hear them: meaning, that they had none but God in that case to appeal to; by whose forbearance to hear them therein, they had no lawful remedy left them. For had his words imported no more terror to their understanding, but what they had right and power to remedy, they might have answered, Nay, but we will have a King under us, and not over us. No, he shall be only King of the less number of the people, and their Representatives: but unto the major part or Vote; he shall be subject upon all occasions they shall think good: and so making ourselves Sovereigns over our Sovereign, we shall prevent those threats: for thereby having (upon the matter) no King, we shall do but what unto every one seems good in his own eyes.  
And by the expression over thee, so often there used, must be meant over the whole people; being the same thee that should choose him: so that if his election were by the major part, or such as stood for them (as so it must be, or elese it could be no Election) his power must be above the major part or their Representatives: and as common relation binds him to be King of the whole, that is, of major as well as minor, so must he be also over them both. And accordingly the practice of these Kings ran: for so David commands, and is obeyed by Joab, and the Rulers or Representatives of the people, in numbering of them; though themselves knew it to be unlawful, and that it would be a trespass or harm to Israel, or the whole people: 
1 Chron 21.3  And although there were neither necessity nor countenance of Law for the deed, yet the King's word prevailed against Joab and the elders of the people: 
Verse 4.  and so remains as a maxim to Solomon his son, who saith, where the word of a King is, there is power, and who may say unto him what dost thou?  

Eccl●s. 8 4.  By which words we may discover, not only the high unquestionable power of Kingship, but also, that it had its derivation from God: inasmuch as that last phrase What dost Thou? Is in Scripture only applied to God himself. 
Isa. ● 35. Job 9.11.  Whereby we may also note, that although the Scripture do sometimes (at least before Kings were) give this appellation of Elohim (or Judiciary power) to other persons in earthly power, or to inferior Magistrates, yet because (since that time) they are (or should be) under this greater Earthly Elohim (as sent of him) they never have this phrase given them; nor have they ever (like him) any of those appellations proper to Christ given them, as of Messiah, Christ, or Anointed: or of Saviour: they being to Kings (his immediate Vicegerents) in the first place due. And when they are any where given to other persons, it is upon their receipt of some extraordinary power from God: and if they have them in right of their Offices, than it may be observed to be ascribed to such Offices, which were anciently annexed to Monarchy (paterno jure) to wit Priesthood and Prophecy, as shall more fully appear hereafter.  
So that then you may see, the Office and Authority of a King is not separable from his person, nor is it lawful for people (after a kind of idolatry) to pay obedience to any other kind of resemblance: For so, at last, having (by these strange resemblances of Authority made in our fancies) blotted out the knowledge and fear of the true Object, and rejecting his personal Will to be of force at all without the Authority of Law, and this Law of our interpreting also; we necessarily again fall into Anarchy: having no Will or Understanding but our own to direct us.  
No, David and Solomon knew too well this kingly Prerogative, to be beguiled with the seeming show of Authority in, or from the people: and followed not the example of Saul their Predecessor, to lose their power by complying, and submitting it to the Vote of the people: and therefore, it proved an unvaluable excuse which he made to Samuel, saying, I have sinned, for I have transgressed the Commandment of the Lord, 
1 Sam. 15.24.  and thy word: because I feared the people and obeyed their voice. But he should have remembered, that he was set over the people, and not they over him: That, as it was one of his Prerogatives, to be for the people, to Godward, as Moses was, (or to have none above, or between God and him) so, there would an account by God be exposed from him only; as being his next Vicegerent; and, as God on earth, entrusted with sufficient power. And if he had not had power over the people, how could God in justice punish him, for obedience to them that might command?  
Nor was this fear of the people a feigned pretence; for if it had, Samuel would not have spared to tell him so. Therefore when these people took of the spoil, sheep, and oxen, and the chief of the things that should have been utterly destroyed, to sacrifice to the Lord, he might have withstood their major Vote by his denial: and have told them as Samuel did him, 
Verse 21.  Obedience is better than sacrifice. For, as it was a vain imagination in him, 
Verse 23.  to think that God would excuse his disobedience in this, through this pretence of doing him better service otherways; so it is also, from Subjects to Kings, when they withdraw their obedience upon like pretences. For rebellion is like the sin of witchcraft, and stubbornness as idolatry: that is, 
1 Sam. 15.23.  whilst we stand bewitched with our own fancies of Gods will, and thereupon show our disobedience to the Authority he appoints, we do by that example shake off obedience to all Law whatever: and whilst we do thus set up a will-worship of our own in the state, by denying any Authority in the will of the Sovereign, and by making nothing right or just but what shall be consonant to our own Reasons, do we not hereby lose the general and whole benefit of society which is gotten by obedience; and by relying again upon our own understandings and interpretations of Law and Right, fall consequently into Anarchy?  
For not only Sovereignty itself, but all kind of Rule and power else, cannot derive any other foundation of Authority then what is from above, as was well noted in our Saviour's answer to Pilate: nor can these below them, 
Joh. 19.11.  be in any respect so above them, as to give or refuse command. For when an unjust command is put upon us, and we appeal from one power to a higher: this is not done as out of any power of ours below, but by the power and permission of the party above those we appeal from: subordinate persons being in no sort capable to be superior or insubjected, as of power from themselves. When the Master of a Family hath his Authority in any thing justly disobeyed, the power of so doing is not in Children or Servants, but from the Prince or Magistrate above, to whom the Master himself is subject: who else, if not restrained by Laws from the Prince his Superior, would have as absolute Sovereignty over his Family, as the Prince hath over the whole people: that is, in all things wherein he is not retrained by the Laws of God.  
And when it is affirmed that power is in the people, it would be known whether that word include the Magistrates also? if it do, where is the relation between governing and governed? and if it do not include them, than is the people above, and the Magistrate beneath: or else, according to truth, the Magistrate hath power to govern, and the people only power (that is ability) to obey.  
For if this supreme indisputable Power of Kings had not been taken as a real and confessed truth, but that the people or their Major Vote should have in themselves the highest Sovereignty and Command, and he only be as a titular thing to countenance their acts, then how should it be a woe to a Land when their king shall be a child, 
Eccles. 10.16.  that is, want ability to govern in his own personal capacity? No sure, that condition must by this rule render such Lands most happy; inasmuch as he having discretion enough to tell one, two, and three, and so to discover the Major Vote in his subjects assemblies, must be supposed to be still ready (without any thwarting presumption of his own understanding) to cry implicitly, So be it, to all that his subjects shall command. But if people in that condition be under a woe, it is because of their Prince his disability to judge and act in his own person: for surely, his resemblance of Children in innocence cannot be a woe: it must follow, that the more the Prince is made a child by his Subjects, and hath his power eclipsed, the more woe will that kingdom proportionably have.  
And they that yet think the whole, or major part of the people above the King, and not subject to his commands, let them consider (even) the power given to jeroboam himself from God, to reign according to all his soul desired. Let them also (that think the generality, 
1 King. 11.37.  or major part of the subjects cannot in case of resistance be called Rebels) again consider the censure God gave to the Representative whole body of the people, when they rejected Rehoboam and followed jeroboam, 
2 Chro. 10.19.  saying, And Israel rebelled against the house of David unto this day: neither the major Vote of eleven Tribes to one, nor their pretention of oppression under Solomon, could excuse them of the guilt of this imputation: nay, although the action were but in pursuance of what was before appointed by God, in punishment of Solomon his Father's fault. Which was the reason why Rehoboam was forbidden to take vengeance on these Rebels, as his Grandfather David had before, on these major numbers and representative bodies of the people, gathered against him in Absolom and Adonijahs rebellions: therefore is he, and the people with him, bidden to return to their houses. 
Chap. 11.4.  Yet because the eleven Tribes had no direct warrant from him who alone is above Kings, this crime of rebellion is not to be wiped off, but on the contrary disavowed by God as concerning the fact itself: for it is there said, That the Priest and Levites, and all whose hearts were right set to serve God, returned from following jeroboam. 
Verse 16.   
And therefore that expression of all Israel's coming to Sechem to make Rehoboam King, must be understood, not as having power to elect another, but, as summoned by Rehoboams command to pass their fealties and acknowledgements to him, that was already in actual possession of his Father Solomon's Throne: for so, we shall find it noted, in the verse foregoing the recital of this story; And Solomon slept with his Fathers, and Rehoboam his son reigned in his stead. 
Chap. 9 3●.  And so also, after this revolt did he continue reigning over Judah, without any mention of popular confirmation. For it seems those of Judah had acknowledged their Allegiances unto him already, without any such dispute: which being ordinarily done to him and others, may seem the reason of the remarkable record of this denial.  
And we may yet more plainly see, what this phrase of the people's making of Kings doth import, by the like expression used at the time of their acknowledgements to Solomon his Father: for, although the people had no hand of Authority in it, but that as David made Solomon his son King over Israel, yet, David then summoning all the Princes of Israel, 
1 Chron. 23.1.  the Priests and the Levites to take notice of this and other his directions about the Temple, and so concluding with a Sacrifice (as was usual at the people's promise of Fealty and Allegiance) it is said, that they did eat and drink before the Lord with great gladness, and they made Solomon the son of David King the second time: and anointed him to be chief Governor to the Lord, 
Chap. 29.22.  and Zadock to be Priest. Which words second time must relate to their first making of him: 
1 King. 1.29.  when, being anointed King by Zadock at the command of David, all that the people did to the making of him, or conferring his power, was but (as in acknowledging him made already) with saying, God save King Solomon, 
1 King. 1.39.  or the like: which, as it was fit for that ordinary rank of people assembled at his first making, so, in this solemn convention of the great ones, Princes, etc. we may suppose some actual Fealty to pass unto this chief Governor unto the Lord; both when that Congregation did bow their heads and worship the Lord and the King; and also when it is said, all the Princes and the mighty men, 
1 Chron. 29.20. Verse 24.  and the sons likewise of King David submitted themselves unto Solomon the King: that is, acknowledged him their King; by such personal outward acts of homage, as were usual amongst that people: for so the word submitted doth bear in the original.  
Besides, it is likely, that at this time also they took their Oaths of Allegiance, in other places employed under the name of Covenants. Which Oaths are alluded unto in that precept of Solomon, My son, I council thee to keep the King's command, 
Eccles. 8. ●.  and that in respect of the Oath of God.  
And as for the expression of the people's anointing of Solomon, used before, and to other Kings, it is not to be understood, as if they had right to confer the power belonging to Kingly Office on any: for they had it no more, than they had right to confer the power of Priestly Office. And therefore, Zadock being joined in this their anointing, who it is well known was put in by Solomon before, shows that the phrase was but equivalent with acknowedging. And that, because at Solomon's first establishment, the greater part of the people were absent; as being sharers in Adonijahs Rebellion. Who indeed (if he had thriven) might have been called a King of the people's making (as to his personal election) whereas Solomon and other Kings, are to own their Thrones and power from God. And therefore it is said, That Solomon sat on the Throne of the Lord as King, etc. and all Israel obeyed him: that is, 
1 Chron. 29.23  obeyed him as in God's Throne, and not in theirs. And that it is God only that doth constitute the power of this Office, appears by that which follows, viz. The Lord magnified Solomon exceedingly in the sight of all Israel, and bestowed upon him such royal Majesty, as had not been on any King before him.  
But let us examine more nearly, those places that seem most to restrain Sovereignty, as the last verse of Deut. 17. That his heart be not lifted up above his brethren: which may seem to imply that he had no absolute power over them. But it was not to forbid him any necessary power and authority over them, for punishment of vice, or maintenance of peace; nor of any external honour or jurisdiction above them, for than had the Office been useless; but as a caveat to humility: and that he should consider, that however he were thus advanced, it was more in relation to the good of the people, than his own: and that, since his supreme authority over them, was to make them happy by unity, and not him proud by preferment, he should therefore not have his heart lifted up above them, by nation his brethren, and by nature his equals: but the consideration hereof, imprinting the sense of compassion and fellow-feeling in him, it might restrain all exorbitance in the exercise of this high power, so far, as not to insult or afflict beyond measure. And this is the cause, why succession of Princes, and continuance in the same stock, is so generally preferred before election: namely, that they are then sure to have one of their own nation, or brethren.  
Even so again, by forbidding him to multiply horses, or much silver and gold to himself (there also expressed) it was not simply to forbid him these things as unlawful; for the two next and greatest Kings of eminency (David and Solomon) had them in great abundance without blame, but to give another like caveat against pride: that is, least presuming upon these advantages, he might be brought to forget God his strength, and think to keep under his subjects, more by the fear of tyranny, than the love of a brother: And also to admonish him, that he should not put his people to unnecessary charges, in supplying him beyond public use. And to clear this, by instance, in multiplying horses, we shall find the prohibition point particularly towards Egypt: as a prophetic admonition against their leaning of the strength of that staff, which should run into their hands: which was afterwards verified in Hosea and Zedekiah, who put vain trust in these Egyptian forces: and the 24 and 43 Chapters of Jeremiah, are full of dissuasions from this Egyptian confidence, and from returning again thither. And as that people were extremely inclined to set their faces towards that place, so could not these admonitions but be very necessary for their King, both to keep them from so doing, and to forbear making flesh his arm himself. To which purpose Isaiah is very full; 
Jer●m. 1●. 5.  Woe to them that go down to Egypt for help, and stay on horses, and trust in Chariots because they are many, and in horsemen because they are strong: 
Isa. 31.1.  but they look not unto the holy one of Israel, neither seek unto the Lord.  
As for the law there mentioned, it cannot be understood of any particular one made for his restraint, and so proper to him as King, but of those general Laws of Moses, given for all men to live by: And therefore, it is enjoined him write it out of that which was before the Priest, to whom he is now to succeed in the chief charge thereof. In which charge, 
Deut. 1●. 1●.  although he differed from others, yet, that the Law was the same, appears by the intent thereof there mentioned (common to him with the rest) namely, that He might learn to fear the Lord his God, 
Verse 10.  and to keep the word of this law and statutes to do them. He is not bidden (you see) to be afraid of his People, Representative, or Collective: nor are they or any one earth, hereby authorised to look unto his performance of this law; or to resist or punish him, in case he transgress: the which is the thing in question; and not whether Kings are subject to God and his Laws or no: for none will deny but they are, and are also (for many considerations) more obliged to keep and press these laws than any of their subjects: As none (on the other side) will I hope say, that his subjects are to be to him in God's stead, so as to judge and punish him, if he do not.  
But than it may be answered, that the people have a dry right without a remedy: They have a right indeed to be free from oppression, but such an one as serves to no stead, since it may be taken from them at the pleasure of another. What, shall we call an appeal to God no remedy? or shall we say there is no remedy or justice for subjects, but when and where themselves shall be judges and executioners in it? for if so, what use of this common judiciary power, when one part of the people may still have power to judge of another? It was the partiality and injustice incident to this way of proceeding, that made it reasonable for people to subject themselves to a common umpire or judge: whose sentence should always be taken as indifferent. Because else they did nothing; and are yet but in the same first state of Anarchy they were: For he that is not supreme in all causes and things, but only such as the people shall assent unto, is not truly supreme in any thing: forasmuch as their judgement coming after his, as of power to confirm or disannul, they will still be without a supreme, and their Major vote allowing his affirmative, or rejecting his negative sentence, will at last conclude the whole definitive sentence to be come into their hands.  
No, if rulers of policy, peace, and government be maintained, the King only (as aforesaid) can be supreme, and all other of his subjects can have but derivative powers; that is, a● sent of him. The complaint of misusage must still run to the higher; the people cannot appeal to the people, when the King (their only supreme Judge on earth) hath oppressed them. They have in this condition, none but God above him to appeal unto; he is the only King of Kings, and to him only (in this case) vengeance doth belong. All which was well intimated in samuel's reply, foreshowing that these oppressions should irremediably happen sometimes: In that day shall ye cry unto the Lord, but he shall not hear you. So that then (after all these warnings and threats) the people choosing to submit to this government and power, it makes their resignation of power and trust to him to be implicit, and for better or worse. It makes it appear, that they had considered before hand of these things, as mischiefs that might sometimes befall them; the which patience and sufferance, not rebellion and resistance were to remedy. And so far were they from pretending, or desiring any caution against it, that their reply (Nay but me will have a King over us, 
1 Sam. ●. 13.  that we also may be like all the nations, and that our King may Judge us and go out before us, and fight our battles) imports an acknowledgement of his unquestionable supremacy over them, and that aswell in Civil as Martial affairs; which is meant by judging them and fight their battles. And then, by their proposing herein to be like other Nations, whose Kings (it is well known) had at that time absolute Sovereignty, the condition of perfect subjection will be farther manifest.  
And again, in desiring a King in the place of Judges (who already had supreme authority as far as positive law went) must farther imply their acknowledgements of an extraordinary obedience, to this new and extraordinary power. For when Samuel tells them that now God was their King (meaning that in all extraordinary and urgent occasions his advice and direction was to be sought) and they notwithstanding this, choosing to have a King, it makes that absolute degree of submission yet more apparent, which was to be given to this high Officer, who should succeed in this Divine place of Authority: which, as it might subject them to many unavoidable miseries when evil Kings came, so, on the other hand, they might foresee much benefit to ensue when good ones came: as it proved shortly after, in the days of David and Solomon.  
So that, until this latter age of the world, that men through vulgar and popular flattery, could be brought both to forget God's precepts and their own reason, such Maxims and positions as are now frequent in the mouths of some seditious persons, would have been abandoned as undutiful, aswell as scorned as ridiculous. It would have sounded strange in their ears, to have heard men affirm, That they had contrived a way of limitation for Kings; whereby he should yet have all power left him to do good unto his people, but none at all to hurt them: and yet, such is our present aversion to government, that the hasty and inconsiderate swallowing down of such like Maxims for the limitation of Monarchical Power, hath been the cause of all our public disturbances. All which right reason must say we are ever in danger of, whilst Sovereignty is not entire, and perfect in the person it ought to be.  
For what, shall he have such power of doing good, as it shall not be in the power of others to hinder it? if so, then (supposing him a voluntary Agent) you must also suppose, that (if he think fit) he hath power of forbearing it; and so doth ill, by not doing good. Or, if he work as an instrument and necessary Agent, by the force and impulsion of another, then is the power of doing good, to be properly ascribed where this direction is: because the Ministerial Virtue or Power of the instrument, may be thereby employed other ways, or not at all.  
And so, if you make him to carry the same force in the work of government, as the Carpenter's chizel doth in all his work; then, how shall a voluntary Agent be imagined such? or what is the difference of the King's power, from that of the meanest subject; when he must do so as he is directed, and no otherwise? And so lastly, how can that be called good, which is done necessarily and unwillingly?  
But these things will be best seen by instance. The power of each kingdom is in the Militia: now, as he that hath power hereof, may benefit the kingdom by the invasion of another, or by defence of his own; and as he may use the same at home, in maintenance of laws and equity against opposers, so may he thereby do the contrary. Whereupon Reason and Experience tells us, how ridiculous this their device is. For since the Militia must be somewhere, and of absolute power, if it be not in one man's hand, it will be in more. What will they then be the near? will they now set some in trust over these again? to the end, that as those were trusted above the King, to hinder him from doing wrong, so these again, shall have power to be over them, that they abuse not that their power, which they before had over the King? when will they have done setting of watchmen upon watchmen? and must they not be men still that they shall so entrust? In which respect being alike subject to transgress, will they not necessarily be more in danger of injury being now under the power of many, than they were before while under one?  
And truly, they that thus can fancy a possibility, of stating a person in such a condition, as he should always have power to do good, must next contrive him such a will, as he shall be doing it also; or else this power is but vain: because he may do ill in forbearing it. And they again, that (on the other side) would take from him all power to do evil, and yet think he may be all this while a voluntary Agent, do in both respects, seem to me to condemn God Almighty of imprudence or injustice, in not governing all men in the world, as these would do some in kingdoms: That is, not knowing how thus to take from men the power of doing ill, without taking from them (thereby also) the power of doing well; but suffering sin thus needlessly to reign in the world.  
Out of what hath been hitherto spoken, we may gather the reason, both for the establishment of Monarchy, and also for annexing unto it those absolute degrees of Sovereignty; not to be wrested or alienated from the person of the Prince by any of his subjects: who cannot, without overthrow of Monarchy, be such sharers or engrossers of the Sovereignty, as under pretence of bridling him from evil, To say unto him what dost thou? because he hath power by his Office to do whatsoever pleaseth him. 
Eccles. 8.4 Verse 3.  To which end, we may also see the reason, why Oaths of obedience and subjection are by subjects taken, as for other ends, so, in case of resistance, to take their part against all others: The people being for this very subjection sake, called the subjects of such and such Kings. And this Oath, in regard it is made in God's name and presence, and in regard it is the tye and obligation to maintain policy and peace, and thereby humane preservation (the end of God also) it is called the Oath of God, as aforesaid.  
And therefore, to Kings are we to give obedience, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake: 
Rom. 13 5.  for so Solomon directs it the fear of a King is as the roaring of a Lion, he that provoketh him to anger sinneth against his own soul: it is not a crime in policy only, 
Prov. 2●. 2. Chap. 16.14.  to disobey and resist him whose wrath is as messengers of death, but a sin also against Religion. And lest any should use their Christian liberty for a cloak to their maliciousness, and the better to act their own revenge or ambition, pretend that in unlawful commands obedience is not due (which once granted how easy would it be to make any thing unlawful we had no mind to obey) we are enjoined to be subject, Not only to the good and gentle (superiors) but also to the froward; 
1 Pet. 2.18, 19:  for this is thank worthy, if a man for conscience towards God endure grief, suffering wrongfully: for what glory is it if when we be buffeted for our faults we take it patiently, but if when we do well and suffer for it, we take it patiently, this is acceptible with God: for even hereunto were we called, because Christ also suffered, as leaving us an example that we should follow his steps: who did no sin, neither was guile found in his mouth: who when he was reviled, reviled not again, when he suffered threatened not, but committed himself to him that judgeth righteously. 
1 P●t. 2 20, 21, 22, ●●.  What could have been more expressly and rationally said, for perfect submission to our superiors, then here? for first, whereas the glory of God consists (as amongst other things) in the preservation of man, and that again, by submission to authority, they are to submit themselves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake; 
Ve●s 13.  or as they render God's glory, or their own good. And then, lest any factious pretence should alienate their duties in the true object of their allegiance, it is appointed unto Kings as supreme, and unto other governors as to such as are sent of him: for such was the will of God and their well doing, that hereby they should put to silence, the ignorance and foolishness of men: even of such men, as not knowing that the foundation of Society was laid upon the united and irresistible authority of the person, 
Ve●s. 15.  had, under pretence of liberty, vented their maliciousness, and countenanced rebellion, in favouring some subordinate authority against the supreme.  
And then lastly, lest any should object, that because (as aforesaid) these governors were but for the punishment of evildoers, and praise of them that do well; therefore, if they should do the contrary (as their Commission or authority would fail, so) their obedience to him might fail also: We shall farther find him giving precepts of suffering patiently, though they knew it wrongfully. And this he confirms by the example of our Saviour himself, who, as he was infinitely more innocent, so was his usage more hard and unjust: and tha● many times, from under Kings that had neither natural nor rightful authority over him. As for one instance, in the case of paying tribute; for although (as appears by Peter's answer) it was but what he had used to do, he makes an expostulation purposely to clear all doubt that might be made: Of whom (said he) do the Kings of the earth take custom or tribute, of their own children or of strangers? Peter saith unto him of strangers; Jesus saith unto him, then are the children free, notwithstanding lest we should offend t●em, go thou to the sea, and cast an hook, and take up the fish that cometh first, and when thou hast opened his mouth thou shalt find a piece of money, 
Ma●. 17. ●5, ●●,  that take and give unto them for me and thee. So that (you see) rather than he will offend them, that is resist authority and give occasion to rebellion, by standing out and refusing (as he proved he might have done in this illegal command) he work a miracle to perform it: and doth it for Peter also, of whom it was not demanded.  
Nor was this done out of fear, as wanting power to resist, if resistance had been lawful; For he was able to have commanded more than twelve Legions of Angels: 
Mat. 2● 53.  a power sufficient to have mastered any oppossion. But he, like a Prince of peace, left us this example, not to promote rebellion against the supreme authority; but to commit all to him that judgeth righteously, 
1 P●t. ●. 23.  even to God: to whom alone Kings are accountable, and therefore to him alone vengeance (in that kind especially) doth belong. For, as God was the alone author of their power and Office, so, will he be the only judge of their defaults therein; according to that of David, against thee only have I sinned: 
●s●l. 51.4.  as if lying with another man's wife were no wrong or trespass to her husband: which that it was so, is clearly evinced in that parable made by Nathan of the taking of the Ew-lamb, and in David's answer, acknowledging it an offence, and making a censure thereupon: namely, The man that hath done this shall surely die, and make restitution. But, although David had power thus to punish any of his subjects, 
2 Sam. 12.5, 6.  as having from God rightful jurisdiction over them, yet, when he understands himself to be the man, he concludes none on earth above him: but that he is subject to God only; in the said words, Against thee only have I sinned.  
Mark also the use of this kingly power, in enforcing or abateing the rigour of the law: For restitution was by God's law only set down as a punishment of theft, which was the only fault, and not adultery which appeared in the parable of the Lamb: but he, for the punishment of a fault so aggravated by circumstances, though fit to have death added: and should no doubt have been therein by his subjects obeyed, without imputation of guilt for using arbitrary power; no more than when he took the shewbread, 
1 ●am. 21. ●.  altered the courses of the Priests, erected new Offices amongst them, brought in Music, and other Ceremonies into the Temple, without particular direction from God or Moses law: 
1 Chron. 23 24, etc.  and when he commanded the numbering of the people as beforesaid: and again, made that law for the shares of such as stayed with the stuff; both of them, not only without, but against his present people's liking. 
1 Sam. 30.24.   
To conclude therefore, Sovereignty is the supreme judge and disposer of Public interest: where, by public, is meant whatever may be of general concern between that Kingdom and another, or of mutual concern to others in the same kingdom; although the same be kept as a propriety in private hands. The particulars of this authority, we will briefly here set down. The chief is (that so largely heretofore spoken of, namely) the sword of Justice, or the last appeal, aswel in Religious as Civil Causes: and is inseparable, and incommunicable. The next, is the power of making, and interpreting of laws. The next, is to lay taxes, and grant privilidges and exemptions: 
2 Sam. 2● 24. 1 King 4.6.  and therefore had David and Solomon both their tribute Masters; and so Saul also (out of his known prerogative) promised to them that should slay Goliath, to make his father's house free in Israel: 
1 Sam. 17.25.  which power to free, must suppose a power to impose.  
The next is to make Magistrates and state officers: for he having delegation from God, and being the common Fountain and Centre of power, their power must be but derivative and part of his. The next is, to make peace and war: all of them comprehended under those general terms of submission, mentioned in the Jews first election of their Kings: namely to judge them and fight their battles. And, 
1 Sam. 8.20.  as for the other more separable and communicable marks; of receiving homage, coinage and valuing the money, weights, and measures, to grant Letters of Mart; to have Crown and Sceptre; to have titles, additions, and donations of honour; as they may be sometimes but complimental, so may they be comprehended under some of the more general and express marks before spoken: for if he have the last appeal, and be in all causes, and over all persons and estates in his dominions supreme head and governor, it will follow, that he is so also in these.  
Although in the passed Treatise the name of King be only commonly used, yet what is spoken of him is to be applied unto Monarchy in general; under what other title of Emperor, Prince, Duke, Lord, etc. so they be free and holding of God only. For unto the Monarch, in right of his Office, and not to the name, is the Power and Sovereignty due: even as the head of the family, is, in relation to his wife called husband, to his children father, to his servants Master, and yet is the same person: so, if a Duke or Lord (as those of Edom and the Philistines sometimes were) be absolute, their smallness of territory debars not their right to Monarchy; more than the Master of a less Family, to be in his Office of government, as absolute as he that hath a greater. And the like may be said of a Sovereign Officer in a Commonwealth also, if he be supreme and not accountable to any one earth for his actions: as was that famous Cesar, and other the dictator's in Rome. For whosoever hath the sole independent prerogative of Kan-ning, from which the word King is derived, he is truly a King also; but so far as he hath not, his sovereignty, is so far defective, and Anarchy introduced: which shall be our next discourse.    

THE SECOND BOOK OF GOVERNMENT AND Its Ground and Foundation, according to VULGAR POSITIONS.  

The Introduction.  
IN pursuance of my first Proposal, for establishment of public Peace and good, I have in the passed Book, brought Monarchy to its just height: and that, from such general and obvious Arguments from Reason and Scripture, as do, to my thinking, point directly to that end, and no way else. But, being to write in an age, where contrary prejudice will not ordinarily give men ability or leisure to attend the discovery, it fareth therefore with me, as with that Artificer, who, having brought something unexpectedly to pass, is forced for the farther confirmation of the thing itself, to submit it to the handling and trial of the spectators in their own way. And because it may again be objected, to what purpose all this ado, since these very ends are, or may as well be attained, by the ways already approved of: and that, by men of great Eminence and Learning amongst us? It seems therefore now again needful to take all this Structure of Government in pieces, and to examine it farther, part by part, according to that Fabric, and those materials, which are usually brought to the constitution thereof. In which Discourse, having first cleared and rectified those vulgar political Maxims from their former rubbish and disguise, I shall then prove, that so much of each of them as is compatible with just Government, and the ends thereof, are to be appropriate to Monarchy only. In this my undertaking, in the defence of God's true Vicegerent amongst us, there seems to lie on my part, the like task as there did formerly on Moses, in the manifestation of God himself: that is, not only to prove the Monarch to be so by way of plain demonstration, but also to extend this Reason, to the eating up of all those serpentine shows, 
Jambri signifieth rebellious.  wherewith these Janni and Jambri, the rebellious Enchanters of our times, have hitherto deceived the people; and thereby kept them in a kind of an Egyptian darkness. And, in this course, I shall begin first with ●he head thereof, the feigned unity in Aristocracies and Democracies.   

CHAP. I. Of Anarchy.  
THey that suppose the word to imply only that state and condition of men where no Government at all is exercised, will much to seek to find out any instance or example for proof of their Assertion: or indeed, any possibility how it should at all come to pass. Therefore, that which hath hitherto been spoken of the original of Government, in the fourth chapter of the precedent book, must be understood only as supposing it to have its Reason in Nature, and that thereby it might have been known, although the same had been by no other light or positive Law found out and appointed: and not as determining that ever men were, or could be left by a careful God in such a confused condition, where, like a brood of Cadmus, wanting all manner of Breeding and Instruction, they should fall to the slaughter of one another; till their bleeding wounds, and not his Precepts or Providence, had taught them rules of Subjection. No, it would be too plain and great compliance with Athiesm to think God's Omniscience in foreseeing, or his Goodness in preventing, so small or slack, as to leave man, a Creature upon whom (above all the rest) he had bestowed such workmanship and care, to the common hazard and condition of that which was meanest.  
Leaving therefore these fancies aside, that think men should (like swarms of Bees) be brought to choice of Policy without any foregone experience or knowledge of Government, we must make Government the elder brother to Anarchy. For so we find, that while there were but two persons in the world, the woman, by special appointment, was to have her desires subject to her husbands, and he was to rule over her. And, as Wives, 
Gen. 3.16.  so Children and Servants, were subject to the Father of the Family, in such sort, that no man, but, being either Head or Member of a Family, (by one relation or another) either had or yielded subjection. And, even before Kings to find an Ex Lex or person (like Cain) under no protection, and consequently under no Government, was a vain attempt.  
And this prime or more natural Prerogative of Primogeniture, and Father of the Family, although it had not the name; yet it had the truth and reality of Monarchy: and that as well in the Authority as Unity of the person: as by that phrase, 
Gen. 19.37, 38.  the father of the Moabites and Amonites to this day, may appear: which must signify succession of these Monarchical Governors, in right of the fir●t Father. So that now, under the name of King, there is but a continuance and restitution of that ancient form, by change of the name from Pater Familiae, to Pater Patriae: importing a continuance of Power and Office, notwithstanding the increase of territory and number of Subjects. For the length of life that gave these Ancients advantage to see many Families peopled out of their own loins, gave them also right of Government in chief.  
But this common Parent now dead, Pride, Covetousness, Ambition, etc. quickly clouded the respect due by birthright to the elder brother, who by the Law of God should rule over the other, 
Gen. 4.7.  and have their desires subject to him: and so, through stubbornness, did break that course which, if it had been observed, would have made Monarchy perpetual: but not being so, Anarchies succeed. For the divided Families, find many occasions of controversy amongst themselves, which they, in their reputed equality of Jurisdiction, knew not how to determine: because, not submitting to that hereditary right (before spoken of) by the which Isaac had appointed Esau as servant to Jacob (as apprehending him the elder) and which Jacob also, for Peace-sake, gave to Judah amongst the Tribes of Israel (namely to be perpetual Lawgiver) discord and dissension quickly broke in upon them. And this (no doubt) was the state of the old world before the flood; for we read not of any Monarches; but that, as men began to multiply in the earth, so began they, for want of restraint, to be ruled only by their own like: which the heads of Tribes, for want of a common Head, exercising over one another as men of renown, 
Gen. 6.11.  the whole earth came to be filled with violence. For although each Family had its Government within itself, and so all men within one Government or other, yet, since there wanted a definitive sentence or Monarch to unite these Governors amongst themselves, they were in the true estate of Anarchy.  
But to Noah and his sons, that were to people the world afterwards, as these mischiefs were well known, so were they avoided. For after that the earth came to be so fully inhabited that now Families must interfere one upon another, and could not part peaceable as Abraham and Lot did, we find them under Kings; as a necessary form for preservation of mankind. Which blessed Government was ever accompanied with God's promises of fruitfulness, as before recited. But if, by accident, they were removed, these people were in the sense of Antiquity, if without Kings, without Government also, and in the estate of Anarchy and confusion. And thereupon, we find it threatened, Isa. 7.16. that before the overthrow of Judah and Israel, the Land should be forsaken of both her Kings. 
Isa. ●. 16.   
And so much as will suffice to convince Anarchy to be absence of Monarchy, is in Holy Writ employed, when, in the inter-regnum of the Judges, it is said, 
Judges 17.6.  there was no King in Israel, but every man did that which was righteous in his own eyes. And yet were all men, at the same time, subject to the Fathers and chief of their Tribes; as appears by the act of the Danites: they had also the same Laws they had before for their direction. But, because there was now no single judge, who might interpret and enforce this Law, and give direction and command in chief, it was reckoned a state of Anarchy.  
The like, at that time was imputed to the men of Laish; and made a reason of their easy destruction: for there was no Magistrate in the Land that might put them to shame in any thing. 
Judges 18 ●.  Where, by Magistrate in the singular number, or heir of restraint (for so the original will bear) we may conceive their want of Monarchy was intended: 
Prov 28 2.  for it was always esteemed as a woe to a Land when many were the Princes thereof. And indeed, is the punishment of rebellion, for casting off the one first head, and so making many in their divided Factions and Tribes. And again, the state thereof is in the Text counted as preserved, by having one Prince: called there a man of understanding and knowledge. Meaning one of such capacity, 
Ibidem.  as can act by himself: and not leave the kingdom to be governed by others, after Democratick principles.  
They that think understanding and knowledge was here more pointed at then the unity of the person, will be then troubled to find, why the plurality of Princes should be disliked: since, in that respect, many understanding men must in quantity be more than one. And again, likely it was for one single person to want it, and almost impossible for a number of any greatness: whereupon it might, upon that supposition, have been set down, but by many men of understanding, etc. But the truth is, the curse and malediction is in the word many; or else many understanding Princes might have been a blessing, as well as one. But why this one Prince is here set down, on the other side, as a man of understanding, is because Princes that want understanding, are great oppressors: 
Prov, 28.16.  and so could not be counted as the preservers of Countries. Whereas we shall never find the having of one Prince, as one, to be otherwise given then as a blessing: nor of many, as many, (and that in supreme Authority at once) to be otherwise given then as a punishment. It being for the inconvenience of being governed by Democratick principles, in the interim of any Monarch's insufficiency, that makes the nonage and other disabilities of Princes come to be esteemed the Lands woe. 
Eccles. 10.16.   
For if, at all, the equal Government of Peers or People, either independently amongst themselves, or as jointly sharing therein with the King, had been good or commendable, than this nonage of the King, which must necessarily produce it, should not have been reckoned as in itself a woe. But so we shall find it undeniably to be accounted, if we look into the third chapter of Isa. 
Isa. 3.4.  where God threatens the Jews to give them Children to be their Princes, and Babes to rule over them. And, in the next verse, tells the consequential punishment that should follow the Anarchical rule of others in their names and rooms: viz. and the people shall be oppressed every one by another, and every one by his neighbour. 
Verse 5.  And there being want of power in the person that should be the fountain of power and Government, it shall soon follow in the inferior relations: so that the child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honourable. But then, 
Ibidem.  because these mischiefs had been by them observed to rise from want of Monarchical power, a man shall take hold of his Brother of the house of his Father, saying, Thou hast clothing, be thou our Ruler, and let this ruin be under thy hand. 
Verse 6, &c:  But, because God had determined to punish them, they shall be herein denied also.  
Which desolation, to follow the absence or inability of the Monarch, is again expressed in the twelfth verse, viz. as for my people, children are their oppressors, and women rule ever them; under which notions of women and children oppressors, we are to conceive persons disabled in the execution of their Governments themselves, through personal disability, and want of power and judgement. For since, we cannot think women and children could do it most in their own persons, we must thereupon conceive their punishment & oppression to arise from that divided, & Aristocratick way of Government which the Nobility or others should act, by reason of this want of superior restraint. Whereupon, in the following verses, God, in the disability or absence of his Deputy, undertakes the cause of the oppressed himself: The Lord standeth up to plead, and standeth up to judge the people: the Lord will enter into judgement with the ancient of his people, 
Vers. 13, 14, 15  and the Princes thereof: for ye have eaten up the vineyard, the spoil of the poor is in your houses: what mean you that you beat my people to pieces, and grind the faces of the poor, saith the Lord of hosts.  
And if we look into the New-Testament, and the time of our Saviour, we shall find, not only this malediction actually removed from the world, by the presence of him that came not to destroy men's lives but to save them, but, 
Luke 9.56.  it will also appear, that this error and absurdity of Polarchy was by that time so well known, that the fountain of truth makes the impossibility of its right in Government amongst men, to be the medium of his Argument against admission of any equality in our subjection to God: for had it been true, that a man might have served more than one Master, his Argument had been nothing. And why he puts it in the notion of Master, and not of Prince, may be for that the Jews had not any Prince of their own at that time: nor was there any Polarchy elsewhere to make instance in, so as his Auditors might conceive how inconsistent plurality of Commanders is with that singleness which belongs to the duty of obedience. And therefore, although he instance in a Family, because to them best known, yet it proportionably holds in all Governments: namely, that entireness of obedience can only be from entireness of command. For else, I see not but a man may as well serve two or more Partners in a Family, as he may do Partners in a Commonwealth.  
But although our Saviour seem not to point against Polarchy expressly herein, yet St. James, that knew well his mind, and perceived the mystery of Antichristianism already working, doth it plainly; saying, My Brethren be not many Masters, 
Jam. 3.1.  knowing that we shall receive the greater condemnation. Surely, he meant not by this word many, to forbid any man to be Master of his own Servants or Family: to which end, as he did allow more Families than one, so must he allow several Masters to them. Nor could he be supposed generally to reprove Pride or any other Vice, as barely Vices.  
First, for that he, and others, used to name such crimes more plainly that all might know them: and next, for that such like Vices, being not allowable in any man at all, it had been more fit to have said be not any, then be not many. And therefore, I conceive the Master here meant, is that one public supreme Commander, which is set over us: into which rank he forbids any more than one to enter, when he saith, be not many. And, that his meaning was of these supreme Masters, will farther appear by the consequential guilt likely to follow in the great account of these public Stewards, although rightfully undertaken; for in many things we offend all: that is, we have so many offences to answer for in our separate and private callings already (in relation to things submitted to our own guidance) that we need not increase them by increase of our charge and trust.  
But, if any there be, that do yet doubt that these last alleged Texts (prohibiting parity in command) do reach to Political or State Governors, because set down many Masters only: or that the former alleged woe of Solomon, set down to attend the disability of the King, were not appliable to that disability which his subjects stubbornness did cause, as well as to that which his natural incapacity did produce, let them here this wise man once again most plainly pronouncing them both: My son fear thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change: For their calamity shall rise suddenly, and who knoweth the ruin of them both. The first verse expressly points out the only Officer and person who, next unto God, we are to make the object of our highest obedience and fear: and the other, plainly sets forth the woe and ruin following, both to the seditious and seduced.  
They that would interpret the prohibition against sedition and change here set down, as also the forerecited punishment of many Princes for the wickedness of a Land, not to import the admission of Polarchy in the place of Monarchy, but the change of Princes one after another; do then (thereupon) confess, that all Lands and People that practise such seditious courses are wicked: inasmuch as fear and obedience to an evil King might else have been excepted; and subjects themselves allowed to change him for a man of understanding: without consideration that they were blessings or punishments sent and set over us by God only.  
If it had been said, For the wickedness of a Land many are the evil Princes thereof, or, my son fear the present good King, and meddle not with them that would change him for another; then we might well indeed have thought, the words many, and change, to import succession. But then, why should not many Princes or men of understanding, ruling successively or at once, be set down as a blessing and preservative to a state, as well as one? For, if understanding make the blessing, as in itself, there will (as before noted) be more in this many, then in one. And lastly, what evasion will they find against the prohibition of many masters? What, must it intent sudden succession too? and so tolerate many at once to be in equal command, either in the Family or elsewhere: in such sort, as we might serve God and Mammon both at once, but not presently one after another, so as to change Mammon to serve God?  
No certainly, the word many can admit of no such wresting; especially being put in the present Tense by are, it must plainly denote them to be such as are to be at the same time, and all at once; and not such as shall, or have been successively reigning, and so may come to be called many, in respect of those many ages and times wherein they reigned. For if so, how shall we do to state and compute any Land's Malediction, for want of a determinate present time wherein these many Princes might be said to reign, more then, then at another time? For if succession be unhappiness, then are all Lands so. It is not therefore to be doubted, but that Solomon intended Polarchy by many, as the plainest expression he could give thereof: having not learned his wisdom from their Schools, where the notions of Aristocracies and Democracies were invented.  
Or, if the word many should be thought importing that condition of any people wherein many competitors are at once striving for the Regality, so as to introduce Civil War, then is the malediction confessed to be want of Monarchy. For although it be the height of Polarchical mischief to be in actual Civil War, and in open Arms, yet it takes not off the cause thereof from being malediction too: which is that faction and siding, which must always be where many Governors are at once.  
But if any there be, who, from God's permission of these Governments to be in the world, do therefore think them lawful; and so are slow to interpret any place of Scripture to make against them, there is no better way to discover their partiality to these forms above Monarchy, then by supposing the one to be put in the others stead; and so to think with themselves, if it had been said, For the wickedness of a Land one is the Prince thereof, but by many men of understanding the state thereof is preserved: and so also, My son fear God and this or that sort of Polarchy, etc. whither they would not (thereupon) have more readily concluded against Monarchy, than now against Polarchy?  
And hence (as our Preface noted) we may observe that there is not in Scripture to be found the mention of any people without a King; nor can any other Record instance in any state of eminence, which oweth not its foundation to that form of policy. For it was aftertimes only, that, as the inordinate lusts of men began more to abound, so sought they to be rid of restraint: and therefore by little and little strove to take wholly away, or clip the wings of Majesty: that under pretence of ruling by Law, and so interpreting and ruling those Laws by themselves, they might at last be under no rule at all. And now come Aristocracies and Democracies, being but Anarchies, and only differing in number of Commanders from one another, to be called Governments lawful, against all Reason. For since political government must be only where there is a distinct relation in the persons of Governors and governed, here they are both the same, and so confounded, that they are not to be known one from another, and so cannot be rightly called Governments.  
For Government is then only, when the Governor, as Agent, and the governed, as Patient, stand reciprocally ready to operate towards the Governor's ends.  
Towards the Governor's ends I say, for so far as the Patient or governed, hath design respective to itself in any thing, it cannot be called passive or subject, but active rather; and so no Government. And although Government may be in degree more or less, in comparison of one government to another, as the virtue of Agency and Patibility stand in measure increased or remitted, yet doth the due execution of smaller commands make government as well as the greater; and obedience to the smaller Prince is as truly constitutive of Government, as to the greatest; whilst his Subjects stand to their powers ready to receive and obey his Laws. For albeit that Government, being an active quality, owes its chief essence to the Governor, from whence it did at first proceed and take force, yet since this active quality is not of force to act otherwise then as in the Patient, as its proper subject, it cannot therefore be called government farther than that Correlate the Patient or Subject stands reciprocally fitted to admit the Governor's power and impression. Fitted I say it must be hereunto, according to its relation as aforesaid, so as to work as the Agent or Governor shall see cause: which fitness doth then constitute Government to be and continue, even whilst there is no real execution according to the virtue thereof. For Government may be while this Agency is not outwardly exercised, but cannot at all be where the relations themselves are not distinctly and properly ready and kept up to act according to occasions.  
So that now, in the confused fabric of these Polarchies, we can by no means find true Government, as being so disabled to find where to fix and place this active quality of governing, and the passive quality of governed. For we shall not only find it uncertain whether the people or their own Magistrates and Senate are Governors, because sometimes the people or governed are really taking on them to act their own wills as chief, but also (supposing the Government in the Senate) it will be still as hard so to fix it there, as to make it to be Government.  
For in that fancied equality which they have in power to one another, who shall be superior? and if the persons in the major Vote be Sovereigns, and the lesser Vote and the rest of the people Subjects, who shall then be Sovereigns when these major voters come, by variety of occasions, to be many of them on the minor side? will not this render both relations, and the Government itself thereupon founded, to be a thing unfixed and uncertain; or but Anarchy new-named? For the whole body cannot be Sovereigns, because the minor part must be still subject to the major: which major part again, having no personal or certain assurance it shall continue so, the Government also may be so, or not so; and consequently, the same persons be Governors or not, as occasions shall lead them. Take then away, or unsettle the relation of Governors, and that of governed will cease and be unfixed also.  
And whereas, again, Monarchies receive their main assurance from the mutual oaths between Governor and governed, where are the Oaths between State and people, as between Monarch and people? do they swear to observe the Laws, or do the people swear to them Allegiance? Or if God be omitted, as not seemly to call him in as party or witness to a mock Government, so unlike his, than the trust must be supposed implicit from the people to them; and so to pass with their election. Whereupon, since this Election and trust is to the several and particular members, all alike, and equal, as they came to be chosen, how can some Members, under a minor Vote be excluded, without breach of that trust whereby they had equal power? Or was the trust to the whole jointly (which is yet hard to be conceived since they must be elected personally and severally) how can a Major Vote exclude John, Will: Thomas, and it may be a hundred more of equal trust to themselves? To say they trusted a major is unconceivable; because trust follows Election, and Election must have a personal and definite, and not a notional object: such as a Major Vote is; which must be always contingent and unfixed.  
And, if this major Vote have not its power from Election, how comes it to have it? or, how differs it from the tyranny of Anarchy, which is of all tyranny the worst? for every man is herein oppressed of his neighbour, and the weaker and fewer in continual vexation of the stronger and more in number: with this aggravation also, that herein they seem remediless; 
Isa. 3. ●.  because their many oppressors, (for so the major part must be) have the countenance of Justice for what they do. They that tell us, that since it is requisite that all controversies should be ended, it is therefore fit that a major part should be taken as the whole: forasmuch as in few, or no cases universal assent being to be expected, without this rule, no decision, or opinion of the Assembly could be had. But then, I pray, what necessity of putting yourselves into such a condition of Government as must put you to this necessity? Indeed this collection of a major Vote is many times necessary and good in Parliaments, and Assemblies in Monarchies; where the results and opinions of the whole Council can no otherwise appear to the Prince, who for that cause assembled them: and where he himself, representing the whole people jointly, shall in the determination, afterwards be on which side he pleaseth: and so leave none uninterressed, or unconsenting: Jointly I say, for that in him only, as being but one person, there can be an united and general consent and representation. For, if that rule be true, that what is the concern of all should have the consent of all, how shall these Shires and Burroughs that come now, as minor voters, to have their Representatives overborne, be obliged to the determinations of a major Vote, not by them elected or entrusted, if by their joint subordination to the Monarch, who did before give them power thus to elect, they stood not still obliged?  
So that, they that allege a major Vote ought of itself to prevail, because it is to be presumed that, in case of opposition, even by by strength it would so fall out, where is then their Government founded on pretended consent, if mere force must be the rule? For what think they shall become of Equity, which alone should take place, as having Reason and Wisdom for its guide? what doth Equity and Reason so abound, as that the major part of men in general, or of any Society in particular should be always the juster and wiser? if not, what do we but endanger to follow a multitude to do evil, and speak in a cause to decline after many to wrest judgement. 
Exod. 23.2.  For if the minor side must acquiesse, only because it is the minor and weaker in number and power, what differs this from the Government of Beasts and Fishes: which prevail not by strength of Reason or Argument, but by force of body and number? Again, if the fewer must be always overborne and governed, who shall govern the other? Or, how can the major part be without subjection or government, and yet the whole State or Society be truly said to be governed? And while they shall pretend to determine the differences of the people, who shall have power to determine theirs? Will they set a major Vote upon a major Vote, or will they (as most usually) remain so many Ex Lex, or unbridled persons, in pursuit of their own Wills only?  
In a word, in this feigned Government or political Paction, how can Peace or Unity be expected, where it is not so much as designed in show or appearance? For, whereas the submission of all in general to some kind of coercive and superior power is in Government on all hands necessary, here the greater part are exempted and left at liberty. And where political order appoints an Union in the body, by means of an Union in the head, in Democracy the head is made of many; and, by a monstrous deformity, made biger than the body. And where again, in Monarchy the whole people are subject to the Prince, and he to God (so that there remains but one personate Liberty as to the Laws of the Kingdom) here the greater part have no Laws to restrain them; but, according to the dictates of unbridled Nature good and bad, Justice and injustice; are at their own determination.  
Against which, it will be bootless to object that the good of the major part is in reason to be preferred to that of the fewer, for that none will deny, supposing it in things equally concerning them: but who shall judge of that, when, instead of one person, of common concern and interest in the whole people, one faction shall thus be still judging another, and so, reckoning themselves the whole State, endeavour the subversion of their opposites, without conceit of public detriment.  
But that which is most direct to show this Government null or unlawful, is their want of Authority. For their deriving power from the people only, must argue they s●ill want it: because the people having it not themselves, they cannot (as elsewhere proved) give it to others. For how can the people give power to the people, more than a man can be said to give power to himself? whereupon, these Polarches, having no mission from God, or Authority from that rule of Government by him set down, how can they be but in their administrations tyrannical; and be in danger, when they put any man to death, to commit murder with the sword of Justice?  
And where again, it is alleged, That all power is founded in the Will, and that voluntary submission makes Authority lawful and tolerable; these forms are but so in pretence, and carry on their executions by continual and irresistible terror and force, in regard of their number not to be withstood. Whereas the single Prince, can be obeyed but voluntarily; according as sense of Loyalty, Duty, or Love shall direct: and when, or so far as he shall use force, so as to be called tyranny or oppression, this must arise as he makes use of a major number or strength, and by the force of other men prevails against a minor part which he thinks fit to punish: but as King, or as one person in himself considered▪ he can never be but voluntarily obeyed.  
For it is the gross vulgar mistake, that because there is in some Republikes freedom to elect Representatives allowed to the people by such as sway in the present domineering faction, that therefore they are also free and personally consenting in what these Representatives do. And under this flattering disguise popular Orators prevail: affirming, that as we singly cannot will to destroy or harm ourselves, so communities also cannot be supposed to injure themselves. For although (say they) they should enact a Law of some universal damage, yet since their enacting of it must conclude this damage was to them insensible, they cannot therein be harmful to themselves in general, or injurious to others in particular. Not harmful to themselves, because upon any experience thereof they may alter it; not injurious to others, because, according to the foresaid supposition, each one being consenting, the Maxim of volenti non fit injuria acquits them thereof. Whereas in truth, these formal Elections can never be general nor free: nor can the particular actings and Laws of Governors be any more styled the voluntary actings of the governed, than any other arbitrary Authoriry (for such it must be, if it be any) can be called the voluntary act of such as must obey.  
But, when they say a Community cannot harm itself, the fallacy lies under the notion of Community. For they would have it comprehend in our conceits the whole people: as though each one should be still personally acting and consenting in all things concerning their own harm or benefit. It is true this community of trusties and Representatives (who indeed usually make themselves signify the whole Community) can never (as taking them to be of one mind and interest) hurt themselves irremediably: but why may they not, nay why must they not (as a separate body) have a separate interest from the people under them, and so join for enacting such things as may concern their power or riches in general? And why must they not again, as having several proprieties and separate places of Honour and Power of their own to seek, (separate from these of their fellow Senators) and divide amongst themselves likewise, and also divide the people, by siding to gain and join a major Vote to attain them? at which time (truly) those that are of that part of the Community which is on the minor and weaker side, will think and find themselves harmed, although the major community, taking on them to be the whole community, do not hurt itself.  
And whereas the preservation of Peace and Unity of Society, consists in the Unity of the definitive Sentence, here, through the many heads, the Union cannot be: Or if, as to the definitive part, they say there may be an Union by collection of major Votes: It is true so indeed, that there is an Union in the major Vote to that purpose; but is there not another Union in the minor Vote also against the major? and than it will come to pass, that this Affirmative and Negative Unions (as contrary to one another) will make a plain disunion: and so, this supposed great head of the State be two heads at least; and consequently, this political body, being divided also, it cannot resemble the natural; which is therefore called individual.  
Nor can there be any firm Unity here expected; because the true cause and foundation thereof is wanting: in that they can never look on one another's proprieties, or theirs below them with equal concern and interest, as the Monarch doth to the generality of his Subjects. For he, having his honour and profit arising from all in general and each one in particular, is careful of all alike: whereas they unite and agree but out of necessity. For at first, whilst they were yet rising, and were called factions, they were united in their several interest by hope of common gain, and now having attained it, they settle upon this confederacy through a common fear of losing it. So that hope chiefly unites Factions, and fear chiefly keeps them so, and settles Anarchies. Because, if their hope of gain, by overthrowing their own former Authority, had not exceeded their fear of so doing, they had not associated are first; and so now if their common fear of loss from a Sovereign Authority did not exceed their present hopes of gaining from one another, they would not so continue.  
And farther, if in States the major part be the whole; why have not the Magistrates and Decrees their derivative Power from them only? If they be not the whole, as indeed no part can be the whole, (but that it is necessary for more fullness of power that the acts proceed in the name of the whole) how come the lesser and absent parties, which might perhaps together make the major, to be rightly brought in to authorize those actions that are not theirs, but done against their consents? So that, to make an Unity in this head or definitive sentence, since the whole body of them and each one severally was alike trusted, there must be first a full Union of consent amongst themselves: and then, no remedy but to serve them as the Cardinals in the Pope's election, that is, to keep them immured without Light or Food till they agree. At which time, it may be, the minor side will be as likely to overcome the major by their gift of abstinence, as the major would have before probably done them by force. But as this would make the Office of a Statesman little desired, so would it give causes a slow dispatch: and yet, till it be done, I see not how the opinion of the major part can carry the sense of the whole, so as to make the whole and a part to be but the same thing.  
Again, if acts must pass in the name of the whole, as the body entrusted; and in nature and reason more worthy than a part, why must not an appeal proceed so also? And since they which bring their causes thither, bring them to the whole assembly, until they have their unamous verdict, they have not what they came for: their trust to the whole being but in part satisfied. Nay, if things be well considered, they never or seldom have the major sense of the Senate neither; for to omit external force (which is wont to awe them) if there were such an equal number deducted from the major side as will answer those on the minor that disagreed from the major in opinion, there will be (many times) so inconsiderable a number of persons left to make the odds, that one would think it strange that three or four men should be held for, and represent the whole Senate. And yet it must so usually be with such, that instead of multitude of Councillors, would have multitude of Commanders; whereupon all Public debates come to be managed as in a kind of Lottery, which none knows the issue of, until the casting up of Votes be taken.  
For none can say that reason doth at all prevail there, as of itself, but as swayed by heat of passion and contention: not by weight or number of arguments, but by noise or number of voices. And this, because in taking the issue of the debate, the reasons or arguments given by either side are not left to be considered of by those that are to take the resolutions of the Senate or Parliament, but the greater number of persons on either side doth constantly of itself so prevail, as it cannot be called the reasonable, but accidental or occasional result or determination of such or such a counsel. Which is only avoidable, where one person of power hath liberty to give his reasonable sentence and judgement therein: and that, according as he shall find the force of the reasons given on either side to prevail: and not to be any way tied to the blind hazard of number. One person he must be, and that of power above them also. For if they be more, you shall fall into the same hazard again, of having their sentence and debate ended by mere force and number also. And if this one person have not sole power, but be obnoxious unto any; then terror from without, and not reason from within may again sway his determination.  
But it is answered, That the major part is representatively the whole Senate, as the whole Senate is representatively the whole people. But how (I pray) can this be brought to pass? how can a shadow make a shadow, or deputies make deputies? Whence can the major part derive their power? Not from the people, they trusted the whole; not from the minor part, for they oppose them, and cannot give what they have not. Why did not the major Vote of the eleven Tribes pretend to this right against Benjamen? No, they knew they could not of right assume the power of the whole of themselves, they being but a part; therefore, in absence of their Judges (the next united whole on earth) they take power and authority from the fountain thereof, namely from God himself: by whose assent and direction they came to be enabled herein: and until then, their resolutions in their assemblies had no rightful power for execution; but should have been reckoned amongst other Anarchical acts of self-liking, as wanting lawful authority otherwise to impose on their brethren and equals. And if delegates have not this power of delegation in themselves, where is it expressed or warranted from their originals, the People? And therefore, supposing the voice and determination of the whole Senate may be of force to bind the people, as having their power virtually in their several members by them chosen to that purpose, yet this domineering power of a major Vote will prove unlawful: as having nothing of the pretended paction and consent, or political association therein: whose end and aim was chiefly protection, or defending the minor or weaker side against the stronger, if justice so required: at least, not to suffer the major part to judge of their own cause: but to appoint a definitive and certain determination, that might be above all orders, numbers, and degrees.  
So that Anarchy is where the major and stronger do always govern the less and weaker; and is itself not subject to any third differenced authority. And true policy is where this tyrannical force is avoided, and that, by a just submission of the major, aswel as of the minor, unto a third common and indivissible judge: who thereupon becomes stronger than them both. And, although in all disputes there must be disagreement, and a major and minor side, yet he being the virtual whole, and both parts submitting to him, union and peace must follow. Till this be done, nature is not holpen by policy. For, if government imply no more than the exercise of force or power, answerable only to such rules as the stronger shall judge fitting, beasts have it aswel as men: who by numbers and strength prevail upon one another. But, unto men, this decision seemed too unreasonable: For they found it on all hands prejudicial. Inasmuch, as themselves that were on the major side in one case, might anon be on the minor in another: and that then, as they would be themselves protected from violence being weak, so they should not inflict or use it being strong. They found that, whilst this way of prevailing was continued, men studied not equity, but association: not to get right, but force and numbers on their side. And they found, that, as each man judgeth for himself, so did each faction and party also. In which controversies the dangers of men's lives were more to be feared (in relation to the whole State) whilst they thus contended in multitudes, then while they strove singly: as set battles destroy more than duels, and the two Israelites striving in Moses time before the Law, made not equal destruction to the combination of Israel and Benjamin against each other after the Law.  
On all sides they confessed, that right, and not force should prevail in decision: but who should judge of this right? Would not each party pretend to it? was it to be expected that either should say we contend for what belongs not to us? Therefore, while this course held, right had no certain abode in causes or persons, but fleeted up and down as the major side did. Should any third person interpose, out of charity, and to reconcile them, both sides would answer as the said Israelite to Moses, Who made thee a Prince and a Judge over us? 
Exod. 2 14.  They had (no doubt) the Rules of Do as thou wouldst be done unto, or because I would receive no harm I should therefore do none; With such other common maxims of equity amongst men: and these, from the very first, acknowledged and assented unto. They had (no doubt) customs and rules of decision; besides other positive laws to that purpose. But to what avail? For those rules and laws, which should decide their quarrels, needed decision themselves: because each one pretended and interpreted them for himself. Therefore, till they placed some supreme person to interpret their law, unto whom, as unto the last appeal in all questions, all persons, assemblies, orders and degrees besides might be subordinate and inferior, Anarchy was not avoided. Neither was any law then of just force; but, on the contrary, when seeming Law and equity was now easily assumed by a major vote and faction, it was heightened and established.  
And if any should argue, That, since the number of contenders in these state assemblies are not to be presumed so great as when before the people judged themselves, and that therefore, the danger and mischief to follow the disagreements will probably not be so great and general. We will therefore suppose them least, namely an Aristocracy or Oligarchy of two persons: yet the danger of disagreement will be then most. Suppose them (for peace sake) three; because two being always on a side, it will probably scare the third to agreement: yet then, will not there be the continual terror of a major part upon the minor? will not the force be equal, or more as of 2 against one, of the 1000 people against 600, or of 40 Senators against 30? In which cases, the people, by their elections and resignations, have not lost, but changed their miseries. For first, the manner and fear of disagreement is the same amongst their pretended peacemakers now, as it was with them before: and the mischief in prosecution thereof is not abated neither: because in than disagreements the people cannot secure themselves as lookers on: they cannot shift their own interests: but will in the con●ention be engaged on one side or other.  
And therefore it is now manifest, that Anarchy is not want of government, but want of unity: and, being the same with Poliarchy, is not where no governors are (for no people can be so) but where there is equality and power alike, or in more than one as the word originally doth import. As in the Inter-regnum of the Judges (before mentioned) because there was no single authority or King in Israel, it was said Every man did that which was right in his own eyes. It could not be meant of single persons: for as they belonged to some Tribe or other, so were they unde the authority of the Fathers thereof; but of the plurality of governors, and their equality amongst themselves: whereby the leaders (not their whole tribes following them) did what seemed good in their own eyes, without any control or coercive power above them. And Anarchy is where such equal authorities are, as while some condemn others may acquit: so that, at the end, it will be, as with the people of Laish in their inter-regnum, Wherein was no Magistrate that should put them to shame for any thing. And is only avoidable, by entrusting one governor with unrepealable power of punishment and protection. For as in a family, whose head is wanting or otherwise disabled, although the wife, children, or some more eminent person may (as they can raise strength by faction and association) exercise authority over the rest, yet, because this cannot be called the right government, that family is in the true state of Anarchy; as being destitute of its head: as is also that state or Kingdom, which hath the like want.  
And lastly, Anarchy is worse after the abandoning or removal of this unity in government, t●en is the approach or preparation to it: as a relapse is worse in our natural bodies, than a state of recovery. And so it is also where the factions are fewer, then where they are more: as appears by the former example, when all Israel was on the one side, and all Benjamin on the other. For, as all Anarchy is disunion or division of the whole body politic, so is the division of it into two parts most dangerous: because, being therein wholly in contrary parties interessed, they will want a third (as a medium) to unite them. Whereas, in petty and more divisions and factions, there cannot be so strong contrarieties and eager engagements of enmity: because, as two cannot be contrary to one, nor parties disagreeing amongst themselves will not so probably unite against a third which doth but so too, there may be hope that others may escape as being but lookers on, and equally well willers, or averse to both.  
All this past discourse I foreknow cannot but extremely offend many, whom interest or ignorance have hitherto blinded with the specious shows and formalities of that freedom which these imitations of government make such boast of. So readily it falls into every man's fancy, that since he is hereby impowered to be acting and consenting to all that shall be done, his share of advantage will be great. Not considering, that he can no ways be advantaged without his fellows loss; and then, where is general freedom? Not thinking that as thus, under show of liberty, he aims at power to act his liking upon others, so he yields others the like advantage against himself: Insomuch, as he can neither choose to act according to every one's command, nor but to suffer at every one's dispose. But however, I, that was to treat of policy and government in its divine and natural foundation, and not according to humane authority and example, cannot be blamed (as I formerly said) for leaving these out of the number; when I found them not warranted thereby. For in government (as government) I find one must govern another; but here, every one is aiming to be governing himself: which, if it be not Anarchy (as being but the first natural condition) I know not what is, nor where to find any such thing. Neither could I, as I conceive, be true to my design of settling public peace, without seclusion of these forms. For the very conceit of their justice and lawfulness, and the hope to attain and be sheltered under them, is the most usual and ready cause of civil disturbance and insurrections, and of subject's associations against their Prince. And many (without doubt) are of the same mind; who yet, in a kind of flattering modesty, as loath to condemn the practice of so many, that do or say otherwise, are unwilling to express themselves in so plain a truth.  
Nor could these forms have been so readily fancied by so many men, eminent both for goodness and Learning, had not the mischiefs and absurdities thence arising been hastily clouded in each one's conceit, by the hope he had that in these general meetings himself should still prevail by those reasonable propositions he had to make, tending evidently to the Public good and his own honour: and that therefore, in order to both, he had just reason to cry them up. Forgetting all that while, how likely it was he might be mistaken in his proposals himself, or else might be unapprehended by his auditors: how that others might, in these assemblies, prevail aswel as himself, and those of the worse sort aswell as the others. But, most of all forgetting, how, by the obtaining this his conceit and supposition of any one man's prevalence, he should quite overthrow the other supposition of a community in government. For, since many cannot speak at once, if some one man's advice do not take place, there can be no administration or government at all; if one man constantly do so, then is that person a true Monarch, because the most absolute Monarch can ask no more then to have his council followed. And indeed, as Anarchies are no farther capable of council or execution in their governments then as they are Monarchical, so they, coming to be occasionally led by their popular orators and heads, are but unfixed Monarchies: being thereupon so much more ill, as more unfixed. For, while they decline the subjection and guidance of one man's will, they are thereby enthralled to the lust of all.  
There is also a great occasion taken for casting off Monarchy, from that ready apprehension each one hath, that where the Sovereignty is taken from one and put into many, he hath great probability of being one of that number; and the more especially, in regard of that high degree of desert and ability every man is in his own opinion endued with above others. Not considering, how, through the like partial respect and expectations of others, he might fail hereof: and then should he come to have many masters instead of one. Nay, not considering, how afterwards the many cross of his will to be received from his fellows in Office, would, as coming from equals, or such to whom he held himself superior in birth or merit, be more irksome then from superiors already acknowledged. But there being a farther and longer discourse required to foresee those evils that would follow to each one from this parity in command, than there is to apprehend the pleasure and benefit to arise from the command and power itself, and because again positives sway us beyond privatives, it is no wonder if men, in their thirst after Polarchical governments, come to be affected as men with lotteries: wherein, although we do, or might beforehand know the certain loss that must generally befall the Casters, yet shall we always find multitudes venturing that way: as being so hastily carried on by the imagination of his present share of those prizes which may befall him, that he considers not (withal) those many chances that may fall out otherwise.  
There is another great inducement for entertainment of these Anarchies, for that vulgarly men are led to conceive that the Commonweal doth signify the same with the Polarches themselves that do therein bear sway: and this, because these Statesmen are wont to act all their designs in the Commonwealth's name. But, if men would well consider it, these terms of Commonwealh, and Public good are but bare political notions, not living creatures, capable of address or interest: and that they are not otherwise manageable, or to be represented or collected into a sum or total, then as in relation to the persons therein entrusted: so that, as they shall have their interests more or less united amongst themselves, and are more or less comprehensive of the whole, so will the good of the Commonwealth be more or less convertible with theirs. And therefore, since the Polarches cannot act but as separate persons, differing in interest from one another (for when they do make a major vote it is but what fear or hope did first make them agree to in order to their distinct interests) therefore their good can neither be reciprocal amongst themselves, nor can the good of the Commonweal be convertible with them all in general.  
As for example, suppose the whole riches or stock of any place to be ten hundred thousand pound; and that the present Polarches may in their several proprieties contain the half thereof, it must fall out, that, although in that respect they shall know the loss or good of the whole will involve that of their particulars, yet, it happening that in all Public debates some part of the whole is more concerned than another, they must consequently be induced to favour that part most wherein their particulars are most involved: and they will generally choose, rather to have their half increased by one third part out of their subjects wealth, then to have their subject's wealth to be generally increased one third part more than it was by any foreign acquisition whereof themselves have no share. And this, because they being but separate persons, cannot have whole interest: In which regard also, each one amongst them, will again be ready to join in faction against others of his fellows; & rather desire to have his own private stock of riches or honour to be increased one third part out of theirs, then to assent to any thing that may double that of all the rest of his fellows; or of the whole people, without increase of his own. From which it plainly appears that men are but deluded with this notion of a Commonwealth: as thinking there can be under Polarchy of any sort such an unity of interest or agreement as really to make but one Commonwealth. Whereas, in truth, there are to be found in all places and countries governed under the name of Republikes or Commonwealths, as many Commonwealths and Republiks' as there are parties and factions: whilst each of them is taking to itself the name of the whole, and pursuing their more distinct interests under that notion.  
Which things can never happen unto an unlimited Monarch; whose honour and riches being in the whole, and inseparably subsisting by, and increasing and diminishing with that of his people in general, it must follow that his care will be led to respect the whole good; as having his and that convertible: in such sort, that he cannot lose any part of his whole kingdom, but he will himself be a proportionable loser. Whereas the Polarchs' proprieties and interests being no higher in the whole, then in reference to their part, they cannot but respect this their part in the first place, and the whole but in order thereunto.  
But the truest ground for Scholastical men's entertaining this opinion, is that they have derived it, as also that other opinion of paction from the Grecian Philosophers: who, being all of them born and bred in Republikes, it is no wonder if we find them, in self-regard, so ready to commend something these forms: as not daring to gainsay the practice of their own country. From whom therefore we receiving in a manner all our Philosophy and opinions, and this amongst the rest, it is no marvel if from thence, and the general hope of share of power hence arising (as formerly noted) we are so inclinable to the defence thereof. Yet truly, unto any that considers with what prejudice the Greek and Roman Authors were to be supposed to write in the●e things, the preferment of Monarchy, even by some of the chief of them, is an argument undeniably concluding that the sufferance of the other was from necessity, and not choice. For, although they durst not reprove it as a fault in that kind of government, yet (doubtless) the many sad example's of those ungrateful and fatal rewards and usages, by them continually practised towards such of their own Citizens and subjects as have been most eminent in any kind of virtue, or most deserving or serviceable to their country, could not but, in conscience and reason, make them resolve that it must naturally arise from that form of administration. For their form of policy subsisting by, and openly aiming at parity and equality in honour and power (whilst each one in it was yet arrogating to himself) they must necessarily stomach any pre-eminence that shall be given to any one above themselves: as justly fearing, he might thereupon take advantage of making himself their Master. Who (again) if (out of cautionary compliance) he shall never so lowly makes his acknowledgements and submission to the whole Senate, yet if he do not so also to such particular men as be leaders, and such as do speak for and uphold him, he will still be subject to envy and ruin: Nay, if he do it not to such also as do not appear for him, he will be hazarded by their revenge also. So that, in truth, virtue and merit have herein no longer security, than the party can protect himself by secret bribery of their Factious leaders, and by popular and base flattery and compliance: which can yet serve his turn but for a time. His surest course to prevent their malice & ill, being to advance himself above their power, and to make use of those forces to defend himself against them, with which he hath so often defended them against others. And, except it be by this course, I know not that any one famous servant to any Polarchy hath been recorded to scape censure and punishment for his reward: the surest way not to suffer like Scipio, being to act like Caesar.  
But to this kind of Scholy some are so ignorantly inclined, as finding the terms and notions of government usually employed about these devised forms, and that in their best sense, they come to think them no where due and proper but there: For so, they think that true policy is (from its name and derivation) to import, not the government of a kingdom by a King, but of a City, and that by Citizens in equal authority. Not well considering, that in ancient times each territory or kingdom took its usual name from its City, as that did again from its most eminent King or founder: and that, as each City had its King, and was Monarchical only, so the notion of Citizen signified but the same with another subject; and not power and rule. Nay, it should seem to infer greater subjection; as to those, who, by their habitation were more civilised by Laws and obedience, then to those in villages, called therefore Pagans.  
The like misapprehension ariseth from the notions of people and Magistrates: which have different values in Republikes, over they have in Monarchies.  
But however, these Greeks (before mentioned) having cast off Kings, and the acknowledgement of all power above themselves, they must next found it on themselves; that is, in the community or people from whom also they must suppose even Kings to arise. Hereupon the title of Anarchy came to want definition and existence. For to say it was in the Community, was to overthrow that main end for which this notion of a community was invented: namely, to pact and consent for conferring of power. For how can men in that condition be general or free pacters or consenters? If they say men are not to be supposed born unanimous, like Aunts of a litter, but rather (as formerly discoursed) like Cadmus-brood by Poets feigned to that purpose (in their different appetites) pursuing one another in a confusion of every one against every one, and that from thence they come to be a community, than they make a community and agreement to arise from that which is quite contrary: for how shall these disagreers be brought to voluntary and equal Parity and Paction.  
Therefore there is no way but to say, Anarchy is absence of Unity; or the exercise of power without it: For it is not only a privation of good, by destroying precedent union in the single person that did govern, but also an infliction of evil, by setting up contention in the many heads now ruling.  
And therefore, to say that Anarchy is then only, when there is such a condition as that every one should be against every one, is to deny that it can be. For how should it come to pass? Because, as no settled government can be overthrown but by union of opposition, and men cannot live without such relations of kindred and other interests as must keep them bound in some associations, so cannot they, as ab origines (such as the Greeks to this purpose supposed themselves) be so born or brought together, without all union by former friendship and relation, as to be, each one to each one, contra-distinguished and equal in all things.  
Without due consideration of which impossibility, and of the intervenient degrees between the perfection of unity which true Monarchy will afford, and that confusion which the extreme of Anarchy will yield, men are usually led to this mistake. For, as we may, and justly do stile that a Monarchy, where the last appeal, and some other inseparable marks of Sovereignty do remain in one man, although many prerogatives may be parted with, even so, on the contrary, we must judge Anarchy to be where the Sovereignty is in more: and if we do not this, there cannot be such a thing as Monarchy, aswell as no such thing as Anarchy. Because, as disability and remissness will occasionally more or less make Princes leave and entrust their power to others, so, in like manner, are we to conceive of Anarchy: namely, that although the people (viritim) cannot, or do not personally act or agree in all administrations to Sovereignty proper (but that some one man at once may be trusted in several parts thereof; whereby, in respect of their approach to Monarch, they are for the present so far kept from the mischiefs of absolute Anarchy) yet since the right of government is at liberty claimed to be exercised by all, the government must be Anarchical too: although, as we said, one Anarchy may be less Anarchical than another, in regard of their approach to unity and Monarchical administration; like as also one Monarchy may be less so then another; even so far as these Anarchical forms shall be mingled therewith.  
Nor hath Monarchy gained precedence (as aforesaid) by the confessions of Polarchical writers, but it's open and active enemies, the Polarches themselves, by their endeavours to resemble the real unity thereof in those representations of themselves by precedents, speakers, or the like, and by contrivances to unite their votes and opinions in such sort as to be capable of command and government (by making their many wills seem but one) do all of them (by deed and experience) confess that they have neither worth nor fitness for government in themselves; and are so far only good, or rather so far distanced from ill, as they can approach that exemplar of union which in Monarchy is essential. Again, if we shall observe them in their fundamentals for laws, and forms of execution of their governments, we shall farther find that as themselves are usually but some fragments and scraps of Monarchies rend off by Rebellion, so will the main body of their laws and semblance of policy, be found such only as were by their former Sovereigns and Kings enacted and contrived.  
But (to return) if Anarchy must be supposed but the first beginnings to the overthrow of established government, what shall we say of lawful conquest? Or, if it be in civil or intestine strifes only, then, since (in these) men cannot strive singly, but as united in Factions, when shall it begin; and when shall Anarchy end? Shall it begin from the first undermine, or from the first overt act, or from which, or what sort of them? Shall it end when the other government is overthrown, and there be no enemy left to hinder its peaceable settlement in an union by itself? How shall it be known? and who shall judge when this government or other opposition is wholly subdued, or so far as is requisite to its establishment in a government by itself? What if this government be thirty or forty years destroying? And what if at last, it stand still on its own strength without farther fear from this opposing faction: which (it may be) now hath set up for itself also: and as a free State (as they call them) entered into alliance or agreement with them? In which and other cases, since the form of government in the faction established is the same in prevailing over one another now, as it was over those that held the government before; that is by force of a major part, why should not the same government aswel be an Anarchy now, as before? And, if there must be a set time when this prevailing faction ought, and may (though still the same people and faction) take on them the title of lawful government, which is it?  
If you say, when they have made agreement, or utterly subdued their former Prince; this I conceive can (at best) but acquit them of rebellion, in order to himself; because done against him: and thereupon, for a Monarchy so gained, it will serve to make it a just government afterwards, because it is so in its form. But since Anarchy (consisting in division) must arise from the form of government, that is from the divided heads and persons whereby it is enforced, and not from the divers hands used in the managery (for all governments must have such) it must be confessed that Anarchy must be distinguished as a different thing from rebellion; and remain in the form of government, and not in the manner or circumstances of beginning or using it: or else, such a thing as Anarchy cannot be at all.  
I know the common division of government was formerly into Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy; and their deviations, Tyranny, Oligarchy, and Anarchy: so making six sorts. But, as it is since found that there is but three sorts, by including their deviations, as Tyranny into Monarcy, Oligarchy into Aristocracy, and Anarchy into Democracy, so I, concluding but one only right government (viz. of Monarchy) have reckonnd both the other under the common deviation of Anarchy: esteeming it all one, whither a lesser or greater number of people preside therein, which only thing doth difference Aristocracy from Democracy.  
And as for that fancy of co-ordination, it may be reckoned an Oligarchy, consisting of so many Governors and Governments as the coordinates are: and as Monarchy is limited above, or under this supposed equality in co-ordination, so far is it more or less uncapable of its chief end, peace and protection. For, as all Parity must breed confusion, so dissension also: and the more Parity in governors the more dissension. Which, as it may rationally be foreknown to arise from the very nature of that Government itself, so will it by instance most lively appear in that government of family: wherein, notwithstanding there is greatest interest and obligations towards concordance and mutual assistance, there are yet more observable disputes and differences arising between man and wife (even to the bringing the whole family in divisions and sidings) then between him and children, or between him and servants; who come not so near to him in pretence of equality of power. For as they, pretending to less power, are therefore probably less subject to be sensible of the loss, so is he less subject to be covetous of the gain of that little.  
Therefore it may be concluded, that the greater the power of the coordinate is, the more subject is that place to Faction and Rebellion: which we will next speak of.   

CHAP. II. Of Faction and its Original, and usual Supports.  
AS we have already showed the necessity of self-seeking in Nature, so now we are to show, that since Nature cannot be altered, how in Polity her course may be steered to public good: so that men still retaining their sense of good and bad, separate and distinct to themselves, they might therewith, and thereby also, be more provoked to the good of others. Therefore, after the vulgar manner, to dream of public spirited persons or public souls (meaning such as have no private interest) is not only untrue, but, could it be, it would, instead of benefit, be the ruin of that whole State. For, through the distracted endeavours of so many voluntary public undertakers, the whole would perish by degrees: and while each particular failed, for want of due self-regard, the whole would fail by consequent.  
Experience of those many mischiefs and disturbances generally arising in the world through men's inconsiderate and violent prosecution of their own appetites and wills, without due regard to the sufferings of others, hath brought it into the serious doubt of many, whether this Philautia be lawful to be prosecuted or no: and while some (as finding it natural) have necessarily thought it warrantable, yet have they only thought it an allowable rule to be made the beginner, but not the ender of our enterprises. As though the end and design of each action, must not, in all voluntary and intelligent Agents, be before any attempt thereof. Or, as if any reasonable creature, could, out of self-regard begin any thing, which, in the issue, he did foresee would prove otherwise.  
But it hath not been well considered, that those very Rules of Do as thou wouldst be done unto, and, Love thy neighbour as thyself, (on which their conceit is grounded) do of themselves imply and warrant each man's separate good to be both first and last preferred before that of any other. Nay, these Rules being chiefly intended to avoid partiality in such dealings and distributions as concern other parties, and so to be used by such as are to execute the Office of Judges and Umpires, do in that case only (as hereafter shall be showed) appoint both the Judge on the one hand, and the two contending parties on the other, to square his sentence upon them, and they their obedience unto him, as fancying themselves reciprocally interessed. In which case, themselves not being immediate parties, every act of partiality is injustice: they having no rule to love one man better than another. Whereas, on the other side, if any man be party with another, all things he doth to the advantage of another against his own, is not only unnatural and foolish, but unjust and sinful also.  
What if we shall say farther, that in all dealings between one man and another, no man can be otherwise sinful, then as he is to himself foolish and neglectful of his own good? It is not hard for men to conceive in the general, that wickedness and folly fall one into another; and that no man can prejudice himself, but he must thereby sin: nor sin, but he must thereby prejudice himself. All the mistake being for want of consideration, that when any doth, by warrant from above, sense of Honour, or dictate of his Conscience, prefer the benefiting of another to the enjoyment of some present content of his own, that, even in this case, it was self consideration of procuring reward or avoiding punishment to himself, that was the end of this good deed he did to them. In which regard, so far as he had not present self design (namely delight in the act itself) but was considerative of an end, even so far that end must have self design upon the whole issue in every voluntary Agent, as it is such; however they may differ from one another in degree of Wisdom and Prudence: that is, either inability to apprehend and believe how these courses are available to his good, or prudence in the managery or application of them accordingly. Wisdom in these cases grounding herself upon her sure Rule of comparison; Better forego a present less pleasure to myself, by doing it to another, then by not doing good to another as I am commanded, to incur that punishment, and lose that greater reward which is to succeed to myself in place thereof.  
Therefore, as in Nature's polity in the Government of the World, there is pleasure annexed to such enjoyments as are most beneficial, to direct and incite us what to do in pursuit of our single preservations, (and so of the whole species) and pain on the contrary, to deter from what is hurtful; so, in political foundations, (that the whole Kingdom may be preserved) the duties necessary to be performed or avoided by the several members thereof to that end, are to have such rewards and punishments annexed to their Edicts, that each particular member, being naturally led to seek pleasure and avoid pain, may, in the pursuit hereof, (by politic designation) follow the good of the Commonwealth also.  
As for example, should the Commonwealth appoint (as out of duty to the whole, and out of common Charity to one another) that men should, without any self regard; have spent their whole time and labours in Tillage or otherwise, they would quickly find the Proverb verified, That the common Ass is ill saddled. And they would find, that since men are properly and expressly only sensible of their own good, that therefore, as this stood remitted, their actions would remit also. Reason therefore quickly taught all Founders of Laws and Rules for sociable living, that because the whole stock of common improvement must arise from private managery, to annex unto public employments and duties such private advantages and rewards as might encourage their undertake.  
And therefore, those that have gone about to propound the dis-impropriation of Goods, Wives, etc. as thinking upon taking off the notions of meum and tuum, to take off all Civil War, do not only (as aforesaid) undertake what is impossible (as supposing, Man, a Creature of so much appetite and leisure can be without something in that kind to seek) but that which would be hurtful also. For although Bees, Ants, and such like creatures, which some inconsiderately think imitable, do enjoy a parity, and have their private good and the public all one, in the same dire●t line for intention and execution, yet if their different condition from man's be examined, it would be found as reasonable that man should do otherwise, as they should do so. For they are born all at once, so as being but one litter, and seeming but one thing, they do accordingly keep up co-habitation. And as this strict co-habitation keeps them from intermeddling with other creatures, whereby to be affected with imitation of their appetites, so their own appetite of self-preservation for necessary food, keeps them so wholly intent in the provision thereof, that they want the sole occasion to faction and disunion, which is idleness. And therefore they may be discerned always in haste, and employed about that very one thing, namely provision of food: and that not without need; for the whole years expense lies upon a short times gathering. Whereas men, that have such difference of age, company, appetite, judgement, and so much leisure, cannot but be thought to have as different and private aims. And to think that a man shall not have self-aym in all he doth, is to think he shall have no aim at all; but to do always one thing, and that out of present haste and necessity, as Ants do. But, as we find all Sensitives, as such, must, according to their degree of Knowledge, have self-aym (in so much as Beasts of most leisure have it most) so man, as the most contemplative, long-lived, rational creature, must have it most.  
Which things duly considered, and the respective and different cares and parts of Prince and Subject, it will easily appear what things are, and must be the aim of both. For the one, seeing that the whole good was his particular good, and thereupon following the natural rule of self-seeking, he must, as he desired his own good, seek that of the whole people: because, if any part of the public be decayed or lost, even so much his private is decayed and lost also. For the Prince should be in the body politic as the Brain to the body natural; without sense to itself, and yet be the common sense to all other parts. Then the Subject on the other side, as naturally seeking pleasure and avoiding the contrary, is, as regarding his particular herein, stirred up by the rewards and punishments of the Law, to do, or avoid such things as are agreeable to public interest. By which means, every man seeking necessarily his own private, and then public and private benefits being in all relations the same and convertible, Polity is established, and Charity also: while our neighbour's benefits are established in our own. And while Prince and people thus move in course, according to each one's order, the general welfare is maintained.  
But if the harmony and proportions be broken, by any one's invading on the others employment, mischief will follow. For if any order or estate of the people shall forsake their own bounds, and take upon them to judge of public expedients and mischiefs, and act accordingly, then, as the public good will fail for want of care, so will their own good fail therewith also. And so again it is, if the Prince, upon the terror of any discontented parties, hath parted with some of his Sovereignty or common interest to other hands: will not his care, that should be common to all alike, as Subject, come to be less to those; because they are less Subjects than others?  
And then again, if the King himself, out of favour to any, shall give exemptions or privileges derogatory to his just Prerogative, this will cause a partial eye towards them in his time, & (it is like) an angry one towards them afterwards: in both cases hazarding public care and Justice; because the whole is not looked upon with equal interest. But the truth is, Princes errors this way can seldom go far: for that the successors, finding this indulgence prejudicial, will still recall them into common again. For, as it is probable their Father's favourites were none of theirs, so (you may be sure) none of the peoples; so far as to fear part-taking in divesting them.  
But now, when this politic direction and rule for self-seeking is laid aside, and the rewards and threats to obedience cannot so prevail, but that some daring spirits, of more than ordinary aims and affections (hoping to have their Ambition, Covetousness, and Revenge satisfied better in an extraordinary way then what is by Law appointed) will be acting to public disquiet, than it is that Faction is beginning: which is nothing else, but an unlawful association of Subjects, in opposition to their one supreme Authority: which association is by each one run into, as he finds his own hopes or fears therein attained or secured. In which case each Faction is in its actings without public allowance, to be looked on as a private person.  
The original and rise of Faction being discontent, hence it is that no Government whatsoever can be wholly without it: that is, in aim and design, however it may be kept from act and execution, through fear to prevail. And this, not only, as all Government is in itself to be considered as a restraint of our wills, and so prompting us to contrivement of ease, but inasmuch as there can be but few persons so constantly and entirely favoured or be friended by the present power of any place, as not to have many things in their aims and hopes (in order to Revenge or Covetousness) to be got by siding and compliance elsewhere, therefore all men whatsoever are to be presumed more or less inclined to Faction, as they are more or less discontented.  
But then because men singly, and in small numbers, cannot act, or secure themselves against established polity and the penalties thereof, they must next endeavour such strength by association, as to be thereby enabled to bring on their own aims by complying with the interests of others. And although again, there can be no two men found of alike interest and aim in all things, yet men, not finding agreement so fully as they would, do then seek it in the nearest proportion they can: and since they find none to make companions in all their aims, they then join with such as concur in most. And so, having gotten (as they believe) association and strength enough to carry on their design, they now begin to separate and divide the Kingdom, by separating themselves. These that side with them they call (for reputation sake) the people, and the good party: and those that join not, enemies to the public, illaffected, etc. By this means having gotten such strength as to be able to pursue their own interests in opposition to lawful Authority, they proceed with less fear towards the accomplishment thereof: whether it be that more near interest, the advantage of pleasure belonging to each one's person (commonly included under riches and desire of property) or that which is more distant, as of Wives, Children, Kindred, Friends, etc. which may be ranked under the sense of Honor. For still, our pursuit in attaining them is heightened, as we conceive our propriety and interest in them to lie.  
Now, as the leaders private ends were (as beforesaid) Ambition, Covetousness, or Revenge; so, to join interest and engage the people, they flatter them with the notions of Liberty, Propriety, and Justice; corresponding with their own aims before mentioned. For Liberty answers Ambition; both proceeding from Pride, and impatience of Government.  
The desire of increase of Propriety, answers Covetousness. And popular Justice is nothing else but Cruelty and Revenge. And now have they engaged all affections too. For Ambition is the extreme of Honour, the pleasure of the Mind. Covetousness includes all the pleasures that sense can desire. And Revenge is the utmost bound of our malice against the things we hate, tending to the satisfaction of the irascible faculty, as the other did of the concupiscible. Therefore the Leaders, never defining or telling what civil Liberty, Property, or Justice is, or aught to be, they leave it for the people (who have them promised as great matters) to think that by Liberty, they mean, not only freedom from all subjection themselves, but, because they are told all Power comes from them, and is at their dispose, they think they shall now have power over others also. By Propriety, they are led to think, not only to have their own estates altogether independent, but to be freed of all Taxes and Obligations besides. For the meanest cannot but expect (if he be not directly promised) that upon overthrow of the enemy, great increase will then come to his share And then, as the weakest Natures are ever most revengeful, and cruel, so Subjects can never want objects of this kind, whom, under show of public Justice, they will always implacably prosecute.  
Nor do the Leaders of Factions hide themselves and meanings on the naming of things only, but of persons also. For having themselves cast off subjection, and teaching others to do the like, they use not the name of Subject any longer; it is now the people a word which (as used in Anarchies) signifies insubjection: and therefore can be never proper but in Anarchy) and sometimes it is the Commons they represent and stand for. And then, there is none so low, but thinks he is included in one of these notions: there is not one of the meanest servants in a Family, but is in his conceit one of the People, or one of the Commons at least: and answerably, he is ready to take the side that makes him such fair promises. And he may hope also, that as the greater includes the less, so a freeborn Subject, as he is, shall be freed of Master, as well as Prince: for he is sure that all his bondage hath been from the one, and not from the other. They (poor souls) little thought that by People and Commons are meant only such as the Leaders shall choose (after they have made themselves by their helps Masters of the other party) to stand as for the People, or to choose, or to be their Representatives. At which time (I hope) being the people themselves, they will not break their former Promises of having no intention but the good of the People. Upon occasion of which deceits and mistakes it comes to pass, that the generality of the people are ever murmuring against these Governments, and more ready to change again then the Subjects in Monarchies: as now finding that those large promises of general Liberty, etc. comes to none other end then to be at the continual dispose of their fellows; and that their own share in power or riches, answers not that great hopes they had thereof when they deposed their former Prince.  
When this Association or Faction divides against the Ecclesiastical Government it is called by a peculiar name of Schism: which is seldom wanting where the other is. For Religion, being taken of general concern to all, the reaping up of abuses herein cannot but deeply engage: and, in order to this, the people's Liberty in interpreting Scripture must be asserted: and then, having set up Levites to scholly them to their purpose, Conscience comes to be engaged for them also in this pretended Reformation, and as much as much as may be drawn from the other side.  
But now, as all Faction hath in its aim the overthrow of Government, so it is, from its own divisions again, always a ruin to itself, as it had been to the Kingdom by division before. For the common enemy (as they call them) now subdued, which was the cause of their uniting, they begin to reflect upon themselves, both in the division and managery of the power and profits now come into their hands, and also of the nearer prosecution of those particular interests that brought them into this association.  
Both which occasions will again necessarily break them into sub-divisions: and lead them to find out new associations of such as come yet nearest to correspond with them, against such as are farthest off: and upon like Grounds and Arguments as they had associated against others before, they associate against one another now.  
Nor can this well be otherwise, because (as I said) public good was not the cause of their joining: except a foreign fear yet remain, or do arise to keep them united: or except the Leaders be allied by kindred, or have all of them a common interest. The last commonly happens, when claim is laid to the Crown and Government. For then, as one man's interest made them associate, it will keep them so. The other is when the heads are few, and their interests so agreeing, that more is probably to be got by a great and sure share now possessed in the Government, then in adventuring for all. Therefore, the present successors to Monarchies overthrown by Faction are Aristocracies: but these many times so short-lived, as their Government is not to be settled and known. For one, or some amongst them, as courting more the people, will still, by their help, set themselves in the Throne: or if that fail, rather than submit again to his incensed fellows, he persuades, and sets up the people's general power above them, under show of more liberty: and so comes usually Democracies: which, if they fall not into Monarchy again by the force and choice of their soldiery, grow by degrees more Aristocratick. For those that call themselves the people, secluding always as many as they can, and taking in none to share with them in power, their number at last must be few.  
Besides, as Nature in all things, being left to her own working, will by gentle and orderly steps tend to that perfection she was forcibly deprived of, so it may be observed, how by degrees all Governments do of their own nature, and uninterrupted by violence, always lead to that perfection and state of Unity again from which by force only they were hitherto debarred. And, unto the undeniable proof of the natural right of Monarchical Government, it may be asserted, that, as no Government of itself (let alone in the hands of the governors, without the forcible intermeddling of the governed) but would still come to be Monarchy, so, no government was ever brought from fewer to more, but by the force and terror of the people upon the Governors themselves: who now (as in the Fable of the Serpent that would be governed by his own Tail) will be governing themselves: and so make all lawfulness of Government (at last) vanish into forcible obtrusion.  
There are many other particulars by which Faction useth to make its rise and support; which shall be spoken of in the next chapter of Rebellion, amongst other things which are the originals of that also. For these two are of such like extraction, and so near a kin, that what is properly the cause to one, is (for the most part) so to the other: Faction being but Rebellion in its birth, and as yet but in devise and contrivance; and Rebellion being but Faction brought into act and execution: even as Polarchy, or Anarchy is but both of them, brought to such maturity and perfection, as to be capable of self-subsistance.   

CHAP. III. Of Rebellion, and its most notable Causes and Pretences.  
AS the inordinate thirst of pleasure, and its consequent (Liberty to attain it) is in us all, both natural and unlimited, so, where Rules and Laws of Polity and Government (the only means of restraint) are not strictly enjoined or duly obeyed, it commonly falls out, that what should have been a bridle, proves rather a Spur; and the possession of one inordinate lust, doth by itself make way for another: even as the abundance of drink, to the drunkard, is the cause of greater thirst to ensue. Observe we this, First, in that lesser Government of a Family: and you shall find Children and Servants nowhere so unquiet and discontented, as where the indulgencies of the Parent or Master do most appear. And so it is in Kingdoms also: where Subjects that have soft and mild spirited Princes, and from whose more gentle and easy natures they, having already attained many things of Liberty and Freedom, do come at last to forget how inconsistent these things may be with their duty or public peace, and to think that their very ask should now be the only rule for his granting. Whereupon, as it happens that there is most brawling, contention and unquietness in such Families, so, in such Commonweals, Mutinies and Rebellions do ever abound.  
And, to keep the Scripture precedent herein, what other Reason can be given of those many murmurrings and insurrections of the Jews: even while under the government of Moses: one so far from oppressing their liberty, that he was the meekest man on the earth. And when again, they had all things in such plenty as even their very Lust was supplied with miracles: 
Numb. 12.3.  what followed, but that which was given for quieting them at one time, proved the occasion of their mutiny at another? For so, while he smote the rock and the water gushed out: they are still ask, 
Psal. ●3. 20. Verse 19  can he give bread, can he provide flesh for his people? And when they had this flesh, this manna, it was found too light food for their satisfaction: and this very food of Angels, was insufficient to stint their boundless desires. Therefore, 
Vers. 25.  while the very meat was in their mouths, 
Ners. 30, 31.  God was forced to cure by severity, those breaches of obedience which abused Mercy and Clemency had made.  
Look again to them under their Kings, and you shall find none so ill used as the best of them; even David, and Solomon. In the last of whose time it is expressed, Judah and all Israel was then many as the sand which is by the sea in a multitude, eating, and drinking, and making merry. And again, 
1 King. 4.20.  Judah and all Israel dwelled safely, every man under his own vine, and under his own fig. tree, from Dan to Beersheba all the days of Solomon. 
1 King. 4.25  And in whose time, as the wisest and most peaceful of Kings, that Kingdom had the greatest eminency and happiness of any: their persons free, as expressly said, of the children of Israel did Solomon make no bondmen: and having riches in such abundance amongst them, 
1 King. 9.22. 2. Chron. 1.15.  that he made silver and gold to be in Jerusalem as stones, etc. And yet, as in a kind of wantonness and surfeit, they come to his son Rehoboam to ask release of this grievous yoke of Solomon his Father. But in truth, we can interpret this their coming to Sechem to no other end then to make a Covenant and association to rebel: and the pretence to make Rehoboam King, was but the outside of their appearance: when they intended to unmake him. For first, Rehoboams reign was not Elective but in right of his Father and Grandfather, as heretofore noted: and he might as well have reigned in their stead without the people's approbation, as Ishbosheth Saul's son did over them in David's time, or as Nadab in Jeroboams stead, over the same Israelites, without any such confirmation.  
So that this Assembly was indeed to settle Jeroboams new Principality, and not to confirm Rehoboams. And therefore, 
1 King. 12.3.  since they first sent for him to come in the head of them, whom they knew to lay claim to the Crown, this action looks purposely to aim at a quarrel, and gain a denial; whereby to get a pretence to rebel. And was indeed the threatened punishment of Solomon's offence against God, and not of Rehoboams to the people: and so suffered to be done in pursuance of that end: 
1 King. 11.11:  namely the punishing his offence with the rod of the children of men. Whereupon this his refusing the council of the old men, 
2 Sam. 7.14. 1 King. 12.8.  must be considered as a fit and necessary means thereunto. And this may seem the reason of Rehoboams answer, importing a denial to the ground of the people's Petition, and answering in that manner, as though experience had fully told him, that since too much indulgence and concession had lost to his Father, he would recover it by rigour and severity.  
But, to affirm that this Rebellion was a punishment of Rehoboams answer only, were to give God the lie: both for the reasons already mentioned, and as plainly crossing his direct Promise to Jeroboam: saying, I will rend the Kingdom out of the hands of his son, and give it unto thee, 
1 King. 11.35.  even ten Tribes. Plainly arguing a forepast fault to God, and not of oppression to the people: upon which only Reason he is warned to desist. For of that war, what good issue could be? To have Jeroboam beaten, were to fight against God and his purpose: and to have Rehoboam beaten, were to countenance rebellion in people.  
But if you look to the fruit of these Concessions in David, you will find him the fittest instance for retaliation in both kinds: whether you respect him as a gracious Prince, or an indulgent Father: as may appear by some instances formerly given. The like will all other stories do, being but confirmations of this Maxim, That those people that have largest Immunities and Liberties, are ever the most seditious for more: and that civil war and rebellion, doth not arise from want of Liberty and Freedom in the Subjects, but from having too much: That is, from Princes intrusting so great a portion of Sovereign power into their hands, under colour of giving them Liberty, as shall encourage and enable them to stand in open opposition and defiance against him and his remaining Authority for more: and, by degrees to demand, or rather command all, if they shall think good.  
For as it comes to pass with all such prodigal persons, as well Princes as others, as use or know no other way for gaining love and credit, then by wasting of that whereby it should have had foundation and continuance, they in the end find, that as (before) their estates was the cause of their Loves, so, this being now gone, the other would fail also. And therefore they should beforehand have considered, that what was the only mean to their desire, should have been the chiefest object of their care: lest in the end they come to find, that too great liberality unto private and undeserving beggars, makes them but public and unpitied beggars themselves.  
Even so, when Princes are soothed up with the specious shows of winning love by condescension, and parting with the fundamental rights of Sovereignty, to please and gain the people, they must now expect, that what directed their love to them, while they had it, will be a cause of want of love, being parted with. They must consider, that since the different love and respect of Princes above others, was but in regard of their different power; whereby it also came to pass, that what was beneficially by them done, was therefore more meritorious, as less constrained; abate them then this power of doing so, or otherwise, and how shall the love and thanks to Princes differ from that of other men?  
And since Government, as Government, requires the administration and execution of things according to the will of the Governors (when as the pretended government by love respects only the desires of the loved) how can it then be government? And Princes so governing, that is, by the will of the governed, as he and they are in their wills different, so must one necessarily be the overthrow of another. Wherefore, if fear and reverence be not made use of, but Subjects always courted by loving condiscentions, Experience, as well as Reason, tells us, that his Authority will stand on fickle ground.  
Nor do Princes hereby only offend against interest, but Duty also: to wit, against that prime and incommunicable trust of power from God to them derived, to enable them to govern their subjects according to his Laws. When they, beyond their own Commission to give, or the people's capacity to receive, shall strive to dis-invest themselves of so inherent a propriety, and by a strange and preposterous way of proceeding, endeavour to invert Nature, Reason, and all kind of Order and Rule, to their own ruin, by this setting the commanded above the Commander, and making the Subject not subject. Whereof, what other sequel can we expect, but that, as a punishment justly deserved, and most adequate and congruous to such an offence, all Insurrections and Rebellions against them, from hence most naturally should proceed.  
So that, when it shall once come to pass, that either fear to enjoin or command what he knows to be fit, or the hopes for countenance or assistance in what he believes otherwise, shall so far work on his resolution, as to make his Subjects the objects of his fear and courtship, he shall find, that what is hereby, for the present gained, will come to him at so dear a rate, as, upon the issue, to endanger and cost him his whole estate: whereas Nations under absolute Sovereigns, are, in respect of these, but seldom observed to rebel.  
For as, when the child hath once so far prevailed over his indulgent Father, as that his wanton appetite cannot be satisfied without the enjoyment of what is offensive to others; nay, not without those very morsels and what else belongs to the necessary sustentation of the Parent (which must now be the only object and remedy of its peevishness;) it will be found that as this too great kindness was the cause this stubbornness, so it will, at last, prove a lessening of respect and duty in the child: and the child will thereupon also, be more truly called the guide of the Father, than the Father of him. And seldom have the Concessions of Princes any other fruit then to be invitations to new demands; till at last, Subjects have so wholly freed themselves from the more mild and tolerable government of one, that, through the greedy pursuit of such natural and universal liberty as is with government itself inconsistent, they again fall into the perfect slavery of Anarchy, where every man is oppressed of his neighbour: and, instead of one, have many Tyrants to disturb them. The usual issue of all unhappy people, grown wanton with too much Liberty: where the commonnels, and easiness of former grants, is made the only rule for desiring, and obtaining new Petitions: which come at length to be reckoned as acts of duty, not of grace. But to these in brief it may be answered, if they may not be denied, why do they petition? if they may, why do they rebel? And having so far considered Rebellion in its prime cause, the division of Sovereignty, we will examine it by its usual pretences, and give some answers.  
In the mean time, I shall desire such as may conceive these last passed discourses or others elsewhere used, to be impertiment for a Treatise where Subjects, and not Princes parts are to be set forth, to consider that I intent not here to show Kings what to do, but to show Subjects what to obey. And if this encroachment of Subjects on the Prerogatives of Princes be well considered, it will be found no less needful to be propounded to their consideratitions in regard of the inconveniences thereof enticing them to Rebellion, then in regard of that proneness again which Princes do hereupon take to fall into acts of Tyranny: insomuch as all tyrannous and severe regiment may be observed to have arisen, either to remove, or prevent this danger: tyranny being nothing else but sovereign revenge or severity, according to the presumption of injury past, or to be feared.  
The evil of Anarchy, and benefits of Government have ever been in all men's eyes so apparent, that none have been hitherto found so desperate, as directly to profess to introduce the one by destroying the other: but deceived sometimes themselves are, and always they strive to deceive others, by show of Liberty and Freedom: either from suffering some evil, or for attaining some forbidden content. For (say they) the more general good and content is ever to be preferred to the more particular: which is the good of the whole people to that of the Rulers. For look into Nature, she made them equal: intending no more the satisfaction of one, than another. And the very end and aim of Society itself, was primarily the good of the governed, and of the Governors but in order thereunto. That hereupon, all, or most people subject not themselves to the arbitrary rule of the Prince, but unto the known and established Law: by which only, according to his oath and compact, he is bound to govern. For could men (say they) be imagined to have parted with their native freedom of Will, and debar themselves of the many pleasures of life, to no other end, but hereby to advance to a state of felicity some one, or more men, unto whom they could in nothing acknowledge themselves inferior? No, since Kings and Rulers were set up, and had obedience given unto them for the only good of the people (for of them is the whole power derived, and they may at pleasure settle what Government they please, and as they think fit to restrain or enlarge it) therefore, when they shall be found to fail of this trust, and turn their power to their people's hurt, they might with good reason reassume their own strength, and employ it to the attainment of those benefits, which by the wilfulness or foolishness of the other is crossed or neglected. And if in pursuance of this course, civil war and slaughter do follow; it must be imputed to the stubbornness of them in Authority: which then must be endured as a cure to the state: when as, by a momentany suffering of some men's loss, the perpetual hazard of all men's slavery is avoided: and is no other, then like tolerating a less evil to avoid a greater. And this power of resistance (say they) must be in all limited Monarchies; else the limitation is nothing: but he remains as absolute as the other. But because these and the like propositions, have for the most part been bred and countenanced by some of the Romish and Jesuited Clergy, we will (by the way) look thereunto: leaving the farther censure of their intermeddling to another place: and also referring the full answer and satisfaction in other things to the ensuing chapters: wherein, under the titles of Liberty, Slavery, Property, etc. shall be showed how Faction and Rebellion have unjustly laid claim to any justification under these notion.  
A great Argument, and associate of man's frailty it is, that even from our best and most holy performances, advantages to sin and impiety have been taken. Arising chiefly, from the malice of that wicked one; always ready, (if the sowing of the Wheat cannot be wholly hindered) by his Agents to cause such Tares to spring amongst, and from it, that for their very sakes, the other might have none, or at least less use and esteem. For who would else have thought, that that very height of Piety, Religion, and Devotion, that caused the first nursing Fathers of the Church, as in honour and duty to God, to bestow divers great Privileges and Powers upon the (at that time) well-deserving Clergy, should, by a strange and inconsiderate ingratitude, prove the readiest Feathers, with which the shafts were made for their own destruction? For so we find, when Popes became inheritors only of the Revenue and Prerogative of the Church, and not at all of their predecessors devotion or humility, they first begin to seat themselves above Kings, and all that is called God: and thinking they could never bring low enough that power, whose due height they had just cause to fear would be a curb to their pride, they not only tread on their necks themselves, but, by their Agents and Factors, they everywhere teach and authorize the Princes own Subjects to do the like. Telling them that all civil power is originally in the people: and that from them, and their underived majesty it was, that Kings had their Sovereignty's: which as they might be by them streightened as they saw occasion, so were they to judge of his defaults in case of tyranny or oppression. And then, reserving to themselves the power of deposing and sentencing them, in case of heresy or schism; and of defining what they were, they had poor Kings (they thought) beneath them low enough: even as far as man is beneath God: Kings being the peoples, but themselves (as jure divino) Gods Deputies.  
These things seem not so to be wondered at, in a time when implicit devotion and superstition had caused such general ignorance, that any thing almost would take: but, for a sort of men, undertaking to reform all errors even according to God's Word, and professing such great hatred to Popery, as to cast off some harmless things, only because they think them popish; for these (I say) to contradict a thing so expressly taught in Scripture, and (on the contrary) to assert a thing only fraudulently brought in, and by none taught but Jesuits, can have no other ground, but that they agree in common aim; the aim of ambition and insubjection. For so, as the Pope puts Kings under the people, to advance himself in his room, as in God's stead; so do Presbyters put him under too, that themselves, in their consistories, may dethrone, and be above him, as in Christ's stead. By which means, Christ being no longer King of Kings, but King of Presbyters, we should (for advancement of our Liberties) have (besides the domineering consistories) a King and a Pope in every Parish. Concerning the sum of which Doctrine, namely that all power, and that of Kings is from God only, we have already spoken: but because I find that divers learned men, favourers to neither of these sects, but lovers of Monarchy, did yet hold by consequent the same opinions, it will not be amiss to speak something hereof: and of the inconveniencies & absurdities arising from that conceit of derivation of power from Paction and consent: leaving the more particular handling of the Nature and reality of Paction itself to its proper place.  
These, though they thought that, notwithstanding this Concession, they would still evince all active resistance to be unlawful, even because it broke a Paction (made between I know not what King and their people (and so I also sometimes thought from the plausibleness of the scholly) yet, upon stricter enquiry, an error on one hand or other cannot be avoided. That is, either acknowledging that this is a thing useless, and serving the people to no purpose, or else all those consequences of Rebellion will naturally flow from it.  
For you admitting it the people's right, they put you to show where you find that they by any Paction utterly resigned this right into the Prince's hand? as you may affirm such a Paction, so they deny. And for conquest, they say it can no more take away a known right, than any other force. And if it be the people's right, it is their right as well against him as any other. Will you suppose such a contract when they elect a King; they press you to show it: and say, they are to be supposed as all other rational Agents, to have done it for some advantage to themselves: and consequently, as trusters, may demand account from the trusted, and make redresses also: else they have a dry right without a remedy. Therefore they appeal to these Pactions also, and say, That as they are tied by Oaths of Allegiance, so is the Prince by oath tied to observance of the Law: and that, if he break his Oath, theirs is fallen of consequence: and then the power and trust returns. If it happen they only swear, and that to implicit obedience, they then say it is a force: and so invalid to bind any, since (as granted by you) all power is founded on the Will. So that we may plainly see the mischief of this Scholly, when, as to make government the more easy (as in a kind of flattery) people are told, that although they have originally this power, yet having once devested themselves thereof, what hath been their voluntary resignation, they have not now power to recall at pleasure. But let us a little examine these grounds, and their inferences.  
Their first is, quisque nascitur liber, in which they must suppose that peo-people can be like (like Mushrooms) springing up all at once out of the earth; without all relations one to another: so as not only without Princes or Magistrates, but sons without fathers, wives without husbands, servants without masters, families without heads, and people without pastors. If not so, then is the son of every father, as he expects the same protection for person and estate his father had, bound to the same obedience his father was. If they decline this power of government in the diffusive body of the people (out of the same reason, and the impossibility of its convening) and thereupon say that the heads of families have only power to elect and dispose; for that it is to be supposed all in their families have already resigned to them all their power: then, this neither is, nor can be done by the heads of all families; since women, Churchmen, infants, and divers people under such and such qualifications for estates come to be left out. So that, when authority comes to be derived from the people, it will be (as heretofore noted) but the contrivement of some Faction; using such or such restrictive qualifications, as they may not be hindered in their aims.  
But this done, they have lost their first ground of free-birth: for (I hope) they will not leave children and slaves at choice for obedience: and for that obedience that wife and servants give, their Pactions express not (I suppose) any such resignation of will or power from themselves to the head of the family, as thereby to oblige them to his Pactions in the state. Yea but (they say) none but such persons as have some share in the kingdom, as having an estate of some value shall have share of power. To this it may be first answered, how shall such a law or appointment be made generally binding, unless we first allow of a precedent governor amongst them to establish it? Who again, if he were settled by former Paction, how come they now to be free? If not by Paction, then is not government grounded on Paction.  
But let us proceed in their way of supposition. A Master of a family of a hundred servants is but equal to him that hath but three. And again, if the Master of a hundred servants be impoverished, and not able to maintain his former rank, his affection and ability to serve his country must be supposed lost, and a single man with forty shillings per ann. put in before him. And then again, if estate enable men to be in the number of people, and so, fit to govern, me thinks it should proportionably do it; and so, four hundred pound yearly will make one man two hundred people: and then it will be Regina peeunia indeed. These, and the like differencing rules are good to be made and observed in Monarchies: where the Monarch himself (to the end he may know his subjects desires and grievances) doth, by his writs, give the people of such and such distinct places, ranks and qualifications power to elect, and also gives and permits the elected to have power to proceed, according to former rules of his progenitors, or new ones of his own, but cannot at all prove derivation of power from below. For if the original power be in the whole community, and every one have his native and equal share, how comes it to be never so used? Is it due to all Masters of families? then is it from God, and due by Office: and not by Paction from them.  
And if we suppose power to arise from the Master, as Master, then will one Master, as his family is greater, have more power than another.  
Estate cannot make it, for the reasons before given. If natural force and strength make it, the stronger will have most.  
If wisdom rule it, who shall decide who are wise: and in what measure it is to be stated?  
Put it to age, or what you will, it will be as hard to make any certain rate thereof, or to imagine how any should freely consent to be excluded by any relation, as to agree those in the chosen relations, by stint or size of estate, years, wisdom, etc.  
And then, when the community have not the power equal, the others have it by force, or usurpation. And therefore, all power is by Office: and to such Offices as are appointed of God: as Fathers, and Kings. They have it Jure Divino: and are restrainable therein only by those above, not by those under them.  
And therefore it is a most fond supposition, that because those assemblies of Parliaments, or the like, which are made in Monarchies by such like rules of distinction, and have their acts reputed as afterwards binding, that therefore other inventions should do so too. For in this case they are to consider, first, that there is a superior power constituting these differencing rules, and making up (as before noted) the whole representation in himself. And then, they are to consider, that the different ends of these and the other supposed conventions, will make them extremely differ in their force of binding. For in the Monarchical conventions men may well be convened under the estimate of riches, because, being summoned to advise and determine concerning public levies and the Kingdom's wealth or Commonwealth, they may be thought inclusive of it all: whereas in the suppposed convention for disposing men's natural power and right to govern, none can reasonably bind another by vote, in that where all are equal by their own supposition.  
But if they (in their supposed way of conferring of power) shall exclude children and servants, and leave none but the Master power to elect, then break they their supposition of equal and native freedom, because the major part is excluded. If they have power to elect, then, being so much the greater number, I hope they will choose such a government as shall now bind their Master and Father, and not he them.  
But let us go on by way of supposition. These selected heads are met to choose and empower a governor, and to give them all their power; that is, their power of their several families, that so he having power of all families, may consequently have power of the whole kingdom: which done, they intent (belike) to give up house-keeping. If so, he will have a great task indeed. If not, I would know whether they mean to have less power over their families then before? No (they say) they mean to govern them under him. Well, I suppose you can give this power you have over them so far as you had it, and over yourself too: but then, since the power of life and death, and other things necessary for the Prince to have, you neither had over them nor yourself, how can you give what you have not?  
Again, suppose the people the original of power, and farther (to make this power useful) suppose they may recall it to right themselves when they find it abused, and that thereupon, the liberty to appeal to them must ever lie open; why then, this serves to defeat the power of their representatives, aswel as of Princes. For these, being set up also for the people's good, have no farther power neither then while they act that way: the people must still retain power to hinder them from doing otherwise; and consequently, must have power to judge whether they do so or not. And then, this power must extend and exercise itself in all causes; because their good or ill must be therein concerned. And so, I pray how shall business go on? must the governor ask the governed their consent before he command? What is this but (as in mockery) to say to them, Do as you list or I will make you? What is this but for people to command, and Magistrates to obey?  
Again, although that maxim, Salus populi suprema lex, may be good in popular governments (as shall be showed anon) where governing and governed are supposed alternative and the same (because all come to be included) but yet, where there is difference, there the good of both, as making up the whole, must be taken into proportionable and joint consideration; unless they can imagine that, by contract, the King should render himself purposely miserable, to make others happy by his infelicity. If so, David and others, that had promises of kingship from God by way of reward, had certainly no such benefit. And if this right and duty of resistance were so in the people as is alleged, why, in so many thousand years, and in the reign of so many unjust and evil Kings as are set down in the Old and New Testament, do we never find Prophet, Apostle, or other men instructing the people in a duty of so great concern. They, if they had liked, might as easily have said fight as obey; and resist, as not resist.  
As for the King's observation of the Laws and seeking the good of the people, I believe no good Kings but will make it their employment; and, in order to it, no discreet people but must thereupon grant, that it is his part to to know and interpret what this law and good is; for if it be left to be done by any other Party or Faction, not he, but they have now the charge.  
For to say they will submit in all things just and reasonable and no farther, is to appeal back to themselves; and is not submission to another: but all things are left to their private determination as before; and just and reasonable must be but what they will esteem such. For (as before showed) men could not make question whether reason or equity should take place or no, it was by all agreed it should: but men differing amongst themselves on which side this right was and both parties confident of their own cause, there was no possibility to avoid distraction and attain peace, but by this voluntary and joint submission to be herein governed by others.  
So that laws of equity, peace, and government, require that all parties submit to their common and appointed judge and sentence. For as each man singly becomes a man by having a proper will and understanding; even so it comes to pass, that there can arise no difference against himself, because understanding and will do in him always unite. Whereas, if Thomas his will were to be guided by john's understand, or contrary, and either of them want will or understanding, or have them overborn by another, it were in the first place to overthrow the personal being of men, and in the other to make it useless. For should, or could my will incline to nothing but what aforaign understanding saw good, it would then be the will of him that had, and not of him that wanted this understanding: and for want of understanding, I should want will also. Or, should I suppose there could be an understanding that could submit to that of another, this were to destroy personality by confounding it: and to imagine an impossibility: fancing an understanding which should be, and not to be at the same time. Therefore, when by the help of another's understanding mine is so cleared as to see reason to consent to what it saw not before, and upon it, my will inclined to action, this assent of my will is the issue of the light now apprehended in mine own understanding, and not as it was before in another's. So in the body politic, to keep the essence and union thereof entire, there must be the same residence for understanding and council (at least for the last result thereof) as is for will and execution.  
And therefore, as it would argue high arrogance in any single subject to presume his own judgement better then another's, especially than his superiors, so is it but the same thing from subjects, to commend that council themselves follow, before that which their Prince follows. For since goodness of council doth not move by being but by being apparent, and since this trial and apparency must depend on the ability and judgement of him that chooseth it (none being able to take good council but he that is in measureable to give it) it must therefore be granted, that the following of another's council after mine own choice, differs little from following mine own.  
If it should be argued, that Princes may be carried away by partiality and private interest, and so some should think that the Council of subjects should in that regard take place, this were to beg the question upon a supposition against all apparent reason. For how can any be supposed to be so equally and universally interessed as the Prince? How will they have this liberty stinted, both for persons and causes? And who shall be superior to see it on all hands performed? Will they allow subjects indefinitely to have power herein as they themselves shall see cause? they then invert and overthrow government.  
If these prudent considerations cannot prevail with rational men to stop the current of rebellion, yet methinks the conscientious ties of Religion and the due observation of those Gospel duties of patience, humility, obedience, long-suffering, etc. might. Christian Subjects should consider how Princes are of Gods setting up and not theirs: so that when he that hath their hearts in his hand shall send them such an one as they deserve, and in a fatherly way shall make them his rods to punish their faults, they are not to attempt the throwing these rods into the fire themselves: but to kiss them, in acknowledgement of submission: and, unless they will undertake to measure their own sins, they must leave it to the same hand to withdraw, that did impose. And to this purpose, let them well consider that place of Job, Is it fit to say to a King thou art wicked, or to Princes ye are ungodly? if not to say so, 
Job 33.18.  much less to strike Princes for equity. Nay, 
Prov. 17.26.  although they be such as appear to us to hate right: yet, being our King, and God's Minister, over whom we can have no lawful jurisdiction, we cannot condemn them more than he that is most just. 
Ibidem.  For so he must be esteemed of us; and left to God for punishment: Who shall (in his own way and time) break in pieces mighty men without number, and set others in their stead. 
Verse 24:    

CHAP. IU. Of Liberty.  
AS we have heretofore showed the glory of God to be the end of creation, and that this glory was increased from the variety of creatures; inasmuch as from their augmentation of benefit, one above another, the increase of his praise must proportionably arise: As we have also declared mankind amongst other creatures greatest receivers, and most capable of return, so now, as to the same end, we are to consider men amongst themselves, as they stand in degrees of honour and power one above another. For as we shall find them generally much elevated above other creatures, so also, much differenced by their own degrees of perfection. Insomuch as, whilst the meanest rank of men have great degrees of Divine resemblance above other creatures below them, so have also men of higher stations, as coming hereby to be called Gods by God himself, both an advantage and obligation above those of ordinary condition: to the end, that, as their power and eminence did increase above others below, so their gratitude upwards should increase also. For as every workman is himself expressed in his work, and hath his goodness, power, and skill made apparent by the general perfection of all he doth, so is he yet more eminently herein represented, when of the same lump or kind again, he shall cause vessels of different honour and perfection to arise.  
In order to this, as we find that those large abilities which men in general have above other creatures do challenge and establish their right of dominion over them, so, since one man hath as great (almost) above another, it is supposeable thereby to challenge also proportionable superiority amongst themselves. Nor fares it so with man alone, but it is generally observable; that as the Species of creatures have more of perfection one than another, so have they also more variety of degrees in the individuals thereof, one above another.  
In inanimates, that have not will, their different virtues are without claim or use in the exercise of power and dominion: yet (comparatively) we may see one Loadstone of greater efficacy than another: so as to draw from him, upon even terms, the same mass of Iron. Look amongst plants; their different perfections in the same kinds are to all apparent; and how also one tree or fruit, that is perfectest in the same kind or plant, over powereth that which is less. In such sort, as when we are to set forth God's power and bounty in the virtues and endowments of stones or plants of any kind, it is our custom, and duty, to instance it in such as are the most rare and perfect particulars of the same kind, which may by their worth eminently include the whole.  
Beasts have their degrees of prudence and courage, whereby they come to resemble men, and be differenced above others of the same kind, recompensed with the dominion over one another also.  
Look above ourselves, and although our happiness cannot yet extend to know any thing of the true nature of Angels, yet, supposing them in that one known relation of ministering spirits, their different degrees and orders in this office of ministration, must assure to us their different gifts and abilities in performance thereof.  
And here again we are more particularly to consider what was before spoken; namely, that as creatures are in their kinds more perfect, so are the degrees in the same kind more various: that from eminence herein, eminence in power might proportionably arise. For as to have made any one Species imperfect in itself could not be imagined from the power of such an Author, so also, not to have made some individuals thereof more perfect than others (whereby (as it were) to confess that the Author's power by this certain stint was come to its highest pitch) could not be expected from omnipotency either: no more than it could from his justice or goodness, not to Communicate more of his power and particular presence in things thus made perfect. Not that any the lowest thing hath hereupon cause or reason to complain; because each one having a stock of blessing suitable to its capacity, and the smaller and greater vessel being both alike full, they must, in that respect, be alike pleased.  
Nor could God but hereby be much advantaged in general acknowledgement, whilst, in their grateful sense of enjoyment, all things rest contented with the measure of their receipts. Thus while each superior order of Angels (in that celestial Hierarchy) looks upon those successively below, they must acknowledge their increased obligations of praise: whilst the lowest of all, standing yet satisfied with continual benefit (and also beholding itself so far enabled above other creatures) all that it can do will be thought too little to requite so large a gratuity.  
If men take also the same course, how shall those of higher power have reason to acknowledge higher praise: and the meanest Subject, even for his being man, and for that proportion of Religion, Liberty, Protection, etc. which he enjoys above other creatures, have cause also to bless that inexhaustible fountain of goodness?  
Whereas, if men and other creatures had been made for virtue or power equal in the individuals of the same kind, then, for want of eminent obligation, and examples of virtue and power in the particulars in each kind, God's goodness and power should not have been so remarkably set forth as now.  
Nay, this very Office of Kingship will not be lost by his subjection: for its chief duty being protection, this will be always residing more or less in his power: so far as, by such redresses of oppression amongst men or other creatures as shall be the occasional objects of his pity, he shall prove himself actually a King herein: and also so much more resembling God than he, as he shall be more ready and propense thereto, rateable to his small degree of power.  
And the same order may creatures below us go, until they come to inanimates: on which the lowest of sensitives taking its pleasure and content, as it is thereby provoked to rejoice (which is in its kind to thank and praise ●is Maker) so, that inanimate or vegetive again, being not sensible of any pain or injury, continues in its kind still obliged as before. For as power can be no where in perfection but in God himself, so, to make it subsistent in other things, as approaching him, it must be in making them so only in comparison of one another.  
And as the original of power is one, so the more it is diffused, the more weak and unworthy it is. For if all men should have power over all men (after a Democratick supposition) as all men have power over all other creatures, or as all Lions or other Species of creatures have power over other Species below them also; how would power come to nothing for want of eminence? for being thus leveled, he that should have most power, having but what the meanest would have had in the degree of subordination, and so, he that hath least having still but what he hath above other things (for over his fellows he must be supposed to have none) he of the lowest rank is not increased in his obligation, and all the other orders are decreased in theirs.  
So that then, if there were not the necessity of subordination as for peace and government sake, yet, as to perfection, and approach to Divine resemblance (by bringing the diffused power in perfect creatures to unity and existence) it would be needful to men, as with Angels, that from the lowest order of all it should be gathered to fewer in the next rank; and so on to fewer still; till, after the Divine examplar, it were centred in one. Whereby, as man is the perfection and Epitome of all other creatures, and as Adam contained all men, so should he, or some other, if our fall had not crossed, have stood as the more worthy for receipt of Divine favour in himself, and distribution of it to others; with no small advantage to the whole race; even as now we find it come to pass by that fountain of mercy, but in a far higher degree, since the dignifying of our nature by that one person of our Saviour; and so, by him, having access, we come to be capable of those benefits which without him could not be expected.  
In which respect we may find him so often expressing himself under the notion of the Son of man: even as one who having taken on him the Semen, or original element of our kind, should, to our undoubted comfort, thereby make the whole race capable of dignity and bliss also. And this, not only in respect of our future condition, as Jesus; being that fundamental Corn of wheat by whose Resurrection and exaltation the several Individual grains of mankind should be drawn unto him, 
John 12.24.32  but also, in respect of many temporal advantages arising to us here, as Christ and King.  
In order to the receipt of which temporal advantages, Christ himself having in the several parts of his Church his particular deputed Christ's (by means of them and their representing of him amongst us) it comes to pass, that each particular man is again made capable of the benefit of Divine protection: at least so far as concerns society and government, as shall be more fully declared in the next book.  
And therefore we may observe, that when God appears in kindness it is to one at once; and that he never makes a general manifestation of himself but in judgement and terror, as to those stubborn Israelites; who thereupon said Let God speak no more to us lest we die: Meaning that they would have some worthy and eminent person, like Moses, to bear their person and represent them to Godward. The which people again, although, as they were then Gods peculiar Church and people, and had all other nations blessed or punished, as they were to them benign or averse, yet was that very love and favour God cast towards them, both at first placed, and afterwards continued, from that more eminent love and favour settled in their first father and original: In such sort, that, after their rejection of their and our Saviour, a remnant according to the election of grace, should come still to be beloved for the Father's sakes, 
Rom. 11.28.  by that God who out of particular kindness had once styled himself the God of Abraham. And so we shall again find favours and blessings promised them, even for his servant David's sake: the King and representer of that Church and people. From all which it will be evident that subordination in power is from God: and for the good of the people it is that one is by his providence thus set over them: who should as their Representative stand for them to Godward. 
Exod. 18.19.   
But to come nearer, to show what that power or liberty is which is requisite or proper in political constitutions, we must consider each man as having an appetite and end to follow. But then, inasmuch as before showed, in the attaining and pursuit of these our ends we did often cross and interfere one upon another, it was necessary that Laws and Rules of Government should be settled to accommodate our actions to Peace and Agreement. For the same Liberty we might before justly claim as men, and due to us by Nature, we cannot now expect as Subjects linked in politic Societies: because as I then acted for myself only, I needed no prohibitions from evil, or invitations to good; but now, common concern makes Liberty suspensible to common approbation. And because this first natural Liberty was by our fall forfeited, and would, (if by our corrupted wills put in full use) prove our destruction, it was necessary the same should by his power and Laws (and such as he should therewith intrust for Society and Government sake) be so far restrained, as the mutual good and peace of the whole should be advanced; and not the wanton affected Liberty of any part of the State or Kingdom, in prejudice thereof regarded.  
And therefore, the true Liberty of Subjects will appear to be in the removal of all external impediments which cross his desires, without regard of more public utility. And the two extremes thereof are first Slavery: when this Liberty of the Subject is not regarded at all as to his, but to the Ruler's benefit: and then licentiousness, which, without respect of peace and Government, or the good of others, reacheth at all things without control.  
We may call it a desire of freedom from external impediments: external (I say) because inwardly I cannot be divided against myself. And though the Affections and Reason may have temporary disputes, yet when the Will puts forth to the attaining any object, the impediment that hinders my obtaining it must be without myself: and I can lay no complaint or reparation elsewhere. Wherefore this desire being external, and of a thing in the power and possession of another (for if it were in my own I should not deny myself, or had reason to complain) it will follow, that this obtaining Liberty in me to acquire, will be the loss of Liberty in him that is dispossessed. For if our desires are (as indeed usually they are) most heightened and fixed to those things which are most rare and scarce in their kind, and such as through the common endeavour of others have obtained price and estimation, will it not come to pass that my liberty to get from him what is already in his possession or expectation, will prove as great a loss of freedom to him, as it is gain to me?  
So that then, Liberty as it is usually endeavoured and sought, is but the acquisition of power to act or obtain something we have a mind unto, which is now in the possession or power of another. If then I, laying claim to my natural liberty, and forsaking the determination of my rightful superior, will proceed to execution of mine own desires without considering those of others what can follow but confusion? For all men having in Nature equal desires and claim, why should mine prevail in mine own case, so far, as, without leave, to inflict on another what I did before complain of as a grievance towards myself?  
For instance, when fault is found with the yoke of Government in Church or State, as oppressing the liberty of Conscience or person of the Subjects wrongfully, and men, in order thereunto, seek to dispossess the present executioners, as abusing their power, and to settle it on themselves or such as they have most interest in, or confidence of (which must necessarily and doth always follow) what is this to the advancement of liberty of Subjects in general, or beyond their own particular party? and is to shift, but not to ease the Yoke. What is this but for parties to take upon them to be Judges: and for one part of the Subjects, renouncing the sentence of judgement and determination that was before held as public and indifferent to all parties, now to usurp power over their fellows and equals?  
If they plead it is not another Government they seek, but say," There aught to be no restraint in such and such things at all: do they not hereby seek to introduce that liberty of Anarchy, and overthrow all possibility of Peace and Agreement? For since strife and competition can never happen but about such things as are desired by others as well as themselves; if then, in this prosecution of these desires on both sides, the common rule of determination be not observed as indifferent, must not one party fall out to be judge over the other? Whereupon, as that one party may, in the conquest, call themselves free, so may the other, being subjected and overcome, call themselves slaves.  
From all which we may gather the usual mistake in application of this notion of Liberty, as proper to the governed; when it is proper to the governor only. For to say the Liberty of a Subject is none other than a contradiction: for wherein he is a Subject, he is not at liberty; and wherein any is at liberty, he is not a Subject. But because no government can be so extensive, as not to remit some things to the choice of the Subject, he may still justly be called a Subject, even in what he is for the present free: because having been therein restrainable by his superior, his freedom and power to act therein by his own Will proceeded from the freedom and power of the other and is thereupon originally and truly the governors power and freedom, and not the others.  
For since, to the stating of government, an explicit act or execution is not always required, but a true stating the Corelates of governing and governed (whereby the Governor may act as he shall see occasion) it will follow that freedom in the Subject or Patient, will in order to polity, depend on the freedom of the Governor and Agent: and that as these are more or less obnoxious, so will the governed be more or less free. For as the brain could not impart sense to its own Membrances and Nerves if it were in its own substance in any sort patible, and affected by impression of objects that way subjected unto it, nor could the eye judge of colours if the Crystalline humour stood any ways particularly tainted, even so the freedom of Subjects can be but proportionable to that of the person whom they serve: both in order to the singleness and worth of the Commanders, (considered in themselves) and also in regard of the paucity of precepts from them proceeding. Hence as God can be only perfectly free, as being alone and only in all kinds and degrees unsubjected, so can his service be only perfect freedom. Not that service and obedience (as such) can be freedom: but the singleness and high worth of the Commander, must make the commanded to be comparatively free to all others, even in the execution of the command itself. And so will the abatement of number in the persons commanding do the like, even until it comes to Unity or Monarchy: so as to make the benefit and good of commanding and commanded, to be reciprocal. For considering the commanded as a voluntary Agent, and so having an end proper to follow (and not to be governed like the mere passive instrument) the known good intention and power of the commander will be always so ready a stop to his reluctance, that the performance of the Governors will shall be the same with his own: as knowing his good to be in all things respected.  
As these considerations will make the freedom of such as are Subjects to the Monarch only, to be greater than the freedom of servants: because the Prince hath none but God to obey; whereas the Master hath the Prince, and Magistrates also: so again, will he be more free than the Subjects in Polarchies: who have so many above them, that they can, by their equality, neither have any eminence of freedom or honour amongst themselves, so as to give it to their subjects; nor can have such true reciprocal concern in their subjects good, as upon the like assurance of their sincerity, to make the obedience to their commands the continual object of their Wills, as the Prince may, for that cause, do. And also because, in obeying him, they do, upon the matter, obey God only; who hath so commanded: and so arrive at a state of perfect freedom: that is to say the highest degree of freedom which humane subjection can admit. For liberty (as before noted) cannot consist in bare freedom to will, for then all would have it alike, but in liberty to act which must imply power: and that the party having it, must, as an Agent and Superior, have others again relating to him, as Patients and Inferiors.  
So that, degrees of subjection being necessary, men then only come to think they have lost their liberty when they forget that necessary and sure token of duty and obedience, to wit humility: and, proudly overlooking their equals or inferiors, would still retain that freedom and power they have over those beneath, and be also freed from those above him. Thus an insulting Peer, or proud Wife, if restrained by their Prince or husband, from taking their full liberty, calls their subjection slavery: and do repine and complain thereof (usually) oftener, than the meaner and inferior Subjects, or Servants.  
Therefore, we may say that slavery is thirst of Liberty: and is not proportioned to the measure of Liberty wanting, but to what is desired. And, enjoyment of Liberty being in regard of the Will, he that cheerfully obeys twenty commands is freer than he that stomaches any one. And therefore, contentedness can never truly be termed slavery.  
But they that seem to speak most against extreme servitude, say that it wholly abates the courages of men: so that they become unuseful for defence of their Country. A man might answer, that when all Kingdoms should have due subjection, all being valiant alike, none would be cowards. For valour is not proper to Subjects, as Subjects; or to be exercised without leave by one man against another. And if rebellion and stubbornness can only make valiant, what if we wanted it?  
But if it be necessary to be used against such, than it is true that meaner and base people are not (on the sudden) so fit for martial affairs as others. But this happens rather for want of education and discourse, whereby to know and apprehend sense of honour and shame. For (doubtless) they have their lives in as little esteem as the other; and should usually dare do more, as less apprehensive of danger. And wise men (as wise) must be fearful: and therefore (usually) is the Commander better armed then the common man. But the mean bred man is most subject to run, because not so apprehensive of the shame. And, if cowardliness follow subjection, than the very discipline of soldiery should amate men most; for that it calls for strict obedience and duty; and under such terms of rigour and severity, that nothing but necessity can make the meanest subject undertake it.  
The truth is, though men of servile condition be at first unswayed by honour (the cause of valour) and also for a while (through ignorance) causelessly scared, as apprehending battles above their true danger, yet experience every day tells us that of these are made good, if not the best, soldiers; at least for foot: for as sense of honour and encouragement increase with them, so will valour also. Again, they coming from an inferior tank and state of former obedience, are more hardened against affliction then the other: and are beyond them also in discipline and obedience, the main supporters of an Army. And, however an Army of volunteers may, through sudden heat, avail in some present enterprise, yet an Army can never continue and long subsist of such kind of soldiers only.  
But let us suppose valour to follow degrees of honour, and that the Yeoman hath more than the Peasant, the Gentleman more than the Yeoman, the Knight, the Lord, the Earl, Marquess, Duke, each above other; what way shall be now taken to increase the prowess and strength of a Nation? shall we enlarge the number of Nobility or Gentry, by taking in and enfranchising those below them, to increase soldiery? how shall they then be free, when they come by this means to be the meanest and most servile themselves? Shall we place between the Gentry and Peasantry, a middle degree of Yeomanry, to make the body of an Army of; and so refuse the Peasant? Each Country hath its own rules herein. But it is generally to be known, that places of command have voluntaries enough: but Soldiers, as to the Bulk of them, are first made from necessitous persons, and then perfected by Discipline.  
But to come to an issue, Freedom and Rebellion, Tyranny and Slavery, are terms of relation; and are the one, or the other, as they exceed their due limits. The Master of the Family, that exceeds in his power beyond the law of God, Nature, and his Prince, is a Tyrant; and his servants slaves: and so is the Prince that rules beyond the Law of God and Nature. And the Prince, or Master, that is straightened from rules or Power below them, are Slaves also. And again, as the Servants or Subjects that resist against such as are lawfully above them are Rebels; so, when their submission is no farther, they are free: be their service as servile as it will. For the terms of slavery and tyranny express most usually the party's hatred or anger against such or such persons or authorities: and not the truths of the things themselves.  
But, if things be rightly understood and considered, sociable Freedom, or the true liberty of Subjects cannot be separated from subjection and obedience. In which condition he is more or less Free, as his Prince or Commander is more or less powerful. And this, because all Laws of restraint having in their intention and aim the hindrance of the actings of some few Subjects that would else likely break forth to the prejudice of the liberty and free enjoyment of others, it will follow, that as Laws are more or less enforced and kept up, and as Princes are more or less obeyed, their Subjects will generally be more or less free: that is, unrestrained in their enjoyments. As for example, if the Laws against Murder and Theft, (with all their subordinate attendants to the disturbance of Subject's safeties or properties) be more or less particularly and severely made and executed, so will their liberties living under them, be truly more or less stated also: being thereby rid of the Tyranny of one another, which is ever most, where the persons are more.  
So that their mistake is now evident, that are so ready to teach Subjects to call out for possession of that, which, as they are Subjects, is no ways proper unto them: inasmuch as liberty supposeth power, and not subjection. For as none can govern another wherein himself is not free, so, to suppose any one free, is to suppose him a Governor: for so potentially he is: wanting only a relative object of subjection to bring this power into act. At which time he that stood before as a free man (separately considered), is now a Governor; in relation to this his object of subjection. And the servant or subject can be no otherwise free, then as left so by their superior: even as the Prince is no otherwise free, then as left so by God. For as power to act, whether naturally, or civility, came from him, so are we by such superiors restrainable as by just derivation of power from him are to this end set over us. In which case (as before noted) our obedience is truly our liberty: as being but subject to God, and in pursuance of our own good, the object and end of liberty. And so we shall, whilst complying with the end of the Prince (the good of his subjects) pursue therein our own good also.  
In which consideration, it will far with the Prince, in those restraints he lays on his subjects for their good (by maintenance of public Peace and Society) as it doth with Parents in those tasks and restraints they impose on their children, for their better education and benefit hereafter: to wit, that, as children, if left at liberty to be continually spending their time in play and sports, according to their present desires, would inconsiderately make their liberty their ruin, even so, subjects also, if the Prince, in a fatherly care toward them, should not restrain them of such liberty to act on one another as might engage them in civil broils, his indulgence would be their destruction. And as all men do confess, that such Parents as do use those restraints do best perform their offices towards their children, even so must it be acknowledged of Princes: however it may, and doth usually fall out, that, as such Parents are by the children themselves esteemed unnatural and severe, even so, such Princes, by heady and licentious Subjects, are many times reckoned as Tyrants: of which we shall next discourse.   

CHAP. V. Of Tyranny.  
IN great alterations, especially of Government, we are not to expect that the Authors should give other then fair titles to what they themselves do, and as bad to the contrary. Thus the Athenians, after Codrus, would have no more Kings, because he was so good: and the Romans, imitating them in fondness of liberty, would after Tarquin have no more neither, because he was so bad. But the truth is, they were both of them people of impetuous spirits; as their neighbours, as well as their Kings might witness.  
But, from the Greeks we have the name of Tyrant; importing primarily a Lord or absolute Commander; and of no farther ill. For they were wont to give this name, even to lawful Kings; if they thought them more Lordly and absolute in their Government then they approved of: but generally to all Kings after their rejection amongst themselves: the more to disgrace that form themselves had cast off.  
After whom, by way of imitation, the Romans hated the names of King and Dictator both, upon Tarqvinius and Silla's expulsions. For the ambitious heads in both places, so exasperated things in the people's memories, that, through personal failings, the very Offices and their Titles came to be held odious; as importing oppression and cruelty. But as (hereupon) their dislike of that kind of Government made them so hasty to fasten this Title to all Princes, so that very use of commonness took away at last from the opprobriousness of the Title: insomuch as, coming in the end to signify (as at first) but an absolute and severe Prince, or else one that through force or polity had gotten the Sovereignty, it came to pass that thereupon, the Princes themselves to whom it was given, answered thereto; as not reckoning it derogatory. For so Plato directs his Epistle, To Dionysius the Tyrant: and he answers, Dionysius the Tyrant to Plato health. And by this name were Ptittacus and Periander, both Sages of Greece called. But process of time hath made that word to be now constantly taken in a much worse sense: as it doth another word also from them received, namely Barbarian. Which name, by them formerly given to all not of their own Nation, and then, by reason of their greater learning and civility, having more esteem than their neighbours, in time it came also to signify, not only such as were not Greeks, but such as were rude and uncivilized also: be they of what Nation they would. Even as the Jew, calling all Gentile but his own Nation, and other Nations being at that time idolaters, Gentile and Idolater came to signify the same thing.  
But to return to our enquiry; If the name of Tyrant be due to such as enter without the express election or consent of the major part of the universal people, than was there never any but Tyrants: for no such election ever was had, or could be. If to such as come by the ordinary way of Providence, namely by power of the sword, what shall we think of the Caesar's, with many other famous Emperors of Rome: and of Philip, Alexander, and others over Greece, and other nations; that by conquest and force of the soldiers were holpen to their sovereignties; and so the major part of the people not freely consenting: and yet have been in Histories famous without such imputation?  
They that say conquest may give title indeed, but that it is consent only that gives right: If by consent they mean the major part of the whole multitude freely and expressly voting, they will (as formerly said) never find any so elected: but if by consent they mean non-opposition of his power and command, and so think that possession (as right of prescription in other things) should give him herein right also, they must then find out some reason to show, why, since the force by which he entered is the same with that by which he rules, the facts he did in his entrance should be more unlawful than those he doth afterwards: and the subject (if other circumstances alter it not) not bound to obedience as well then as now. For fear prevails at both times; and it may be in the last time more; as having all the Militia in his power. Unless we shall think that the Prince, in compliance to this opinion shall, in complimental imprudence, resign all his Majesty and power; and, laying aside all that God and his own prowess had already bestowed, put himself (as a man of no greater right than others) to the suffrages of those his Subjects whom he hath hitherto so much offended by forceable intrusion and Government, whether he shall continue their King or no.  
But it may be by some replied, that If he continue his absoluteness, the people (as exasperated) may endanger him by some violent attempt. True indeed; but then this is most probable to grow from his remissness: for, against him they fear least (as most unlike to punish them) and against the mildest Princes people rebel most. And therefore, for farther security, Princes use to impose Oaths of Allegiance on such they fear: that where his own terror cannot prevail, Gods may.  
But, to come nearer the present business; he that by any means makes himself a Sovereign against the right of another is an usurper: and if he, or a lawful Prince, shall, through flattery, covetousness, or revenge, have respect only to himself or some of his own favourites, without equal justice to all, according to the Laws of God, Nature, and his Conscience, he is so far a Tyrant as he shall then press it forcibly to the overthrow of another's Liberty or Property. For, in so doing, he ceaseth to act in the capacity of a public person: and, taking on him the affections incident to a private man, he doth thereupon become tyrannical and unjust.  
Nay more, if he, for favour or fear of the seeming whole people or any party thereof, shall, against known Equity or his Conscience, put to death any one of his Subjects, upon no other consideration but in compliance to them, or shall not protect him to the hazard of his life or estate, in case of oppression, he is a murderer to boot: upon the same ground that Pilate was; who by washing of his hands, could not clear his fault of deserting the innocent. And of this kind of Tyranny, soft and weak Princes can hardly be free. For they are ever overruled by separate orders or persons of their Subjects: who must, in their prosecutions, have partial designs. For these Princes, being by their unactive spirits, kept from knowledge of the true state and dangers of things, the threats and power of such as they are most obnoxious unto prevail with them to believe their private ends, dangers, and wrongs to be his: and thereupon, is his Authority made to become tyrannical; by execution of these men's interest and revenge upon their fellow Subjects.  
But they that are so ready to accuse and cry out against the severe Governments of Princes as tyrannies (because by degrees themselves would be lawless) may consider that Princes can never tyrannize, that is, seek to destroy or severely punish their subjects, as subjects; but as under the notion of their rebels; and such that will not be subjects, he always doth, and may punish. They are to consider, that tyranny can never proceed from a Prince of the same Religion to any height, where stubbornness did not precede as a cause: and which humility might not extinguish, or abate. For as it is not tyranny when a Prince, subjecting a foreign people that war with him, punisheth them, or useth them with severity; no more is it when done against such of his own people as disobey or resist. For they, in that case, taking the event upon their own hazard, have their punishment as enemies, and not as subjects: which may be cruelty, but cannot be Tyranny. For that must only be the unjust and excessive infliction of a power submitted unto; and not from the degrees of triumph or possession made by a victor.  
And those reports of such as Nero To wish all Rome one neck, that it might be cut off at a blow, do become his murderers to tell, more than us to believe. For I cannot see how a rational man (which none denied him to be) should, at the same time he aims at Empire and Dominion, wish or plot the lessening of it. And, from hence, most evident it is, that Tyranny is (as before noted) but the usual term of political railing; used by such as aim at total insubjection: for otherwise, they would have better agreed in stating of Tyranny, and its marks and degrees, so as Princes might have known and avoided it.  
If usually Government itself (at least such wherein themselves were not chief) were not the intended extreme they meant to abolish under the odium of Tyranny, I would fain know why we have not found out as odious a name to express the other extreme by; that is, the excess of Prince's rewards and favours, as well as that of Tyranny to express their punishments? Being only, because that no man is afraid of being too much rewarded, but rather would have that extreme pass as a virtue, that it may always be run into by Princes. And upon this reason again, in the severe carriage of the Master of the Family, we use no such expression of Tyranny, because it might come about to ourselves: and yet is the Father and Husband, more subject to contract irreconcilable displeasure against Wife and Children, than the Prince against his subjects. For he may suspect his Wife's honesty, and his children's extraction; which by no action, compliance, or submission of theirs can be avoided. But the Subject cannot but be beloved in that relation of a Subject: and always in his power it is, to make himself known to be such an one.  
And if severity in punishment must make Princes to be Tyrants, who can judge of that, or its excess, or just measure, but he must thereupon be above the Prince? And will not all Government be more or less Tyranny; because there is always more or less severity? If Tyranny be when the Laws of God and Nature are transgressed (as is sometimes defined) we are still to seek how to be bettered by this information: for who shall judge of that above the Prince also, so far as to condemn him of the breach of any positive Law of God; since he is, as chief Magistrate under God, to have their custody and interpretation; or of any injustice in Government, which, as his trust, can be tried only by his Conscience? But this definition will inform us that Tyranny is so far from proceeding from power, that it is always in the want thereof. For Princes are accounted Tyrants as they stand Subjects; that is, to the laws of God or Nature. Whence we may infer, That Tyranny is the act of Oppression forceably committed by one Subject upon another.  
For so was the taking Naboths Vineyard tyranny: not solely because Ahab had private respect therein, but because he proceeded according to sentence of authority derived from himself, in a particular wherein God had not referred any jurisdiction unto him; but wherein they stood both equally subject. For that God having, by express command from himself, (during the time that state was in a Theocracy) forbidden the alienation of inheritances, and the People being yet bound severally to look to the external obedience of these Laws as they were set down by Moses, Naboth might well make that answer he did, 
1 Kings 21.3.  God forbid I should give the Inheritance of my Fathers unto thee. Importing, that because God had expressly forbid it me, (to whom I am in the first place to be subject) therefore I cannot alienate or give it unto thee. And that this reply was more grounded on fear of displeasing God, than sense of injury to himself, may be also concluded by the reasonableness of Ahabs offer unto him; namely, of Money or exchange above the worth. But because, in the Jewish State, (although Kings were eminently entrusted,) the literal observation of the Law was still universally obliging, and to be obeyed by each one in particular, in order to the outward way of regiment God then exercised: therefore could not any King therein, by his command, free them from guilt in such external performances as their conscience told them were against Divine precept. Therefore, in these cases, the Jewish subject had his only way to avoid rebellion on one hand or other, by being subject to both: namely, by being actively subject to all God's commands, and passively to such as the Prince commanded contrary: as formerly noted.  
But although the usual acceptation of the term of Tyranny is in acts of high severity, yet, for mine own part, I believe whilst the Prince, in his Government or punishments, is guided with public consideration, he can never deserve the name of Tyrant. For even that indiscretion which sudden passion may cause him in any thing to commit, must (at least) be excused by the goodness of his intention. But then, Princes hearts being inscrutable, who shall judge his intentions? Not Subjects certainly. For, besides that it is against their duty, it is unreasonable, as being parties. And, although an other subject (than the present sufferer) do judge, yet is he a party by consequent too: because he will presently be applying it, The case may be mine own. And this self-consideration works with all Subjects in general to cry out upon all strictness in Government, as Tyranny. But however, all men must confess that the punished cannot judge over the punisher; that is, of the measure of the execution of his lawful Office.  
And as for the name of Tyrant, me thinks Christians should rather imitate that modesty used by the Penmen of God's Word, in not using it all, amids the Stories of so many that deserved it, than now to impute to Christian Kings, so commonly, the Heathen phrases of such as never knew the precept, Thou shalt not revile the Gods, nor curse the Ruler of thy people. 
Exod. 22.28.  And that (especially) because it is so hard a thing to say what actions are tyrannical, and how many of them must amount to make that name justifiable to any person: for one cannot do it, no more than the doing one just deed can make any be called a just man.   

CHAP. VI Of Slavery.  
AMongst other devices men have for the decrying the reputations of such as oppose them in their ambitious designs, the chief is to render them odious by fastening to them the name, and therewith the guilt and scorn of that extreme unto which they seem more near than themselves: not regarding herein whether it be a truth or no. So, (for example amongst other things) they that would make their intended innovations please and take with the people (who are ever listening to all offers of liberty) were wont to call all government differing from their own Tyranny, and all people so governed Slaves.  
The word (as report goeth) cometh unto us from that extreme drudgery & servile usage which the Venetians put the Slavi or Slavonii unto, after they had subdued them: and from thence, all base and Arbitrary servitude comes to be called Slavery. But antiquity, and the best Commonwealths and men in them, have, by use, made this subjection lawful: and the word Family takes its name from Famulus, as having slaves the greatest part of its composure. Strict slavery we may call a degree of servitude; wherein the Life, Liberty, and Property of a man, hath no assurance or redress beyond the will of the Lord: for he is owned by him in so high a degree of propriety, that the Commonwealth with her Laws, seems not to regard or protect him as a member. Whereas the Citizen, or him we call a free Subject, claims a right or assurance in all these, by the common Rule or Law of his Country: and hath power of appeal in case of injustice.  
But then again, these Citizens stand in all things as liable to the dispose of the Law, and him or those that have the Sovereign interpretation and execution thereof, as the other doth to the dispose of his private Lord: so that, when it shall be hereby interpreted that the Life, Liberty, or Property of any one is forfeited, there is no remedy, more than to the Slave. Nay, the Lord, in respect of his more assurance of his Slave's obedience, can never look on him as an enemy: and in regard (again) of his more particular benefit by the life and health of his slave, he seems likely to take more care hereof, than the public Lord or Sovereign; who, in regard of his more common and more multiplied relations, holds (it is likely) each particular not of so great loss and concern. And therefore (comparing their numbers) more Subjects than Slaves have violent deaths: not only as soldiers and luxurious, but as criminals. Forasmuch as slavery, wanting hope of farther Property or Liberty then shall stand with his Lords liking, wants also the two usual spurs to rebellion against his Lord, as the other hath against his Prince. And the veriest slave cannot be so wholly deprived of his Will and things delightful, but sometimes to have them: in which case, absence may, like abstinence in diet, make his relish more delightful: whereas the Subjects' possessions, usually causing covetousness of more, makes him undelightful with what he hath. And then, since in all strong and eager covet, what is passed is forgotten, and the anxious care for enjoyment of what is sought, growing to be more to him that seeks more than to him that seeks less, the slave that, for reward of some past labour, hath a tester given him to drink or buy what he likes, is (no doubt) better rewarded and comforted, then where gain is only for propriety sake: and to the owner accrues nothing, but the beholding it with his eyes.  
And the true use of Property the slave cannot want: that is, meat and drink, and things necessary. Nor is he equally afraid to lose them with the Citizen. For, whilst his Lord hath it, he must, for his own sake, help him too: but if his Lord be attainted, or suddenly or wholly despoiled, he is free, and may go to another: but the Citizen failing, ruins himself, and usually his Family. But then, it may be said the subjects Trade, by which he lives, consists not of so base Offices as the slaves doth. And yet, there is nothing done by slaves, how base soever, but is done by freemen (as they call them) where they are not: and since these can be hired with money, I see not but Obedience and Duty should make the deed as commendable.  
And then, as the Subject may appeal from any injuring him to the Prince, so may the slave from any of the Family to his Lord: and as he is then remediless, so is the other. And the slave hath this advantage, that his duty is more easily managed then the other; as it is easier to follow plain verbal directions, then intricate Laws: especially when another must interpret them.  
To conclude, as the only difference between the Lord of a Family and the Lordly Monarch is not in power to command, but in multitude of the commanded; so it will happen, that through impossibility of personal inspection, the Subject avoids the continual eye of his Prince, and thereby he is like one that hath his copy set, that may manage his duty more as he pleaseth: yet the slave, that hath, by continual reproof and direction his hand guided, is more sure to do his work better, and so avoid blame likelier than the other: in whom, liberty may cause pride, and pride contempt, and contempt punishment.  
And therefore, we are not to wonder that many have voluntarily gone into slavery: and that some, after experience, and being now free, have (by suffering their ears to be boared) chosen it for perpetuity. For certain it is, that the condition of the one is more settled then the other: and that very degree of liberty the subject hath above him resolves to this, that the slave must do his duty presently, where the other may fail, and be punished. Nay, in present possession the slave seems more happy; because more contented. For since some liberty must sometimes come to the slave, who expects little, and some restraint (incident to all Government) must come to the Subject, who is still gaping after more freedom; the one must be more content in the little he enjoys, than the other in that great measure he vainly expects.  
But having spoken all this to take down the prejudice of such as (not knowing what slavery is) are ready to fasten it on all such as have not (as they believe) equal freedom to themselves, we shall therefore now, determine a slave to be him That is in all things at the arbitrary dispose of a Subject, and so out of common protection. For if any be enthralled to the Prince, I see not but that, as his appeal and protection is equal, his condition of freedom should be so also. As in Families, the life of Wife and Children have sometimes been at the same persons dispose, to wit, to the head of the Family, as well as the slave. And therefore as we see there is difference in the Sovereignty of Princes, one in the comparison of another, so is there in degrees of servitude, of one Princes subjects from another's, and of the same subjects amongst themselves. And if all be slaves where absolute rule is, then are the subjects in Aristocracies and Democracies all slaves: with this aggravation, that, in regard of their many Lords, it is hard to escape either task or punishment.  
But I look on slavery as having its foundation in Reason: where the stronger and Conqueror, having power to kill, saves for his own farther service: hereby obliging the other, by way of gratitude, to obedience. But (in after policies especially) it was scarce practised on fellow subjects or natives; but usually on such as were spared in wars: and so David and Solomon served many they took. Whither this kind of servitude may be fit to be continued for to save some sorts of condemned men's lives, and make them profitable to the Commonwealth, we will not now dispute: only, we wish the fault of giving this title where it is not due were left off. For if it must follow Arbitrary Government, than (as before said) all Republikes have it: unless you will esteem it an case, that some of the people may rule by turns: by which means, as by a kind of revenge, their discontent will abate.  
And the truth is, in Aristocracies and Democracies (such as those of Greece Carthage, Rome, etc.) slavery is most usual, and most severely exacted. For there, as each one comes to esteem himself a King, having none above him, and yet comes to have so little share of Sovereignty, having it divided amongst so many, it will come more severely to be managed over few; for power is an active quality. But Kings, that have many at their command, cannot be so severe, nor the burden of one so heavy that is born by many shoulders, as where the same is by fewer persons more distinctly born. Again, subjects in Monarchies are by Laws of superiors in their household authorities stinted, and seldom is any vassalage great in degree, but where an appeal lies not in case of misusage. For in Republikes, where a Faction and number of persons by conspiracy and agreement come to rule over others, each one hath his interest in the case: and the servant must look to be more a slave then elsewhere. For as slavery is the lowest degree of servitude, so is it incident to the lowest degree of Commanders: and the subject in a Republic differs in freedom from the Subject of a Monarch, as a King doth in power or honour from that of a Burgomaster. Therefore, if I had only respected recrimination, and not truth, I needed not to have made any Apology for slavery: but have turned it, with its odium, upon its true Authors, the Polarches themselves. But that which these people would have be considered and meant by slavery, is not that servitude they impose themselves on their Subjects, but what is by Princes imposed on theirs: that so, under the noise of slavery, they might cause all Monarch's subjects to become indeed slaves to themselves.  
But, farther to answer them that will make arbitrary power such an odious thing, and yet grant it to so many; that will make Government depend on Paction and consent, and yet use force therein themselves; let us a little examine their Justice by these Rules. Suppose those that call themselves the people be (as in Athens and Rome have been enroled) usually not the tenth part so many, as the number of Tradesmen, Artificers, freed men, and slaves come too within their own City, besides other Cities and people they ruled over (which it may be in all made more than a hundred to one) how come these fewer number to rule over the other, and to make Laws to bind them thus arbitrarily without their consents? where are the Pactions they can show to warrant their so doing? what, are these the whole people, and yet not the tenth part of them? how com●s this name of people to be appropriate to so few, and to impart Sovereignty? Did the major part of subjects grant it? No sure. Do they claim Dominion over their slaves as taken in war? Then they make right of Conquest lawful Dominion. And when they appoint their measure of servitude, and time for continuance, is not this arbitrary? What are these many, and variable Laws for shutting out, and taking into freedom, and the several degrees thereof but Arbitrary Government? How comes mankind into this thraldom of one another? Nay how comes it that whole Nations are to be subject to this arbitrary disposal of the prevailing people of another City? Was it their fault their Prince fought against them? It may be they were not in the battle: if they were, what must they be punished for being overcome? If fight, or not fight, or well, or ill fight be the same, is not their enslaving arbitrary?  
And hereupon, we shall find that Republikes are ever most greedy of Empire, and do make greatest use of conquest for the subjection of the liberties of Nations and other Cities: they having so many to share in the spoils. And if we shall agree to their usual definition of freedom, calling him only a Citizen and free that hath a share and voice in the Government, than all under their obeisance must be reckoned slaves, as indeed they are: the exclusion of Tradesmen, in some Commonweals, the different admission of freed men, and different years of emancipation and admission of children to be Citizens, shows all their rule to be arbitrary, and not depending on their pretended Paction or consent.  
Nor is the little finger of these Polarchies heavier than the loins of Kings in point of Liberty only, but in Property also: the public Levies and Taxes being always rateably more in them, then in Monarchies that are of like extent for Territorie or number of Subjects. The which must so come to pass, because they can never subsist without Armies: both to force their own vassals to obedience, and also to keep the major part of the whole commonalty and people from having power and opportunity to set up some more eminent person in trust and charge with the Commonwealth in their stead.  
And, to conclude, as we defined the Liberty of a Subject to be when he shall be suffered to enjoy his own delight and good so far as public utility is not crossed, to slavery is hereof to be deprived without the same regard: but in neither case, is the reason and measure left to the parties own judgement, but to that which is public and common.   

CHAP. VII. Of Property.  
WE have formerly discoursed how pleasure is the end of all sensi●ives, and that, as man had the most variety of perfection herein, so stood his obligation of gratitude and praise higher than of other creatures. And this is not only remarkable, in that every thing one way or other is made delightful, but then farther, because the stock of nature (in many kinds) is not of itself sufficient, and because again, the covetous appetites of others will not many times let things extend to general satisfaction, therefore, to preserve our contents, and thereby invite us to thankfulness, we may observe that each one hath his pleasure and delight affixed to what he possesseth: even so, that, be it of what kind it will, the possessions of others, in the same, or other kind, passeth with less repining. For as the food we eat, be it never so unlike the body itself, or never so differing from other sorts, doth yet, by long retention and the divers concoctions and passages of the body, attain at last to a perfect degree of assimulation; even so our sense, through daily presence of our own particular enjoyments, doth at last imprint them unto the fancy with such steady delight, that they come to be valued in a kind of Identity, or second self.  
Answerable hereunto, both in end and effect, is that property of properties; or that property that usually provokes us to seek all others, namely that great love of parents towards their children: which, as a thing of greatest use for preservation of mankind, and esteemed of great concern to parents, comes to stick so close to our affections out of no other consideration. Insomuch as, in all creatures, this affection prevails as acquired to its particular object, and not out of any innate sympathy in nature. And therefore another youngling, of the same or divers kind, if the dam be ignorant of the change, obtains as great love as the true would do: So that Hens (we see) and other fowl will hatch and bring up fowl of other and different sorts to their own: and all, because in eggs they were not easily distinguishable: whereas, after they have taken full notice of their own, a remarkable stranger shall not be admitted. So, in other beasts, before their sense have had time to take notice of the shape or smell of their brood, part of, or all their litter may be changed: especially for others of the same kind, where there is no disparity of size, or years. As for men, mark such as have their wives in suspicion; how they will pick and choose among their children, not as any other affection, but as conceit of propriety shall lead them. And again, such as have just cause to suspect, but yet are not at all jealous (under this conceit of propriety) either love all alike, or distinguish not by any revealing sympathy. Nay, what mother, at the same time of her delivery, might not be cozened with a change; as also, while children are at nurse? Their best security being, that this affectionate esteem of propriety makes the poorest parent of all even loath to yield thereunto.  
And although our particular goods and estates, as being reckoned not of so great concern, nor being so long or often in our sight, comes to have a less regard: Yet an especial indulgence we may observe cast towards them: in such sort, that the true fountain from whom they flow comes many times to be forgotten. For so full of pride and vainglory are all sorts of men by nature, and so heavy a burden doth the due return of received benefits seem to our ungrateful dispositions, that rather than any diminution of content (through the acknowledgement of such receipt) shall lie upon us, we are ready by all inventions we can make, to shift off the plain confession of any dependence whatsoever. And because It is a more blessed thing to give then to receive, we would in nothing, or at least in due measure, 
Act. 20.35.  acknowledge ourselves receivers.  
The prevailence of this humour appears in all those goods and 〈◊〉 which by the bounty of God, the earth and other elements and creature 〈◊〉 so plentifully afford us: For, how ready are we herein to find out a 〈◊〉 relinquish and forget our common dependence and obligation, and to impale and impropriate to ourselves set portions of them, answerable to our desires? From which, as from a stock now our own, our wants being supplied, our acknowledgement and gratitude comes many times to be forgotten. And this is not only practised by mankind in general against the common right of other creatures (as accounting himself sole Master and Proprietor of nature's common revenue) but also by Kingdoms, Societies, and particular persons, to the detriment of one another.  
To meet with this inconvenience, many things are by our Allseeing God in his law enjoined; in acknowledgement of his original and Paramount propriety: for so comes a seventh of our time, a tenth of our substance, the first of our fruits, liquors, cattle, nay of our own sons to be his: to keep us in remembrance that we have not in ourselves any unconditionate propriety, not so much as over our own persons. And, to show that these things are of common interest (as between men, so) between men and beasts, every seventh year the land is to rest and lie still: That the poor may eat, and what they leave the beasts of the field may eat. 
Exod. 23.11.  And this consideration is expressly set to the letting the land lie fallow in the year of Jubilee; 
Leu. 25.4, 5, &c Verse 23.  namely that the land is Gods: and so, they being but Stewards or Tenants, no humane right of prescription can prevail against his original right. And, in a word, to keep his right and our gratitude in continual memory, were all those sacrifices and other feasts instituted: serving but as so many Indices and Lessons, to show that the earth is the Lords and the fullness thereof. And although we, on whom the dregs of Time are come, 
1 Cor. 10.26.  are too prone to forget this everlasting precept of honouring God with our substance, yet, as a continual remembrance of his undoubted propriety, 
Prov. 3.9.  it is our custom and duty (as to pray to him for what we want, so) to thank him for all we receive: which thanks, in the receipt of our ordinary food, is called grace: as denying all right of our own, and acknowledging all to be his grace and bounty.  
Which being so, all Societies and men must be looked upon but as Tenant, for such term and condition as the Landlord pleaseth. So that when this great King, after the manner of going into a far country, shall be pleased not so immediately to operate in worldly affairs and dispensations, but trust the several talents of his bounty to others, as namely to Kings (from whom he expects account to himself only, as by him only trusted) we are still to acknowledge God's propriety in them; and For this cause are to pay tribute; for they are Gods Ministers attending continually upon this very thing: 
Rom. 13: 6.  That is, for to be as Gods unto us, aswel in fastening and assuring our proprieties amongst ourselves by his laws (which could not be else distinguished from the common natural claim to one man more than another by any mere humane right) as they are to continue (again) God's universal claim and propriety, by taking and demanding some part, to keep us in continual memory and acknowledgement of God's supreme right still, and of this establishment of propriety by loyalty and obedience.  
And as for Gods acknowledging his Minister herein for himself, it is well set forth by that speech of Zelophedads' daughters, pleading that their inheritances should still remain in propriety to them, because their father had not forfeited them by any rebellion against God's chief Minister, that is, against Moses the then King of Jesurun (or Israel) saying, Our father died in the wilderness, and was not in the company of them that gathered themselves together against the Lord in the company of Rorah: but died in his own sin. By which, we may plainly perceive that they claim right for continuance of those the proprieties of their family which were by God's Minister formerly settled, 
Numb. 27.3.  because their family had not made any such forfeiture by Rebellion as to cause them to revert again to the first Proprietor, God, and the Prince.  
Which was the reason why, in the case of Naboths vineyard (before mentioned) Jezabel did advise to have him accused For blaspheming God and the King; that, under colour of these crimes, she might cause that inheritance to return; 
1 King. 21.10.  which could not be otherwise done. And therefore, as Kings are Gods Deputies and Vicegerents to us in representation of his power, so are they to be acknowledged his Deputies amongst us in respect of his undoubted and unquestionable propriety: even by their receipt of such proportions back from their subjects, out of those their proprieties by their laws made, as those Ministers of God attending continually upon this very thing shall see fit: either for advancement of Gods (the great owners) service, or the good of himself, or others in order thereunto. Which portions, in the New Testament, are usually included under the general names of custom and tribute: because amongst the Romans, to whom these taxes and contributions were given, they were the usual appellations for public levies.  
And this precept of Saint Paul for acknowledging the Prince his paramount propriety, under the notion of paying tribute, is answerable to another of our Saviour's, including Caesar's propriety in all things, under the proper notion of money. For, in deciding that question of the lawfulness of paying tribute, he takes a sure way towards making our proprieties to be Caesar's: In that, calling the piece of money Caesar's, because it had Caesar's image upon it, he concludes him to have the same right to all money as to that piece; for that all money had his image upon it. He doth not say give unto Caesar of your money, but, give him his own, Or, give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's: 
Mat. 22.21.  concluding that Gods immediate propriety being for the present entrusted and delegated to these in his stead, we were now to acknowledge them so far, as, by our readiness in yielding of tribute to whom tribute, custom to whom custom, etc. we should thereby, amidst our common duties of giving to all their deuce, 
Rom. 13.7. Ibid.  give to God his due also: And, by our readiness in yielding to his Ministers to this end appointed, testify our proportionable readiness to have done the like to himself, in case he had demanded it.  
And demand it (no doubt) he doth, aswel from Christians now, as from the Jews formerly: nor hath he lost his true right, although he be not so immediate in his claim. For then, because the law was instituted in the time when God himself was King (that is, had no such direct Officer under him amongst the Jews) the acknowledgement of his propriety (as under the notion of tenths and offer) was claimed in his own name: and God having thereupon disposed of it, takes the wrong done in Tithes and offerings as robberies of himself. But although these tenths and offer, as God's gift to them, instituted by that Law which was still to continue, were to remain to the Priests and Levites unalterably, without the impeachment of those Kings that succeeded (inasmuch as they had their taxes besides) yet now amongst Christians, whom that Law binds not as positive, but as natural, those Tithes (where they are collected) are, or should be, paid to Princes in the first place, as Gods next Ministers. And although Princes do, upon just grounds, appropriate them to the Clergies maintenance, yet, in acknowledgement of his headship and propriety above them also, he hath tenths, fifteen, etc. reserved from them again. And this is done to each King under the Gospel, even as King; that is, as Christ's Deputy: after the example of Abraham, Who, 
Heb. 7.9, 10. Vers. 2.  on the behalf of the Levites, paid Tithes of all he had. For as Melchisedeck (the King of righteousness and of peace) was a Type of our Saviour unto whom all kingdoms do belong, so do the tenths and tributes, as Gods and Christ's right, belong to Kings their Deputies now: unto whose Office that of High Priest is subordinately annexed. Whereupon, as Kings are Tenants to God for their whole territories (be they greater or less) so are the people again Tenants to him; according to their several allotments and trusts. Upon which ground we may observe, that as every Prince hath the whole power and propriety of all within his dominions from God, and he thereupon called King of such or such a Country, so are all lands held, or to be held, again of the Sovereign after one tenure or other: nor can any alienation (though never so independent) exclude his power from making use thereof upon public occasion: whereby to answer his great trust to God in respect of his service, or for general benefit of his people: nor from his own occasions leading that way also. The which was well proved by our Saviour's example, who, sending for another man's Ass, bad his Disciples bring him away without other legal satisfaction, or answer to any for their so doing, Then that the Lord hath need of him.  
Which speech of our Saviour's will the more directly prove each King's indisputable propriety, 
Luk. 19.31.34  if we consider the time and occasion whereupon he useth it: to wit, that he never used it but upon occasion of expressing himself in his Kingly right and Office, in his riding in state to Jerusalem, and there exercising kingly power. Plainly declaring that as no private possession can disimpropriate the public Lord, so may this grand proprietor redemand the same, not only to answer the more public charges of the Commonwealth, but upon occasion of his own Royal support also.  
In pursuance of which Original Right and Claim, or of doing what he will with his own, as we find God, during the Theocrity, making Laws of restraint both for the use and bequest of men's proprieties, 
Deut. 21.16, 17  so may we observe it still to remain of unquestionable right to his supreme Deputy to do the like by their Laws and Edicts, in the disposal of such part of that kingdom's property which particular subjects, by Laws under him, hold in their hands. From whence, we may call property That share of the Commonwealth which by the Law is held in severalty to the possessor, free from the dispose of any but the lawmaker himself. Which thing, as it is by them done by power from God, because the earth is the Lords and the fullness thereof, so cannot he lose the hold and claim of general right, but the Subject must lose his right of particular propriety also, which is derived from him by virtue thereof.  
But, for a plainer example of Gods claiming his propriety, and particularly of power to impose tribute in acknowledgement thereof, we may observe the same fully set down in the 31 Chap. of Numb. In which, God as their present King, imposing such a levy and tribute upon the people both of persons and goods as he saw fit, did thereupon become a plain and warrantable precedent for his succeeding Deputies to take the like from their subjects also, even as his Ministers attending for this very thing: that is, to receive Gods due, in acknowledgement of that propriety and protection they (by God's blessing) enjoy under them. In which Chapter, we shall find the tribute owned by God six several times, as the Lords tribute: although it were given away to others, 
Verses 28.37, 38, 39, 40, 41.  even to the Levites, his then immediate Ministers for receipt thereof.  
And as this maxim, that God and the Prince are proprietors of all things, is in itself most true, so, if people would rightly consider it, it is by God upon good ground established for their benefit: because, as every one is most careful of his own, so the Prince, looking upon the possessions of the whole subjects and of every one in particular as his, will be more circumspect to increase and preserve them, than when they aim to recover or possess any propriety or power more fully, shall set him at strife within his own Dominions. For Princes (as such) should have nothing in the dispose of subjects exempt from their Power, but Honor. For this he can never have by force, and without their consents; or the most or best of them: and therefore he will study, by Complacency, Justice, and meritorious deeds towards them, to be daily acquiring this so precious a Jewel. And they will find, that whilst he is to make his sole employment after the search of this only, that their common and respective benfits will be necessarily sought: whereas, by putting him to struggle for other things which they cannot keep justly from him, his care will be neglected, and the mischief of Civil disturbance inevitably will follow.  
And, when all is done, men are but abused by an affectionate conceit of the word: For propriety can never be in that degree they fancy: and if it be not at the dispose of one Prince, it must be of more. For since Laws are but the will and sentence of the Lawmakers, and since proprieties are also but the sentence of Law, it will follow that proprieties of particulars are but the proprieties of the public person that is in sovereignty and power; though not in present act, yet so, as that sovereign may reduce his power to act, as he shall see fit.  
And hence it is, namely to debar Princes from occasion of seeking farther, that such large revenues are allowed in all kinds: that, through their power of interpreting law (the judge of propriety) they need not covet beyond what they have to their own use already. For to allow those that have the particular proprieties aright to judge the rule of propriety, is not only partial but to themselves prejudicial: opening, by that gap to sovereignty, an occasion to perpetual Civil war. For since every particular propriety is but parcel of the public (that is, of the general propriety of that particular kingdom) if that public have not a person of whole & equal interest herein, & thereby of whole and equal in the particulars hereof, how can the whole be duly regarded: since particular proprietors can have no aim but what is respective to themselves? But let us inquire a little farther into these things, & make them plain by instance, and consideration of some sorts of public good, and of the manner how particular subjects come to have their proprieties therein. That stock of honour which each kingdom hath, one in respect of another, no man doubts but the same is at the Prince his dispose only: that is, who shall be more honourable than others: and so also, for matter of Offices, and of power and command over one another. For if these things should not all be appropriated to subjects, as from him the general proprietor, how should they proceed with Justice, or agree in sharing them to themselves? would not each one, to increase his particular propriety, be so covetously contentious as to destroy thereby the stock of the whole propriety? But the reason why Princes cannot be in the particular propriety of riches such immediate dispensors, as in Honours, Offices, etc. but must refer them to divers other Magistrates to be managed according to his general pleasure signified by Law, is for that land and (the fruit thereof) riches being continually necessary for each subject in particular to have, the business of continual allotment thereof would be so great, that one person could not arbitrarily dispose of it according to the occasion and proportions of that food, apparel, etc. which should generally, and to each one be necessary; and which cannot to any one, at any time be wanting: Whereas Honour, Command, Power, etc. being necessary, but to few, doth both afford him ability personally to act, and time to consult in each particular.  
So then, wealth, riches, etc. are, from their general use and possession, to be guided by common rule or law; but honours are still manageable by particular rule, or prerogative law. And indeed, as this necessary and general use of food, etc. makes that kind or possession that is more immediate in acquiring it to be called and take on it the general name of Propriety, so is it (in a manner) the whole subject of law itself. And therefore, we may say the Prince hath no more right to disimpropriate any one contrary to law, than any man hath to take back from another any thing that by his general appointment was given to him; which is unjust, without other circumstances to authorise it. And therefore it will be considerable, whether this gift were absolute, and without all kind of reservation or no: or whether the Prince proceed herein according to interest and increase of his particular propriety, or no? For if private propriety have encroached on that which should have remained as yet public and common, and that without leave, or if there be any conditionate reservation of rent, taxes, or of repossession at a certain time, or upon such, or such default, or the like; by the same general law and rule set down, the Prince may with better right (by his Magistrates) recover his own, than his subjects could dispossess him.  
And as thus to himself and his own use, so although no reservation be expressed, but where the proprieties seem most high and absolute, the Prince (as aforesaid) may for the public occasion make a public levy as he shall think good. For since all private proprieties will in themselves increase, and be more, as that public whereof their parts is more, and doth increase, and so on the contrary, it will follow (as a thing of great equity) that private proprietors should contribute to this purpose: and that, according to such degree of exigence, as he that is public proprietor shall find fitting; that is, for the ways for increasing it by invention of Arts of all sorts, by foreign invasion, with Armies, Navies, etc. or by maintenance of it, by Religion, public persons, buildings, works, foreign traffic, agriculture, or such like, etc. To keep it from decay, by the same, or like means. For the necessity of having these things to each subject in particular, making it necessary that there should be one to judge and take care thereof in general, must also imply a necessity in the means, that is, public maintenance, aswel as of the end, which is public good. But now, although few doubt, that either there should be care or allowance for public advantage, or to resist public detriment, there are many do yet actually, and by consequent, interrupt and deny it: by putting such exceptions and restraints on Princes herein, as, whilst they would disable him from taking more than is fit, they disable him from taking what truly is so: & (thereby) also from doing that good which they ought; as experience too often show us. How Princes should guide themselves in their own particular revenues, and collection and managery of public charges, is a proper discourse for hereafter. In the mean time, I shall answer in general; that since all these kinds of trusts, as also all others that are in men's managery, will be subject to abuse, therefore if it should happen that the Prince should in these things exceed public regard, the damage and dishonour is not so great to the people to be by him overreached, as by others of less note and concern in the public. For he, as the public Minister, aught to be by them maintained; and the more his honour, the more theirs: but to be cozened by their fellows, and to have them thereby made rich above them (which in all Republikes must come to pass) will neither gain them thanks nor credit. And again, the more the Prince shall gain by frugality in the managery of those public employments and trusts, so much less need have they to add to his maintenance and Royal support: Which as it is their duty to do as subjects, so though the same should be done in a manner more plentifully then ordinarily, yet could not the whole kingdom be therein a loser: seeing it is spent upon its members, and within the bounds thereof. For the Prince himself can eat or wear but the share of another man, and what would have been eaten by others if he had not been: and having nothing of the rest but the beholding it with his eyes, it is eaten and enjoyed by their fellow subjects: for such even those are that are more particularly waiting on him and called his servants.  
All which, well considered, together with what was formerly spoken of, the reason and beginning of property (namely common improvement by private managery) as it will (on the one hand) show it to be the duty of Kings that none of those talents should be hid by them, or lie idle in their own use without necessity, (whereby public benefit might be hindered) so (on the other hand) how heavy will it make the offence of Subjects, that, instead of Tenants, shall make themselves such absolute and unconditionate proprietors, as to withstand or deny public occasions? For if they, after the manner of the husbandmen in the Gospel, should seek to make the inheritance their own, and, by way of association and Covenant amongst themselves, seek to kill or dispossess the true heir, what think we shall the great Lord at his coming say to such husbandmen?  
Therefore, as private men's judgements must submit to public sentence, so their property to public use: and as all men's proprieties are settled by Law, so, upon occasion of preservation of that Law, they may be disposed of: & that according to the judgement of the King, the Maker, Keeper, and Interpreter of these Laws. For the Sovereign's office being to protect his subjects liberties & properties against all others, he cannot do it against himself, no more than he can bind his own hands. It cannot be done by another, because on earth he hath none equal, or Superior in his own Dominions. And if it could be, Government would not be: because our persons and estates are the only objects of Government. And the same rule is in a Family that is independent: for, in both, all is to be supposed at the proper disposal of the Prince and Master. And upon the same ground that the sojourner in the Family, and Ambassador or stranger in the Commonwealth, have their freedom in persons or estates (that is, because unsubjected) those that are subjected may be justly made liable. And as these Reasons will allow him power in general to lay Taxes according to public occasions; so thereupon also, to judge in particular what is the concern of these occasions; and the charges and expense in them required: according whereunto he must have power in his Levies.  
And they that from the instance of Naboths Vineyard, would conclude for the same absoluteness of Proprieties under the Gospel, will farther find themselves mistaken: for that unto the Jews their promises for reward of obedience ran still in a strain of this kind, Blessed shalt thou be in thy basket, 
Deut. 28.5.&c.  in thy store, etc. but under the Gospel, not a Promise that way: but rather, Blessed are the poor, woe to the rich, 
Luke 6.20, 24.  etc. And as for this reason, it was not to be in the Prince his power to punish whom God hath rewarded, so again these established proprieties belonging necessarily to the support and division of the several Tribes and Families, their alienation from Tribe to Tribe, and Family to Family, was prohibited by him that had promised and foretold, that our Saviour according to the flesh should come of the Tribe of Judah, and seed of David. All which considerations were the reason to keep that exactness of Heraldry and Genealogies amongst them: lest the knowledge and proof of both David and his Family should have been confounded or lost. So that, by this means, particular men's proprieties having an end or good looking beyond the good of that Jewish Nation, it was the reason that neither the Prince, the Representative of that Nation only, nor the proprietors themselves, could, without leave from God (the sole universal Proprietor of Jews and Gentiles) have power to sell and alienate their Proprieties of Land, more than they could change or lose their Families or Names.  
But, after our Saviors birth (the heir of all things) our Proprieties are to be retaken in him on other conditions, 
Heb. 1.2.  and to be held but as of him or his chief Ministers: not as in absolute severalty, but in such manner and measure as these his deputies shall find fittest for supply of that general want which other our brethren under their charge shall require. All which we may observe intimated, not only by our Saviors sending for the Ass before mentioned, but in the primitive selling their hereditary possessions. Of Lands, 
Act. 4.34, 35.  or houses, and laying them at the Apostles feet. By which deed, they, in the name and behalf of succeeding Christians, did renounce legal unconditionate Propriety: and show themselves now willing to accept of the distributions of Christ's Ministers, to be held no otherwise from the common enjoyment of others then the common owner shall authorize. And however the Apostles, during the power of heathen Magistracy, could not have compelled Ananias to have submitted his former title to their dispose, (but that he might have kept it still his own) yet was their fact that did so, left as a commendable precedent for Christian submission to authority upon public occasions.  
But now, upon all these grounds and reasons before mentioned, it will appear that Polarchies must (amongst other their defects of right Government) be faulty also in this matter of Propriety. First, for that they, in their separate and unwarrantable jurisdictions, being not capable to unite and represent (as from under God) the whole and entire Propriety of each Country, cannot thereupon be able to distribute and settle legal and rightful portions to each particular person and Family: but each separate person and Family herein, undertaking to be possessors and sharers by Authority derived from themselves only, and not from any above them, must thereupon be unjust and partial usurpers. And again, the Polarches having distinct Proprieties (whether you respect them as divided amongst themselves by Factions, or from one another singly, by that particular love which must follow the care of each man's Propriety) they can in neither consideration account their Proprieties and the public to be the same and convertible; but must be supposed to proceed both partially and oppressively in their Levies. And because the Governors themselves consist of different interests and judgements from one another, they must also be guided in what they do upon those below, or upon one another respectfully to that self-regard: according as they can drive it on by Faction; and not out of general consideration, as before noted.  
And, as this will cause them to be partial and unjust, and by reason of unequal concern laying more on one part of their subjects then another, as they shall conceive them friends or enemies (under the notion of well-affected or illaffected) so will this their own multitude cause them generally to be oppressive: in that they, with all their allies and dependences, striving still to engross so large a part of the public stock in their private hands, will hereupon be put upon continual plots to make and raise Taxes; out of which they may raise their own fortunes also: which is the reason why the Taxes and Levies in Polarchies run so high, over they do in Monarchies of proportionable bigness.   

CHAP. VIII. Of Law, Justice, Equity, etc.  
EXcept God Almighty, who alone is omniscient, and to whom, by creation and omnipresence, the goodness, deserts, intentions, and actions of all creatures, with all their circumstances and relations are truly valued and known, there is not unto any thing else imparted such a sufficiency of comprehension, as to make a perfect and true estimate of the morality of actions, and distinguish between right and wrong, equity and iniquity. For as unto him, the rightful Judge of all things, this ability was only necessary and proper, so, to men and other creatures, to whom subjection did only belong, it is more fit we should know what, than why to obey. And indeed, the sad price of our fall hath furnished us no farther, then with a seeming knowledge herein: and to no other avail, then to prove us thereby the more blind, because we now think we see.  
Examine our abilities in this search, even of those things that concern most each men's particular, and we shall find, that while cu●●om, education, or the like, prevail as the censures of good and bad, in objects and actions and that this is differing again according to each party's inclination and constitution, the knowledge of good and bad must consequently have no certain or fixed abode. And if thus in what is so nigh unto us and concerning our own more private good, what can be expected in things or actions of more general concern; and wherein more general approbation should concur? Will it not hence follow, that if I have no sufficient ability to judge what is good for myself, I should have much less to do it for another? So that, experience of the different disputes hence arising, not to be satisfied and silenced by every man's own wisdom, brought men everywhere for quietness sake to refer themselves herein to custom and public allowance: insomuch as now, Justice, Equity, and Right, is whatsoever the lawful Authority of each Country says it to be.  
They that think that the rectitude of the Laws of God and Nature should correct and set right the positive constitutions of men, will find great difficulty truly to number and state what these Laws are. In which doing, and in the interpreting and applying them, so much difference and uncertainty will still arise, that we shall again (many times) want another light, to distinguish the beams of these lights from other lights, and also to show when they point directly to the business in question, and when not. As for instance, in these Laws known to be received from God himself, how ready are we to balk their literal interpretation, and judge of the fitness of their execution according as they refer to public Utility: and that by rules of our own several reasons: and many times again, to trust to their letteral interpretation only? Nay, all that acknowledge them for rules, practise sometimes one way, & sometimes another. Whereupon, denying that either way is to be wholly followed, it must needs leave it doubtful, whether in our so doing in each particular, we lean not too much to one hand or other. For so, theft by them punished with restitution, is in other places capital: and on the contrary, Adultery by them punished with death, is by others censured in a less degree.  
Look we to the Laws of Nature; if thereby they intent those rules and customs which are universally common to us with beasts, how shall man, which so much differs from them, pick competent rules of good, and fitting both his and their particular? What, shall he live in Herds and Droves, and again destroy Policy and Property to enjoy their communion? And, because we would not have them kill us, must we (with the Banians) think it unlawful to kill them? And, in particular, what Law in Nature shall we find to found marriage upon?  
And if we seclude man, to follow some rule proper to his own species, and put him for his practice and imitation to learn what is done by others, you will find this practical direction still render him as defective in ability to determine what is just and good, and what not, as before: For here, if you take in that practice of mankind which is most common for a rule, who shall be ●udge of that: or shall the fewer and wiser Nations be governed by the more foolish? Shall Idolatry and slavery be thought founded on Nature, because so generally heretofore, and yet practised?  
If by Law of Nature you mean the best Reason, who shall judge of that also? Can you think that any Nation, People, Faction or single person, will condemn themselves of imprudence and injustice in what they do?  
And since each people hath its peculiar Reasons for what they act or determine, and it may be unknown to any but themselves, how shall they therein be guides to the practice of others, and their Reason be found a reason every way fit for guidance of such as must necessarily differ from them? But experience being so ready to testify both these differences and their irreconcilableness, amidst that partial respect each people casteth to its own customs. I shall not need to instance therein: but shall here somewhat examine that rule which men have more generally concluded to be so infallibly and universally binding, as to suffice for application and direction in all particulars; namely the rule of Do as thou wouldst be done unto.  
This rule must in itself be acknowledged as a direction most fit and full for the steering us in our deportments and abearances one towards another; being accompanied with such other helps and qualifications as hereafter shall be spoken of: but if taken alone, and at liberty made use of, according to each ones separate judgement, it will put us upon the same uncertainty (almost) we had before, For it makes the will and choice of each man the direction for good and equity: so that what I would be content another should do to me, I may do to him. And then, considering how weak and differing the judgements and wills of men are, right and wrong must have the same chance. So that he that is a fool and cannot tell what is for his own avail, may yet have hereby liberty to prejudice and impose on me. And again, he that through vicious inclination and custom cannot distinguish of good or bad, just or unjust, will have the same advantage over me too. As for example, one that is brought up, or otherwise agrees in opinion with such as allow a Community of wives or other things, may he not by this rule make use of my wife, being himself before willing, I should not do the like to his?  
They that seem to make this Rule more pointing and express, by enlarging it, say that because I would not have any thing done to me against my liking, I should not therefore act on another against his. And then, according to this rule; they say the taking away a man's wife against his liking is a plain wrong: (and a sin I hope it is, although all private parties should consent) By this turning of the rule, they conclude indeed against the first inconvenience, but avoid not the uncertainty of the direction, but only alter it. For whereas before, I might act according to my own will and opinion of right and wrong, now is not the Will and Opinion of the Agent, but of the Patient made Judge: and I am to suspend execution till the consent thereof be had and known. And then, what help to the discovery of right or wrong; since every man's Will and judgement (as before) is still made Judge? And besides, by its limitation, it will put a stand to all business. For if I must not act until I know another's liking, I shall then, it is to be presumed, not act his liking but in what may be first apprehended to my own advantage: nor he so from me. And then, in case of stubbornness, how shall business be done, and who shall judge when the denial is just, or unjust; for nothing in the rule can do it? Again, what right hath the Will of another to be a stint and direction to mine? as though my Will could not tell mine own desires, and were not as infallible in judging right and wrong as another's. And take it which way you please, instead of giving the rules of directions for men's Wills to follow in the choice of good and bad, men's wills are made directive to it. And although it be a rule certain and infallible (as aforesaid) in its self, as to the general stating of us just or unjust before God (who judgeth by the heart and general inclination as hereafter shall more appear) yet in respect of us, and the imbecility and partiality of our Reasons in using and applying it, it comes to be but contingent and fallible in particular managery: as not having direction and plainness enough, to show in each action whether we have done well or no.  
As for example, I that am to contract with another for House or Land, or any Commodity I want, am I to give the seller the price he asketh, because; supposing myself the seller of any thing, I should be willing the buyer should give me the price which I should then demand? or shall the seller be bound to let the buyer have it at the price he offers, because when himself is to buy of another, he would have it at the price he bids? If you suppose neither of these prices to take place, how shall Contracts go on? If either of them, how will you avoid the inconveniencies of partiality, arising through each man's judging for himself; but make it only unnatural; whilst they must thus wholly be prosecuting each others good, and be in danger, whilst they are thus neglecting their own wants and desires, which they do know, to be, as in a kind of Compliment, reciprocally prejudicing each other, in obtruding to supply those wants and desires which they know not: unless we shall suppose all men's judgements, wants, and desires equal? Or shall we suppose that course to be taken which can make this rule alone most pointing, namely that we should neither so wholly consider ourselves without others, nor others without ourselves, as to be forgetful of either: but that, both parties are to be taken into equal consideration. The Question will be, whether the buyer or seller shall be the judge and determiner herein? and next upon what manner of evidence shall he proceed towards the discovery of the others wants and desires, so as to secure himself that upon a just conference thereof with his own, he hath judged impartially: and so avoided sin, by observing the rule?  
The seller, it may be, through good husbandry or good fortune got his commodity very cheap; it may be it cost him dear at first, or is grown so to him through casuality or neglect: what now shall he do? Shall he sell proportionably cheap or dear to the rate the thing stands him in, he must then prejudice himself or another? shall he, as he knows the buyers poverty or riches, or as he finds the thing more fit and useful for him than others, increase or abate accordingly his price? How shall he know these things? and how shall he be a competent judge? And if you make the buyer Judge, upon like considerations, how shall he know the others condition also?  
Now, as for matter of Government, this rule will of itself alone be so far from estating men regular and obedient therein, that it will take off all kind of subjection at all. For since the Prince or Magistrate would not be willing that I should have command over him, how can he justly have command over me? If we give the superior leave to apply the rule otherwise and say forasmuch as he himself wronged and in distress, would be glad to be relieved by the power of another, therefore ought he also to preserve and increase his power that he may in the like kind be serviceable to others: then, supposing the present possession of power in the Superior a just bar against the inferiors assumption of the rule, and desiring power and superiority to be doing the like to his superior, or others, we are fallen upon a right rule against revolt and insubjection towards the present higher Powers: and so we will next see how this rule can alone steer us under Government.  
If it point at equal and Arithmetical Justice and proceeding, making the good and liking of Kings and beggars alike valuable and controleable at the arbitrary discretion of each other, then, by overthrowing distinction and proportion, it overthrows Government and Society. Or take it to point Geometrically and respectively, and so determining that beggars should do unto Kings as they would if themselves were Kings be done unto, and so on the contrary, how will they come to fancy (through so different educations) the same inclination to virtue, or ability to judge thereof? and since experience tells us, how hard it is for us to manage aright those callings we were bred in, what hope of ability or skill in those so far removed? For though David, as proper to his Office of King, could rightly judge amongst subjects, saying, the man that hath done this shall die the death, 
2 Sam. 12.5, 6.  & shall make restitution four fold, yet when he comes to be told thou art the man, 
Verse 7.  he thinks not fit to execute murder on himself: but submits to God, as having only power of punishment over him. 
psalm. 51.4.   
And from this uncertainty and diversity of appliation, it was that men first entertained polity, and more positive and express rules of decision. But here again the same hazard overtakes us. For since these rules and directions are to be expressed by words, as the current Tokens of men's minds, and words have not only different interpretations themselves, but men also differ in the manner of expressing them, how shall it be known what the words themselves import, or whether poetical or Rhetorical improprieties have not so far abused us, as not to know whether literally taken they are to express the Author's mind or no? To remedy which, there is no way to Peace but to admit a positive Authority for interpretation of this Author's mind, as we did before for yielding thereunto.  
So that when all is done, the result of right and wrong is but the sentence of Law, and the sentence of Law the sentence of the present supreme Judge That is, either the direct sentence of God himself, in what is undoubtedly set down by him; or the sentence of the Prince; interpreting and judging in his stead, in all things here amongst us: unto whom the application and managery of this general rule was entrusted. For he, having in him, as universal Representative, the universal will included, can be only in all particulars directly said to do as he would be done unto, and to love his neighbour as himself: because having a common and like interest in, and with them, and subsisting by their good and benefit, it must consequently be always by him measured as his own: that is, equally and impartially so, because totally his. Whereas I, in doing as I would be done unto, or doing but as any other private person would have me, the dealing must be unjust because partial: one Will and Understanding being only judge of what was of concern to both. And though both should consent, yet the rule might be broken, and commonly is: because few things can be of such separate concern, as wherein directly, or by consequent or example, others besides themselves were not interessed: and so, not having full content, the rule of Do as thou wouldst be done unto is broken by both of them.  
For our Wills, in choice of good and bad, following each ones separate Understanding, and that again depending on, and varying according to the several observations which each one hath made of what is most constant and usual, it will follow that the nature and sense of right and good, must in our judgements be as variable as those inductions out of which we concluded it were. And this, because we are not here put into the world to be Standards of good and bad ourselves, but to estimate and conclude it, either out of that tacit verdict which the harmony of effects and operations in the course of Nature informs us of (whereby constancy proves at once both God the Author, and the Act good) or else implicitly to yield to a positive command of God, determining good by his direct Precepts to us himself: and in case Gods own directions appears not, by referring us to Princes for what he leaves, and to Masters or Fathers for what they both leave undetermined: Lest else, our different Judgements and Affections, causing differing prosecutions in the attainment of more less and private good, they should lead us to lose our greatest earthly good, which is Peace and Agreement.  
And therefore, as all Government was at first Arbitrary, so it is not probable, until God himself by Moses had given set Rules for men's sociable living, any other composed or settled Rule was established for knowledge of good and right, than what proceeded from the Dictates of this Prince or head of the Family. For each Father had it as well in his power as duty, (like Abraham) to command his children and household to keep the way of the Lord, and to do Judgement and justice.. 
Gen. 18.19  And then also, innocency of Education, and natural simplicity in the use of pleasure; as it kept them from much coveting, so from many of those strifes and injuries which our luxuries now produce. And for reconciling those differences that should yet happen, they had the ready determination of the Father before mentioned.  
Nor stood they in such need of positive Edicts to keep them steady in case of change, because, through length of age, he might live to see many Families, and as it were whole Territories peopled out of his own loins. Then was he probably brother, or near of kin to the great Father of the next Territory: and so, kept from foreign injury. Whereupon, what by knowledge of their duty, and what by force of Education, and remembrance of these rules and precepts themselves formerly learned, the fathers of the several inferior Tribes and families had means of sociable intercourse and neighorhood. And, where maxims drawn from natural Law and equity were not so plain a guide, there, usual custom and practice was their supply: and where custom was dubious, parental authority was definitive, and bore sway.  
And as that course of life is always most pleasant to which we have been most enured, so it seemed also to them most reasonable, to continue those rules that public consent, long use, and tacit agreement, had now made to have the force of Law. And, in a manner, all laws (especially such as are called common) are but the customs and usages of our country. Therefore, with them question was never made, whether customs should be kept or nor, but whether any such custom were; or whether it did make for the side of Plaintiff or Defendant? And the old definitive sentence being now dead, the dispersed and divided families found Law, in itself, no more available to Peace and Unity, than the Light of Nature had been before. For when Custom or Law was alleged, what and if the other side denied it, or gave it a contrary interpretation? In this case, no way to Peace, but to rely on some sentence beyond appeal, for the decision and interpretation of these Laws. For, to imagine a Government to merely arbitrary, as where there is no kind of Law, Custom, or Rule of Government agreed unto or practised, is against Reason: because, even the prudence of Governors must, for their own ease sake, lead them to permit this course. And, it being for themselves impossible to entervene in all the emergencies of their subjects, it will be expedient to commend and enjoin unto them, the observation of all such old usages as to them seem most expedient: which thence coming to be Laws, we may call Law a rule of deportment enforced by a Superior: and hath with us according to its several aims, several names.  
That which directs us to future bliss, divine Law. That which concerns us as men, and directs to the attaining the felicities of our kind, we may call nature's Law, or the rule of Reason. That which concerns men linked in society. National, or Civil Law: which is nothing else but a public direction for men's sociable abearances one towards another. For as Peace, Union, and ceasing of strife, is the main end of polity and Government, so is this end, not only to be attained by the decisive power when controversies are on foot, but by the directive power also: that prevents, as far may be, their birth and growth.  
And for our failing or following this rule, it is not the law itself that can or doth determine: although the Judge, in his decision, take direction from thence, by way of precedent, how to proceed. They that think law hath in itself a power to decide controversies, let them consider that there are no where so many, as where laws do most abound. For men are there oftenest found enquiring the meaning of them: which (with us) is called going to Law. A thing which none would do, for the loss thereby received in case he be overthrown, if he had before hand known that the Law would have made against him: but each side through private passion and partiality thinking it make for him, it would be considered, if there were not a definitive sentence in the interpretation of law, of how little avail to peace Law would be in itself.  
So that, Laws now appearing to be made chiefly for the governed, that thereby they might have directions how to attain or avoid the benefit or punishment of sociable duties, we shall therefore find them still promulged and addressed to the people. But as for Governors, having the oversight of the whole public good unto them committed, these rules are either by them framed, or by God and Nature set down as to be enforced and enjoined to that end: and all other secluded the interpretation or application of them.  
To which end, namely to show that the sentence of the Judge is still made the Standard and Rule of judgement, we are to interpret those words of Solomon, A King that sitteth on the Throne of judgement scattereth away all evil with his eyes: that is, 
Prov. 20.8.  which way soever his definition of judgement doth lean, evil and injustice is departed from thence: and cannot be imputed thereunto, more than injustice to one that is just. For so doth he also explain it, to punish the just is not good, 
Prov. 17.26.  nor to strike Princes for Equity.  
But the contexts of these two places do most plainly confirm Justice to be positive upon Authority, and not depending on the various judgement of private men's opinions: and this is done by adding the Precept of right Balances and Weights presently after. 
Prov. 16.11.  Which things are commonly taken as the emblems of Justice. For so it is said, A just weight and balance are the Lords, all the weights of the bag are his work. By which words, God owning the original of the measure of Justice to be from himself, (which we know he doth no otherwise execute and manage then by that divine sentence he put into the King's mouth) it must follow, that as the proportion of Justice in all things is rated by those Standards which are by his Authority appointed, so also, 
Verse 10.  as his Authority is uncontroleable in setting the Standard for the Pound, the Bushel, and the like, his Authority in stating and deciding other controversies and things must be uncontroleable also: even for that all things done by a different Standard of Justice are for the same cause unjust. For as there can be but one Standard (as by the context of the other place appeareth, saying, Divers weights and divers measures are both of them alike abomination to the Lord) it is in effect to conclude as aforesaid, 
Prov. 20.10.  that at the first definition of the size of the Pound, Bushel, etc. were from Authority, even so, the measure of Justice in all things else must rest on his determination: and that, the difference from that is inequity, because departing from the rule to appointed; and not, as out of inherent justice in the things themselves. For had Authority appointed any other different weight or measure, which is now disallowable, to have been the true Standard, than had the other, that is now the rule of Justice against it, been the faulty one to it; even as those faulty ones are now so to this which is by Authority set down.  
For except there be such a positive and standing way and rule for establishment and defining righteousness and judgement, as by a King sitting in the Throne of judgement, who can say (as in the next verse follows) I have made my heart clean, I am pure from my sin? because, 
Prov. 20.8. Verse 9  if his appointment and allowance of such callings and ways of commerce make not our gainings upon one another lawful farther than the rule Do as thou wouldst be done unto hath first been reciprocally examined and assented unto by the particular dealers, then are all dealings unlawful: forasmuch as intent of separate advantage is still in each one's design, and the others benefit or suffering never openly and impartially considered therewith: of which more anon.  
Whereupon we must say, that since Laws are necessary in Government, and since a public definitive sentence in their interpretation is necessary to Peace, and since in the Cases and Questions of misgovernment, the breach of Laws is as well denied on the part of the Governors, as affirmed on the part of the governed, it is against all Reason and Rule of Equity, for any body or order of the people to usurp this inseparable and prime mark of Sovereignty: and become judge to their fellows, and to judge those that should have been their Judges also.  
And if it be granted Princes to have power to make Laws, it must be presumed that themselves should best know their own meanings. And, a thing against reason it must seem, first to affirm that Rulers or Princes are to govern according to Law, and yet deny them the power of knowing and interpreting them. What, would they have him follow a rule he understands not, how shall it be a rule then? Therefore, when men think it necessary for Kings to be sworn to govern according to Law, they must conclude they have liberty of interpretation allowed them; or his oath is null and useless.  
And so we must conclude, that since all positive Laws are to be founded on those of God and Nature (for Lawmakers can have no Laws but these above them) and since the meaning and measuring of these are disputable (as hath been hitherto showed) Reason and Duty do enjoin us to submit to the known and undeniable precept of obedience, rather than (after the sin of breach hereof) we should be but at the same uncertainty of interpretation as before: with this aggravation, that in the first case our excuse for failing is easy, but in this last, it is no better than pride.  
But they that yet think there are within the compass of natural Reason such general rules and maxims of Justice and Equity as to enable men to judge of right and wrong in things done by Superiors, let them tell me why Ely (of whom we find nothing of ill mentioned besides) should be so severely punished for his sons faults whom he did reprove: 
1 Sam. 3.13. 1 Sam. 8.3.  and why Samuel should escape, that showed greater indulgence to his that were as bad? If, in these and other like instances they will say (as they must) that the judge of all the word doth right; in respect of his equal and paramount propriety in persons and things, 
2 Sam. 19.29.  they must then confess, that his deputy therein which shall be amongst us, must be holden as uncontrollable judge of right in his jurisdiction also. So that, for David to take away half Mephibosheths' Land, who was loyal, and give it to Ziba his servant whom he knew had both abused his Master and him, and that without any legal form of process, must yet be acknowledged as rightly done by that supreme Officer, who being substituted in Elohims' prime right of Mishpat amongst us, cannot therein be controlled or censured by any else. 
1 Sam. 8.11. etc.  And if any will yet say, that these former instances might have been found right even by the rules of common Equity, had we been knowing of all the circumstances of them, they do thereby also confess, that since the Judge hath his secret reasons proper to himself to judge by, so can there be no definitive proportion of Equity but what is from his sentence proceeding: until there can be some way found to search into God's secret Counsels, or the heart of the King which is unsearchable. For, as it is the glory of God to conceal a thing (that is to keep his judgements from common apprehension) so it is the honour of Kings to search out a matter: and, by virtue of his deputation from God, 
Prov. 25.2, 3·  to give always a divine sentence, whereby not to err in judgement: that is, not so to err, 
Prov. 16.10.  as not to be the rule of Justice to those below, although it may be erroneous and unjust in itself: in relation to that full and high interest and jurisdiction which God hath above him. And therefore that wise King makes Understanding, Wisdom, Instruction, Justice, judgement and Equity, 
Prov. 1.1, 2, 3, etc.  depending on obedience and attention to God and our lawful superiors; when he says, the fear of the Lord is the beginning of Wisdom; but fools despise wisdom and Instruction; that is, 
Verse 7.  all that are disobedient and conceitedly wise are fools: and when he next says, My son hear the instruction of thy Father, 
Verse 8.  and forsake not the Law of thy Mother: that is, learn Religion, Law, Equity, etc. from thy ghostly and civil superiors.  
Whereupon we may farther say, that justice and equity, so far as it concerns a Commonwealth, is to be that way and course which is most advantageous to public utility; and that Law is the rule set down by those that have chief Authority and trust therein. And therefore is that maxim avowed as the ground of Law and Equity in a popular State, Salus populi suprema lex: For the directest course to that end is the greatest Equity: and those that have the charge of the end, have also the charge of the means, in assigning that which is most just and fit. And therefore in this case, we must reckon the society, as it is united for common good, as one person: So that then, as Nature teacheth all men to benefit themselves, so doth polity direct the public. But then again, as each man in wronging another doth wrong himself, so societies, when they practice injustice, oppression, etc. do in regard of God's punishments feared to follow thereupon, wrong themselves also: and do (as we before observed of particular men) prefer a less and momentany benefit, to a more high and lasting one.  
Upon which ground there is another maxim avowed in Monarchy, that the King can do no wrong. Not denying he may do himself and others harm: but so long as we do (according to our duties) submit to that he doth command, he can do no wrong. For he can of himself have no private respect, but must judge all alike as out of common regard: except where, and when some persons or order of the people, taking on them his Office of judging equity, and, in partiality to themselves, thinking and seeking more than is already allotted, make it a wrong to the other side, by having the cause decided by a private and partial judgement: for, take away Justice in the fountain, you may vainly seek it in the streams. And thereupon, Solomon prays to God to give him an understanding heart: to judge the people, 
1 King. 3.9.  and to discern between good and bad.  
And such as are not openly denying supreme Authority to be obeyed, and would yet by consequent overthrow it, by allowing inferiors a liberty to judge and act beyond, or otherwise then is enjoined, let them consider the answer that God gives to his chief Magistrate that would undertake to know the way and means of honouring and serving God better than himself, and would make that solemn established Law of Sacrifice, defeat his present command which was but extemporary; namely that Obedience is better than sacrifice, 
1 Sam. 15.22.  and to hearken better than the fat of Rams. For I verily believe that no subordinate Magistrate or subject can have a fairer plea for disobeying his King commanding in God's stead, than Saul might have had here for refusing Samuel. For if it had been at all lawful for inferiors to judge of fitness and morality, or to set a former command or Law against a latter, what more just and reasonable then, first to preserve innocent creatures, whose destruction (on one hand) could have been a benefit to none, when as (on the other side) they (being thus employed) should have so expressly advanced God's way of service constituted so solemnly already. And we might thereunto add (that which some would make of highest value in judging good and bad) that the importunity and request of the people ran that way also.  
And as our prying into the reason of God's Laws, and not obeying his direct Precepts, was our Original fault, and a sin in the government of nature, as showing a mistrust of God's wisdom or care of us, so, in obedience to civil Laws, to seek out another equity than they import, is not to be subject to Law, but to control it. And as God said to Adam, Who told thee that thou wast naked, 
Gen. 3.11.  hast thou eaten the fruit I commanded thee that thou shouldst not eat? So Princes may say to subjects, that without authority undertake to judge of public good and bad, Justice and injustice, how come you to know these things except you have transgressed the bounds I set you? Have you not proper stations of your own to walk in? Why meddle you with mine? 
James 4.11.  For if thou judge the law, thou art not a doer of the law, but a Judge.  
So that then, all obedience to Laws must be implicit: that is, to God's Laws, as his; and Civil Laws, as the Princes. For if in either sort, I obey but what upon examination I find reasonable, I take the Lawmakers part upon me: and obey not him, but myself. For Law and Justice being the instruments whereby Governors Act upon the Governed, they must be at the choice and guidance of the workman and agent; and not of the work or patient, as heretofore noted.  
Law (then) is Council imposed: Justice is equity executed. In Laws, the Subjects are to act: in Justice the Prince, or Magistrate for him. In Laws he shows how much of his Will Subjects shall do; in Justice how much he will do himself. So that Law may be called Equity taught; and Justice Equity practised: and is when the Judges own Counsels are acted by himself; whether in pursuance of Law, or not. For Justice and Equity may be without standing Law, as in the less government of a family, but not Law without them; that is the Authority of the Prince.  
Now for Justice itself, it proceeding from Equity, as being the sentence of the Judge upon the judged, it may be blind as to execution; because that part concerns Ministerial Officers, but cannot as to the sentence and Judge: for taking, seeing, for understanding, his eyes must be only open, as to stating of Equity.  
Disinterest, nor equal interest alone, cannot make men competent Judges: because they may be so qualified, and yet strangers and unknowing of the cause. And therefore Judges must (besides knowledge) have Concern, equal Concern, and whole Concern: and the like we must say of Power. For if all the matter and persons contending be not at his dispose, to what purpose his sentence? Nay, if his propriety be not the highest, and his power highest, he will in judgement proceed but faintly, for want of complete interest and courage. For though the Concern and Power of the Judge may be equal in, and over both, or all the subject persons, yet if be not supreme, he must so far want the perfection of a Judge, as he wants interest to make him concerned to judge at all, and power to execute his sentence.  
And more persons than one, or not having authority from one, cannot be competent Judges over others: for they must have unequal concern through unequal passions and interests: and must, through unequal power also (as being of different strength or courage) proceed differently and partially in their sentence. For whilst the same Plea or Cause is estimated by divers balances according to that divers judgement and interest abiding in those divers persons in the seat of Justice, their sentence can never be uniform to the interest of the persons and the cause they judge, however they may be in their sentence outwardly agreeing amongst themselves; as in order to fear, or other interests of their own.  
Nor can two or more persons judge their own causes, because of the same reasons: and also for that in this equality, none can have whole interest or power.  
But to make these things plainer by instance. When any two parties that are at difference shall have their cause decided by any of the ordinary Judges appointed to that purpose, the failing of that Judge therein, so far as to make him culpable, must happen upon the grounds before noted. For if he have not concern enough, so as to think his duty, honour, and benefit to be founded and established by the practice of his employment of a Judge, he will then wholly neglect it, or proceed so coldly therein, as for want of through examination of the full evidence of the truth of things on both sides, his judgement can be no otherwise then accidentally true and upright. And this inconvenience will not only be subject to misled him in his first sentence and decision of causes, but farther also, in case that bribery, friendship, etc. have caused partial judgement, through want of entire and equal concern, it is the usual hindrance to all re-examination that should arise from equity by way of appeal: insomuch as, until the oppressed party can find a way how to make the redress of his grivance appear of more avail and concern to the party appealed unto, than it is to him in the state it now stands, he can never rationally expect reparation, or furtherance from him therein.  
From all which it must come to pass, that none but God Almighty can be held as the only universal, ready, and upright Judge: so far as to be the only true object of appeal. Because, as he hath only omniscience sufficient to know all circumstances that are necessary to the stating of Equity in each cause, so hath he always such whole and high interest and concern in the good of his creatures, as to make him always ready to hear all complaints: Whereas all other subordinate Judges must, as they stand in degree below him, and so differenced in respect of concern, differ in their readiness to entertain appeals and make redress.  
By which means, the Monarch, who hath highest interest, power, and trust delegated from God, and hath his honour and interest of more concern in performance of Acts of Justice then any other (even in such degree that he cannot find any reward else so valuable to divert him) must be presumed thereupon the readiest to hear and amend, when any thing in this kind shall be offered. And if the ordinary grievances of the poor or meaner sort, be not by him taken into consideration, like the more remarkable appeals from great ones, it proceeds still from the same cause of want of concern, not in him, who, if he be an entire Monarch, and no ways made obnoxious or defective in propriety, would hear poor and rich alike, as equally subjects; but for want of concern in other persons of rank and eminence, that should present it and state it unto him. Which is a thing so difficult to be done, as experience tells us, that it is the great obstacle of all redress: namely for want of concern to make another take so much pains as throughly to examine the state of the grievance, and so apply himself towards redress.  
For we shall find all private men to be still so full of their own business, as not to be sufficiently inclined to make any other of such equal concern, as to remit the present care thereof, to intend his, beyond respect to themselves. And although the sense of pity and Justice be in all men naturally, yet the difficulty will still lie, How, for want of concern, to make him attentive in such length of discourse as must be requisite to make my cause appear so. Upon which ground it is, that Fees are given to Advocates, Councillors, etc. by those that are appellants and suitors: hereby engaging them to take their Client's business into concern, and make it their own.  
Men have hitherto thought Justice in the abstract to be before it in the concrete: as though truth, or the affections or adjuncts of things could have been before the things themselves. But as Divine Justice is but the procession of that equity which resideth in God the supreme Judge of all (whereby the affairs of all creatures are disposed and ordered according to the known measure and equality which their respective merits in relation to the good and Oeconomy of the whole doth require) so neither was humane Justice before the administrators thereof: no more then positive Law was before the Lawmaker: who, by that did publicly determine what was fittest to be done in the Verge of his jurisdiction also. Therefore, men making Justice to be juris statio, or dependant on the sentence or determination of the Law, could not choose but to have considered (onward) that that jus or law, must again have dependence on the Lawmaker, or him that hath jurisdictio, had not a kind of conspiracy in the flattery of private men's abilities towards the judging right and wrong, made them determine Justice measurable by Law, and Law by themselves: that so (onward) public Justice might be submitted to private sense of equity: whereby at last all should resolve into opinion.  
In which regard, it is no wonder that subjects in general, do, in order to obtain their fancied degree of liberty, agree amongst themselves upon such maxims as they conceive restrictive of the exercise of their Prince's power over them; upon the same ground as servants use to do towards that of their masters. For so experience tells us of those measures of good and bad masters which are by servants usually entertained amongst themselves, in order to deny all masters and their actions to be good, farther than they are respective to, or carried on towards their interests or approbations. Thus the master that is most profuse for diet, apparel, etc. is called the best and most kind, by his own, and by all other servants too. Whereas that master that measures these things by his own conveniencies of estate, etc. and makes restraint accordingly, is called Churl and miserable. And so again, such masters as permit liberty and licentiousness, have the servants joint applause as just and kind unto them: whereas such as restrain and punish them for faults, are by them called cruel and unjust. For how should it be expected they should like to be straightened or punished for what they had formerly approved?  
Nor can men under servitude of any kind, separate themselves so far from their interests in relation that way (that is in desiring freedom) as to take the interest of the correlate into equal concern with their own: and not rather still to choose and fix upon such reasons and maxims as shall most confine the will of their governor to be submitted to theirs: and, in order thereunto, to fancy (as we see it come to pass) that there are general rules and laws whereby justice and right are as measurable by inferiors as others: yea even whilst they are inferiors.  
But suppose there is in every man implanted the maxims and grounds of general Justice, as God to be worshipped, parents and superiors to be honoured, every man to have his own, or the like, yet since they were in several men, variously concluded from several inductions and observations in the course of humane affairs (for they increase and differ in men as years and ability do) it must come to pass, that when they come to refer back and are to be applied to particular occasions, they must be both different, and fallible also: as not determining how to worship God, or wherein to obey susuperiors, or what every man's due is. Upon which grounds, it is no wonder that Astraea was feigned to leave the world about the same time when Laws began most to abound; and men undertook to fancy, that that obedience to the Laws which was constitutive of Magistrates and subjects justice towards one another, was also to be definitive and bounding of justice in the original.  
But, if we make not justice to be residing in that sentence and determination of equity which each rightful superior imposeth, then hath it indeed no certain abode amongst men: Or, if they bound it by any other positive Law then what is to be by him interpreted and enforced, than they not only take away all justice from the golden age of the world, which was therefore chiefly called so because the public person to whose sense of equity things were entrusted did particularly judge in emergencies, and so more exactly measure causes then can be now by standing rules and laws, but they also (for the present) take it from fathers, masters of families, and the like: where right and justice is depending on their arbitrary and accasional directions.  
And therefore, as Divine Justice, or the general rule of equity in government of the world, is dependent on the Divine Edict and determination of God, who hath the government hereof; and as the rule of justice of the family is dependant on him that hath that charge also, so is the same to be granted in each kingdom: even to be the decision of him that hath Legislative power, and trust to determine of things towards the stating political peace or happiness.  
To which purpose some have conceived the word jus to be the abrievation of Jovis os; which we may call the Divine sentence in the lips of the King: making it the positive decree of the sovereign power. For although this Synterisis (or inward assent to the general maxims of equity) be usefully in all men, because they must more or less have dominion, yet for inferiors or ●quals, as such, at any time to use them upon their own authority, cannot make the execution take the name of Justice; however the sentence may be in itself equal, or proportionable to the equity of the cause.  
And indeed, that common definition of this virtue, of giving every one his own, would have caused men necessarily to conclude this the proper virtue of the person in supreme power and propriety, (for how else shall he have right to distribute) had not (as before noted) private covetousness and arrogance of judgement, made men conclude it not to be justice, except under that notion of his own, each man had such distribution, as should not only be directed by positive Law, but by it according to their interpretation also. As though there could be private propriety against the public, or that the Prince, the Master of a Family, or other public superior, were to regard the good and propriety of the contenders, or any other separate private persons, without regard to the whole propriety and good: and not rather make his distributions of the public stock of honour, riches, etc. to private persons with repsective care to the whole.  
In which respect, we may again call public Justice The exercise of authority proceeding from each rightful superior, as his sense of equity in particular distributions shall lead them, with regard to public advantage. So that, he judging according to sense of equity, as between two, both the parties contending are to be taken as one: and decission is to be so made between them, that the other more worthy party, the Commonwealth, be Geometrically considered. And this, although the whole present people be present contenders in the two parties: yet is the succeeding community or their own future inconveniencies to be considered. From whence we may conclude a just man and a governor to be convertible: as also is the notion of Justice with that of government: having both issue from his authority and determination. Saving that under the notion of government (as more general) we usually comprehend both equity and justice: that is both the directive and coercive parts: but by Justice, we commonly conceive but the bare vindicative part to be acted, separate from the Legislative.  
If in this his sentence, he bear such particular eye to the parties in competition as to forget or neglect common interest, he is unjust to God his superior; as failing in his general trust: however, to his inferiors he must always, upon the same reason, be acknowledged just.  
We are also accustomed to apprehend the notion of justice to have (in reference to the persons subjected) a more particular regard then that of government: namely when then the Justiciar shall more expressly respect the comparative fitness or interest of any two separate parties: at which time, the governor being more remarkable by an explicit determination, it may thence be called particular government, as government itself may be called general and implicit Justice: both of them being stated and defined by the due exercise and receipt of that power which caused their relations, that is of the governor or Justiciar as agent, upon the governed or justified as patient. In which case, the Agent and patient standing reciprocally constituting each other, according to their relations, to impose and receive, it follows that where the governor is not endued with his proper power to impose on the governed, according to his virtue of Agency, and the governed, on the other hand, endued with the virtue of receipt and patibillity, there cannot be government. But, in proportion, as the inferior invades the power of Agency, or is insusceptible of the others Agency, so far the political harmony and order is broken and inverted, and approach is made unto Anarchy.  
And many times also we difference Justice from Government by its object: as making it conversant about the Government of our proprieties, and apprehending the notion of the Government to have most particular reward to the Subjects personal liberties: and this way that definition of giving every man his own, and of the division of Justice into distributive and commutative may seem to look.  
Philosophers, in their usual Scholy, desiring to make it a vulgar and common virtue, for their own applause sake amongst their Scholars, have fought to define and defference it from other virtues by its object or effect, without assigning unto it a proper subject (by inherence whereunto, it might, like all other abstracted notions, stand formally differenced,) have thereupon made it to import as large as virtue itself: of which they would have it understood to be a kind. For so in our apprehensions, a just man's imports as large a commendation as a good man, or a virtuous man.  
But it is to be considered, as before noted, that this virtue can no otherwise be supposed common to all men, or every man, then as that man may at the same time be supposed a full superior or proprietor, in the distributions or commutations he is to make and that thereupon, it is not a virtue proper to him as a man, but as such a man: that is, as relating to him in his present power and superiority in what he is to distribute, and his full propriety in the thing he doth exchange. And from thence it will still follow, that as this occassonal relation of superiority did make the notion of Justice assignable as aforesaid, so, to make it capable of a constant specifical difference, there is no way but to affix it to him that is by Office a constant superior.  
For they should have considered, that although this virtue cannot be without the others, namely without prudence preceding, and temperance and fortitude accompanying its execution, yet it having its objects wholly foreign, and respecting such persons only as stand relating to other men in superiority, and not as each man hath power and government over himself (as the other virtues do) it must thereupon have its different definition accordingly.  
As for example, Temperance, that wholly relates to each one as having jurisdiction in himself for Government of his own appetites and affections, must therefore belong to all men, because all men have such things to govern: and can have foreign jurisdiction only as accompanying the Justice of a superior. And so must prudence and fortitude, that partly relate to others good and partly to our own guidance, be communicable to all men likewise; because of the daily and general use of both, for the benefit of others, and their own separate good. Whereas Justice, that hath its object wholly in the good of others, and doth thereupon suppose the party qualified with ability proportionable, must be appropriate to such only as have by their relations power to act accordingly.  
And then it will come to pass, that although Justcie may have perfection of degrees, and be more or less a virtue as this governor is more or less prudent, temperate, or magnanimous, yet must the notion of Justice be always assigned to the actings of superiors upon inferiors, as such, notwithstanding occasional deviations.  
For as to be a reasonable creature remains the definition of all men, as men, yea though they be most foolish, so cannot the violent actions of some, deprive men in supreme authority from having the notion of Justice appropriate to that sort of men only. And this, because a man in supreme Authority being the subject wherein Justice can only reside, even as mankind in general is the subject of reason, It is not therefore the pravity of some Monarch, or other occasional deviations in some Acts, can deprive them of the definition of just, more than the unreasonableness or imprudence of some men, or of some actions of any man, can take from them or him that definition of a reasonable creature. For the question being not concerning the perfection of the predicate, but of its propriety of inherence, therefore, as mankind is amongst sublunary creatures the proper subject of reason, because none else can so truly or perfectly have it, so doth justice remain proper to men in supreme authority: although they may be in degree much inferior, or defective one to another.  
And this truth we shall find asserted by one that was incomparably wiser and more knowing in these things than any of the Philosophers; even by Solomon himself: Also to punish the Just is not good, nor to strike Princes for equity. In which words the just man and the superior stand plainly convertible: 
Prov. 17.26.  as also they do in that saying of Saint John, My little children let no man deceive you, he that doth righteousness is righteous, even as he is righteous: that is, since God the fountain of Justice gave them power to be doers, 
1 John 3.7.  they are in their deeds always just in relation to those below them: of all which more hereafter.  
And therefore, lastly, as the abuse of this prerogative and advantage of reason, prevails not with God to take it from mankind, because of that general good which the use of it doth ordinarily afford, (both in men's deportments toward one another, and other creatures also) no more are the accidental abuses in the seat of Justice, of avail to take off, and defeat that continual benefit arising to mankind by the general exercise thereof. For in these cases, wisdom grounding herself upon an infallible rule of comparison, raises this her maxim, Better to suffer a mischief then an inconvenience●: better that the common benefit of Justice should be kept up, notwithstanding its occasional mischiefs, than the avoiding of those occasional mischiefs, should defeat the common benefit of Justice.  
And indeed, the two extremes of this virtue mi●ht have denoted the proper subject thereof, had men had as great readiness to have acknowledged their Prince's virtues, as to mark their vices. For as unto none but men of power it can be a fault to neglect Justice, or extend it to tyranny or rigour, so can the virtue itself be formally agreeing to none, but such neither.  
So that then, we may plainly find that they that have hitherto defined Justice to be a virtue giving every one his own, by their not setting down certain rules to judge what these proprieties were, and how to be known, and ont determining the persons that shall have this power of distribution, they have made justice, that was ordained to be the great instrument of public peace and quiet, to be the occasion of Civil war.  
They that think they have come nearer the mark, by determining Justice to be Juris statio, meaning the sentence of Law, they have thereby indeed found out a good remedy to bridle the exorbitance or Magistrates, and also to direct them in each particular execution of their charge; but then, since justice is not a contemplative virtue, as depending upon the knowledge of the Law, but upon the due execution thereof, it will still follow, that as Juris statio doth depend on Juris dictio, and the execution of the Law is not otherwise justice then as the person executing the same hath above others power therein derived from that person that is Lawmaker, even so also, justice itself must be acknowledged more or less such to inferiors, as it is more or less in its execution approaching and derived from its original.  
Whereupon we must say that when the term of Justice is given to inferiors, as denoting their upright dealing in the discharge of any trust, it is then (as before noted) confounded with the virtue or honesty: for honesty is the proper commendation of any in that case, even as denoting trust and inferiority. Whereas, to do justice, or justly, supposeth a power to impose and distribute. But when we do suppose any inferior person (as such) to be capable of justice, so far as he hath been equal to the rule and proportion of his trust, we do thereby grant justice not to be any ways originally in him, but to be properly only assignable where the rule is; that is, to the party that holds the balances, as being possessed of power: And therefore is Justice painted with a sword in the right hand, and scales in the jest, as betokening that the estimation and decision of causes and controversies is the proper office of him that is in the supreme seat of authority and power, who is to be conceived the Trustor, and not on the judgement or censure of such as are inferior, or trusted.  
And this, because the Trusted's justice or equal dealing being to be measured by the Trustor or superior, he can no otherwise be just then by him justified: which is not to be actively or formally just, but proportionably so. For although he might have been upright or honest in his return, as having herein done to the utmost of his ability or conscience, yet cannot he be therefore truly called just: because the superior in his trust, might have had other ends or intentions in the assignment of the trust, then hath been, or could be by him adequately returned: in which case, falling short of the rule, he fails in point of Justice also.  
And to manifest these things more clearly, namely that the Justice of superiors is not dependent on the judgement and sentence of men below, and that again, our own conscience cannot justify alone, we shall find Saint Paul saying With me it is a very small thing to be judged of you, or man's judgement: yea I judge not mine own self, for I know nothing by myself, yet am I not thereby justified, but he that justifieth me is the Lord. 
1 Cor. 4.3, 4.   
From whence we may truly infer, that no man can be just before God in this life: not only, because not fully knowing his will, but also in respect of inability; in coming short thereof, even when we are most conscientious. And so again, taking injustice to import negatively (that is, absence of justice) we may call all inferiors more or less unjust: and that also, whilst to their utmost they are most honest. Even as on the contrary, we may say all inferiors are more or less just, as more or less justified. Upon which ground, the Publican, a neglecter of the Law, went away rather justified then the Pharisee, 
Luk. 8.14.  a most exact keeper thereof. In which regard, justification being according to supremacy in power, it follows that any man may be called just, when justified before God the fountain of all rule and power, although to his Prince or Parents he may in some particulars fall short of his trust: like as, upon the same rule again, the justification of the Prince may include justice to any subject, notwithstanding his failing in any inferior charge.  
So that now, the attribute of Justice being formally proper only to supreme power, hence it comes that the acts of no superior but God can be universally and strictly called just. For Princes being, as his chief Magistrates, in some things restrained, and to be directed by his Laws, they can in those things be no farther esteemed just in execution, then as they are observant of them: Whereas in other things, by God referred to them as to his next entrusted Deputies, the stating of right or law must be dependant again on their sentence. In which case, as those Magistrates by them entrusted with execution of their Laws, must have above other subject's power to interpret, and act according to their own sense of equity and right, which is to be obeyed as justice by all others, even so again, the actions of Princes, as Gods supreme Magistrates, must, as in duty to God, be submitted unto by subjects in general.  
And we must farther also say, that as God's universal power and interest makes his actions to be always equal and just, even because they are his, even so (in proportion) Princes must be held in their actions more or less just, as they are more or less powerful or whole proprietors in what they judge. And farther, that as no man can be the proper and formal subject of justice but he that stands in relation a superior, so none unjust, but as he stands by relation an inferior: even as failing of, or exceeding in, the execution of that trust of power and propriety received from such as were herein above him. And, from the premises, we may farther say, that as the true stating and observance of the relations of governing and governed makes government, and the execution of this government makes Justice, so, in Republics, where these relations are not fixed and certain, but that the governed as Agents do sometimes act on the governing as patients, there Justice must be proportionably wanting or uncertain.  
Out of all hitherto spoken it will (I hope) appear to be each man's duty now, as he would be freed of the guilt of doing ill, aswell as that of stubborness and disobedience, not to take upon him to judge of the morality of laws and institutions, above, or without the leave of his superior. For as sin in the will must proceed from error in the understanding, if I respite my particular inquisitivenes, and suffer myself to be guided by the general persuasion that right and wrong are better known to these I am bound to obey then to myself, the result of my actions, whether they did what was good or no, must yet be safer to me that perform them by implicit obedience, than they can be otherwise. For if they be right and good, the merit of that obedience by which they were done will increase their good: and if otherwise, it will abate it, as being therein my just excuse. For the less will I had therein, the less sin I must also have: as shall be more fully discoursed of when we treat of Religion.  
And bootless it is, to say that obedience to humane authority is to be given in things indifferent: For if the doing or not doing be indifferent for legality or benefit in my conceit, I yield to authority, not as out of duty as such, but as doing what I should have done to any ordinary request. Or if, besides the sense of duty, I go to set myself a rule how far, and how far n●t, my own reason and conscience is to submit; so far as I take on me to ju●ge of the equity of the precept and the measure of my obedience, so far the virtue and merit of obedience must cease.  
So that now, to conclude this discourse of Law and Justice, we are to esteem them the proper right and honour of him that hath the sovereignty: who, being to judge his subjects and fight their battles, is to have this prime and inseparable mark of his office preserved inviolable. For, unless we will be again content to be let loose to our first natural liberty of having no certain proprieties, but make dominion again fleeting, and dependant on the issue of each man's occasional strength, to hold or acquire, and, in pursuance thereof, to his own censure of right and wrong to possess, there is no remedy but we must submit in matters of judgement and sense of legality and morality, to the same person we now publicly submit our bodily force: unless we should fond think, that it were fit men should be put by rules of true policy in such a wretched condition, as to be left free to judge of right and wrong, that, to their greater torment, they may be by force deprived. Or, unless we shall farther suppose, that use of force and resistance was in these cases remitted also; and so, absurdly make each subject a superior; by being his own judge and Magistrate.   

CHAP. IX. Of the Public good, Common good, or Commonweal.  
WHat hath been hitherto spoken of the necessity of self-seeking, as to the preservation of that whole species which must consist of those particulars, must, upon like reason, be now considered in the justification of wha● each Kingdom doth for its separate good apart, without equal regard to ●e good of one another. For although the good of the whole race of mankind be in common reason preferable to that of any Kingdom, yet since neither men themselves, nor all Countries in general, can be so reduced or associated under one entire government and care as to Call any man father or master on earth; it must therefore fall out that this general good, subsisting by, and arising according to that of particulars, the necessity of each kingdoms having separate propriety and interest, and of an understanding and will proper to itself, will to it be the same (I mean to the preservation of each kingdom) as the having proprieties distinct to the particular subjects of the same kingdom, is to the saubsistance and advancement of the general propriety of the whole kingdom: or as having distinct understanding and will, is necessary to constitute each single person. And as God, who is, and can only be the universal Monarch of all mankind, doth so fasten man's specifical being and preservation, by pleasurable objects accompanying his generation and food, or the contrary on things contrary (in such sort as we are thereby preserved from danger of total decay) so are particular parcels hereof left to the particular guidance of stewards and officers of his own appointing: who, having their distinct allotments for improvement, are through the natural sense of honour and greatness provoked to look to the increasing thereof as their proper duties: and that, although, in their exchange or usury of these talents, other kingdoms be proportionable or greater losers.  
From all which, gathering how each kingdom is to be justified in prosecuting their own good apart, we are next to consider what this good is. In this case also, we must, as conceiving these notions of Kingdom or Commonwealth to include a distinct multitude of mankind there associated by union of a common head, attribute unto them the same end we did unto men in general before: namely the prosecution of pleasure; although under another name, to wit that of plenty: which do●h suppose and imply that stock or store of things pleasurable, which each kingdom is to have for the use and benefit thereof. But because the care and charge for acquisition and preservation of the particulars that serve to promote and make up this plenty or pleasure doth belong to the Prince, we shall not here speak thereof.  
In the mean time, considering all political happiness united, and that under the general notion of pleasure, we must say, that as other pleasures of private persons, so the different pleasures of one Kingdom or Commonwealth above another, is in vigour and sincerity of fruition, or in continuance and extent thereof. For if a people should be pleased with appearing contents, or with riches and its appurtenances only: as ease, dainty fair, fine clothes, houses, or the like; these, as they came short of what might have been added in the same kinds, and as they stood unaccompanied of other political benefits, as Religion, Fertility, Arts, Militia, etc. and as again they wanted certainty for continuing in their possession or esteem, they wanted also of degree for completing their political happiness.  
Nay farther, collecting the happiness of each Kingdom into a total, it is not only needful that all and every member thereof be, so far as may be, made sensible thereof, but, because goodness and benefit is more or less, as it is extended, each Kingdom is also more or less happy, as it hath more or fewer to participate thereof. For as the happiness of a whole Kingdom must (collectively considered) be greater than the happiness of any single person or order in the same, so must the happiness of one Kingdom increase above that of another in proportion, as the persons by them made happy do differ in number. And therefore we must also say, that by Happiness of a Kingdom, we understand that whole stock of pleasures and benefits of all sorts wherewith each Kingdom is furnished: and withal, the fit application and distribution thereof, according to the general capacities and numbers of the subjects.  
As for example, if one party of the kingdom, being too strong to be awed by the supreme power, do enrich themselves by the spoil and plunder of other subjects, it is not their taking upon them the show of the whole people or Commonwealth, that can make their particular gain the gain of the whole kingdom: but it is rather really the loss: whilst, besides what is truly spoiled by fire, rapine, other mischiefs accompanying Civil war so many men as must be employed for soldiers, are kept not only from agriculture, manifacture, and other necessary employments for public increase; but also to live luxuriously upon the labour of others: to their disheartening, and decay of the Public stock: as famine, the consequent of Civil war, doth well declare. But all this, is little to the most considerable loss of so many men's lives: which, as man is more valuable than any thing else, is the greatest loss can befall any Kingdom: not only as in its self, but as it is wholly irreparable. No, when we see the ploughman, the shepherd, the spinster, or the like; to be intent in their labours and providing food and clothing for us. These we may truly call Commonwealthsmen: forasmuch as they do by their occupations make real improvement without the loss of others. Whereas he that through public disturbance, hath seated himself as high in Office and Power as his ambitious heart can desire, cannot at all be called a Commonwealths-man in what he hath done: nor in what he shall do in this his employment and power, otherwise then as directed and warranted by his Sovereign. Even because in all distributions and disposals made by any Magistrate of any of the Kingdom's stock already gained, a consequential loss must light on them that were before possessed: when as they that make an increase from nature or art, as they do thereby empoverish none, so are they always to be held publicly beneficial, whilst they manage their proper employments.  
And as public good may be thus damnified by private actings of subjects one upon another by force, so may it by commerce also. For if some persons or degrees of subjects, do increase their happiness or riches only by consequent affliction or poverty of others, none can call this an addition of happiness to the Commonwealth or Kingdom in general. But if this be effected by lawful and usual ways of contract, commerce, and traffic of subjects amongst themselves, than (at the worst) what one looseth another gets: and so the whole Kingdom neither gets nor loses in the general, or whole stock thereof. But, if this way of acquiring from one another be without public leave, then, by destruction and neglect of so much of that Kingdom's stock and improvement, as great lots must follow to the whole thereupon. For since to the whole Kingdom there can be no improvement but what is acquired either from nature, or husbandry, or invention of Arts; or from other kingdoms; as by Merchants, Arms, or the like, so can nothing be lost to the whole but by neglect of these, through diversion of endeavour, or by actual destruction of what hath been so gained.  
We may therefore well compare those distributions and partitions of honours, lands, etc. made amongst subjects by the Prince, unto that dole of bread, or the like, which, upon pre-regard had to each parties wants, is distinctly and orderly given according to the direction of authority; and so nothing comes to be lost. Whereas we may compare that way of partition which subjects do factiously and partially take one them to make amongst themselves, to a kind of scrambling: wherein, while each party or person is confusedly endeavouring to engross to himself, without considering the wants of others, a great part comes to be spoiled in the contest, and by neglect: besides that danger of quarrelling, which must follow thereupon.  
Upon consideration of all which, it will appear, that as the public or whole good of the kingdom is not to be estimated by every private possession, but by all in general; so can it have no competent judge of its reality and extent, but that public person that hath universal share therein: And so (farther,) that none but he that hath common interest in all the persons of his subjects, can be well able impartially to mind their universal contents, and provide against the covetous engrossements of public and common benefits. And this, not only for deviding the present stocks of riches, honours, offices, & arms, amongst subjects, but also in differencing and setting the true value and proportions of each of them according to public benefits, one in comparison of another. Else may his subjects place all their delight in riches, and so neglect Religion and God's service: or, growing thereby secure, neglect the means of their preservation, and acknowledge of arms. Or they may set their minds wholly on honour: so as, through emulation, to fall into faction and civil war. For, as in our natural bodies, although the humours themselves be necessary for our preservation, yet if they exceed in quantity, so as to defeat and interupt one another's workings, or be not in that proportion as the state of that body requires, they then destroy the body: so, in politic bodies, although the having of all politic benefits be useful therein, yet may the unequal and immoderate possession of some so them, destroy (without good care) the enjoyment and good of the whole.  
And thereforefore, as the proper will and appetite of each person is in him supreme and uncontrollable Judge against all other foreign wills, and also over the private and single appetites of his own particular members, so is the will of the public person, in the same kingdom, uncontrollable judge of that kingdom's benefit: both against the public judgement of other kingdoms, and also against the judgement of any of its own private members: or else there will (at last) be no such thing as public good at all.  
For when one Faction doth prevail on another, or one Community or Corporation upon another, so far as to increase in riches or other necessary appurtenances of pleasure; since what is by one order of Subjects gained is in the same proportion lost to another order, the gain of the Kingdom can be no otherwise conceited to increase in the whole, then as these trade and gainings one upon another had licence and direction from public Reason: even therein foreseeing how that Kingdoms public stock might be therein increased by foreign supply, or kept undiminished by avoiding home neglect. In the first case prevailing by way of acquisition and gain, in the other by way of parsimony and thrift.  
No, it is not the assuming to themselves the name and notion of the Commonwealth, and so, by reason of their present supreme and uncontroleable power, commanding without general agreement or leave of the common head, that can make the actings of any prevailing party or faction to be rightly and justly called the Government of that Commonwealth: much less can it be conceivable, how the particular gain of this powerful ruling Faction, and that separate and distinct increase which is thereby raised to themselves and their party, by the consequential loss of a greater number of the people and inhabitants of the same place (by them kept in subjection) can in any true sense, be called the gain of the Commonwealth: let their pretensions of acting for, and in name of the Commonwealth or people, be as fair and plausible as they will.   

CHAP. X. Of Paction and Commerce·  
Under God Almighty who alone is Omnipotent, and in himself All-sufficient, there is no sensitive Agent but stands in need of security and advantage to be obtained elsewhere: and which (according to the sense and knowledge thereof) doth not, to the utmost of its power, find out means of trust, for avoiding the objects of its fear, or attaining those of its hopes. Thus, the Lion hath his Teeth and Talons as his confidence to defend himself, and also to obtain his prey. The Fox trusts to his craft for both. But generally, all Beasts, Fishes, and Birds, seek to shun their present fears, by the nimbleness of their Legs, Fins, and Wings: their food being usually so ready, to all that live not on prey, that little provision or care need to be taken.  
In men, the weapons offensive and defensive are chiefly their reason: for as their fears and hopes increase above other creatures, both through the knowledge of what truly is, or may be hurtful or good unto them (which beasts do not) or through the variety of those objects of harm or delight (which beasts have not) so they have accordingly made larger provision for their securities and advantages.  
For supply of our continual wants, so far as they refer to Nature or God-ward, we, like other creatures, have no cause of fear or mistrust, that the Covenant of Seedtime or Harvest, 
Gen. 8.22.  Summer and Winter, day and night, with the continuation of other influences and affordments of the creatures, should ever quite fail: because in him that appointed them, as there is no self-want to divert, 
Jam. 4.17.  so there is no variableness or shadow of change. Whereas, in those supplies that are necessary for our use, and yet are in the power of others that have like use with ourselves, the acquiring or possession of them cannot reasonably be expected, without a voluntary and free resignation.  
To suppose it voluntary, is first to suppose it reasonable in the opinion of the party from whom the courtesy is expected. And reasonable it cannot be, till something equivalent, in the eye of the proprietor, be granted in satisfaction and lieu thereof: whither it be in equal-goods, or courtesy, or only in thanks, as a free gift. In which latter case only, no pledge or contract useth to pass: though, to a generous mind, it be the straightest obligation that may be. But, in the other cases, the kind of return or requital, with the weight, measure, number, or other estimation thereof is always agreed upon.  
For although it might be alleged, That since in Nature there is no Propriety, why should not he that had store of Corn, cattle, etc. share with him that wants, who is both his equal and hath like interest. And what more noble then in this case freely to give. All which is true: but since these are things which each one cannot want, who shall have power to see this distribution made, or force one man to drudge for another? And since it is not to be presumed that he which ploughs and soweth, will be so far delighted in that expense and labour, as to do it for such as from whom (it may be) not so much as thanks is to be expected; therefore there will be danger, that either he that expected bread from him will want it, or else, bestowing his whole labour in getting bread for himself and others, he should, for want of time to employ in other things, want all other food, and apparel also.  
And therefore, as the settling of Propriety increased tillage and other sorts of husbandry (which otherwise would have lain still) so Trade and Commerce make Propriety useful, to the improvement both of the goods of Nature and Art. For hereby the Husbandman, the Grazier, the Shoemaker, the Tailor, etc. have mutually to supply each others wants: and he that hath more food than he needs, may exchange the overplus for apparel or what else he wants. And so, whilst men's abilities are not diverted, but wholly employed in one Trade, each one (to the common improvement) will grow of greater excellency therein.  
And thereby also, men's several gifts and endowments come to be alternatively and publicly useful and beneficial. For the strong and able bodied man, who (perhaps (hath not equal judgement to him that is weak, is fittest for execution and labour in those things which the invention of the other hath by his Art and Study made more easy: each ability finding an employment proper. And although, at the first, while Families were great, they were like little Commonweals or Cities in themselves, and so might, through their many hands, and unity of Command and application, be in all things well furnished, according to such proportion as their simplicity then required; yet less Families, being now collected in narrow bounds within Cities and Commonweals, as they could not otherwise subsist, so they are hereby served with greater ease and variety.  
But, necessity, the mother of invention, saw yet a defect. For he that employed himself in shoe-making, etc. might want food or other necessaries, at such a time as they in whose hands these things were had no need of his shoes: but it may be of such other things as were not in his power. In this case there was no way, but to agree to some one or few things, that should serve as common values and exchanges for all others: which at first (it is like) was of Leather, Iron, or what was generally most useful. But this not serving to all wants and occasions, and through its plenty being subject to deceit, metals of greatest scarcity come to be politicly brought in, and stamped by Authority, to give it denomination and value: So that, where anciently estates were reckoned by cattle or goods, it is now computed by money.  
But let us go on to discover what is just and not in matters of Commerce, (supposing men as under rules of Religion): A man comes to buy or bargain with another for any thing he wants, what gain shall we allow the seller? shall it be twenty in the hundred, a double, or treble value: or else what can he get? Where shall Conscience stint itself? Shall the Law appoint the proportion? Why so? Is not the seller a Subject as well as the buyer? And if than the Law rate and stint not all commodities and dealings, it is partial: if it do, to what use; since the gain might as well have gone round; by my enhansing proportionably my commodities to him or others, as now our losses do, as being all of us low rated? But what if the buyer have not commodities, for all men cannot be stored alike? Why then commonly you discourage Trade: and so, through a general dearth of things, prejudice all men. Therefore authority interposeth but in few cases with success: and, in my judgement, in the silence of Authority, they are under no rule but of their own Consciences: namely of the rule of Do as thou wouldst be done unto. For the buyer and seller, trusting to their own judgements and skill in their bargains, may advantage themselves as they shall see good. For where is no trust to be understood, there is no cozenage: otherwise all Trades would be unlawful. For if you measure unlawfulness by proportion of gain, the least again is unlawful also.  
But for this partial respect to generally sheyed towards the buyer against the seller, there is the same reason to be given as was formerly for these many declamations against the atbitrary power of Princes, and for the many inventions of bounding their single powers more than the powers of the many superiors in Aristocracies and Democracies: namely, that as Subjects and parties are only writers of those things, so few writers of Moral or Political duties are Tradesmen or sellers, but all buyers: and so, for their own interest sake, having not regard to the equal justice of the thing itself, would have them bounded, and not themselves.  
And as it thus fareth at the Market or Tradesman's shop (namely that the buyer is at the cellar's choice for the proportion of money or other exchange to be given him in satisfaction for what he takes) the like it is with Officers, Artificers, or other persons, from whom any thing belonging to their offices or labour of mind is desired. To wit, that, where the rate of their pains and employment is not stinted by a superior, there, he, being an equal subject with the other that hath need of his employment, is not, like his slave or drudge, to be made to serve him without such requital as himself shall judge reasonable.  
And so also it is in the case of that great public officer the King: for, he having none on earth above him, who shall set any stint upon him: so far that if any will make use of his protection, he shall not again have liberty to increase the rate thereof, according to occasion: as Merchants do of their wares, or other Officers or Artificers do of their skill? And upon the same reason that he may make rich and great men pay him greater Rates and Taxes for their protections, as having greater shares therein, why may he not generally upon occasion, increase or diminish these Rates from all or any of his Subjects, as he finds this his office of protecting them to be more or less dangerous to himself, as well as difficult and expensive? For where God (his superior) hath not bounded him, I see not why he should be rated by any others: much less by the parties themselves, for that great hazard of his person he undergoes, in that security of person and estate which he gives unto them.  
Let us look nearer to this in Pactions, where performance on both sides is not present, as in contracts before mentioned, but that both are future, or one party must perform before another. This Paction, and the security thereupon will be found void, without a common Authority to hold the obliged party to performance: For else the first cannot in reason begin. Therefore, since all trust doth require due return and discharge, men, for their mutual securities herein, do not rely upon the single assurances of one another's bare promises, but either engage witnesses therein, or trust to some such deed under hand & seal, as may be available to call in public justice to their assistance, in case that breach of Covenant should be offered. In which case, as neither side hath right to determine for itself, so can they not refuse the appeal and umperage of the superior Authority therewith entrusted. For so, in all Commonweals there is Law, and, by a just subordination, there is a Superior for decision of all things; till we come therein to the supreme of all: beyond whom, no appeal on earth is to be had. For that, if I should appeal from the Prince to any on earth, I change the Government: placing the sovereignty where the last appeal is. And because in these things we must come to some pause, therefore if we place a supreme above a supreme, we make all controversies undecideable: and lose ourselves as in a circle of giddyness.  
So then, the difference between a Contract and a Pact is, that, the one being a present exchange of Property, the alternative possession gives and secures their rights, without supposition of superior civil power to the new proprietors, as firmly as it did to the old. Whereas in Pactions, the possession of the new property being not yet had, he that performs last hath for his future possession no assurance but what ariseth from a power superior and common to them both: Into whose hands the whole Propriety must thereupon be supposed to be put; (as is usually done by deed in his name attested by witness) and that, according to the degree that this third power stands therein presently concerned and powerful, the trusting party hath his security. And therefore, to make Pactions and Contracts the same in Reason and Equity, the superior must have whole Propriety in the thing pacted for, and equal and supreme power over the pacting parties: or else they contract for contingencies instead of certainties.  
But then they agree, that either party, being a voluntary Agent, may gain on the other to his utmost. For in case the superior person do mitigate or alter, he doth it as in relation to his own common and supreme Propriety: because in those Pacts which he personally and expressly doth not ratify, but only by general rules, he may vary as he shall find those general rules mistaken or wrested: otherwise you both engage and dis-impropriate him against his consent. For since each superior, being to be supposed with many in subordinate relation under him, cannot personally and particularly preside in all bargains, but must for direction of his pleasure in these things give and make Laws, it stands with no reason that for his good intention herein (that is for dispatch of the business of others) he should be by them disadvantaged himself.  
Now, imagining a Paction between King and people (as is by some done,) this difference will arise between the ties and securities which subjects make one with another, and those they make with their King. First, Subjects bargains are expressed, and that usually under hand and seal before witness: and then have they a person, and way of decision ready to reconcile their differences. Whereas, between Prince and people, nothing like Paction appears: but is only supposed. Again, the Prince having only God above him, the Subjects have no appeal but thither; who only is King of Kings: for how should the Subjects judge, they are parties, and beneath the Prince? How shall the Law judge; for that must be under its maker also?  
Again, in Pactions one is performing before another: between Prince and people it is not known which is to begin, or which is to end: for their ties are continual, and reciprocal: the Prince is continually to protect them, and they continually to obey him. Is he sworn to keep the Laws and do Justice; they are sworn and obliged to obey the Laws, and him in execution of them. Therefore when Monarches take oaths for maintenance of the Laws made, or for doing of Justice or other things, having none but God to judge hereof above him, he can be to him only accountable, as to a superior, for any breach: and if he be, he is no Sovereign. And if oaths do but what humane Law or Polity can do or secure without them, the attestation of God's name and presence is but taking his Name in vain: the obligation of an oath being in value as far above Law, as God is above the Prince. And when the oath of Allegiance passeth from Subjects to Princes, it is for farther securing him against opposition and revolt: because if sense of duty to God do not, it is not possible for the fear of one man to keep all in subjection.  
They that imagine Kingly Government is grounded on Paction with people, as deriving from them his power over them, will appear in a farther mistake herein, from consideration of the nature of Paction itself: which we shall a little more particularly examine. For first, they supposing that the community is at that time associated by mutual Paction so as to act in the capacity of one person, do fail, in that neither express Articles to that purpose could ever be made or produced, nor could there be any witness, nor a third present obliging superior party supposed. For, witness there can be none, but such as are parties: and third common obliging and powerful party there cannot be, but God. For if another on earth, he is their Prince already: and it is he, not they, must give content. So that God not being present, as to manifestation of express consent in what they do, otherwise then by his Will already known by his Laws; the people having none but themselves (equal parties) to judge how far their Pactions are consonant to these Laws, must, as wanting present power to hold them obliged to one another, want also power to grant any thing one to another. And therefore, they failing to think that such a body can be at all, or that a body without a head can perform the Offices of Discourse, Will, and Understanding, which is to the making Pactions requisite, we will next see what likeness of Paction there is in any thing that appears between Prince and people, supposing them as pactors; which some do fancy for making subjects submission (as they think) lawful, because voluntary.  
In this, the first great difficulty will be, how to bring the people into a capacity of appearance for making this stipulation. For if by their mutual and reciprocal Pactions amongst one another, they have but, (as is usually supposed to make them one body) transferred each others power, they are as far from being one body as before: because, as they were before separate in having their own distinct personal powers, so are still as distinct in possession of the powers of each other. For, if John have given his power to Thomas, it must be (I suppose) that Thomas should also give his own power to Willsam: And then, as William may be supposed to have a treble power (that is his own and the two resigned) to at last, by his transferring these resigned powers onward, they will come into one hand. But this will be a long work, and much trouble there will be with whom to begin, and in what order to follow therein; and who shall be the supreme obliging party, to see performance of these many Pactions.  
But if they be supposed to pact all at once, how shall we in this confusion be able to find out and distinguish the pacting persons from one another; and the third obliging party and witnesses from both? For if John say to Thomas, I give you all my right in governing myself, upon condition that you give the same and all yours to such and such, and this we mutually oblige ourselves by oaths to do, Then, taking these pactors by pairs, here will be a long work again, and to no purpose: unless the third person to be impowered with all power, do severally stipulate with these pares: and then he will have as many Kingdoms as pairs of Subjects.  
And to suppose each party pacting with the whole community, and saying I give all my power to this Community, that they again may give it unto such a man; Then must each man singly come to do to. Which done, each man will come but to have the same power he had at the first: forasmuch as every one being a member of the Community, hath also his equal share therein still. And therefore each one, as sharer in the power of the Community, must anew consent, or we are never the nearer of having a political person to Pact with; or of having made any Community or Corporation. And as this cannot be without a present superior Authority for so doing neither, (by force of whose Law the same must be done) so will much more follow, that as they could not by Paction have become a Community without some Superior Law and Power; so, beyond the leave of that Superior Law or Power, cannot they, as a Community, act any thing of force: much less can they set a Superior above what is Superior to them already.  
Again, it would be considered what they pact for in these their supposed Pactions with Princes, because all rational creatures must have an aim. In this case we must still continue supposing (for matter of Fact will never appear): either than they pact for their right to govern others, or for their right to govern themselves: If the latter, it must be meant only so far as their separate deportments come to be publicly useful, for still I suppose each one must have power to manage his proper business. Then, Question being what shall be public, what not, the supposed Paction must be invalid: because, expressing it not, it saves not, nor remedies not one pacting party from the power of the other: that is, the Subject from the Superior; to whom it belongs to have power to judge in all, or else he can judge in none. If it be meant of the first (that is; of his share of government of others) then must each person singly pact: to the end that the Community (including all) may have joint right to govern. But then, how can they give what they have not? For since (as formerly showed) none have by Nature, and as men, rule over one another, but what is derived the natural way from constraint, how shall force or fear be reconciled with the supposed voluntary Paction?  
Again, if precedent Paction must be supposed to make Government lawful, how shall we do for establishment of Democracies? Do the people of such a place Covenant with themselves, both to transfer to themselves, and retain to themselves the government of such a place? Do they thus derive power from one to another, to no other purpose then to do every one as they like still, and to be just as much, and no more powerful, then before? Here is a mad work indeed. Or if it be not done, then by their Argument these Governments are but Anarchies; which is true indeed.  
But if we should (to avoid some of the passed absurdities) suppose no Paction to pass between Prince and people, then, (grounding Justice and injury on the observation or violation of Pactions) we make them uncapable (by that supposition) of doing Justice to, or receiving injury from his Subjects: and so destroy Government, for want of mutual obligation and sense of duty.  
Lastly, these considerations will much puzzle us on what to ground the duty of those in the Family towards the Master. If he need not derive his Authority from Paction, but as due by Office, then is power of Office, and founded on God's Precepts: not on consent below. If children and servants must pact with one another to empower their Father or Master, then must he get them and take them in all at once: or else, upon the birth and admission of every new child and servant, they must all pact anew, for fear that these new ones, for want of being Covenanters, should be injured when any thing is by their Father or Master done against their liking, And then, what shall we say of the Wife's subjection? Must the husband have many Wives, that one may pact with another to empower him? Can he not also have Fatherly or Masterly power while he hath but one child or one servant for the like reason? At what years must Children be supposed able to pact? And by what Authority must the Father command in the mean time?  
Some, that first founded Government and power on this supposed way of pacting, have reckoned amongst sociable creatures Bees, Pismires, etc. which being bred all at once, do romain as it were but one litter: And again, they being of equality for wit, Courage, Size, Strength, etc. must have, according to their agreement in these things and shortness of life, their particular sense of good undistinguished from that which is common: and are therefore only instances, amongst sensitive Agents, for an independent Community, as heretofore showed. But how shall these things be fancied amongst men? What are our supposed Pactions no more than theirs? It is like indeed. But how shall we contrive men to be so contemtemporary: or in such equality o● Birth, Appetite, etc. to resemble them?  
Suppose a Colony of men agree to go to a new Plantation, their agreement to future Government will have example and reason from former sense and Education in Governments whereupon to found itself. And although, with them, force prevails not for the present establishing one man above another, yet riches or craft will: so as, by the unequal power thereof, to destroy that supposed equal Paction, upon their coming to this new Colony, and also in receiving others to them: towards whom, if they proceed not by open force, yet in their new Agreements (as formerly amongst themselves) they prevail on one another by opinion of Power and Force: which must consequently overthrow supposition of equal Community. For the share of Power cannot be equal amongst such as have it in degree one more than another: and where then is their formal consenting to set up others in power above them, since it arose but from the considerations they could not avoid it?  
And men may make suppositions this way while they please, yet it is in truth no more possible for men in a perfect state of freedom to consent to any degree of subjection, then to consent to endure any other evil. For when men in this new Colony or in any other condition do submit to another, as in discretion, and out of choice of two evils to choose the less, it is but the same thing as to submit to a conquering Monarch. In which case, as the feared evil is more plain, so will it more prudentially justify their submission.  
The benefit and design of this prudential choice of subjection, is lively set down by Jacob in Issacars blessing: viz. He saw that rest was good, and the Land that it was pleasant, 
Gen. 49.15.  and bowed his shoulder to bear, and became a servant to tribute. That is, he finding that it was not to probable that he should gain perfect Freedom or Dominion by resistance, as it was apparent that he should thereby hazard and lose the benefits arising by subjection, he therefore of two evils chose the less: and since he could not avoid the choice of subjection itself, he discreetly chose that kind of submission therein as should render him most happy.  
And this kind of prudential Freedom is not only all that humane condition is capable of in matters of subjection, but in all things else. For absolute freedom, that is, not to be liable to inconvenencies in the entertainment of the objects of choice (so far as that which shall be in itself most pleasing, shall not upon other consequential and unavoidable inconveniences be often subject to be passed by) is a prerogative of him that is omnipotent only: as having his power in all things equal to his will: and not of mankind; who, as bounded by the Laws of God, Nature and other his superiors, hath his power always so stinted by his own imbecility and the will of others, that the objects of his liking can be none other free to him, then as qualified and accompanied with such continual difficulties and hazards, as must render it inconsideration thereof, the object of deliberation whether to take or leave, and not of absolute freedom whether to take or leave that particular object, simply and in itself alone considered. If sense of taste or honour prompt us to the enjoyment of any particular food or place of preferment, these objects in themselves desirable, do through those abatements of dangers and inconveniencies arising in their acquisition or possession, become so far still the object of deliberation, that we many times decline as evil, the prosecution of what we apprehend or know to be good: and whether we choose or leave, our freedom is not higher than of two evils to choose the less: that is, the evil of want of the object we desire, or the evil of presence of it with its inconveniencies: Our liberty being never higher nor lower in any thing than absence of constraint in taking or leaving. Nay more, he that in the highest objects of his delight is not bounded by laws of superiors (as not being under government) yet since these usually are by others desirable aswel as himself, he will have the consideration of feared prejudice of his equals, still make it the object of deliberation: whereas the same liberty of choice and deliberation, cannot be so taken off by the highest and most severe law and penalty set down by authority, but that there will still be absence from constraint and place left for deliberation, and consequently for volition either way. For as God alone is only altogether unsubjected to the will of others, so inanimates and creatures below us, that wholly want will of their own, can be only wholly subjected to the will of others.  
And therefore, to return to farther examination of the Prince's power as grounded on the content of the community and particularly by oaths, we say, that if things be duly searched, the Prince's oath is only voluntary and subjects to be enforced by Law of the Country, or Law of nature, in prudence to his security. And oaths proceed not from mutual trust, but distrust. If either of them break these oaths, they are so far only punishable by God. For the Prince punisheth his Rebellious subjects, not as perjured, but as they are offenders; and subject to the laws: And therefore those that take not these oaths are for such offences equally punishable herein to those that do. And the truth is, that without these oaths, both King and People stood obliged to all reciprocal duties belonging to their offices: And if oaths should be taken to disable them in due performance of their offices, or enjoin them to unlawful or unfit actions beyond their respective relative duties, they are invalid.  
But although these Oaths cannot amount to a Paction, yet is their use good. For first, the solemn manner and place of delivery (being at the altar) cannot but deeply imprint in Kings their duty to God, to whom, and his Laws they are to be obedient, aswell as the meanest subject: then, by promising to govern according to Law, Justice, or the like, they are put in mind, that since their office is chiefly for their subjects good, they are to apply these rules to that purpose: at least so far as they see them thereto available. And so again, subjects by these oaths come to know that God, aswell as the law enjoins them obedience.  
In Aristocraties and Democraties, the capitulation is supposed between the whole state and each member: but in a Monarch, between the whole community and the Monarch. Subjects in Polarchies have no Oaths from the collective body, nor do the particular members of the state give any to the whole, as the subjects in Monarchies do to the Prince. And this, because each member in the state, as having a share in the state, and the state being not the whole state or sovereignty without him, he is neither in reason obliged to do it to them, nor much less they to him. For as in the first case (his share being something) it were absurd to demand of himself security for himself, so in the second, to give security where none is taken seems unreasonable. So that the main security which Polarchies have against the revolt of the people is in their own forces and numbers: making so great a share of them, that, with themselves and dependants, they are commonly the greater party of such as have arms. And therefore subjects can never ease themselves of the oppression of Polarchies without foreign help, or of some of the States against the rest: or else, when war hath so far wasted these heads themselves and their forces, as the subjects may have strength enough to revolt. But the single persons of Monarches, being disabled to prevail altogether by force, must rely also upon Oaths: and such obligations as may prevail more by love then fear.  
Now, to come to the example of Kings Covenanting with their people, it is oftenest urged in David. Who, as first of his family, and one that God intended to have firmly settled in that office, was thereupon to have the more solemn and notified entrance: And, for the people's stronger obligation to acknowledge and serve him, he was to receive his anointings again as by their appointment and consent; and they also, to that purpose, to promise him obedience and service. For surely, none can think it was in Judah's or Israel's power, whether or no he should have been their King: being before anointed by God's direction, without consent of either of them.  
So that their former King being now dead, we must suppose that in Justice they could do no otherwise: 
1 Chro. 12.22.  secondly nor in prudence, he being of such merit in himself, and having besides A great host like the host of God. Although these considerations, as also his gifts, made the Elders of judah first anoint him, yet I find no expression of the people's doing it: or that the people or Elders made any Covenant with him. And as for Israel, the Covenant spoken of must be understood in pursuance of that made with Abner: who, as in the chief command, had made Ishbosheth, Saul's son, King before: to whose face he threatens to give the kingdom to David. 
2 Sam. 3.9.  And therefore, when in pursuance thereof, he makes a league with David to bring all Israel to him; 
Verse 12.  It is to be understood of a league with Abner first made: for after the league between them Abner now calleth David, Lord and King: 
Verse 21. Ibid.  and saith, He will gather all Israel to David to make a league with him, that he might reign over all that his heart desired. Here is indeed obedience and subjection promised on the people's part when they should make this league with him; but what was the engagement from this or any other King to subjects, by way of Covenant, I find not.  
But to proceed on this enquiry concerning David's Covenanting, that which was probably Abners aim (besides his thirst of treacherous revenge was) indemnity for his past act against David: and therefore he durst not come till he had sent messengers on his own behalf. Which David accepts upon condition that he should bring his wife Michal with him: or else no forgiveness: expressed in that phrase of anger, Thou shalt not see my face except, 
Vers. 13.  etc. And likely it is Abner was taken into favour also: which might appear by David's feasting him, and joabs' envious killing him, and by David's mourning for him afterwards. And therefore his Covenanting with Israel afterwards can be interpreted (as before noted) but a promise of indemnity from him, according to, and in pursuance of the promise formerly made to Abner: who had before undertaken and prevailed, To bring Israel and Benjamin to him. 
Vers. 19  So that, after Abners' death and their Kings, it was much more reason they should come to David for this Covenant than he to them. And it is to be noted, that they send to him, he comes not to them: as he did formerly to judah, with whom it was more likely he should have made a Covenant, if it had been necessary that kingly right and power had depended on Paction and consent of people. Therefore this Covenant could not imply equal stipulation or resignation of any royal power: because then, judah had more reason to have pressed it, as having more power to stand on their terms with David. For they, being not in like trouble and confusion, might have also joined with Israel against him: nor was his strength then so great and formidable, as afterwards.  
But their not doing it (as not having offended by resisting David as Israel had done seven years together) makes it evident that this covenant imported nothing but an act of oblivion, or the like: and that it was not at David's suit, as summoning them to settle him in his throne, but at theirs, to be settled by him in their liberties, which were probably to be the same that their brethren of judah already had: And therefore they say unto him, We are thy bone and thy flesh: 
2 Sam. 5.1. Chap. 19.42.  because those of judah might else presume to much as being his kin: acknowledging also to him (before they speak of Covenant) that God had appointed and said unto him Thou shalt be ruler over my people Israel. 
1 Chron. 12.2.  And their anointing is not ascribed to freedom in them to have refused, but it is said, They anointed David King over Israel, 
Vers. 3.  according to the word of the Lord by Samuel: that is, acknowledged him King as God had appointed.  
And to show that this League or Covenant imported but some promises of grace, or the like from the King to the people, and did not imply equal stipulation, we may observe that he is always set down as the free author and agent hereof: and that both to Abner and the people it is thrice called his League. In answer to which promise of indemnity or the like, we find that when the League is set down to be made from the people to David, it is added (to denote their promise of fealty on the other side) that thou mayest reign over all that thy soul desireth. Upon which ground also, 
2 Sam. 3.21.  when joash is to be acknowledged King (being so young that he could not promise to the people so as to be binding) the Covenant goes in the people's name, as their Covenant.  
And this covenanting with David could not truly be supposed to import any greater freedom to Israel then formerly they had under the government of Saul and his son; for this had been to have given David less Sovereignty than Saul: and to have made Israel more free than judah. Which (if so) makes against the whole drift of the argument: namely that Princes have their power by Paction from their subjects, when the example proves rather he thereby loseth it: and so comes at last to confess that Kings have all Civil power by God given as of right to their office, and that as God's Vicegerent, he may grant, by Oath and promise, to his subjects such exemptions and immunities as he shall think good: not derogating from his honour, or disabling him in his public trust. Which promises, when they come to be publicly and solemnly made, as at Coronations or the like, are usually taken for Pactions: and the subjects thought givers, even in what they are but receivers.  
But this matter of Covenanting between King and people, will be best conceived, as to the intention thereof (which as before noted was chiefly to acknowledge and confirm subjection and obedience to a new questionable Prince) by that Covenant which jehoida the high Priest caused to be made with young joash: where, at the time of his making, it is said, And all the Congregation made a Covenant with the King in the house of God, 
2 Chron. 23.3.  and, to show what the Covenant was, it follows, He said unto them behold the King's son shall reign as the Lord hath said of the sons of David. 
Ibid.  Then jehoida appoints them particular services to do for the King: but for making any promise on the King's part to the people, not a word there, nor no where else. Again, this covenanting in the house of God must imply their solemn Oaths of fealty and obedience: the which are expressly set down as implicitly and unconditionately given him. And the seaventh year jehoida scent and fet the rulers over hundreds with the Captains and the guards, and brought them unto him into the house of the Lord, and made a Covenant with them, and took an Oath of them in the house of the Lord, 
2 Kings 11.4.  and showed them the King's son. The people here swearing, and that to a King of seven years old (that therefore could not be supposed to capitulate with them,) and their doing it in the house of the Lord, clearly interprets what was meant by renewing Saul's kingdom before the Lord in Gilgall, and of David's covenantings formerly mentioned: namely, by Oaths solemnly taken, to establish obedience to a new race more strongly in the people: and not to crave their authority for impowring his Office.  
In like manner are we to understand, 2 Chron. 23.16. where it is said, And jehoida made a Covenant between him and between all the people, and between the King: that is, he promised obedience to the King, both in his own and the people's behalf, that they should be the Lords people: and walk as obedient children to his Minister. Which last words do denote to us, that it was the custom of those people, at these conventions to make promise of obedience to God also: the state of Theocrity still continuing, whilst God had a Prophet amongst them. Which will yet be more likely to be the sense thereof, if we compare it with a parallel text and expression used at the making of Solomon King. Where David, as Gods chief Minister, commands the people to make their acknowledgement to God (as here the chief Priest doth in the King's minority) saying, Now bless the Lord your God, after which it follows, And all the Congregation blessed the Lord God of their fathers, and bowed down their heads and worshipped the Lord and the King. 
1 Chron. 23.20  In which words we must not think the King is idolatrously joined with God in matter of Divine worship, but as having obedience promised to him also, after they had promised it to God. From which we may also infer, that this covenanting was no more needful to Kingly power, than it was to make gods: But since upon these solemn occasions they were to be assembled to make acknowledgement of these his deputies, it was fit the Author and Fountain of all should be acknowledged in the first place.  
Nay this young Joash, though (as other Kings) said to be made by the people, yet was it not to be understood as if his right had depended on their consent. For he was to reign as in right of inheritance from his father David: who had also all his right and authority from God: and the people had no more rightful power to reject those individual persons, than they had power to refuse the keeping of Gods other commands; for all power (as heretofore noted) must come from above: that is from God to Kings, and from God or Kings to people: and not from inferiors to superiors. For none can, as from themselves alone, make others more powerful than themselves, more than they can make themselves other, or more than themselves.  
And when God himself is often mentioned in holy writ as covenanting with people, he is never to be understood as if done for increasing his authority by this means: but, whether he express the return of general obedience to his laws (which thereupon come to be called Covenant also) or not, he is in both respects so far from acknowledging any derivative power from them to accrue by their consents, that, on the other side, what they receive is of freegrace and goodness from him. For though this obedience, as due for the receipt of more extraordinary and remarkable favours, come to claim a greater willingness, as carrying a token of more high obligation (through such expressions of goodness) to certain people and persons, yet (as God) he had right to the same obedience and measure of gratitude, from those and all other his creatures: and must be presumed, as herein only applying himself to help our backwardness in this due return, by this repetition of extraordinary mercies. For however it be in people's power to be more or less willing in obedience and gratitude, yet the duty thereof can never cease: nor the duty of willingness herein neither: whether God be more particularly beneficent or no. Even so (in measure) it is with Kings, and parents also: who cannot be in any thing empowered from below, but must also, in the expressions of such Covenants and leagues, nor to be thought as equal Pactors. But so far as they, and those under them, can be according to their relations mutual Covenanters, it can be in no wise understood of such things as were formally constitutive of them in these relations: as for the inferior to give power of government, or the superior to give the other power of obedience. For this had been to have supposed them to have been before stated towards each other in a contrary respect: as the superior to have been an inferior, and the inferior a superior: and that they were now but exchangers. It is indeed many times practised, for superiors to promise protection, justice, and such like things as are proper for them that have power, and for inferiors (on the other side) to promise fidelity, obedience, and the like. And these things have their use: because they both, as voluntary agents, might be by this means reciprocally the better minded of the discharge of their mutual obligations. But since the same things had been due from each to other; had they not been expressed, they cannot therefore be reasonably thought constitutive of that separate power and virtue whereby the relatives act.  
Hereupon as God's particular benefits promised unto men are sometimes called Covenants, so mens solemn promises of obedience to God are called Covenants also: but whether we vow to him, or he promiseth to us, yet, as long as there is not at the same time any mutual express consent of both parties for acceptance of conditions, I see not how they can properly be counted stipulations or Pactions; in any sense to be applied to the intended purpose. Nor do I also know how to admit the like phrase of what passeth between Prince and people: where the conditions or breach are not set down; but are only implicit promises: and that commonly but on one side.  
And if we look to Scripture phrase, we shall find Covenant and promise to import the same thing: as in that promise to Noah of not drowning the world any more: God calls it making his covenant (not only) with Noah and his seed, 
Gen. 9.10.  but with fowl, cattle, and every beast of the earth. Here the name of Covenant is seven times mentioned: sure it could not import any stipulation: for we find nothing expressly required back from them: nor could irrational creatures be capable of bargaining in this kind. And as the Rainbow was a sign of this Covenant or general promise, so was circumcision a sign of that particular Covenant or promise to Abraham, for performance in due time of the promised land and promised seed: they were not stipulations; as if the parties were equal: or as if God wanted, or men had something in their powers, which otherwise then by voluntary bargains could not be granted.  
So that whether God's gracious promises to men, or men's promises of obedience to God come to be styled Covenants, It is not to be thought that God and man can come to such terms of equality as thus to stipulate: or as though God must entreat first: And therefore both are never promising reciprocally at the same time. But however that these Covenants or promises of obedience from us served not to estate God in a right of power over us, yet they have great avail to mind us (under this notion) more strictly of our duty and obedience to him: as also have these signs of Unction, coronation, &c, towards the settling our obedience to Princes.  
All which (well considered) may instruct us what to think of those condiscending phrases used by David and others in Scripture, when they would by this adulatory means win their subjects, or some eminent persons amongst them to some extraordinary performance: as when the Ark is to be brought back, or the revolted Israelites to be won to obedience by Abner or Amasa. In which, and such like cases, when subjects have by force taken upon them to be more powerful than they should, it is no wonder that Princes must, as in discretion, be forced to appear so much less than they ought. But yet, even in this condition, they can (for all that) be no more truly said to derive the power of their office from Paction, although they should in those cases pact with their subjects, than the father or master can be said ●o derive their authorities from those of their household. For these, for the like ends, may likewise entreat where they might rightfully command: even in case they should be by stubborn or Rebellious children or servants awed, or kept in durance: and so forced, for their release or security sake, or for fear of their running from them and betraying them, to use the fairest speeches they can, and also to make such promises as the other will demand. For in these cases, the power of their offices being indivisible, and so they having the same right from God to all as any, this forceable deprivation can yield to subjects, sons, or servants, no higher propriety in what they thus bereave them of, than the robber hath to what he takes from the owner: who may have as good reason as subjects, children, or servants, to say hereupon, that he gave the owner what is left; even because he took not all away, aswell as the other.  
And therefore, the name of Paction cannot be proper where all the thing promised or mentioned is only in the rightful power of one, and where none is superior to that one, as in cases between God and man. And therefore is God said to swear by himself as having none greater. For he, 
Heb. 3.16.  as superior to all both in power and concern, is both judge and party: so far, that ●e hath not only power to judge of his own performance, because none above him, or knowing thereof but himself, but also of the obedience and willingness of people, because he is the only supreme judge thereof too; though not as Covenanter, yet as God. So that when Saul, David, Abraham, Samuel, etc. have been in our sense deprived of those promises that seem made to them and their seed for ever, we are herein to consider, that as God could not give away his power more than deny himself, so not cease to be judge of his own meaning in making the Covenant, or of theirs or his performance. Even so also (in proportion) it befalleth Kings: who, having none but God above them, they cannot be obliged by Paction from their people; farther than either conscience and sense of honour shall lead: and as God in his attestations is said to swear by himself as having none greater, so is their Royal words the highest assurance that subjects can have. And therefore, though Kings as promisers and Covenanters be hound as men, yet, as Kings, they have only power on earth to be Judges of their own or the people's performance. For though Kings extremely differ from God in degree of superioriry, yet (as superiors) they have both the same reason for exercise thereof. And (on the behalf of both of them) it must seem a thing aswell unreasonable as ungrateful, for inferiors and receivers to make the good deeds of those above them in power and office, to serve as a means of their deprivation.  
Nor can that Paction but be invallid, where superior and inferior treating, as such should, Covenant to destroy those relations, whilst they yet pretend thereby to estate and settle them. So if a man in his wooing, promise the wife freedom of restraint or command other then what shall be to her liking, or to have power to execute or manage her own or the affairs of the family independent of him, this, though it might induce her marriage or putting herself into his power, yet, it cannot take away any power necessarily belonging to his office for the good and quiet of the family: but rather, as the promise showed an extraordinary affection towards her, it should the more oblige her to obedience.  
Nor can she, or children, or servants, have any freedom against him, but what a power superior to him allows: For so far as law restrains his arbitrary power, and doth (for instance) design in what cases jointures, portions, and degrees of servitude shall rest in compact with him, this must be derived from power of a superior, and not from a power below, and in themselves. For they being appellants to law and a higher power, show they can have no power above him; and that this superior power, and not themselves alone can restrain him. No more can after Pactions between Prince and people, given by his free grant and promise, or forced by their rebellions, prevail more to the disinvesting him of any just power, than the after indulgent promises to wife, children, or servants for non-restraint, can deprive the Master of what power is by law left him, and useful in the execution of his office: because as their power is given from above, so can it be only restrained from above.  
The Master cannot give away the power that makes the office and yet continue the office: nor they assume power beyond the degree of children and servants, and yet continue such. For when wife, children, or servants, refuse any command of the Master, they do it not as they stand in these relalations to him, but as they are joint subjects to a command superior: and so this is not liberty from his power, otherwise then as thraldom to another's.  
So when Princes command any thing contrary to God's law, the subjects suspension to do it is not to disobey him, but to obey God: unto whom both stand subject: who, if he shall own and protect them therein, they are so far discharged of their obedience, otherwise not.  
Whereupon, in all capitulations between Prince and people, the case will have great difference from that wherein wives or servants (before they are such) do stand considered as Pactors with their husbands or masters: because these always have a present immediate superior to them both; namely the Prince or his Magistrate: unto whom they jointly relating as Subjects, have a ready means for decision of any differences that shall arise between them about breach of Articles, if they had not the Law itself. Else their stipulations would prove but the ready disturbers of that peace and charity which they intended to establish: even by adding those new occasions of quarrels that should arise to them hereabouts, to those formerly incident to them as men. Even as we find, that amongst such as do not acknowledge God to have any present magistrate settled here above themselves to decide differences and demand obedience, the like continual breaches daily to arise about the meaning of his Laws.  
But it will plainly appear that this plot of paction was but of late times devised by sons of belial (or such as would not be under restraint) to serve their own ends, and not truths, if we consider that we find not any one urging for the Jews right in choosing and impowering of their Judges. And all because men, being not now under the authority of such temporary officers, are not so careful to devise ways and maxims for taking to themselves power to set them up, and make their restrictions by. But that which is the truth herein is, that since it is never urged that the Jews did challenge a right of setting up these lesser powers, it proves that their meaning is mistaken by those that think they had right to set up the greater. For if they could not set over them Moses, Joshua, and the rest, why should they have power to confer the office of Kingship? If they could not, or did not make Moses King of Jesurun, how came they to have right to make David?  
And therefore, to sum up all, kingly office being by Divine institution, the power necessary for execution thereof is not by Paction from inferiors, but by gift from God above. When Princes upon occasion promise the imparting of any power to magistrates or others of his people, this, as coming from a rightful superior, is on them bestowed as of grace and gift; and not any way arguing, that the power remaining is from Inferiors to Superiors by capitulation.  
For though those Monarchical Judges and High-Priests that ruled while Kings came, had not so much power as Kings, yet because they were straightened from above only (by Gods continuing King upon great and extraordinary occasions) that Government was a Monarchy: no otherwise then those still continue Families, where Laws of superiors straighten the power of the Master most: by taking the cognizance and judgement of those under him, as in the relation of Subjects.  
Therefore when Government (as in neither of these cases) is not straitened by power from below, it continues right Government; because nothing of subjection is remitted. For that power the Father exerciseth not, the Prince doth: and what the Prince doth not, nor cannot, is done by God: who is only above him. And again, although the governeds obedience be to more than one, (as touching their general subjection) yet since in each particular command they have but one determinate Commander, and have but one in chief to appeal to, their Government is still right and Monarchical.   

CHAP. XI. Of Magistrates, Councillors, etc.  
AS we have hitherto declared the necessity of Government, and confined it to one person, so it must be supposed, that so great a charge cannot be managed by any single man without the assistance of others. Whereupon, these assistants being in many thing the immediate executioners of power and commands, in, and upon the Subjects, it comes many times to pass that the original of power is forgotten, and the very right of Sovereignty itself usurped by, and imputed to these subordinate Ministers. This chiefly appears in those useful Ministers in each Kingdom, to wit, Councillors and Magistrates; by whose help the single eyes and hands of the Prince do receive information and execution elsewhere; and are thereby enabled to contrive and act what other ways in his proper person he could not.  
The which inconvenience is not so incident to the Master of the Family: because in his less charge, he is able personally to look into his affairs, & to direct according to occasion himself: and so needs but seldom to ask Counsel, or to appoint standing Laws or Officers for execution therein. For Magistrates are but the executioners of Laws, and Laws are but the Processions of Council, and Council again, is but the result of particulars debated: we shall therefore speak of it in the first place, as the ground to the rest.  
The excellency of man above other Creatures, and of one man above another, is in Wisdom, Discourse, Reason, Council, etc. which is employed either in aiming at the best ends, or choosing the best means for attaining them: either in the knowledge and discovery of good and bad, or in knowledge of prosecution or avoidance thereof. Man's end we said (before) to be pleasure: which being of different sorts and degrees, according to the supply of the object, and capacity of the receiver; it will produce two differences of pleasure: that is, the difference in degree, vigour, and reality of fruition; and difference of the time of its lasting and continuance. The knowledge of the first of these belongs to each sensitive Agent, even as it is such: the other must depend upon Discourse: as must also the difficulties and expediences in attaining it. In all these things, if we consider men in Nature, that is, separate and unsubordinate, they will depend upon his own Sense and Reason: but as he stands in relation or subjection to others, it must have measure and approbation from them accordingly.  
Wherefore now, being to consider men as linked in society, where private good is to give place to general, and the judgement of what is general belongs to those that have general trust, the discourse both of the lastingness of the possession, and the way to acquire it, must belong to others also. Nay, as the Prince hath charge of all in general, so hath he over each one in particular: and as fewer persons are not to be pleasured to the harm of more, so is no one, or many, to harm themselves unavoidably. Therefore if the whole people, deceived with a false appearance of things (occasioned by their own weakness, or through fraudulent disguise of others) should request any thing which he foresaw would not be pleasant in possession, or would be overvalued in consequential inconveniences, he may justly deny. For it is his part, as to seek the subjects continual pleasure and good, so to avoid and divert what may produce their harm and affliction.  
And the same we may say of single persons, or few: which if they shall choose to act without experience, and deceive themselves in the true estimation of pleasure, though herein they think they cross not others, yet, they are to be by him debarred: as having the charge of each ones good. For the same reason that forbids the pleasure of few to the damage of more, in regard of the equal relations they all have to him as subjects, forbids his permission in harming any one solitarily considered in the same relation. And as, when subjects are comparatively considered, the pleasure of more is to be preferred to that of few, and the harm of more to be diverted to that of few (in things equally prejudicial and unavoidable) so the pleasure or harm of all, many, or one, is, in the absence of such comparison and modification, to be absolutely granted or denied.  
So that then, all that Subjects (as such) can have implicit trust to be judges of, is, in the vigour and reality of the pleasure of what they desire: and this each one can have but for himself neither. For if it be of a pleasurable object which he hath not tried, he may over or under conceit it: as also, he is less able to judge or apprehend what will be the fruition of another therein.  
Therefore now, to come to application, the good of the whole Kingdom being the object Council, and the good of the whole arising from that of particulars, the first enquiry must be what truly are those several desires and aims of the subjects? The next must be, whether they have not deceived themselves, as to the valuing of their fruitions, or to the consequents attending them? And then, whether the possession or means of attaining them? be feasible and lawful: that is to say, unprejudicial to others. All these things have their degrees of comparison to make them capable of choice or refusal, according to the general maxims of a less evil to be endured before a greater, and a greater good to be chosen before a less: else, if many subjects, in a kind of wantonness: should desire a pleasure which would highly and necessarily prejudice a fewer number, it is not to be granted: for that the Prince having equal interest and relation, the more in number would be the less in value: as would be the death or ruin of one Subject, to satisfy the anger or avarice of many. In this case therefore, the rule of comparison still stands true; the less evil of displeasing many: to be preferred to the greater evil of undoing few: & these things depend on particulars, which are infinite.  
As these considerations may give us light to judge of things debated in those more general Counsels which are called Parliaments, where the desires and grievances of particular Subjects go upward, and are by degrees collected and represented unto the Prince, the general and common sense of good and bad, to the end suitable accommodations and remedies may be granted, so when this common Sensory and Judge of good and bad, gathering ground from hence, or by information elsewhere gotten, shall act downwards by those Magistrates nearest him, and, according to the fitness of any thing to be done or avoided, make any Edict or Law to that purpose, these comparative values must be acknowledged the prime guide of what is to be done both ways: and thereupon, that none but he hath power to admit and conclude of debates.  
And this, because if any Council have power to admit and receive what they like, and to make what conclusions thereupon they like too, what shall hinder them of absolute Sovereignty? For implicitly to follow Council, is all one as to follow Command. And therefore, this peremptoriness of Council being proper only to such as have the highest power, because it is to be supposed the guide to power, it is the reason why Christ takes it as an honourable and powerful name to be called wonderful Councillor. And in the Scripture sense, My son I counsel thee, is the same as if it should have been said, My son I command thee: all of them showing, that such as are under subjection in things that are commanded, must be under subjection for that counsel also whereupon those commands are grounded: or else it will be to be really superior, and to be under but in show only.  
For if the Prince, like an ordinary Subject, must submit his Will to the guidance of a superior understanding, he is himself a Subject: and if you take away his negative voice, you take away his Sovereignty. Which thing you also do, when you deprive him of his rightful power either to chose public Councillors, or to admit of things Councelable; and to limit proceedings in debates. For as no man can command in what he is not himself free, or with Justice demand Obedience from another, to what he hath not yet approved as just in himself: so ought Princes to have their Understandings and Consciences satisfied and free in themselves, before they should impose on their subjects.  
Therefore, I should think that those which meet in Parliaments to represent the desires of such and such particular places and people, can neither of right assemble without leave, from the Prince, whose Authority can only make them a public and lawful Convention, nor Debate or Council remedies further than they have leave and direction from him too: or else, they shall become both Parties and Judges. Because, in these expedients, the whole Kingdom, or a greater part than themselves and those they stand for, coming many times to be involved, their private interest and judgement must in reason and duty submit to that which is impartial and common. Nay if the Prince should give them leave to Debate and Vote, and they, by joining many private interests, should, by a kind of confederacy, make a joint claim to the effecting any thing to the ruin of a few, all were yet free for the Prince, out of his common and impartial relation to them all, to approve or deny, as shall stand most valuable by generality or nearness of concern, according to the rules before spoken of.  
But when persons representing particular places, shall so far be suffered to proceed in Debates of remedies, as to come to Vote, conclude, and council what is to be done, and have for their so doing no Authority but what was issuing from themselves; there can be nothing more destructive to the good government of a Kingdom than it, for it quite subverts the whole frame of Monarchy; and runs that nation into the mischiefs of Anarchy, whose absurdities have been formerly spoken off. And this is none other than if a single induction, or else some single appetite or affection, should of itself, and by its own presure upon us, prevail to the determination or execution of any thing we do, without taking notice of that general appetite and affection in us, called Will: which, by reason it hath been founded upon the continual experience of the different concerns and issues of these lesser appetites can be only able to say which, and how far any of them should prevail. For subjects are to be taken only as competent Judges of pleasant and unpleasant: but it is the Prince his Prerogative from God, to judge of good and bad.  
And again, although a negative voice of Sovereignty should be allowed to restrain execution in these debates, yet the inconvenience of the subjects discontent will necessarily follow: Inasmuch as they shall find their desires now ackowledged fit in the resolutions of so many, and only crossed by one: which shall never fail to be construed out of some private interest of his own, or of some near about him.  
Therefore, as these Assemblies of Parliaments are necessary, that thereby the wants and grievances of subjects may be known, so do some Kingdoms wisely order to have many of them; that is in every Province or Shire one: by which means the people's desires might be more particularly and distinctly known; and accordingly represented to the Prince in a more general Council to be considered of. Whereupon, these Assemblies of several Provinces meeting in several places, cannot at the same time join in the same Vote (as out of plot) in their desires and remedies; but their several requests and opinions being referred to a superior common censure and determination, each one will conclude that their private desires were denied or delayed out of public regard. And then the Prince, truly knowing the general desire and grievance of his subjects, may accordingly provide for them, without endangering public discontent: which is like to fall out, when people shall be pu● in mind of any new suit by knowledge of their Representatives Votes, which they will be always thinking the most equal and just rule to follow: especially while they are consonant to their own desires: And yet in truth, nothing more unreasonable. For suppose the major number wise and unprejudiced, yet when the number of dissenters are taken out of them, the over number can be only taken as concluding that way: who cannot avail in credit against the Prince, the representative whole. And therefore he, for that very cause, and for that general account and trust sake, he is put into, he ought in all reason to have his Conscience and judgement left free: and to be first satisfied, whether these proposals are correspondent to the Laws of God and Nature, and truly conducent to public benefit. But partiality and interest doth so commonly cloud and bias subjects in these kind of determinations, that we may observe that in those places, and those very men that do most inveigh against this negative voice in the King, as leaving too arbitrary a power in him that is to rule, are all that while, assuming to themselves, that should be ruled, an indisputable power of suspension or refusal in any Law or Precept of his, in case they in their judgements find them contrary to the rules of Religion or public Justice. And since all the reason which private persons can give for this their denial, is but for some particular danger and hazard to themselves, they must thereupon grant, that he that is to answer for the welfare and safeties of others ought much more to have this liberty allowed him.  
But certainly, had not Scripture and Antiquity acknowledged the Prince to have an indisputable right unto a Negative voice, and to be himself so supreme in all Counsels and Debates, as that their chief value and reputation should depend on him, and not on them, I see not how the frequent threats of giving Children, Babes, and Women to be Kings and Princes, could be taken as a true woe or malediction, but rather otherwise. For that, in such places where their Kings were restrained from personal meddling by such disability, it must follow that the Councillors proceeding with greater freedom in the deliberations and conclusions, they shall proportionably also cause the happiness of that State or Kingdom to increase: by that increase of uncontrollable Authority they shall by this means have.  
By all which we may find, that it is so far from being Tyranny or Oppression, that it is true prudence and duty in Princes, as to admit of no Counsels or Councillors of whose sufficiency and integrity themselves are not satisfied, so never to grant them general and arbitrary power to conclude or vote: thereby to have their sense of things published till they shall be his too. For as it is distasteful to do things without Council, so much more against it. And it will be prudence in him too, by no means to add their Authority to his acts, or very seldom to do it: because it will in time eat out his power by its growing reputation, or cause Rebellion when he shall withdraw.  
And again the Nature of the thing itself will require this superintendency, for nothing more incident to Counsels then partiality and siding, according to interest, either of bribes, kindred, or friendship in debates that concern parties and affairs in the same Kingdom: Or if it concern other Kingdoms or States, there is nothing more usual then to have them Pensioners to foreigners. All which the Prince is in reason free from. For as he hath alike interest to all within his own Kingdom, so can he not have an equal wish to the welfare of himself and another Prince: which the Councillors may have, through ambition, bribery, or revenge to him or others: as Ahitophel and Abner, and other examples do declare.  
Again, as in all other meetings of equals, Counsels cannot be without faction: where some one man's reputation wins many after him, like flocks of sheep, which way he shall incline. In which case, I see not how poling and numbering of the persons voting, can justly estimate right and wrong, or the result of the Council either: for that these cannot be reckoned in the number of Counsellors to the Prince, but as servants to others.  
Add to this, that usual height of arrogance which men ordinarily take to themselves in presumption of their abilities in this kind; insomuch as truth is not so much desired, as victory. All which Passions, as they shall come to be by the Prince discovered, it were strange if an odds of two or three in a number, should be thought sufficient to conclude against the stronger integrity and Reason that shall appear to him to be in a less number of persons: as though the whole number of any Council could be for Wisdom and Honesty equal, or that these things must ever follow the greater number. But, in these last discourses, I would not be again understood as teaching Princes in this place what to do, otherwise then may serve to let subjects know what they are to obey.  
Now concerning Magistrates, and the reasons both for institution and limitation of their Offices, it may well appear out of what hath been hitherto spoken of Councillors. For as the one being chosen or admitted to be helpers to the Prince in the farther information of his Understanding, are not thereupon to be so far consultative or deliberative as by their peremptoriness therein to overthrow and exclude that very end for which they were ordained, even so also Magistrates, being by him chosen or admitted as helpers to his Will in the better execution of what shall be by him decreed and appointed are not thereupon to proceed upon their own Decrees without leave of him that authorised them. Else it may happen, that Councillors determining as in their own rights, and Magistrates acting so too, they should (as too often it cometh to pass) thrust out and seclude that Sovereignty that set them up, and engross it to themselves.  
So that we may call the Magistrate a public Officer appointed and authorized by his Superior power for the oversight and execution of so much of his authority as he shall command and entrust unto him. From whence, the Magistrates may be apprehended to be of divers sorts; according to the nature of those trusts which that superior power shall commit unto them. For as he shall delegate them as chief Judges and disposers of things, either in Ecclesiastical, Civil, or Martial affairs, so may they come to differ in denominations, as Bishops, Judges, Commissioners, Ambassadors, and such like.  
But, as, by the words appointed and authorised, he must be presumed under the Sovereign (especially when he is present) so, by the word oversight, he must be taken as of absolute power in his absence: or else his deputation and power is useless. And therefore when some are saying Magistrates are bound to the Laws, so as to rule according to them; this is true, as far as concerns their trust and charge received from those above them, But as for such as are to be ruled by them, they must be (in the Sovereign's stead) absolutely above them: and the whole interpretation and enforcement of the Law must depend on them also.  
So that from hence it will appear, that none but God Almighty is an absolute Sovereign: because Princes, being by him entrusted with Divine and Natural Laws, are but as Magistrates under him. For when he shall immediately appear in any thing, by voice from himself, or by extraordinary direction from some Prophet, (which for our belief he attests by miracle) their power is to cease; upon the same reason that the power of their own Magistrates ceases, or altars when themselves appear, or give to others more late or extraordinary Commission under their hands and seals.  
But although it be true, that, in respect of God above, they be but Magistrates, yet the usual calling them Magistrates, as thereby making them but of equal rank and power with others, hath bred the fame misapprehension to abate their just power, as the call Subjects People, hath prevailed towards the belief of the increase of theirs. For as Magistrates and people are republic compellations, which, subsisting by, and aiming at equality, do by their expressions signify as much, so Prince and subjects are only proper in a Kingdom, where greater disparity is the foundation thereof. But, while the King hath the title of supreme Magistrate given him, as importing his more large power from God, he is still in his true seat of power: for while he is such, he must in all God's Laws, and where God presides not himself, be obeyed as in his stead: as that Statute and settled Officer for execution of his will according to all Laws already received. But if God send any Ambassador, or Commissioner, or Prophet, or Apostle, with an extraordinary message of his pleasure (as before showed) then is he to be obeyed upon our knowledge thereof: as having nearer instructions from the fountain of power. For as it would be unreasonable for the Axe to boast itself against him that heweth therewith,. etc. In like manner would it also be, 
Isai. 10.15.  if Magistrates made by Princes should arrogate against them.  
But now, as for such who do acknowledge it unreasonable for the Magistrate or subordinate Officer to resist or rise up against that power that gave it Essence to be such, and would yet countenance disobedience against Princes, by affirming Magistrates and Officers in their Kingdoms to be in some Employments and cases so far from being Subordinate, and his Magistrates, that they may, as having power therein from God, both refuse his commands, and also subject him to the obedience of their own Authorities and Offices, they should do well to consider that God can have but one supreme Magistrate, namely, the King: and that all others can have power but as sent of him. 
1 Pet. 2.14.  They should consider that God hath made him Keeper of both Tables, so as to preside over us in all things, as well of Religious as Civil cognisance. In which respects, we can no more divide him in his entire Trust and delegation in these things, than we can divide the author of these Trusts in his sole Power therein also.  
Now it might be demanded of these men, That since these Magistrates and entrusted Officers had their places from the Prince only, and since without Commission and power from him they could not have had Power in any thing outwardly to be exercised, more than other ordinary Subjects, how should it therefore come to pass that by virtue of a Deputation to serve, and be subordinately assisting unto him, they can claim right and power to be unsubjected, and in any thing above him? But we shall here somewhat examine the usual ground of this stubbornness: which is by distinguishing (at their pleasures) Religious and Civil duties, one from another, and then making men obliged to obedience in the first sort to God's precepts only; with this farther supposition, that themselves, or such are they fancy are to be obeyed as his Magistrates therein. And they then stint the Prince's power to be only exercised in what they refuse, and shall call Civil matters: of which distinction of duties we shall speak more fully anon.  
In the mean time, because the conceit of Magistrates distinct and unsubordinate power, hath arisen from belief of this distinction of duties, we are to consider in brief, that being now Christians, we cannot at our private pleasures renounce and take off that general relation, and say that in such and such particulars we act as natural men, in such as civil men, and in such only as Christians: but since now, all unrighteousness is sin, 
1 Joh. 5.17. Matth. 12.36.  and a sin against God too, even to the degree of an idle word; so hath God united the high trust and oversight of all these things to this his only supreme Magistrate: And this in so near a tye of obedience, as where he is not divided in himself, that is to say, differenced from us in Religion (but is a Christian as well as we) there we cannot more divide from his Authority in our Christian obedience, than we can in our Civil: without dividing Christ that gave him this Office, and separating him likewise from his right of Kingship over us: and so affirm that we are to obey Kings as God's deputies in the State, but not as Christ's in the Church.  
For albeit in some Assemblies of Christian Subjects, where persons in holy Orders do more particularly appear and preside, (as being an Assembly by the Prince constituted for more near examination and stating what in the Scripture is more particularly contained, or what is more expressly tending to God's Worship and Service) Princes may be thought thereupon secluded, yet since they are still Christians Subjects as others, and have (as we said) their whole Assembly and their particular powers therein authorized from the same head that other Assemblies have, we may conclude that each Kingdom is as well such a Church as such a Kingdom: And as Christ is head of the Church, and King of Kings too, so is each King, under him, head of both also: and, while he continues a Christian Magistrate, he must be always so obeyed and acknowledged.  
And although, where the Prince or Supreme Magistrate is no Christian (as in the infancy of Christianity it fared) the saying is useful of giving to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are Gods, 
Matth. 22.21. Act. 5.29.  and of obeying God rather than man: because, in that case, the Magistrate not undertaking to be Gods or Christ's Vicegerent at all, (so as to promote their honour and worship, but it may be the contrary) it were strange to give him the power of the Church which he will not own, but rather refuseth. Therefore he refusing to act as a Christian Magistrate in matters of Divine Precept, we must have recourse to Gods command ourselves: or to such representation as any Assembly of the Church at that time can have. But where the supreme Magistrate is a Christian, there, as in all his relations, he is supreme to the rest of his Subjects, so is he in all his commands to be obeyed as a Christian Magistrate.  
For if that rule of giving to Caesar, etc. be taken literally and expressly, so as to exclude Kings (as Kings) from being God's Ministers and Magistrates in Church matters, it must again exclude God from meddling in secular affairs or matters of the Commonwealth: doing thereby not so much wrong to Kings, as to God himself. For since without a Magistrate nothing can be done in the Lawmakers absence, all Laws of Religion must then remain arbitrary and useless: and God would (by consequent) be as well thrust out of religious power, as directly hereby excluded out of the Civil.  
So that, when that, or the Precept of obeying God rather than man is to be taken of direct use and force, it must be when Subjects stand subjected as aforesaid: or else (as we said) in the case of new express command from God or Christ himself received: who, as the higher power, must then be obeyed; as in that particular case wherein this sentence was spoken may appear. For Christ having himself particularly and expressly said to his Apostles, Go teach all Nations, 
Matth. 28.19. Mark. 16.15. Act. 5.40. 1 Cor. 9.16.  for them to have obeyed Magistrates forbidding them to teach any more in his Name, had been expressly to have obeyed man rather than God: and to have put them in danger of Woe if they preach not. Even as, on the other side, to hearken to such Precepts as come to be invented and pressed by private men, contrary to the sense of God's public Minister, and without express revelation therein from God (which he is evidently to prove) is, as done against God's command, to obey man rather than God also. And this, not only, whether the doers be private persons, or else subordinate Magistrates. For all power being in the King, and they deriving theirs as sent of him, as they cannot claim obedience from others but by Authority from him, so they must, as private persons in respect of him, give obedience to him, by whose power (under God) they had this their jurisdiction.   

CHAP. XII. Of the Right of Dominion.  
HAving hitherto spoken of the duty of subjection, and particularly to Kings, it will farther be necessary to say something in designation of the persons: that so the stubborn may be without excuse, and the Conscientious have direction and satisfaction (as far as may be) what to follow.  
We must now again therefore consider, that as man's obligation of Praise and Thanks to God above other Creatures, arose from his different receipt of things beneficial and pleasurable, so the use of these things standing necessary, some way for possession of them stood necessary also: else, while God had been so bountiful in giving, we might yet lose the benefit of enjoying them. For mankind to make good his content against the molestation of other Creatures is not hard; because of his great skill and ability above them: but then, how to enjoy them from the disturbance of one another, we have no other way then that natural one, common to them also: which is by the decision of force; or by that other way, proper almost to man, which is by craft. For if such decision were not, but that every one, as having a like appetite and equal natural right, should have equal force also, one man would be a continual hindrance to another: which now, by the decision of victory, or the fear thereof, comes to be possessed by all: that is, by the victor first, and by the weaker afterwards.  
When two beasts have their prey or love the same, if the issue of their contest were as equal as their right, their enjoyment would be none: And therefore, the same Law that gives them right to the thing, gives them also right in remove of opposition. But then again, as they want discourse so far as to make them provident for the future, so, having secured themselves of their present enjoyments, when that is over, the fear of dispossession is over also. But man, having as well his future as present wants in his care, by the same reasons that he provides for the one, he may likewise do it for the other: and as then (like them) I use means not to be disturbed in what I presently did, even so also (beyond them) I should take care not to be disturbed hereafter. Whereupon, we may gather that propriety of command and propriety of possession arose from the same root. For beasts, that looked only at present possession of things, looked no farther also than security against present disturbance. But men, that aim at continual possession, must also provide against future inconvenience, and may, by the same reason that beasts beat or scare away one another now, so subject those that are in their present power, that they be not able to do the like for the future. So that then, propriety is but continued possession: and possession but present Propriety. And force is but present Government: as Government is but continued force.  
As beasts and men differ thus in continuance of their power over one another, so also in managery thereof. For when one beast hath been victorious over another, he hath not only disabled him against future opposition, by fear, but as many others also as were present, at least such as held themselves weaker than that which they saw subdued. For they, having not ability so far to discourse as to engage others to their assistance (to the end that what cannot singly may be jointly mastered) therefore, present and future subjection is to them the same. But because men can both watch advantages, whereby they may be singly able to recover, and can contrive association, in case they cannot, it remains reasonable for the present possessor, if he sees his fear of any thing in these kinds to be just (while the persons are or may be gotten into his power) to provide for his security: and that not only against single persons, but against associations also; as of more danger. Which subjection and government comes, by continuance, to establish as great a right over men's personal liberties and actions, as continuance of possession doth in other proprieties: for it is founded thereupon.  
To remedy which inconveniencies amongst mankind, we shall find the positive and statute right of dominion in the elder brother to be declared upon the first mention of propriety: even to avoid those continual contests for mastery amongst brethren, which else the natural trial of right by mere force after the example of other creatures might continually endanger: and so makes man's propriety, by its uncertain issue, to be on the one side more coveted through hope, and on the other side never possessed through fear. For so we find the birthright given to Cain, presently upon the mention of his and Abel's several callings and interests. And so much may easily be conceived to be employed under those very names of theirs, given them at that time by their parents, which knew how to do it most properly: Cain signifying possession or inheritance, whereas Abel signified vanity or emptiness. And although they could not as yet, and during the life of their father, have absolute proprieties, yet the nature of their several employments may seem to foreshow the same thing: the elder being hereby put into a nearer possession of the soil; and so made as it were a Landlord unto the other.  
That this unction or donation of the power of dominion in the definite office of father of the family, or elder brother (which was to succeed theretherein) was both institutive and also grounded upon the former natural right, appears by that speech which Jacob useth to Reuben while he is blessing his sons. Reuben thou art my first born, my might, and the beginning of my strength: the excellency of dignity, and the excellency of power. 
Gen. 49.3.  By all which phrases it may appear, that although God did, for the general good and peace of men, determine the right of dominion on the elder (because one must have it) yet is natural right preserved all that may be: in that he was of all other to be presumed the strongest and ablest, for the reasons aforesaid.  
So that the foregoing discourse is but to show how government in general stands pointed out by nature, left alone to herself: and how that it is Monarchical in particular amongst men, even as among other creatures. For they, for the time they obey, it is ever to one in chief: and we may observe, that amongst them, there is no such thing as a parity in command: but, by continued subordination, they are one under another, in the same heard and circuit of power, from the highest to the lowest. From whence it may appear, this government of one amongst men was but the dictate of nature also: and that it is aswell against natural practice as reason, either for many equally to command many, or many equally to obey many.  
Notwithstanding which, we do not therefore affirm that this way before spoken of was the only rise to government at first; for we elsewhere showed, that God, by establishing obedience first to parents, and then, for succession, to primogeniture, he left men in so settled a condition for mutual peace and agreement, as the blessing thereof could not have been lost, unless forfeited by rebellion and Anarchical confusion.  
But when these rules shall be broken and interrupted, and the Laws of God for obedience to this present lawful Prince so far slighted as by force to subvert the government, and, for the present, to bring ourselves into such confusion as what or who to obey is uncertain, then only (I suppose) enquiry is to be made, what direction for well settled obedience can follow this disorder.  
In which case, as men must be first presumed to have forsaken the command of God and King, and all that hath power above them, so being now to be supposed to have no other than the guide of nature and self-interest to follow, it might be by some thought that what was before showed as allowable in nature in the dealings of each man towards other, in order to self-defence and security, should be warrantable to each faction during their contest: as supposing them to be as so many single men, united by their distinct interests.  
Whereupon they might argue that as each one is by nature or reason directed and warranted to secure itself to the utmost against fear, and the quantity of that fear, and the security thereupon to be taken, being left to his judgement also, it will follow that any faction may herein proceed, even to the death or other overthrow of its opposers and enemies; if in its judgement his own preservation so require. For in doing otherwise, and out of pity only sparing, it would be to transgress the Law of Nature and Reason, and to prefer the sense of another's preservation before its own. Therefore each party being diversely affected, and so looking upon each other as enemies, they must consequently be each of them intent to provide for their own securities: and whether they put it to the issue of war or not, the weaker is necessarily at the discretion of the stronger: even so, that what of liberty or property is remaining, he is bound in gratitude to the other, as of a free gift.  
But in this case there is great disparity: for the single man had a separate will and understanding by nature implanted for his own guide and security even as all other natural agents: but we cannot say that nature hath so united a multitude of any sort: nor can we pick out any example amongst creatures, where, by joint understanding and will, multitudes did command multitudes: nor can they so do with any colour of right, otherwise then as they are now Monarchical, and under one man: or were made an independent community by their Prince.  
And therefore I should rather think, that the most rational course that in this case can be taken to recover their former happiness and peace (I am sure that most Religious and conscientious it is) that they return to the same form of government and obedience under which they formerly enjoyed them. For although it might seem (for the present) tolerable, for each faction to stand upon terms of safety and defence against the other, yet since the destruction of their former government must be acknowledged unlawful, they are to consider that till they return to that form again they are in no true political way, but do altogether depend upon the natural way of continual force. And that, though for the present what they do as men, and in order to their securities might be allowable, yet looking on themselves as Christians, they must make what hast they can to be settled in the only commended and right form again: as knowing their present actions have no ground in true Religion. For though it might be, in mere nature, allowable for their whole body (supposed as one man as aforesaid) to impose on the other, yet since they can never be truly one in interest whilst not acting by one man's command, it will still fall out that several parties of them will impose too: than which nothing more unreasonable.  
No nor unjust: it being plain partiality thus to prosecute the designs and interest of one party to the overthrow of another. For although self-love be natural and just, as heretofore noted, in which regard any one man on either side might warrantably act his designs to the prejudice of any one on the other, yet since none of the particular parties can have an entire interest, it must therefore follow, that in acting all the other interests of the rest of the faction to the overthrow of others equally his neighbour, he is partial and unjust: having in nature no warrant to love one man better than another. This injustice being only avoided in that party that adheres to a Monarch or Prince, and so joining with him in his entire interest and claim, do all of them act but as one person. Whereas else, that different degree of love, or hatred, or interest, which each person on the one side bears to each one on the other, must make them unequal and unjust prosecuters.  
So that although in case of self-defence against an unlawful invasion, or in some cases of acquisition and gain, it may be for the present allowable for men in this sort to unite and act without a joint supreme authority, especially where it cannot for the present be had, yet in case of government, wherein a constant and settled way of managery of this common security and stock of riches is required, the case will be otherwise. For in the first condition, each one may be supposed firmly and uniformly united, and equally acting his own interest both in relation to self-defence and gain, even because each one seeking these things in the highest measure he can, doth thereupon equally consider each one on the opposing side as an enemy to himself; nor doth look on those of his fellows but as equally his friends. Whereas, on the other side, when places of honour and command (tending to common security or the common revenue and stock of a Nation) come to be divided or ascertained amongst the subjects themselves in these cases, there being a differing enmity and competition necessarily to arise about the distribution and managery of these offices and proprieties between party and party in the same association, it cannot be avoided but that the unequal ambition and covetousness, residing in the several persons must make them (without a common united head) unequal and unjust guides and distributors of those things wherein they must constantly have such partial and unequal respect to one another. Therefore, I conclude that true natural reason or justice no more warrants them to continue and exercise this kind of authority in show of a lawful government, than Scripture and nature warranted them in remove of their old. So that now, out of a conscientious prudence, they should have a fellow feeling of each others sufferings: and not continue perpetual judges over such as they can have no jurisdiction upon.  
They are not now to think they have right to continue this their present tyranny over their fellows. For none other it is, when government is exercised by any persons or orders of men but such as have by their offices power from God: which since these cannot have, as heretofore noted, It is not their specious and formal way of proceeding can make their actings to the prejudices of others just; more than can the actings by other robbers do the like. For as he that takes a purse by force upon the high way, is as culpable as he that steals it, and as thiefs that shall come so armed and accompanied as to beat off Guards and Watch, are as much robbers as others, so is it not publication of the act, which can but denote their present power, that can make Democratick censures lawful: more than if thiefs, before they kill or spoil a man, should first hold a formal court of judicature amongst themselves, and there sentence him. For, in neither case, it takes off the guilt or illegallity of the fact, where parties become judges over their equals: but aggravates it rather, through imprudence and impunity.  
And therefore, although what was before alleged in justification of the dealings of one faction towards another, might be allowable as in order to self-defence, and for security of the invaded party against the others force as beforesaid, yet can it not establish them in a right to continue doing wrong to others, for it was only allowable as a course that should have prevented it. It is also to be understood, that in Christian policy, it is only practicable in the absence of Monarchy: as a temporary way to safety: and that neither numbers nor prescription, can ever make it a lawful government. For if there be a Monarch, then is that party that obeys and acts in his name not to be called a faction but subjects: and those that appose them oppose him, and are Rebels.  
In which case, prevalence of number or power, nor all the specious pretences of leaglity, can no more make attempts against their fellows lawful, then can the like pretences warrant any association of the servants of a family to attempt the like against such of their fellows as are put into office and authority by their Master. For, in that case, the loyal and faithful subjects and servants while their Prince or Master continue in their offices, and while they pursue their quarrel, and stand up against their enemies, are to be presumed as lawfully acting: because acting by an authority from God derived. And unto them, being so united in the interest and cause of one supreme person, is the dealing of one party against another warrantable and allowable. For they, in pursuance of the loyal quarrel or their own safeties, may deal with the other as lawful enemies: but the other party cannot do so towards them: for that they not only want a supreme joint authority amongst themselves, whereby to difference subjects from enemies, but do also still oppose him they have, in opposing their fellow subjects that take his part.  
Whereupon it will follow, that in case the revolted party have overthrown the other, they are now to count all their actions unlawful farther than they can derive them from an officer authorized by God Almighty; who is only superior to them both. In conscience whereof, when they shall return to their old form again under one head, nature and policy come to be satisfied in all their claims. For first, the subdued faction or party will by this means be freed from the partiality of dominion under so many professed adversaries, and have one indifferent Judge to them both: and so it must be reckoned as done with their consents. Then, the prevailing faction must be supposed to do it willingly; as it is likely to a common favourite, and as being singly weary of each others precessure. And then lastly, supposing himself willing to undertake it, there comes consent all along. And then, because as men, we cannot quite shake off the natural way of gaining power by force, we are next to consider how these prevailing factions were again prevailed over by their own chief head.  
In which last deed, we must remember what was formerly allowed to man, as one of his proper ways of conquest; namely craft. For how else shall one man conquer and keep under so many; be it by money, flattery, or the like, it skilleth not. But he being now in power, as the conquering party had before taken security of others against their fears, so much more may he, being but one, and having so many that have natural power to hurt also, use it if he see danger. Of which securities the most usual is the force of guards for his person, after the example of the best of Kings, David himself. Which, if not done when occasion of just fear requires, the former prevailing faction may at liberty oppress the other still; and themselves also be still in danger of mutual mischief, for want of restraint from injuring one another.  
And to speak truly, this is so far from force, that there is but this way to make known the strength or desires of a people, and to know whether they have any, or no. For as their strength and desires must be known by such as appear therein, and not by polling the whole, so the strength and desires of these appearers, must, in what they act, be taken for the deed of all. And as when an Army of one country conquers another, although they be far the less number, and not elected by the people, yet we usually phrase it that such a Nation have overcome such a Nation; even so, things properly concerning action being to be measured by the active part only, it follows that what is done by the active and prevailing parts of the people, must be reckoned the act of the whole people: especially if the other do acquiess, or else they can have no action attributed to them at all. And upon no other ground then extraordinary eminence and appearance, are the actions of Princes made the actions of the whole people. For as all virtue gathers strength by union, so are the fewer united herein, to be reckoned to have both the virtue and appearance of the whole.  
For, in this regard, it fareth with those associations made by the more active people of any place or country, as it doth with those more active and pressing affections and passions whereby every particular man is provoked unto action: to wit, that as the will in each person could never be brought to any determinate design and execution, if those differing passions and affections, which are in every single man naturally abiding, should be severally and continually pressing upon him with equal importunity and vigour; so neither, could any nation or people be brought to any attempt at all, or conceived to be such or such a dictinst company of men, united and associated in a Commonwealth, did not the sense of honour, popularity, ambition, covetousness, or the like, find so great and continual a prevalence in some, as to unite and provoke them to public undertake: whilst the rest, again, being of a more dull and fearful temper, are content to sit still and enjoy with quietness their present fortunes, or to move only in the condition of followers to that party that promiseth greatest advantage and security. And as thus, the more vigorous and appearing party of any nation or people is to carry with it the reputation of the whole people, so also, is the more eminent and active person of each faction and party to carry with him the reputation thereof also, as having as much more courage than the rest, as they had above others of the Nation. Even as, when in any man there is such a prevalent compliance and association of several virtuous inclinations and affections as to make him to be deemed just, honest, valiant, temperate, or the like, yet, the merit and force thereof can never be equally ascribed to those several considerations and affections by which these virtuous acts or habits were performed or acquired, but the same is still, eminently and chiefly to be applied to the prevalence of some one more natural inclination of that particular party: as to sense of honour, conscience, reputation, frugality, etc. which in each of those acts did most from strongly operate.  
And now comes policy to its perfection: other governments without a King, looking like a Pyramid without a vertical point. For the people, diffusedly considered, and contradistinguished, are of no force or avail to others or themselves: but serve only for the foundation. When they associate, they make some appearance above ground. As the heads of factions grew fewer and fewer, so the work riseth in beauty: till it come to its vertical point of unity.  
But then, though government is founded on force, yet it is not so often on inbred force as foreign. For albeit, dominions have usually natural bounds, as seas, rivers, mountains, etc. or artificial, as walls, forts, etc. to keep them from mutual invasion, yet since (as to the generality of mankind) these are but particular associations for self-ends, it is also warrantable for any of these foreigners, as hope of gain or fear of damage shall direct (if divine law or particular contract hinder not) to use such force, and to take such caution of others, as shall serve for their content and security. And as this is most usual, so more reasonable than the other. For first here was no precedent common government over them both, to whose decision they stood bound. Then, there is seldom such enmity as in homebred factions: whereby the prosecution comes to be more mild from the victor, and more tolerable in the vanquished: both for that, and also because the insolence of fellow subjects seems usually more heavy then of strangers. Then again, homebred factions divide unity already settled: but this makes unity, by joining two dominions.  
So then there is no remedy, but that in all matters of civil subjection and interest, we are to submit to that politic governor we are born under: though we had no more hand in the choice of him then of our own fathers: yet, as to a person of more general concern, by duty and interest we stand much more bound to his authority. And as we have nothing, but the credit of our mother to assure us our right father, so nothing but the ordinary rule of providence to set up our right King: & therefore, possession doth as strongly bind us to our reputed Prince, as reputed father. For as Christ was obedient to his parents in all things, though he knew his father was not indeed so, so (like him) we must be to our present Prince; although a foraginer, and having no right but conquest: it being indeed the only rule of providence in this kind: succession depending thereon, and election having been never general and free; but only sometimes made semblance of, for flattery and engagement of the people. And the same we may say of their expulsion also: it being usually done on a sudden, and not upon deliberate and full consent, but only by a prevailing party or faction.  
And yet, all King's conquering and governing by fear, must be supposed the voluntary head of his own party whereby he prevails and rules, which (it is probable) is as great as any that elects or deposeth Kings. And as general willingness is not necessary to make the entrance into government lawful; so neither is continued general willingness more necessary to make the exercise lawful in general, then is particular willingness to obey him in every particular: for that general willingness must arise from particulars, and these may vary according to occasion.  
And if any yet think strange that force only should have been at first the usual distinguisher of this property and right, as thinking that by God's particular Precepts peaceable division might have been made, they are to consider that after the time that God was more immediately conversant amongst men in the disposal of their worldly affairs and government, (at which time the Lord at first divided the earth amongst the Nations) he is not in his recess, to be again expected as apparently and immediately intermeddling, in rectifying those confusions which our stubbornness and rebellions have brought. And this, both for the reasons heretofore mentioned for this recess from government, and also because, if God should have immediately appeared in sharing proprieties, how should his Justice and more true knowledge of our differing deserts have been able, through each one's covetousness and pride, to have passed to our liking? Whereas now, we may complain of fortune or our own weakness, but not of his partiality. And yet, we must not imagine him as an idle spectator. For though governments, by the appearing uncertainty of victory and conquest, seem thus cast into the lap of Fortune, yet the disposition is Gods. And he it is, that as surely sets up Kings now, as he did Nabuchadnezzar, Cyrus, Darius, and others of old. And Conquest, or fear thereof, (the usual ways for disposing Kingdoms) he by his Providence as particularly now disposes, as of that lot which the Children of Israel cast at their formal election of Saul.  
For as we formerly mentioned, that the positive right of Dominion in the elder brother was at first grafted upon the natural stock of force, as supposing him ordinarily most able, so we are now to consider, that the right of Dominion being transferred again to the elective primogeniture of kingship, which is not amongst Christians openly by God determined to any line or person under the Gospel, as formerly to Saul and David, it must therefore fall out, that it is to be determined the secret way of divine Election and Providence, manifested by the common and mere natural rule of force and strength of body: which must now make known and decide that personal or lineal right unto this Office amongst men, which is by divine Providence appointed. And it must therewithal follow, that the person so gaining possession, is to have rightful claim unto all those Prerogatives which conquest can afford: being not otherwise to be limited then by the Laws of God, his own Conscience, and sense of honour. For as the decision of right and Justice between two contending subjects depends (as to them) on the determination of the Prince, so is the right and Justice of Dominion, between two contending Princes, to depend (as to manifestation thereof to subjects) on the determination of the Lord of hosts, manifested by victory.  
The which, undoubtedly, in order to humane preservation and establishment of the peace of kingdoms, may satisfy the Consciences of Subjects so far, as to claim a just right to their submission and obedience: however the Conqueror himself, cannot farther expect peace in his own Conscience, nor a blessing to himself or posterity from God, then as he hath been just and Conscientious in his Claim and Conquest. It faring in this case, with subjects in general, towards their Prince, as with the Tenants of any particular Landlord. For as these are to pay their Rents and Acknowledgements to him that by the present Judiciary power is put into possession, without being bound to examine whether he be a deseisor or not; or did by bribery, or other fraud thrust out the former owner; even so, subjects, being to pay their Obedience and Acknowledgements to their Prince, as God's Minister, must likewise acknowledge him for such, whom they find by the usual way of Providence put into possession. And further also, as the Tenant hath no avoidance against increase of Rent or Service at the Will of his present Lord, but by leaving his Land and quitting his Tenancy; even so, is each subject liable to such increase of Taxes and personal duties, as his present Prince shall impose, whilst he is remaining within his Territories and Protection.  
And as natural Reason will thus find cause to submit to God's rule of Providence now used for the establishment of the person of the conquering King, so will the same reason lead them to suffer it to descend to his heir: left they should again subject themselves to new Civil wars; which is ever incident to Elective Monarchies. And therefore this aught to be avoided by the observation of the Law of Primogeniture, in these Offices now succeeding in paternal right of power; upon the same consideration that this fixed Law of birthright was instituted: namely to avoid the like diffention and quarrel in succession to the heirship of the Family, while this power was formerly seated in the natural Father thereof.  
Nay this right of inheritance not only follows in Reason, but as graffed also and comprised in the right of mere natural possession. For as the elder brother (as aforesaid) was to be presumed most natural heir to the Father's Dominion in regard of his more probable degree of strength, so also it is to be presumed that, as being born, he will have advantage of the natural way of right, which is first seizure. Upon which score, if there were no Precepts for hereditary Monarchy, natural Right, as well as Reason, would settle it in the possessors issue, and particularly on the elder brother, as heir to his Father's acquisitions. The which rule we shall find approved by Saint Paul: and upon the like words as God gave Cain the power of Eldership, he confirms this right to the man over the woman: saying, Adam was first form, 
1 Tim. 2.13.  and then Eve.  
Upon which grounds, the lawfulness to Elect Monarches, or institute Poliarchies will be taken away: inasmuch as the Office and Possession of Kingship in right of the Father and elder Brother, having first Seizure before any other, it must follow, that none can have just right but God against him or his heir.  
And if the beginnings and first rises of Kings be examined, towards the proof of settlement by Conquest, they will come so far short of deriving themselves from Adam in a natural line, as it will appear how their Ancestors, from a small stock, have by success and increase of force, risen to that present height. And even by this scale of Providence did David himself climb; although God had determined him the kingdom: That is, first by some magnanimous act to gain reputation, and thereby some few friends and followers to assist upon occasion: with these to increase by degrees, till he become so formidable, that people had rather submit to his Government, then adventure their lives in opposition. In which case, their power of Election is not so large as to choose him or not, or him or another, but whether they will take him on such terms as he proposeth, or put lives, liberties, and all to the hazard of war. In which condition, since fear was their guide, how are people more free before Election then afterwards: when Princes, for fear of punishment, are obeyed in then Governments and commands?  
And why should not fear be a wiser Passion than love? For they that are governed in their choice by love, consult not of dangers or inconveniences that may happen; for this fear is against the nature of love: and therefore the loved hath always power over the loving, and not on the contrary. And none do so usually curb the people, as those that through flattery of the noise of liberty have gotten to be their darlings; and so come to have sole trust and power: at which time, discretion bids him hold the straight reins of power upon their wavering affections, lest, by another, using his policy, he should be again supplanted. When as, all Prince's entrances which are made through fear, are made with as great deliberation and policy as may be; at least with as much as the adverse Faction hath present power to use. And it is probable, that he that finds himself afterwards thus straightened, through the people's fearing him in his entrance, will, as in order to his own honour and release of fear, seek as far as he may to gain their love. And the truth is, Princes cannot well rule without both: the great difficulty resting, when to use one, when another.  
And if any Prince should be by people elected into a Government hereditary, out of particular love and affection to his person, yet, since his person and those Electors could not always have it alike, or were sure (at least) to have sufficient degree of power and respect, there might be occasion for him (but much more for his successor) to have power and force in readiness to make use of, if reason should offer. For as there might be reasons of mutual trust between the first Prince and people, so of distrust in the other: because nothing is more giddy or uncertain then popular liking. So that, although the present Prince his virtues were equal, or alike, to the others at first settled by them, yet they being not the same people, or having changed their minds, it is not reason he should be so much their enemy, as not by force to keep them from forcible alteration, and injuring themselves by Civil war.  
And as for such Princes as come in by Conquest, I see not why force in the continuance should not be as lawful as in acquisition: more necessary to him (I am sure) it is; at least to have it in readiness. And this, not only in respect of custody (answerable to that common rational maxim, that all things are best preserved by the same means they were acquired) but also in respect of recovery: inasmuch as, Government and Sovereignty never continuing at the same just height, it must at last come to nothing; without some active and able Prince set himself again upon an equal recovery of those Prerogatives which his predecessors have lost: which necessarily causing the subjects aversion, as judging it a new Conquest, he must first be Master of a good force, or else look to be quite overthrown. And if we consider all Governments and Governors in their stories, we shall find nothing so remarkable as this their variation in power; and the different carriages of several Princes in their designs and ways of acquiring, losing, or recovering it. And both reasonable and necessary it must be, that as the Prince hath his Civil Magistrates for government of Properties, and his Ecclesiastical for guide of religious duties, so must he upon occasion have his Military Officers for Government of the subjects persons: or else in case of resistance, the other Governments will fall to nothing.  
But now, having only hitherto determined obedience to the present Prince, without differencing whether he be an usurper or not, it will be expected as necessary that I give my opinion what prescription of time is requisite to constitute a ●ight in the people's obedience. Truly I know not what time to set, amidst such variety of circumstances as may make difference: but believe, if there be equal competition of Title, present Obedience is due to the present higher power: and, without doubt, if any Prince have now made his Laws generally obeyed, taken oaths of his subjects, and they have served him in the field, he is their true Sovereign against all others.  
But although I suppose these three ways of confirmation will establish a right to any Prince, yet I conclude not that all are necessary at once. For the last of them may not come to be used in a long time after his entrance: and both it and the next, it may be practised but by few of his subjects. Yet, till he have been acknowledged in the seat of Justice, I know not how he can be acknowledged as settled in the Throne of his Kingdom.  
As for Subjects that have deposed or thrust out their King, to make themselves Free-States (as they call them) they can never have right against him and his heirs: because his Property cannot be altered but by new possession. For, the former Sovereignty of one being not to be possessed by many, that Property cannot be lost to that line for present right, or, in defailance thereof to any other for future right; to be established by possession also: Because he comes to be as rightly estated herein, as in any other of God's blessings that are now let loose without proprietor or owner.  
Now the reasons why these things do fully estate a right to persons for Government, is, because they contain all the tokens that the subjects (as subjects) can give of their joint consents and willingness: and if such a thing as Paction must be employed between Prince and people, whereby each may stand reciprocally obliged (as on Sovereignty voluntarily assumed, and subjection voluntarily undergone) it must be herein, how the Prince his assumption of the Sovereignty appears voluntary, needs no proof beyond his search thereafter: and to have subjection to the person of any Prince known to be voluntary, there is no proof beyond fact itself: that is, their voluntary continuance under it, and submission thereunto. For if he continue to live under his Laws and Government, and might yet depart, he clearly evinceth his choice and approbation thereof. If he have taken an oath of obedience and fealty unto him, he stands obliged in Conscience also: for an unlawful oath he was not to take, and a lawful one he must keep.  
But above all, if he have not only acknowledged his willingness by obedience, but by activity also, so as to have fought for him, he must be more expressly presumed as approving him. For though he may be pressed to war, yet the continuance therein for any time, as under his Government also, being necessarily to afford many opportunities of departure, the not doing it, maketh the submission and approbation voluntary: I mean, as to general approbation of him and his right. For that, as no Government, as Government, can be without constraint; so many particulars of obedience must be unpleasant.  
And however strange it may seem, that there should be in humane appearance no other right than that of Force and Conquest unto the estating the first person of each Kingly race, yet if we will diligently observe the predictions of the New Testament pointing at the government of the Church, we shall find them still declaratory as to the same effect. One of which we will explain in this place: setting this very thing forth in most open terms: and that shall be the speech of our Saviour made to the Jewish multitude, concerning the Government of the Kingdom of Heaven, or the Church. For these his Auditors, having heard the message sent from John to him, demanding an answer whether our Saviour were he that should come, 
Matth. 11.3.  or that they should look for another; and being ready to expect a temporal kingdom to be presently undertaken by our Saviour, it caused him (after the declaration of John's office to be the Elias to this Messiah) to give them satisfaction why it was inconvenient for him personally to undertaken. And this he doth, upon the ground of the different manner of the entrance and possession of Government under the Gospel, over it was under the Law. For under the Law, as there was both a rule for peaceable entry (the persons being by God appointed that were to have the Crown settled on their race) so was there both Priests and Prophets who had a part of Monarchical jurisdiction in some things allowed them: thereby also keeping Monarchical power from that absoluteness it should arrive at after the days of John. In whom the Law and the Prophets ceasing (meaning amongst other things) that separate power of Priestly and Prophetic jurisdiction, so far as they shared in the Sovereignty) it is the reason why our Saviour frames an answer which did both imply this difference, and show the reason why himself could not take this charge upon him.  
So that we may conceive, that that limitation until now, was added only to give the Jews satisfaction why he then undertook not this charge himself: 
Verse 12.  namely, that it was contrary to his mind and quiet way of demeanour amongst them, to enter into a charge wherein so great force and violence must be used, both to acquire and possess: and not as determining that this forceable way of entry should then cease. For if we shall compare it with the parallel Text of Saint Luke; where Gods own inward Kingdom in our hearts is spoken of, we may interpret the expressions here of violent entry and possession of the outward Government in the Church, to be prophetic also. For it being there said, that the Kingdom of God is preached, 
Luke 16.16.  and every man presseth into it: we cannot conceive it of any present pressing into the Church; but as spoken of what should follow in the Church's increase and splendour: at which time there should follow the most frequent use of violence for possessing of Christian Kingship also.  
And that, by this Kingdom of God in this place spoken of, is intended Gods own inward immediate rule he should have in our hearts, & was different from that outward exercise of outward jurisdiction which he should give to others in his Church (called there the Kingdom of Heaven) appears plainly in the occasion of delivery thereof. Because it was spoken to convince them, that, 
Matth. 11.12.  by reason of their own covetous humours, had derided our Saviour for saying, No man can serve two masters; but went about to justify themselves before men, by shows of legal or moral righteousness: and could not yet well conceive how God should judge men according to their hearts: such that could not believe that the single eye and light of love, was the fullfilling of the Law: even of every tittle thereof: for the letter thereof was to last till John; and after that time, God's Kingdom to be preached. That is, men were to be won thereunto by the mild and still voice of the Gospel: whereas his outward Kingdom over men's persons, was to be acquired and managed by the help of natural Reason and force; together with such divine light as God should furnish the Prince with. For although, as the God of Nature and great preserver of men, he do by the rule of Reason, and by Precepts and Examples of Scripture, plainly determine obedience and Monarchical Government (as heretofore showed), yet doth he reserve to himself (as Lord of hosts) the secret approbation and disposal of those particular persons and Families that shall from time to time rule amongst us here as his deputies. And hence it is that all Kings and free Princes write themselves Dei Gratia, not Electione Populi: for although prudence may many times lead Princes to make semblance of their having, and reliance on the free consent or choice of the people; (even that they may be the more endeared towards him by this his professed acknowledgement and dependence on their favours;) yet that this election was never but by some party only, and a thing in itself not to be relied upon, will appear in that no Monarch, being fully possessed, was ever yet known to resign his other holds, and wholly to submit thereunto, for lawful title to be settled to him or his.  
Nor looks it but with a plain face of partiality and injustice, when we allow the Gentry and Nobility (amongst ourselves) to be derived from the Arms and Ensigns of war, and yet allow not unto Conquest itself the like force to estate Kingly right. As though the same military Art or virtue did not adorn the leader, as well as the follower: or that Viriatus were not Vertus in the Chieftain, more than in the ordinary soldier. Whereupon, fortitude being so much all other virtues, as to be the hand or instrument whereby they are (as to Society) made useful, and to be conveyor of them to the notice of others, it hath made the world unanimously to submit to the plain eminence of this virtue, as the steadiest rule for judging the hidden abode of the rest.  
But although our Saviour make that additional expression of until now, the only reason for the answering the Jews why he undertook not this Kingdom himself, yet were there many other important reasons for it besides. As first, the assumption of any such like State was not congruous to him that was in his own person so ignominiously to suffer. Then, if he had sat down in David's right only, as the Jews expected, he had lost right unto the Gentile Church. Then again, wanting lineal race of his own to succeed after him, he could not have stayed but increased the Church's division. To prevent which, should he have set down rules to any other for succession, it would have been called partiality by the persons neglected: especially in the disposition of Christian Kingdoms; where he could not, as son of David, claim power at all: and wherein, until his Gospel had been entertained, he could not expect obedience as Christ neither. In regard of which, it chiefly may be understood why our Saviour should so often be found saying, I came not to send peace but sword: and such like Prophecies of the necessary following wars and contentions which should arise for the obtaining those Governments amongst men.  
So that we must say, that as the Prince of each Country sits down in the natural right of strength and first possessor, and thereby in the positive right of elder brother, so doth he thereby also, silence and extinguish all right in the use of force to any other under his jurisdiction and obeisance: even because their proprieties have their separation and assurance from his. For, as we formerly noted in right of that part of his Office over his subjects, namely to judge them, he was to be indisputably submitted unto in matters of legality and morality, so is he in the other part also, namely for fight their battles; and that of both sorts: as well that of public protection, whereby the whole Kingdoms Proprieties are defended from foreign invasion, as that of separate protection, whereby each particular subject is defended from the force of each other.  
For since none of the Subjects in each Kingdom, can say of his Lands and Possessions that they were gotten by any independent force and manner of acquisition, but were both gained and held by him in the relation of a Subject, and that by such ways and courses as were by the Laws of that Country prescribed or allowed, there can be no reason why unto Subjects (as such) there should be any such absoluteness of propriety granted, nor other way of gain from one another allowed, than what the public Laws for Commerce do set down. For although one Prince to another be left to the natural way of force for decision of Propriety, where Religion binds not, yet have their Subjects no right to encroach or possess the Proprieties of one another, by other way of acquisition then that of allowable commerce: as heretofore declared.  
But, be these things as clear and apparent in Scripture or Reason as they will, it is not to be presumed, but that those different interests which will be still arising from those daily change of Governments and Governors, will, through that different hope of advantage to be gained by one form of Government, or person governing, more than another, be continually prompting them with Arguments of contradiction, at such time as they shall apprehend that person in whom their hopes do lie, and whom they would have seated in the Sovereignty, to be by any of these discourses disadvantaged in his claim. In which regard large declamations are from them to be expected for taking away the right by Conquest; and for branding and enfeebling it with the odious terms of Tyranny and Usurpation: whilst others, although not so personally interessed, yet, being discontented with that share of riches or preferment which the present settlement hath allotted them, are willing to call out for the people's right to choose; and to join with, and accompany them in any thing of change and alteration in the Government: in hope that, from that new shuffling of fortunes and interest which must hence arise, they shall have a better game dealt them then before: not at all regarding that general mischief and confusion which must follow hereupon.  
For will they say that it is fit this power should follow public and free election, then, to bring any Prince this way into power, without danger of Civil war, they must first imagine that that whole Nation out of which he is to be chosen hath but one person fit for this employment; and also that that person hath so publicly and equally demeaned himself in his merits and favours, that they should be always so equally known, and equally beneficial, as to engage each one in an unanimous consent and agreement in his election.  
Will they (for peace-sake) put it to the Major Vote; how shall it be known, except voices and consent be taken viritim? And how shall it be done but under government; where some must be imagined with general Authority to give direction herein? In which case, how shall those in present power be thought willing to submit to the suffrages of such as have none, whether they shall continue in it or no, or have their enemies (it may be) chosen in their rooms? If the major or stronger party do elect, and by force (or fear of it) prevail against the other, than what differs this from the course before spoken of; where the conquering Faction sets up its own chief in supreme power? Will they say, that since Princes are to be chosen more for eminence in wisdom, then in valour and prowess, that therefore his election for fitness, is to be tried out by force of Argument, and not by force of hands, then, what hopes in this case to have an end of the controversy; since the minor party will no more conceive itself justly overcome this way then the other? For when do we see any person yield to another in any Argument that is to be tried out by discourse? Whereas victory will presently decide the contest of two Combatants. Besides, what greater assurance and demonstration of wisdom, than those effects thereof, whereby this greatness was acquired? Unless they would have it judged by talk only, and not by action.  
For mine own part, I do not believe there hath been any more studious than myself to find out a way how Subjects might free themselves from these kind of inconveniences, as of Tyranny, Usurpation, etc. and yet, all that while maintain public peace: but, when I had throughly considered all those ways of redress that in this case I could think upon, and compared their probable benefit with those more certain consequents of Civil war which would attend them, I was at last forced to reckon these chances amongst those irremediable miseries which humane condition stood subject unto, and which God, as in his more secret Justice, had to himself reserved for punishment of our sins: even in this very case, making us sensible of that our original pride and insubjection to him, which had now brought us from his more immediate care and rule over us, to be thus made subject to the oppression of such as are in Nature our equals; and thereupon to resolve, that no way could so assuredly prevent those torrents of Civil war, which upon these pretences would be continually let in, then by making a stop at that first gap made for entrance.  
For experience doth tell us, that, under pretence of the unlawfulness of the first seizure by Conquest and Usurpation, Princes of a long continued race have been opposed, and by Civil War dispossessed, as Usurpers: thereby plainly showing, that no Government or Governor can be in security, or public peace kept up, if a discontented party may be still harkened unto. For if we admit Usurpation a just excuse for disobedience to a present Prince, and any party or order of the Subjects to be judge thereof, there will never want a party who will make all Conquest to be the same: inasmuch as none can usurp Regal Authority to the dispossession of another, who were not by Conquest holpen in. And if it were unlawful for the first to command and govern by that claim, then is it so to all that succeed to govern, as upon his right.  
I considered that Usurpation and Tyranny were usually the expressions of Passion and Interest: many times laid without desert; and that by the fewer in number also: for had not the greatest part thought them otherwise they could never have got in. And hence it grew, that the old Prince was over called Tyrant, and the new one Usurper, by those parties that were their enemies. And whilst some, out of their interests against Monarchy would reject all Government; as denying either the ways of Conquest or Usurpation to have Lawfulness of title, there are others again, that are ready to yield to the right of Conquest made by a foreign Prince, but strongly urge against Usurpation of a Subject: Whilst those on the side of the Usurper, say, That all Conquest is not only Usurpation, but with this aggravation, that thereby a foreigner makes entrance, and rules in despite of a whole Nation: Whereas the other cannot come in without the assistance and consent of the major part; and being a native is not so like to alter their Laws and Religion as the other: and they are ready to give instances for it amongst the Jews.  
When I foresaw, that, when all was done, Subjects were (upon their removal) still to run the same hazard from the next Possessor; when I foresaw that there was no other remedy against Usurpation and Tyranny, than what was certainly accompanied with a greater evil than the disease itself, and yet, all that while, no certainty of cure, I then concluded that I could not go lower than I have done, in asserting submission to the present Prince in possession; unless I should have been false to my main design of public peace and good.  
Nay, truly, I looked upon loyalty and subjection, as the only sure remedy to defend people against usurpation: Inasmuch as none being able to dispossess another, already in power, but by the help of his own subjects, disloyalty must precede, and be a cause of Usurpation: And therefore, if nothing but Civil war will remedy it, better to be loyal, then, by it, cure one Usurpation by another. And I shall ingenuously say, that could any yet inform me how it may be done, I shall more heartily recant and withdraw my former Tenants, than I did propose them: looking upon it as an evil in itself, only tolerable to avoid a greater: insomuch as, if right to command should depend on general approbation there is no Prince but must come to be disobeyed: and in that case we shall be much troubled who there shall be to state it, and to appoint what number or quality of Subjects may be thought fit to be harkened unto herein.  
But since I cannot find how any in the condition of a Subject stands answerable for the guilt thereof, if he have been passive only, or that he is obliged to search into his Sovereign's Right, or break his Allegiance upon any jealousy of his Title (who being to rule over others besides himself, there is no appearing reason his single judgement or Conscience should bear sway against theirs), I therefore saw no lawful way of prevention or redress but what must come from God. He, he, if we will at all conceive him to be, or to be regardful of humane affairs, must with submission be looked upon as a setter up and guider of persons and affairs of so great import, which have the good or ill of so many depending on them.  
When any Prince, by force or craft, shall ascend the Throne, although the several Victories by him gained, and Plots by him laid, as also all those ways and contrivances by which they were brought to pass, be to us fully discovered, and they do thereupon look but like things of ordinary production and hazard; what, shall we thereupon acknowledge no deity but that of Fortune? Or, that which is worse, shall we acknowledge his power and Government, and yet so far mistrust his Wisdom or Goodness, as to think he hath not done it with due respect to his own glory and our deserts? In which case, how can disobedience become us, who cannot at all be knowing of God's intentions herein, and therefore ought with patience to expect the event? for many times, he that subjects may for the present look upon as an Usurper, may be by him that can only search King's hearts sent as a blessing, in the place of him that in ordinary humane judgement had a greater right thereunto.  
But when I say this may so happen, it is not to grant Subjects any liberty to assist any one against their present Prince, under hopes or colour of any such blessing, or to excuse them that did so: for this were to overthrow what was said before towards public Peace, and of submission to the present Sovereign. That which I would have men in this case seriously to consider of, is, that if they will not admit possession to have right in those Changes, than they must conceive the Government of each Christian Nation to be for perpetuity impropriate to one single Family by God Almighty, as that of the Jews was to the lyneage of David: so as, notwithstanding any irreligious, unjust, or oppressive acts in them, no alteration from Heaven should be expected, either for abdication of that lyneage, or dispossession of the right heir by any other of the same Family. But if there be neither precedent or hope, that such an establishment hath ever anywhere been, or can reasonably be looked for, than it must fall out that all bonds of Government and Allegiance stand now dissolved upon failance of just Title, or else it is to be justly claimed by possession. For certainly, the heirs of Conquerors and Usurpers can reign by no higher right than was that of their predecessors, from whom their Title was derived; but it may be often lower, as failing of the virtue of their first founder. And I do (for my part) believe, that Caesar had a greater right to the Sovereignty of Rome then any of his posterity: not because he conquered more foreign Nations, or added more to the Roman Territory than they (for that he did not) but for such like crafts and policies, whereby he purchased that his perpetual Dictatorship, and for those very Conquests he made at home: by all which he became enabled to assume (which others may interpret usurp) the Sovereignty to himself. For having hereby power to keep those his warlike Countrymen at peace and Agreement amongst themselves, and restore them to their general liberty from the Tyranny of all those factious heads, who, like true Usurpers indeed, had engrossed all liberty and power to themselves, by pretence of being Keeepers of the Liberties of the people, and were so continually ready to engage their Nation in Civil war through their own sidings: he might (I say) more truly in that case be called his Country's preserver, then where a Foreign enemy is only resisted; by how much Civil war is more destructive and dangerous than any other; and by how much the establishment of good Government and order in our native Country, is more heroic then to do it abroad. In which respect also, Caesar may worthily have precedence in his parallel with Alexander: who on the other side quietly at home succeeded in a Monarchy already settled by his victorious Father; and his Conquests over other Nations were but victories to his own honour and benefit, and not to their increase of liberty, being under Monarches before. And although Caesar's victories are usually thought more honourable, as being more dangerous and difficult, yet, it is not hardness alone in the means, but goodness of the end that must complete true honour.  
In consideration of all which, as I see not how the imputation of an Usurper, or the like, can in Conscience make any good excuse for Subjects resistance or insubjection to that present Sovereign which is now by divine Providence set over them, and who is thereupon to be taken as the Ordinance of God; so not in prudence neither: inasmuch as their opposing or repining at him is but the likely way to make him, that was an Usurper before against the right of another, to become hereby also a Tyrant against them; as fearing their insurrections. Whereas else, it is like, he will, by mild and meritorious usages towards them, strive to gain by virtue, what he wants in Title.  
More safe therefore (no doubt) it is for subjects to acquiesce, and in this case, to testify their obedience and submission to God, by submission to this higher power by his Providence set over them: who, as his Vicegerent, and by reason of that present Office he is by him put in, is (as it were) espoused into part of his power: and cannot from thenceforth, and whilst he continues their Sovereign, be any more charged with any personal faults and failings then a married Wife can, by those of the Family, be taxed with any former dishonest act, whereby that respect due to her as Mistress of the Family should be taken off: nay although formerly she had been but one of their own fellow servants: because this duty is not due to her as such a woman, separately considered, but according to her present relation, as being such a man's Wife: and so comes to be part of that duty they owe to their Master. Nor do I believe but those that through interest and partiality would decline obedience to the present Prince, would yet, on their parts, expect his protection in case any violence should be offered. But men are led to misconceive of actions of this nature, for want of due regard how the same person stands accountable for what he doth herein, according to that different condition he stood in at the time of doing.  
Whosoever shall oppose, or make insurrection against that Prince that is in present possession, and under whose protection he lives, he, and all that side with him, are, all that while, not only guilty of the sin of rebellion before the divine Tribunal, but before that political Tribunal also, wherein this Prince doth preside. Whereas all those that do assist this their present Sovereign, are to be counted loyal, both by Law of God and Man. But if divine providence or permission, have given such success to any subject, as to deprive the present Prince, and to seat himself in the Regal Throne, from that time, both he, and those that took his part cease to be rebels, as to the political Tribunal, for any thing they shall act afterwards: but both of them stand Criminals before God as for their rebellion past. And he also, so far as he is an Usurper, stands accountable, both there, and in his own Conscience, for all those injuries which are or shall be committed in his present usurpation; as well by himself as those that obey him. Whereas they again, that were by the Laws of God and man, to be accounted loyal to the former Prince, in respect of that obedience they then gave him as their present higher power, shall become now rebels to this, if, while they live under his Government and Jurisdiction, they pay not that respect and obedience which is to Sovereignty due: and they do (therein) stand accountable as Criminals, aswel before the divine Throne, as that of their present Sovereign.  
To the present Sovereign (I say) this subjection must be given, if (at all) we will allow subjection as a duty to be acted, and not as a bare contemplative virtue only. For in this case, as obedience is due to the higher power, even because it is so, so must it be actually given to him that is actually seized thereof: who only, having present power to command, and also to punish in case of refusal, must be understood to be the true object of obedience and subjection, not only for wrath, but also for Conscience sake: ●nd whose resistance, as the resistance of the Ordinance of God, makes that party a Criminal, not only in respect of judgement hereafter, but also in respect of that present Judiciary power wherein the Prince is now seated. For this tribute of subjection must be held as legally due to that person in whose name the Laws are enforced and executed, as the payment of other tribute doth belong to that Image and Circumscription which is stamped upon the Coin; which was enjoined to Caesar: a stranger by birth and religion, and one that had not so much as legal title at home; and yet being acknowledged by him that had all title, it will thereupon make the duty of subjection to the present power much more apparent.  
But then again, although those that now take part with the present power are to be accounted loyal in all thy do in his obeisance, whilst he continues their Sovereign, and, on the contrary, those that were formerly loyal, are now to be held for Criminals for what they act contrary to their present supremacy, yet are they to be looked upon with this difference in relation to their actings past. Those that were loyal cannot justly be punished by him that succeeds, for any opposition against him before he was possessed: for that were to discourage and punish loyalty. Whereas those that took part for setting up a new power, having all that while no lawful Authority for what they did, are for all those acts legally punishable by the deposed Prince; in case he shall be restored: none but he having power to pardon what was done against his Jurisdiction only. For certainly, as caths of Allegiance and other ties of duty, were given to Princes by Subjects, with respect, and in relation to that power they then held, even so must Subj●●●s be held Criminals to that power, for all disloyal acts done while that power was up: even as they must also be criminals when they do oppose that which succeeds. And it will concern every new Prince (even in point of prudence) to be careful hereof. And although he cannot, in discretion and good nature, but be exemplar in depressing and rewarding some few that have more eminently opposed or assisted him, yet generally to punish or discourage such as have been true to the former established Government, only because they have been so, and to reward such as sided for alteration, only because they did so, will be found of most dangerous consequence, not only to himself, but to the public peace also: by leaving a precedent for necessitous and discontented persons to attempt the like innovations for the future, upon the like encouragements and hopes of reward.  
Upon due regard of the necessary rendering this obedience to the present Prince, in order to duty and maintenance of public peace, and in tenderness of the indemnity of Subjects for so doing, was that most gracious and beneficial Law made, by that most prudent and politic Prince of our Nation Henry the seventh: enacting that none should be questioned as Traitors, for any thing done in obedience to the present King. This most wise Prince had well considered how often the subjects of this Land had been punished, even for being true Subjects, by such as, being wholly swayed by sense of self-interest and revenge, did herein deal otherwise by them, than themselves would in like case be dealt by. For they would not themselves have been content that their followers should, for their loyalty to them, be so used by such as should again succeed in this power: and much less would they be content, that any should withdraw their subjection from themselves, now in present power, under colour of the better Title of another. And much less yet would they have been content, if themselves had been in the condition of subjection to any Prince, and had therein been constantly loyal; that this former Prince, having now neither occasion to employ or means to maintain them elsewhere, should ingratefully stomach and reckon as a fault, that necessary livelihood he were now forced to seek in his native Country, under the protection and obeisance of another.  
He foresaw that while that way of claim by Title was pleadable amongst the Subjects themselves, that they were not only still at a loss for want of true evidence herein, but the whole Kingdom perpetually infested with Civil war; by that disagreement that must happen thereabout: whilst Subjects might, upon this pretence, be no subjects; by withdrawing obedience from the present subjector, to whom it is naturally, apparently, and presently due, to give it to such as were now but equals in Sovereignty: and so, being not able for the present to command it as a duty, what is to them herein done, can carry no other interpretation then as acts of love, friendship, respect, or the like▪ and not of loyalty and subjection. Which duty, obliging us to actual performance, the Question is not who should be, but who is in the feat of Authority.  
He foresaw, that, under colour of settling obedience by evidence of Right and Title, friendship and interest were still put into the scale, in the preferment of one person before another; to the perpetual disturbance of the Subjects by their disagreements herein. Whereas, if right to possession had still followed possession, all Civil war should be avoided: because, being then guided by a thing so apparent to each one's sense, there could be none found to oppose or disturb him whom all did obey. Whereas those that withdrew their obedience from him that was actually possessed, under colour of that right which any other had to possess, as they must thereby confess it due in respect of that office he hath right unto, so (if they should separate themselves from their own interests and passions) they must acknowledge it, by the same rule, to be for the present, due to this present possessor. Else, by a strange and unnatural contradiction, he that is actually possessed, as King, should be, at the same time, actually dispossessed, and no King; by this absurd diversion and application of obedience unto a power which is not in being.  
Sense and experience of his own former condition had rightly told him, that as this belief or opinion of the right of him that is dispossessed, can, during that his private condition, claim from his former Subjects a willingness & propension only to perform actual subjection when he shall be again possessed and restored to a capacity of actual command, so, in the mean time, the actual possession of this other, must, by the same rule, claim actual subjection and obedience unto him, from all that live under his obedience and jurisdiction: unless (as we said) we should make that Precept for subjection to the higher power vainly given; when such as should be subject, should have a liberty hereby left them whether they will at any time be so or no; by making some pretence or other, that it is not rightly due to him that hath now only power to command it.  
And therefore although this Prince, like others, did wisely cause such of his Subjects as were eminent, or to be suspected, to take oaths of Allegiance and Fidelity to himself and posterity, yet, by that truly selfdenying Ordinance before mentioned, he may well be thought more considerative of that future establishment of public peace and benefit, than so peevishly respective to the settling his race alone, as, upon any turn, to involve all men in the hazard of guilt and blood: by making that oath, which was made to preserve and encourage loyalty, a continual snare and punishment to all that had been so: and to such only, who, in Conscience and friendship, stand inclined to his side.  
But now, for conclusion of this Discourse, we shall say something in answer to such scruples as may arise concerning those that are cast into that unhappy condition as to be under any of these Polarchies: because (else) it might be supposed, from what hath hitherto been spoken, or may hereafter, that I did conclude that no man could live honestly or conscientiously but under a Monarch. It is therefore to be considered (as we have formerly hinted) that as all these Polarchies have been formerly Monarchies, so are their Laws and Constitutions, for the most part, only such as have been before settled and Authorized by a Monarch. In which case it will fall out, that the Subject living in any employment and Calling allowed by the former Laws, is to be concluded lawfully authorized in his deportments: as obeying and submitting to the Ancient and right Authority still. But in all new Constitutions and Commands on him imposed by these unauthorised Guides, by which he shall be put to act any thing that may have relation beyond himself, he is, in that case, for want of warrant from Christ's direct Deputy, to secure his innocence the best he may, by assuming to himself the power of judging of Morality; and to act no farther than the Conscientious rule of Do as thou wouldst be done unto shall give leave. And, in that condition, is he to make use of that distiction of obedience into Active and Passive: and of obeying God rather then man. So that, by his Patience and Willingness to suffer in his own person, rather than wrong another, he shall acquit himself of the guilt of that suffering he might bring on another, through want of a justly derived power. For when it shall be any man's unhappiness, not to have Christ, by his proper Deputy, outwardly directing him how to love his neighbour as himself, as well as, by his Spirit and Gospel, inwardly fitting him thereunto, he is then, by his Conscientious abstenance from all appearance of evil, and by his readiness to be assisting unto him in all that shall be in his power; and which according to his wants, shall be justly or reasonably demanded of him, to make up that measure of bounden good to his neighbour, which he cannot actively undertake and perform.  
In this last Chapter I have again raised up and united the former Fabric of Monarchy, which in all those precedent, seemed to be buried in the rubbish of popular mistake and confusion. And as in the first Book, the foundation thereof was laid on that stock of discourse which Divine Edict, and the Rules of humane Nature or reason would afford, here I have again added, to the strengthening and establishing of the Work, such farther supply as the precedents of other mere natural agents would readily contribute; although men (like them) should be supposed put into the world at random, and without other direction or law then what their own senses could frame. It seems now therefore seasonable, that for confimation of all, we should have our recourse to Religion; so called, because it is the tye of all polity and commerce; to see how all these things stand therein warranted; and are both allowed and commanded by that great Guide and preserver of Man kind: all which, by divine assistance, the following Book shall declare.    

THE THIRD BOOK OF GOVERNMENT AND Of the Obedience thereunto due, according to Arguments more particularly drawn from SCRIPTURE.  

The Introduction.  
HOw long since, or who it was that first made that distinction of the Decalogue into two Tables as now received, I know not: but sure I am, that that common liberty every day taken of dividing men's duties and obedience into religious and civil, hath been the cause of much distraction and division amongst men. For whilst some are ranking under the classis of God's particular service what share of humane actions they please, they have on the one hand almost taken peace from the earth, by substracting that our bounden obedience from his immediate vicegerent, which should have been the tye thereof: whilst others again, out of a desire to make themselves absolute in the managery of State affairs, have come to seclude God, and the rules of religigion from having any immediate influence and authority therein; which are in these things, and to the support of that obedience which is on their behalf necessary, the chief securities and directions.  
Against some inconveniencies arising from the practice and opinions of those of the last sort, I have framed much of my discourse in the two precedent books; in which, by reason as well as Scripture, I have plainly shown the necessary tye and dependence of political good and peace on religion and its precepts; and how it is, not only injurious to God, but wrong to ourselves, to deprive him of superintendent dominion and administration, either in the government of our persons, or estates. And indeed to deny God's care and superintendency over moral agents and actions as well as natural ones, is an opinion bordering not only on Atheism, but on absurdity also; when as men shall be hereby thought not so valuable in the eye of Divine care and providence as beasts; nay as stocks and stones.  
In this present work, my intention is to set forth the inconveniences that arise from the sole undertake of those of the other sort; that is, such as oppose this power upon the score of religion. And more particularly those of the Romish party, who first made use of, and applied that notion of Civil Magistrate unto the Christian Prince; that thereby he might, under that distinction of Civil, be not only separated & secluded from any farther intermeddling in the Church then as if he had still been a pagan, but also that, under the appellation of Magistrate (instead of that of King) he might be but thought subordinate herein neither; even to that their own supreme head, as well as were the Bishops and other Church guides and Officers; whom certainly they intent should be opposed unto him in this his civil relation: and be not only absolute in Ecclesiastical jurisdiction and government of the Church, but to be supereminent in the State also.  
And although, amongst Protestants, this sole superintendency is not given to any Ecclesiastical person, yet when we find those that pretend greatest reformation & departure from Rome, still retaining this notion of Civil Magistrate, and applying it to the Prince, we may conceive it purposely also so done, that thereupon another independent Magistracy, even themselves, might be closely insinuated, and also acknowledged and obeyed in Church affairs.  
Which done, and having hereby made themselves the next and more immediate Ministers to God and Christ, their next work is to stretch and draw out religious cognizance as far as they can, & to leave unto Kings, as persons in a sphere below them, the managery of such other duties and virtues as they are pleased to list under the notion of Moral; calling the greatest proficients in virtue, (in a kind of scorn) Moral men, or men civilly honest. As though the very Decalogue, and the whole Jewish law given from God himself, carried not moral consideration with them; and were any otherwise binding then as moral precepts to us now.  
In farther evidence whereof, I shall also show how the very Gospel-precepts do make moral duties their subject also, even as our Saviour ordinarily made man's body the subject of his miracles: and that the substance of the former more large moral direction is abreviated and fulfilled in the gospel precept of love: and how again, love is made useful by the tye and effects thereof, obedience, humility, patience, etc. in such sort, that civil good and society is by Gospel-directions more nearly and directly pointed to, and maintained then before. Of all which, by God's assistance, in that which follows.   

CHAP. I. Of Religion in its true ground.  
OUR discourse hitherto hath been to manifest that the end of all divine, natura, and positive laws, are both for the preservation of the whole world, and of man in particular. In which doing, we are not to consider God Almighty, (like ourselves in our sports) as taking delight in the action itself, and entertaining it by way of pastime, as having nothing else to do: but as an understanding, free, and voluntary Agent; and having an end in all things he doth. For otherwise would not his works be regulated and stinted as now they are: but, there being no end of doing, the deeds would be also infinite as the Author. End he could have none, above, or without respect to himself: because this must be the necessary consequent of choice also: For to do, or not to do anything, wherein self-good, interest, or liking is no ways concerned, is not imaginable; but, in all knowing and voluntary Agents, must be presupposed.  
Therefore now, to come to examine what this end of God is, and how it is both true that all things were made for his own sake, & again, how all was made for the use of man; we must take care that, in no consideration, 
〈…〉  we entrench upon God's alsufficiency in himself, and think him hereby, or from the Creature, (as in a kind of supply) any way advantaged. For when we eat or drink, or make use of any thing, it is in us a contribution towards some necessary want and sustentation of our being: but, when God keeps on the course of his Providence, and hereby enables all Creatures to do him that service he requires, we must not imagine any indigence in him to be the cause thereof: for he, having none his superior or equal, nor any thing without the verge of his power, how should fear or want approach his almightiness? Therefore he, not being like other Creatures, who have their being and well-being dependent on him; but, being truly independent of any but himself, his operations outward, (that can have no end higher or better than himself) must have it only by reflection and return. Whereupon, he being all good, and it being proper to the nature of goodness to be extensive and communicable, he did, according to his good pleasure, Confer on other Creatures those different resemblances, and the participation of those beatitudes and perfections, which were before solitary and in himself confined. All which proceeding from him without substraction, he is so far from suffering diminution herein, that, by a kind of multiplication, he hath the goodness and content of his own now increased by that of others: even by their just and grateful acknowledgements of so much from him received. So that from hence we may conclude, the reason how all things come to be said made for his own sake; namely, to express his honour and glory: which return of praise and glory being justly expected of each creature as a duty, is, by God's acceptance, reckoned as a service.  
But, because returns of gratitude are, as near as may be, to be proportioned to the measure of benefits received; and because (amongst sublunary Creatures) man had the largest measure imparted; it will follow that from him, as from a Creature most bounden for receipt, and best enabled for return, this duty of praise and thanksgiving should be chiefly expected: nay, in a manner, from him only it can be had. For although the Heavens may declare the glory of God, 
Psal. 19.1.  and the Firmament show his handy work; yet because those beauties and excellencies, which by the wisdom and power of God are bestowed on them and other irrational Creatures, are not at all apprehended by themselves, and are, for the most part, but subservient to others, how should such return of praise or acknowledgement be expected from them, or any but man? who alone, (in these endowments and perfections received) appears, of all Creatures, lest tied in a subservient relation: but on the contrary, having all the virtues and benefits of other things directed and made appliable towards him, and his own abilities again standing directly pointing at the service and honour of his Maker, it may thereupon be fitly said, That all things were made for man: as the most able creature in regard of his reason to apprehend his own interest and obligations, and to make suitable expression of thanks to God's glory.  
By all which, it appears that the end of all our whole religion and endeavours should be to the glory of God: even such a God, that, being so infinite in power above us, is yet so particularly extensive of his goodness towards us, that whosoever shall but considerately weigh the measure thereof, must ever think himself to high a debtor, that with an holy ecstasy he may cry out, 
Psal. 116.12.  What shall I render unto the Lord for all his benefits towards me? What can be more proportionable, and becoming both our duty and benefit, then, in imitation of that (thereby) most pleasing person, to have his praises always in our mouths: 
Psal. 145.21.  nay not in our mouths alone, but in our actions also: these must so shine before men, that they seeing our good works, may glorify our Father which is in heaven. 
Matth. 5.16.   
When Birds or Beasts sing, or play, in the sense and exultation of benefits received from this universal Author of plentiousness to all things living, they, in their kind, 
Reclesi. 51.22.  praise him: but unto us, as he hath given understanding, so it is therewith to praise him: and if with reason we do it not, we do it not as men, nor with all our might, 
Matth. 22.37.  nor with all our strength. And this reason of ours, we must, in so needful a work, strengthen with all the help we can; especially out of, that portion of his own unerring wisdom, revealed in the holy Scripture.  
And, for farther fear that their meaning herein should be mistaken, we are not to trust our single, and private judgements for their interpretation: but take direction from those that have rule over us, 
Heb. 13.7.  whose faith we are to follow. By which means, we shall also most assuredly keep up, and preserve our other duty, (the chief means of his praise on earth) namely the good of our Neighbour. For, as God keeps on the whole Creation and our particular preservations, for a means to express his glory by; so we, by observing his commands of Charity, beneficence, peace, and love to one another, must make that, (as having most necessary and direct tendency to this preservation) the only allowable means to give him that praise and glory.  
By this means it will come to pass, that although, 
Job. 35.6.  when we sin or multiply our transgressions, we do nothing against him, nor that he, (as directly in himself) doth receive gain or advantage by our righteousness; yet, 
verse 7.  since these our wickednesses may hurt men as we are, and our righteousness (on the other side) may profit them; therefore comes our good or ill deeds towards them, 
verse 8.  to be reckoned as so to God: and virtue and morality (when truly such) to be the same with piety and religion; probity being the same with righteousness, and vice the same with sin.  
And as this is the end of Religion, so of nature also: for as both of them proceeded from him, so both of them point at the same end, the glory of God: but in the means thereunto they somewhat differ. For because, in nature, God stands as the most supreme and remote cause, and therefore (the exigence of his manifestation so requiring) is sometimes, by miracles, forced to make himself known to us, by being the immediate cause of some extraordinary production, (it being else very difficult for the wit of man, (through so many intermediate causes, and such long circuits of effects depending one upon another) to pass in order through all the links of this golden chain, till they come at last to that which (according to the Fable) is fastened to Jupiter's toe) therefore God is by precepts of Religion, brought to an easy, plain, and immediate appearance in our conceits. Whereupon, having our duties of praises and acknowledgements unto him manifested, even for the least good we receive, we are hereby (as by most plain direction) fixed and taught, both in the duty itself, and manner of our return of gratitude: which is, by this means, made intelligible to all in general, and each one in particular. Whereas, if the light and direction of nature had been therein alone entrusted, this supreme cause and end of our being, either, through its intricacy and our weakness, could not; or, through the hasty pursuits of our desires, would not in such due manner have been discovered, as to fix ourselves on the Creator: and nor, by a kind of Idolatry, on the creature itself.  
And as it had thus fared in the great end of all things, God's glory; so, in the chief appointed means to it, man's preservation, it would have come to pass that the knowledge and practice of our duty (without precepts of religion) would have been, in many things, at a loss. For example, although, by long circuit of reason and such discourses as heretofore spoken of, some men might come to have found, that obedience should be given to the Prince or chief Magistrate, even in order to that we owe to God; yet, considering the great number of the ignorant, and the differences of others about the measure and manner of affording it, (without direct precepts of Religion commanding and determining it) nothing but civil war and slaughter would follow. In which war, as my person must be equally hazarded with others, so, in lessening the number of mankind, the lessening of God's praises, in the instrument thereof, would ensue. Therefore, as well out of care of God's glory as my own good, my submission to government and a public desinitive sentence was necessary: but the ability to apprehend it by discourse happening to few, and yet the end of it being the duty of all; it was behooveful that obedience should peremtorily be appointed by precepts of Religion: whether unto Kings as Supreum, or unto others as sent of him. 
1 Pet. 2.13, 14.   
As thus, in many matters of Charity, divine direction was useful, so, to the particular direction of our Christian faith, (on which as a groundwork) our Charity was to be built) this direction was much more necessary. For since none could come to God except he first know that God is, and that he is a rewarder of them that seek him; so, the stating our faith standing necessary as to the stating our obedience, we we may see cause for the frequent commendation and injunctions thereof in the New Testament: where it is expressly said, that without it 'tis impossible to please God: that is, without confidence of his being, and of his rewards and punishments following our good or bad actions, we shall not be zealous of good works or duties of Charity. And having so far showed what the ground of Religion should be, we will next show what it usually is, both in ground and practice.   

CHAP. II. Of Religion as commonly received.  
BEfore the knowledge of good and evil entered into man, Nature was his religion: and what was by her law done, was also thereby justified. But being once possessed with the apprehension of this discovery, all our thoughts and actions were so involved herein, that nothing we said or did, could escape censure on one side or other: and so consequently, for well or ill doing, we could not but expect reward or punishment. But because (on the one hand) the natural pride and arrogancy of each man, was ready to put a greater rate and desert upon his intents and doings, than he saw them rewarded with in this life; and (on the other side) knowing the great and many faults that had escaped him or others, not at all espied by men, or by law so throughly punished as he thought their gift required; the two main guides of our nature, hope and fear; led on our expectations to a future reckoning; in such a sort, that, where the souls immortality and our resurrection are not by special revelation manifested, men are yet generally found believing thereof; the craft of persons in authority (many times) helping on, and biassing these Superstitions of inferiors to sociable advantages, or self respects.  
Now the ways men take for the obtaining of this future reward, or a voiding the like punishment, is their religion. And then, religion having its ground from conscience, and each man's conscience following the light of his understanding, in judging good and bad and their degree, from the diversity of understanding, followeth the diversity of religions: which, as they had their first rise and fashion from their several Authors, so each one yields himself a Disciple, as he finds his hopes, or the fears of his own conscience therewith satisfied. Therefore now, concluding men's religion and conscience to be according to their understanding, and their understandings being not only differing but altogether imperfect, it is impossible that any Religion should be true, but what is from God himself received.  
But then again, because truth doth not move by being, but by being apparent; and because there is no way for this apparency till it be made conceivable to my understanding, will it not follow, that therein also, we must be subject to much difference & uncertainty? So that men generally acknowledging a deity, & that no religion can be true but what shall be from him received, they do, by means of this fallible guide, so usually mistake in their choice. For knowledge in this kind is not innate, but acquired: for why else are not Children, and innocents', as well as men of riper capacity, (by privilege of birth and species) without more ado) instructed? Why is that long stay made, until, (by natural course) the senses and organs of the body receiving their due growth and perfection, the understanding (together therewith) arrive also at a sufficient capacity for the same reason to work by?  
So that then, the priority, and worth of divine truths, being not able of themselves to enter our capacities, otherwise then as let in by the senses, or else made familiar by such things as formerly were so, as types, parables, similitudes, and the like; it comes to pass, that, according to the several prepossessions of men, and their several fashions in entertaining them, our several beliefs and opinions do arise. And although we are seldom able to remember those sensible inductions out of which they grew, yet from such they must needs at first grow; inasmuch as, had they come in without mixture, they would (like truths) have remained to all men the same, and alike: whereas now, their variety, shows the variety of their entertainment and admittance.  
And therefore, although naturally as men, and for satisfaction of our hope and fears sake, we generally adhere to one sort of Religion or another, yet, when we come to entertain the kinds, we stand not only disabled in our Election, but for the most part use no Election at all: depending rather on chance, than choice. For what one is there of a thousand, that ever doubts of, or altars the religion he was brought up in? For do we not Scholly, and Catechise our Children in the same opinion with ourselves? do we not carry and send them, (with directions for belief and attention) unto such Churches and Preachers, where we are sure the truth and benefit of this, and the falsehood and dangers of all others shall be exemplified to the height? What probability then, that he should prefer an opinion unknown, at least always discommended before one he doth know, and hears always praised? Whereupon, we shall find preoccupation of judgement of such force, that, whether they be Christian, Jew, Mahometan, Heathen, or a distinct Sect under any of these generals, yet all of them to resolute to their own side, that they will embrace Martyrdom rather than a recantation. Not that all in any kind will do so; (for all men stand differenced between perfect Atheism and height of belief;) but where such tenderness of conscience and disposition is met withal, as can be subdued to entertain Myrterdome on one side, the same party would also have entertained it on another, had education and other forestalling arguments been applied unto him. And even as in Christianity itself, and the sects thereof, we may find both Martyrs and Renegates, as strength of belief leads them, so in other religions also, (upon trial) these kinds have been apparent. For as the Magicians feigned Miracles found greater belief with the Egyptians then the true ones of Moses, so a false information, having nothing to contradict it, or education having forestalled our judgements, prevails as true with us, and the contradictory thereof as false. For all men thinking it reasonable, that the proof of divine authority should be evinced by something more than humane; and that supernatural truths, otherways not conceivable by sense, (and so demonstrable) should be ascertained and illustrated by such as were, it made the founders of all Religions pretend miracles; as thinking their endeavours vain without them.  
Therefore, as the miracles of the Old Testament were occasioned for confirmation of all, or part of the Law, and the maker thereof; so, when alteration in that, and confirmation of the Gospel was required, it was requisite as great, or greater should be showed. Till these things were done, it was impossible for natural discourse to assent to mysteries so much above its reach: Nay an infidelity it had been, to have departed from truths already so firmly established, without higher ground. Therefore our Saviour saith, If I had not done amongst them those works that never any man did, they had not had sin. 
John 15 24.   
But if when custom and education, (as in the other example, and these of our Saviour to the Jews) was so prevalent as not to give sense (the greatest assurance we have) leave to discern between truth and falsehood; what can be expected from men now living; that have only an historical faith in that case to rely upon? For although, in each Religion, the proof of miracles be brought in as a divine and infallible evidence of its truth, yet the truth of their story depending upon the truth of that traditional Doctrine, or that Scripture out of which the relation itself is framed, it must follow that, where difference in these things is not made by reason, Religion (ordinarily) must have its ground and rise from mere education. And so, however the founders of each religion have left unto their Disciples some set or standing record or written direction, both for guidance of their belief and actions, yet when the same comes to be taken into credit only upon the score of tradition and humane authority, it will follow that the proof thereof can have (in our belief) no higher certainty than the evidence of education and authority will bear: which was all the premises we made use of to frame this conclusion by.  
But, by this means, having entertained a ground work in our fancy, for belief of some principle for our direction and guidance in all things else, hence comes the Bible with Christians, the Talmud with the Jews, and Alcoran with the Turks to be had in such esteem, that what is in them asserted is firmly believed. For although to some men there may happen such freedom and ability as sometimes to e●quire the foundations of things; yet then, as it must, on the one hand, distaste through a plain affront to their judgement settled the other way already, so cannot it, on the other hand, be naturally of avail, farther than as true reason can (without prejudice) be brought to assist in the discovery. For (without it) pretence of divine attestation to be gathered from that particular majesty and elegancy of stile, (which Mahomet himself and his followers do so much brag of) to be found in their Alcoran, as an infallible sign that it was delivered by the holy Ghost) will be far from carrying the force of demonstration to persons unprejudiced. It being most apparent that, since thousands have, and do daily read it without any such discovery, that this assent of theirs, going always along with such, and none but such as have, in their education, had it perpetually inculcated unto them that it was indeed so written, can proceed from nothing else but prejudice and prepossession of judgement. For they cannot but conceive that if God had intended conviction that way, he could have so plainly and efficaciously have done it, as that those miracles they put upon him might well have been spared. But it is to be considered, that although from reading of books containing new argumentations and reasonings men may be altered in their judgement from what they were, yet in things delivered Magistrally, and by way of authority only, the assent must arise from prepossession. For I read not of any Proselytes made, amongst the Egyptians or others, from those translations of the books of several Religions, wherewith Ptolemy's Library was furnished.  
So that now tradition and authority being the chief evidence, it will rest the chief object of enquiry: even from the universality, soundness, and other strength thereof, for reason to lay her grounds for future certainty and belief. and that, not only in preferring the sacred Scriptures in general above the records of other religions, but also in discovery and distinction of the true Cannon thereof from other counterfeit or Apocryphal writings.  
For how else shall he satisfy himself, (amidst those many disputes that have been from time to time raised in the Church itself, and by the prime members thereof) what books were true, and what forged (as well in the Old as in the New Testament) which for so great a part of them have been controverted; And, whilst some of those received have been disputed of, how shall he know that those refused, might not with more reason have been brought in in their rooms?  
And so again, of the particular Chapters and Texts in these books; how shall he find any assurance, that, amidst those many Heresies that have from time to time gotten such strength in the Church, some of them have not been corrupted to serve their turns? Which, happening but to some, will cause all to be suspected: for, unless those places could be distinguished, it may (for aught I know) happen to be that Book, or place of Scripture which I am most to rely upon. In which doubts, Scripture alone cannot satisfy me. For (besides that nothing can be an evidence to itself) if one book should undertake for attesting the rest, that book must still want his attestation: it being impossible to be higher, or other to us, that stand so far removed from evidence of the miracles brought to confirm it, then is our confidence of the ability and sincerity of the tradition; or those several hands and conveyances, by which the record and report hereof hath come unto our hand. On which if we will not altogether implicitly rest, and take the truth of our religion on the hazard of our Births and education, we must then (as in a matter of so great weight and concern) make use of that stock of reason and discourse God hath blessed us withal, to discover and direct us in the way we are to go. Which, when done with humble petition for divine assistance, it usually follows that the same grace of ingenuity, that made us thus able to reach above ordinary, is usually accompanied with ability thus prudentially to be advised. That since the light of nature and reason discover to them a deity, and also a necessity of his worship; although herein they can settle themselves on no demonstration; yet, for satisfaction of their fears and hopes (which in Atheism could never be) they shall find it more reasonable to rest on the highest probability they can get, then have no rest at all.  
Nor can this prudent course be yet left off. For, unless we will be altogether implicit in our beliefs, and rest wholly on education for the sense and meaning of these Scriptures, our reason again must be taken up; to unfold and distinguish the truth of the texts themselves. For when (as Christians) we are fully brought to consent unto, and credit the Books and parts of the Bible, we become now as much amazed and dazzled with too great light, as with too great darkness confounded before. For with too much familiarity and presumption, daring to approach too boldly those glorious rays, (instead of true discovery, such cloudiness and mists have arisen in some understandings, that their own conceits have been believed for divine; and, instead of the direct beam of truth, the reflected and refracted beam of ignorance and opinion have been embraced. For as he that looks against the Sun without some spectacle for his sight, doth both miss his discovery there, and also weaken his sight for other things; so fares it with men, when, scorning to take in natural helps, or the spectacle of reason and sense, they usually (instead of truth and satisfaction) reap nothing but opinion and error. And this, because experience tells us, that from itself alone no evidence can be had of its meaning. And therefore, to discover the rectitude or inequality of opinions thence arising, there must be still some such rule made use of, as may direct us in our inquiry. For example, when we find that all Christians do believe, and rely upon the guidance and authority of the Bible; and that yet; (because of the prejudice, before mentioned) that there is no Schism or Heresy, but is thence derived, and endeavoured to be proved, what course by me, that am a lover of peace and truth, should be taken? For, do I allege that no doctrine but what is proved by Scripture ought to be believed; so much they confess also that oppose me: and, for satisfaction that they really think so, are ready to attest it with their lives. Tell I them farther, that upon more strict search of the Scripture, and comparing one place with another they may be convinced; they will answer, that, As they believe the whole Scripture to be Canonical, so have they examined it all over, and still find no reason but to believe as they do. And why that part, or those Texts of Scripture on which they ground their opinion should be otherwise, or by other places interpreted; must be as distasteful to their understanding, as it is different from former apprehension and education: because more than probable arguments being not to be brought by any, it must be expected that custom and familiarity have made their entertainment both pleasant and fixed.  
All which well considered, & the contemplation thereof compared to those sad effects of blood and war, under which not only whole mankind labours (through distinct religions) but of those more fierce and uncivil slaughters and contentions, wherewith Christians themselves are so continually and impetuously carried to mutual destruction, it cannot but abate much of that peremtoriness which men usually take to themselves in phancying the truth of their own tenants and doctrines, and in condemning and punishing that of others. It must methinks move the heart of any that hath at all any true intention of being a Disciple to the God of peace, or of love to his brother, to begin to examine somewhat better the ground of this his impetuous and bloody devotion: and (if a Christian) to fear least that prophecy of his Saviour of kill men under colour of doing God good service, 
John 16.2.  may not light on his score to act; when, at any time, he is too hastily provoked. Let men take heed of phancying their merciful redeemer, (like a Heathen Saturn) to be pleased or appeased with the sacrifice of humane blood: Nor let too much self-conceitedness provoke fiery zeal to the perpetration of such actions, as lead to the overthrow of Charity and his neighbour's peace. For since height of belief and persuasion of conscience, can be (of themselves) no sure evidence of the goodness of a religious cause, (which can have but one truth amongst so many pretended ones) they had need be wary in relying thereupon: and careful that in their works they deny not him they so headily would serve; nor do not transgress plain commands to obey obscure ones. For since the very enduring of persecution must also testify, that those his Christian Brethren he now afflicts, are also confident of their own right serving the same Master, the persecuters must thereby become guilty of doing otherwise then they would be done unto, both in relation to this their joint Master that thus makes them brethren, and to those their brethren and fellow members whom they ought not thus to judge, but leave to stand or fall to their own Master: 
Rom. 14.4.  and whom Rom. 14.4. they would be loath should get, and make such use of advantages over them.  
In consideration of all which, there are that think that none should be oppressed or molested in the peaceable use of his conscience: for they find, that after all those heaps of blood & slaughter shed over all Christendom, in design and pretence to promote Christ's sole truth, and bring men to agreement herein, that this truth is still as far from attaining farther certainty and evidence as it was before; and that the stock of division is but hereby exasperated, and not at all allayed.  
To amend, and put a stop to which inconveniencies and mischiefs, all such as will put themselves into the number of the blessed peacemakers will find no readier way, then seriously to consider (as we have endeavoured to show in our past discourses) that since faith and charity are to be the foundations of our religion, and we, to our utmost, to serve God in both; it must also follow, that we are to perform them with more or less zeal and order, as we find the plainness of their precepts more or less evident. And therefore since in matters of faith (either concerning the full comprehension of deity, and also of his manner of worship) things have been but sparingly and darkly delivered, we are to presume that no farther speculation and discovery is necessary for us herein than what God hath been pleased to impart: who could have manifested himself to general conviction if he had thought it fit. But since, in this and in the manner of his worship, he hath already done so fully as will serve for manifestation of his will, and so far as to bring us to salvation, what need we search farther?  
It will therefore be necessary for them that would avoid the danger of lukewarmness and neglect of God's service, on the one hand, and also the peril of breach of charity (through blind zeal) on the other, to make a distinction between things fundamental and what is not. The first he shall find (in order to his salvation) so plainly taught and delivered, that he that runs may read: and to those things only (as of immediate divine authority) are we to give such firm assent, as not only to Obey God rather than men, but also, 
Act. 5.26. Gal. 1.8.  Though an Angel from heaven preach unto us other doctrine, we are not to believe him. But, in the other things not so neccessary, as we find them more darkly delivered and not fully cleared by God himself, so have they their appointed Gods and interpreters here amongst us: unto whom we are to be obedient as to those that watch for our souls. In the first case, (that is, 
Heb. 13.17.  in the fundamentals of our faith it behoves us to be explicit and epress: for in that sense, He that is not for Christ is against him: whereas, in the other, 
Matth. 12.30.  we are to serve Christ by our implicit obedience to his Church, the pillar and ground of truth: and, in that sense it is, that he that is not against him is for him. 
Luk. 11.50,   
But if he do not observe these, and other inducements to moderation and charity, he will be very subject to persecute Christ in his members, while he is about to serve and vindicate him in his truth. He will be subject by his zealous prosecution under the form of godliness, to lose the power thereof: 
2 Tim. 3.5.  and even to destroy charity, the end of the law, through his misguided devotion to keep the law. For pretend men what they will of the equity and justice of their cause, (whilst they are in private prosecution of one another for religion) it can never be half so certain that herein they maintain that truth and doctrine which was by Christ delivered to be believed, as that they transgress that precept of brotherly love commanded to be practised. For the truth of their opinion is seen but to themselves only, else they might think others that endeavour to serve Christ as well as they, would not (as in order to their own salvation hereafter, or their present riddance from their persecution here) stand so firmly to their own contrary principles. Will they say that their, adversaries might know this truth as well as themselves, did not prejudice possess them; they hereby become both uncharitable censurers and judgers: and, if they should impartially search their own hearts, they might hereof also condemn themselves: at least may as justly suspect the rest of their own faction, as any of the other. And having so far laid the groundwork of direction, for those that desire to follow those things that make for peace: we will next speak of the Church, 
Rom. 14.19.  and of our condition of innocence in her obedience.   

CHAP. III. Of the Church Catholic, and of the Fundamentals of Religion.  
THe end of all religion being to praise and glorify God before men, and the praising him before men, inferring such a manner of doing it as in humane judgement is most honourable; and then again, that which is most honourable being that which, through custom and general acknowledgement, is held most beneficial to man himself, it still brings God's glory to be the Alpha and Omega of all we do; and the good of our Neighbour the steady and only sure means thereunto. For to us men, that cannot intuitively behold his face and live, and so, out of rapture of his express excellence, glorify him with immediate hallelujahs; our approach to him must be by his backparts, his Image in our brother: and our praise of him here (if at all) must be by such light and works before men, that, moving them as men here, They may thereupon glorify God which is in Heaven.  
At first, there was no distinction of such as were to honour God before men from others▪ whom we might (thereupon) call by the separate name of a Church: but, whilst mankind was thin, the Church was as large as mankind itself. But that increasing, the Nation of the Jews were particularly chosen from the rest, to have his name more eminently put and worshipped: and amongst, and unto them, for the preservation of his more immediate service and honour he appoints a particular law to be written and observed, Whereupon, that sign of Circumcision that served for a mark to distinguish them from others, as being the pledge of their promised obedience, took on it the name of Covenant; to wit, the Covenant of works. Not that God was not still (worthily) the only true object of the praises of all mankind; but, inasmuch as his former precepts and our natural ability, had been so forgotten and insufficient, that Idolatry and oppression had now (in a manner) wholly supplanted his worship and mutual charity, (except in that single family of Abraham) it seemed necessary; that, as well an increase of direction should be given, for increase of his service, as an appropriation thereof to some select people; for its better intention and security for the future.  
By this means, the race of Abraham come at once to receive the reward of their Father constancy in God's service, (in regard of many promised blessings by them received) and also, (by having the Oracles of God committed unto them) they come to be a means for God's honour to be more increased; 
Rom. 3 2.  even by being here, as by a select Church or company of men, more eminently served. For, from hence he might, through the observation of the whole world, have his name more hallowed, and have greater glory given and directed to him then before.  
Not that the common Salvation of man was lessened, by this more express care of his own glory, but rather increased. For, as the Jews had open advantage by increase of light, so other Nations had the same light of reason continued to them as before: with this advantage, that if they were diligent there with to examine those precepts delivered to the Jews, they could not but discover (as we formerly noted in the Decalogue) great benefit by using them themselves. And since we find no other reward or punishment, then temporal, annexed to legal obedience or default, (for works as works cannot deserve higher) and since those veils of Rites and Ceremonies were so thick, that it was near as hard for the Jews expressly to discern Christ by faith through them, as for the rest of the world to difference him by the light of reason, I cannot but charitably presume, 
John. 7.20.  that the great preserver of men might find a way for the saving m●ny of them, worshipping the same God; though not under that notion of the God of Abraham. For as the having of Circumcision did not save all that had it, so neither the want of it, did of itself destroy: but as those which were without the law of Moses, were a law unto themselves, by the law of reason, so it follows, 
Rom. 2.14.  that at this law of reason (proceeding from the same God) was unequally broken or kept, men's punishments or rewards (no doubt) succeeded. Nor shall I ever make myself believe, that Sardinapilus and Scipio should be alike in their future reckonings for punishment, being not to be supposed equally culpable in the breach of charity, the end of the law; although they might equally miss heaven, as being equally incredulous.  
Yet, as we said, until the law was given, whereby another way of direction for men's honouring of God, and sociable abearance to one another did arise, the restrictive name of a Church could not be applied to one Nation or part of mankind more than another. For although the closer observation of the first light and way given to Adam and other of the Fathers might make some of them more truly called the sons of God than others, as the truer and more sincere worship of those of Judah, above those of Israel, might do the like; yet, as long as these Israelites did still make their acknowledgements to be guided by the same law and rule of Circumcision with the other, it was not their Calves nor other failings could hinder them from being of the Catholic Church; no more than could the corruptions of the sons of Adam, the son of God, hinder men from being equally his seed, 
Luk. 3.38.  and members of the visible Church: even after that their multiplication commerce one with another had caused pride, and covetousness, (the two daughters of humane frailty) to make the whole earth to be filled with violence, 
Gen. 6.11.  and so to be equally punished by the Flood: or than Noah's particular justice, and closer walking with God, above any other, could, at the same time, shut out all but himself from being of the same visible Church also. men's general acknowledgement of the same way of divine guidance, as proceeding from God the Creator (even before the time that unto Moses he was distinguished under the expressions of the God of Abraham) making all of them equally of the Catholic Church, although, by their deeds there after, they might differently be of the Communion of Saints.  
But although God might in mercy accept of that ready literal obedience in the jew, and also of that substantial obedience in the Gentile; and, albeit the law of Moses or reason, were not exactly kept by either, might impute Christ's satisfaction unto them, and so receive them into the merit of a Saviour, (as well as Job and other of the Patriaches) yet, unto us that now live, after the time that this Saviour hath been by miracles proved to have been and appeared in the flesh, as there can nothing save us but actual belief and profession (especially where it may be had) so, (where this profession of Christ is,) nothing can hinder the party from being a member of his body the visible Church; nor the Church (hereupon) to admit him into her fellowship by the door of Baptism. Which Sacrament, being by the Church given to us as a seal of the performance of God's gracious promises on our behalf, is called a Covenant also; and particularly the Covenant of Grace: and that, because salvation comes to us by free gift, and not by performance of any positive outward law of God, as to the jews it did.  
Nor yet stand we now obliged (with the Gentile) to the observation of the whole law of nature: for although the precepts of Love the Lord withal thine heart, etc. and love thy Neighbour as thyself, be positively set down in holy Writ, (because the general insufficiency of that portion of reason which is committed unto men, could not ordinarily otherwise discover so much) yet they are as natural as creation and providence itself; even as upholding the same. For, (as heretofore declared in the particular of man) each one, in reason, being obliged to do all things to the preservation and advantage of another, because even thereby God's praise and glory is preserved and increased, by the preserving and benefiting one another; it followed that, in whatsoever the least thing we neglected, or thwarted our duty of acting herein, we were so far culpable against the law of reason; which was, and always is divine; both as being part of God's inexhaustible fountain, and aiming also at the same end, the continuance and furtherance of his creation and providence.  
But because in Adam we had taken the morality of actions upon our own score, the portion of humane wisdom which would have sufficed to guide us as natural Agents in implicit obedience, was not now sufficient to steer us unblamable in all things whatsoever, (no, though we should be most intent upon it) but that God and our Neighbour might have been better served; therefore God, to the Jew, abreviates this Universal strict rule to some set precepts; which, being observed, he makes his Covenant to accept of, for performance of the whole Moral law, or law of natural reason. And therefore we may observe, that there was something in it of providence and charity of all kinds: As forbidding to eat blood, 
Levit. 17.13, 14.  the life of Creatures, mercy to the poor and stranger, 
Exo. ●2. 21, 22, 25.  letting the land take rest, 
Exod. 23.11.  forbidding to take the young bird with the old, 
Leu. 14.6, 7.  or to seethe the kid in the mother's milk, 
Exod. 23.19.  etc.  
But exact obedience being found yet too difficult for men to attain salvation by, and the very knowledge of these precepts being in the absence of the Lawmaker difficult also, it pleased God, to us Christians, to make his Kingdom to be chiefly inward, and accept of the will for the deed: and the literal exact performance being done by a Saviour in our stead, we are accepted, (not for doing all we should, but) for having done what we can. So that, by belief and adhesion in, and to him, and doing what he commands, we come by, and through him, to be accepted, as having done all that he did.  
And thereupon, we, that (in respect of breach of God's precepts) were enemies and rebels to him, and so could not be received into that Kingdom of his which was designed for innocent mankind; came, through faith, to be made so much on with Christ, 
Heb. 2.16.  (who hath taken our nature upon him) as to be accepted by God, as actual performers of the whole law. Which faith, being the work of the holy Ghost, doth, by its reception in each person, constitute him a member of that Society which we call the Catholic Church: which consisting of parts or members triumphant, militant, and future, are all yet, by means of this own Spirit, received into the union of Christ's mystical body or communion, The communion of Saints.  
From all which it will not be hard to conceive how God was in Christ reconciling the world unto himself, not imputing their trespasses unto them: 
2 Cor. 15. 1●.  and how Christ fulfilling for us, both that natural large law of providence and beneficence which (as Gods knowing good and evil) we had undertaken, 
Gen. 3.5.  as also that strict literal abreviation thereof, we come to be restored again to a state of innocence. For, under the condition of absolute necessity to salvation, we have even as few precepts laid upon us under this second Adam, as there were from God, in Paradise, laid on the first: but that, being engrafted into Christ by faith, and, in all our outward deportments to our Neighbours, walking according to Christian light and obedience, we should be as unblameable and innocent now, as then. For as Adam, while guided by the light of nature only, had his duty and innocence measured by obedience to that one outward law, so we again, having no other direct outward precept from God or Christ himself, are through faith, and by our ready obedience to him, actually performed to his Church in his stead, (as having the word of reconciliation committed unto them) acquitted in all we do: 
2 Cor. 5.18, 19, 20.  but if done otherwise, we forfeit thereby the whole condition; and, as again obliged and culpable for the breach of the whole law, nothing but read mission into the Covenant of Innonency, by repentance; can secure us from damnation.   

CHAP. IU. Of each particular Church and its power.  
HAving hitherto spoken of the Reason and Foundation of the Church in general, and of the necessity of our participation of her communion: so now again it will be necessary, to speak of each particular Church and its jurisdiction. For since we cannot otherwise attain to be members of this Catholic body, then as being first members of some particular Church, it will therefore follow, that as the necessary observation of the law of providence, which we could not explicitly and perfectly do upon our own abilities, was the cause Christ became obedient to God for us; that we might be made the righteousness of God in him; 
2 Cor. 5.21.  so there lies upon each member a duty of conformity and obedience to their particular Churches, that thereby, being made conformable to the image of his Son, 
Rome 8.29. ● Cor. 4.4.  they may also be restored to the image of God. And therefore although the Catholic Church cannot be aggregate, or represented der any single head or rule but of Christ himself, yet since it is integrated, and (by parts) made up of particular Churches; and, in these, Christ's power being to be represented by other Christ's or anointeds under him; it will follow that our obedience to this Church and the head thereof, must have of us, all that obedience which unto the other we cannot give; else would that precept of obedience to the Church come to nothing: as indeed (for the most part) is intended by such as would have the Writers of their own mind to be held for the Catholic Church only.  
Therefore now, being to consider the Christian Church as an assembly of Believers, separate from other for Gods more immediate honour and worship, we cannot well appropriate this phrase to that part of the Catholic which is past and unconversant with men, nor (for the present) to that part of it which is yet to succeed: although, both the one, and the other, have done, or are to do their personal parts herein: but must interpret that notion of Catholic Church, (used either when those duties are in general given which are fit for the Church to observe in obedience to Christ, or when again given for her members to observe to her) to intend that part of Christ's body which shall be successively militant on earth: to whom alone, these instructions can be necessary and useful in both kinds.  
But then again, as this general duly of praising God before men can only be performed by the visible Church, because she hath only power and opportunity therein; yet since this power, here on earth, is subsistant by the separate jurisdiction of those particular Churches which constitute her Catholic body, and she can in no other sense be termed Catholic, with reference to any other head then of Christ himself; it must be therefore granted, that all those precepts for general obedience to the Church, must be meant of every Church in particular: as having only use of jurisdiction to this purpose. And as having besides (according to the several inclinations of their own people, and the known affections of those of the world amongst whom they live) the best and only ability to know and command what is fittest to be done for advancing God's glory, according to the exigence of their particulars: which otherwise, in the strange mixture of Christianity with other religions throughout the world, were not possible to be comprised under one certain or equal rule; or to be known and executed, by one single persons power.  
And that the Church and civil jurisdiction of each place signify the same, and that by obedience to the Church, obedience to the particular Church is meant, will appear by that of our Saviour, Mat. 18. where controversies are, (if not decideable by umperage) to be told to the Church. Under which name must be comprehended the present particular authority of that place, because else how shall they go to it? And it must be the civil as well as ecclesiastical authority also (as having them conjoined) because it determines particular personal injuries; where brother offends against brother, and one servant takes another by the throat, saying pay what thou owest, 
Mat. 18.28.  as the parable denotes. But the conclusion is, that the supreme jurisdiction whilst it is Christian) is the very Church we are to submit unto: And those that will not hear the Church, are to be unto us as Heathens and Publicans: 
Vers. 17.  that is such as have renounced Christ, by this their renoucing the Image of his authority, the Christian Church: whose definition and power, be the thing of never so civil nature, makes the breach of it a sin; as, on the contrary, our obedience to them acquits us of guilt. For it is from Christ they have this power, that, Whatsoever is bound on Earth, shall be bound in Heaven; and whatsoever they shall lose on earth, shall be loosed in Heaven. 
Vers. 1●:   
So that Christ having now blotted out that hand writing of jewish Ordinances which was against us, and released them from their literal strictness, 
Col. 2.14▪  to the extent of rational and natural laws; and having also answered to God for the large morality of the whole rule of providence, (leaving Christians at large in all things wherein their reason or Christian precept is not transgressed) and last, having left the charge for custody and enforcing these Christian precepts to every Christian Church, (who are thereupon to answer to him for the faults of the people) the advantage that Christians have of living in a state of innocence, is unquestionable and immovable, while they contiune obedient.  
And therefore Christ's Gospel might well be called Glad tyting; 
Rom. 10.15.  and we may find that our Saviour made his general encouragement to the entertainment of him and his doctrine, because his yoke was easy, and his burden light, Insomuch that when he came in particlar to be asked what it was, he answered, 
Mat. 11.30.  in one command for both Tables, thou shalt love, etc. including, under the precept of love to God and our Neighbour, all the law and the Prophets; that is, all things of faith and charity, or of faith and obedience, which is charities support.  
First, for our faith and its fundamental object, life eternal is to know God, and jesus whom he hath sent: he is the way the truth and the life, 
John 17.3. John 14.6. Heb. 12.2. John 3.36.  the Author and finisher of our faith: on whom whosoever believeth hath everlasting life, and on him that believeth not the wrath of God abideth. Which one article, comes therefore to be eminently necessary, because it is the only foundation: for other foundation than this can no man lay; 
1 Cor. 3.11.  and this foundation every man must lay, or else all the faith, and obedience to be framed thereupon will come to nothing. For although their be other articles (as depending on this, and incident to our Christian profession) which ought to be believed also, (even as all things by God proposed as truths are) yet to add them as of themselves necessary to salvation, it is to Christ and Christian faith as high derogation as to add circumcision or other observations as necessary to salvation in our Christian obedience.  
And as for our obedience outward, we are freed from those many rites, ceremonies and observations of the Jews, which God in particular favour of the Jewish Nation had appointed: most of them being but shadows of Christ himself, and of that great and plain way which by the Gospel should be revealed. Nay the very judicial part, though instituted by God himself for that government, binds us not as positive laws, but as useful precedents upon like occasion: that is to say, where their and our causes were alike: which is not binding as such or such laws, formerly made and authorised by God, but as parts of the general law of reason. For as unto them God was immediate lawgiver, and, being given before Kings, was both God and King; so was the literal observation of them in both respects necessary; that is, as religious, and as civil duties also. For both were the same to them; because God at that time undertaking the managery of the Civil as well as Ecclesiastical Estate, made both one then, no otherwise then his remitting both to the Prince makes both of one sort now: that is, under the same chief relation to duty and obedience, namely that of conscience.  
But because of Gods express undertaking herein, to them it was do this and live: 
●om. 10.5. ●om. 3.20.  but, unto us, for whom those directions were not particularly made, by the deeds of the law shall no flesh be justified. As God's rule to them was outward and literal, so were his promises and threats for performance temporal, and respecting this life only. Wherein they failed (as needs they must) their failing was expiated by sacrifice, pointing at a Saviour to come to fulfil these things for them: but Christ being now come, and having fulfilled all righteousness, the observation of the letter is released, (as to direct divine authority) and we Christians (standing bound but to the general precept of love and charity) are referred for our particular managery and guidance therein, 
Mat. 3.15.  to the higher powers; whom we are to obey, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake: 
Rom. 13 5.  not only for fear of that present temporal punishment they may inflict as mere men in authority, but out of conscience also of preservation of our own innocence, in preservation of our obedience to God in them.  
All which in the Epistle to the Hebrews is plainly signified: where God is brought in, speaking of the difference of the Jewish, and Christian Covenant and obedience, (according to the many Prophecies to that purpose) and saying, Not according to the Covenant that I made with their Fathers, in the day when I took them by the hand to lead them out of the land of Egypt: that is, not like as it was whilst I gave them particular precepts for all their outward duties, 
Heb. 8.9.  and did lead them in all their affairs myself, as if I should have taken them by the hand. But this course God now changeth because they continued not in my Covenant, and I regarded them not saith the Lord: that is, because I found humane frailty so great, 
ibid.  that these literal commands could not be kept; therefore now; I will put my laws into their mind, and write them in their hearts, and I will be to them a God, and they shall be to me a people. And they shall not teach every man his Neighbour, 
vers. 10. vers. 11. Rom. 5 5. 1 Thes. 4.9.  and every man his brother, saying know the Lord; for all shall know me even from the least to the greatest: that is, by the love of God, shed abroad in our hearts, all shall be taught of God, and by his Spirit led into all fundamental and saving truth: so that by being all taught of God to love one another, which is the life and soul of the moral law, they shall by keeping that one precept of love, keep the whole law. But, for our direction outward therein, we are not come unto a mount that might not be touched, and that burned with fire nor unto blackness, and darkness, and tempests; (that is, 
Heb. 2.18.  to hear them from such a mountain which was made inaccessible through these terrible apparitions that accompanied God's presence thereon) and the sound of a Trumpet, and the voice of words; which voice they that heard entreated that the word should not be spoken to them any more, for they could not endure that which was commanded. That is, neither are we now to be terrified, 
Heb. 12 19, 20  as by hearing God speaking with his own voice to our outward ears: but we (for our outward direction) are come unto mount Zion, and unto the City of the living God, the Heavenly Jurusalem: and to an innumerable company of Angels: that is, 
verse 22.  to the present Church militant, and to such as do therein instruct us as God's Messengers by their Angelical doctrine. And to the general assembly, and Church of the first born which are written in Heaven: and to God the judge of all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect: that is, 
verse 23.  unto the Catholic doctrine of the Church, assisted by God the judge of all, and attested by those many Martyrs, which (like their Captain) are made perfect by suffering. And then (that both these may be made beneficial to us and to our salvation) we are come to Jesus the Mediator of the New Covenant: and to the blood of sprinkling, that speaketh better things than the blood of Abel.  
And these Gospel duties of love and obedience, 
verse 24.  we shall find to be the very errand also of him that was to conclude the Law and the Prophets, and to be Christ's forerunner: as it is most fully, (though mystically) expressed by the Prophet Malachy, and also by Saint Luke, in their descriptions of john the Baptist his office and message. The first of these duties is couched in these words; He shall turn the hearts of the Father to the Children: that is, 
Mal. 4.6. Luk. 1.17.  he shall prepare them to entertain the loving of one another, in as high degree as the Father doth his Child.  
And then, secondly, for performance of the duty of obedience (whereby to make this love to be advantageous) it is added by Malachy, and the heart of the children to their Fathers: the which Saint Luke, 
ibid.  expounding to mean the disobedient to the wisdom of the just, 
Luke 1.17.  doth plainly show that the preparation of the Gospel of peace; 
ibid.  and the way to make ready a people prepared for the Lord, was by bringing them into such a state of humility and obedience, as that they should give unto their superiors (endued with power over them from the just One) the same indisputable respect as Children did to their own Fathers: and so, (like obedient children) trust to them for the exposition of the Law of Moses, and the former statutes and judgements. 
Mala. 4 4.   
This pronoun their being restrictively added to Fathers in the clause for obedience, whereas the pronoun the is added to Fathers in the other, will again show us how large our love should be, and not at all exclusive: whereas our obedience is to be to our own heads or fathers.  
So that now, by means of Christ's taking on him the kingly office under the Gospel, and so by his Church and deputies therein, affording us both places and persons continually accessible, we may say of his Kingly office in like manner as was said of his taking the Priestly office upon him; namely, that (as we have a high Priest that may be touched with our infirmities, so) we have a kingship also from him the King of Kings, whereby (as from persons knowing and sensible of our want) we may be continually supplied (after a new and 
Heb. 10.20.  living way) both with ghostly and temporal directions, by the grace, and power of him who hath unived thesese two offices, and is (after the order of Melchisedec) King both of righteousness and peace.  
Upon which ground, we may find a ready reason for our Saviour's speech; that, God had given him authority to execute judgement, because he is the son of man: meaning that as God had made his recess under the Law (before mentioned) in compassion of man's weakness, 
●ohn 5.27  so under the Gospel, by Christ's taking our nature upon him, and so being made more sensible of our wants, we have also an exceeding advantage towards the Commiseration of our frailties: whether in pardoning what we do amiss, or in supply of what we want.  
Whereupon it must now follow, that as a medicine doth not work by being, but by being applied; and that as God's new Covenant of inward grace, is to be made effectual by our outward obedience; so must now our condition of innocence, and fulfilling of the law by the precepts of love, be interpreted then only subsistent, when we act with, or not contrary to such as are by God and Christ entrusted, with the custody and direction of these precepts; and have power to command us accordingly. And although God himself rule not in us now by Tables of Stone, so much as formerly, but by the fleshly tables of our hearts; yet since these are still ruling by them in his stead, our obedience to them is necessary, 
2 Cor. 3.3  and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour, 
2 Tim. 2.3. Ve●s. 2.  that we may lead quiet and peaceble lives in all Godliness and honestly: and so make good (on all parts) his saying, that he came not to destroy the Law but to fulfil: that is, not to let this inward obedience to God (in the precept of love) prove fruitless, 
Mat. 5.17.  for want of outward obedience to Superiors, directing how the same shall be useful.  
For we are to esteem and believe them as keepers of both Tables; that is as to the outward Minstration: and since (in this kind) we cannot hear God plainly and expressly speaking as from the mount that cannot be touched, we are yet to hear them as in his stead, according to that admonition, obey them that have the rule over you and submit yourselves; for they watch for your souls, as they who must give account; that they may do it with joy and not with grief: for this is profitable for you. Which precept of obedience, 
H●b. 13. 1●.  twice repeated, under the words obey and submit, sets forth this duty to be performed in the fullest manner: no equivocation or delusion to be used herein. For since I may obey but in what myself likes, or is for mine own ends; or I may give obedience only for fear of wrath, I am also commanded to submit myself; that is, to do it for conscience sake to his authority as one that is in duty subjected unto it. And to cut off that usual cavil against obedience to Christian authority, namely the hazard of our souls; we are here told that they are the watchmen of our souls, and that they must give account thereof. And this office of watching our souls, they shall then perform with joy, and not with grief; when we shall readily yield them this our bounden obedience and submission; and consider with ourselves how profitable this subjection is unto us; even for securing our souls, and estating us innocent.  
And lest any should think this admonition reach to civil duties only, and not to directions for, and in matters of faith; the Apostle, in the same chapter, did before bid them remember them that have the rule over you, who have spoken unto you the word of God: whose faith follow, considering the end of their conversation. That is, since the end of their employment and rule overus, was that we might lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honestly: or to be directed by them in matters pertaining to godliness as well as honesty, we are therefore to follow their faith in delivery of the meaning of the Scripture, as we have already followed their authority in receiving it as the word of God.  
And again, to take off the objection of personal defect and error, which might be made to defeat obedience to some men in lawful authority, let our Saviour himself be heard: The Scribes and Pharisees (saith he) sit in Moses seat, all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe and do. 
Mat. 23.2, 3.  Where we may find, by the words all, and whatsoever, the generality of our obedience to the persons in Moses seat; or seat of supreme and just authority. Against which, if any exception or suspicion of error was to have been a sufficient excuse, Christ would never have so enjoined it; as supposing the Scribes and Pharisees put into that seat: a people which he well knew to be in many particulars erroneous. But yet however, whilst they sat in Moses seat, that is (as from, and under God) acknowledged and taught the fundamentals of the law, so long were their disciples secured in a state of innocence by obedience: no otherwise than Christians are, by obedience to those that are over them in Christ's seat in the Church.  
Undeniably clear to this purpose is Saint Paul to the Philippians: Do all things without murmurings and dispute, 
Phil. 2.14.  that ye may be blameless and harmless the sons of God, without rebuke, in a crooked and perverse Nation, amongst whom ye shine as lights in the world: holding forth the word of life, 
Verse 15. Verse 16.  that I may rejoice in the day of Christ, that I have not run in vain, nor laboured in vain. In which words, he shows what is to hold forth, or make use of the word of life: namely, to do all things without murmurings and dispute. For this obedience to God's vicegerents, will not only make the persons themselves blameless, or to be the sons of God; but will also redound to God and his Gospel's glory: when men (like the Philippians amongst the rebellion's Greeks) shall shine by exemplary submission to authority, as lights in the world; or as directors to humane preservations and peace. And it will cause them that have this guide over them, to do it (as aforesaid with joy ●nd not with grief: so that both here, and in the day of Christ they shall have comfort: when, being to give account for their souls, it shall appear that they have not run in vain, nor laboured in vain.  
And if the end and occasion of this precept for implicit obedience be marked, it will make it clearly maninfest that the same is this way, and by no othea means to be accomplished. For what way so likely to have their conversation honest amongst the Gentiles, and such as becometh the Gospel of Christ: even the Gospel of him, who, being equal with God, yet (to be an example of obedience) took on him the form of a servant, 
Chap. 1.27. 1 Pet. 2.21. Phil. 2.7, 8.  and became obedient unto death, even the death of the Cross, as by continuance of this their obedience unto him, not in his presence only, but now much more in his absence: whereby working out their Salvations with fear and trembling, 
Verse 11.  they might then shine as lights in the world, 
Vers. 15.  when their obedience shall be thus known unto all men? what way so likely to stand fast in one Spirit, 
Chap. 1.27.  with one mind, to be like minded, having the same love, being of one accord, of one mind, but to have nothing done through strife or vain glory, 
Chap. 2.2.  but in lowliness of mind (or by putting on the form of a Servant) each one to esteem other (especially his Superiors) better then himself? 
Vers. 3.  For by this renouncing our own things, that is, the reliance on our own wisdoms, or increase of our own interests, (which might be expected by murmurings and dispute) we shall unquestionably preserve and increase the public good, 
●ers. 4.  or things of others: even by maintenance of public peace and agreement. Whereby we may more assuredly enjoy the consolation of Christ, the comfort of love, the fellowship of the Spirit, 
●ers. 1: ●ers. 2.  in this our charitable communion: and also, thereby fulfil the joy of such as are by Christ set over us. For the only ready way to walk by the same rule, & to mind the same thing, is to be followers together of these, and to mark those that walk so as they have them for an example. Whereas, if men shall be left to walk otherwise, 
Chap. 3.16, 17. Verse 18.  as enemies to the cross of Christ, and shall be left to dispute and contrive ways of Salvation to themselves, their end will be destruction; and love, charity, and union will be quite lost, through their division and disobedience: 
Vers. 19  whilst one shall say I am of Paul, and I of Apollo's, and I of Cephas, and I of Christ; and so prove themselves not followers of the God of peace, whilst not doing thes things as learned, and received, and heard, and seen, in our own Christian Superior.  

Phil. 4 9  In these admonitions to the Philippians, where Saint Paul had entire jurisdiction, as being a Gentile Church under him, we may observe him directing this perfect obedience unto himself, as their own unquestionable head: when he says that I may rejoice, that I have not, etc. whereas he that was the Author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, sets down the persons in general terms unto whom this obedience is to be given: as obey them that have the rule over you, etc. and remember them that have the rule over you. For neither was Saint Paul their head himself, nor had these Jews (that still remained in Judea) as yet any settled single head: because the most of the Apostles were there resident, and still in equal authority amongst them. And as for the dispersed Jews, it was to the Author of that Epistle uncertain who was their rulers; as also how many they had: they being (not improbably) at that present governed by Elders, after a Synagogue fashion, and not having a single supreme head, constantly residing amongst them.  
And such as would go about to interpret, that these words cannot be construed for estating the Prince, or Civil Magistrate (as they call him) in the capacity of religious authority, because at that time they were heathens; and therefore say it must intend Apostolical or Church teachers only: they do thereupon confess, the same thing to be now due, to that Supreme Magistrate which is a Christian, and hath Church jurisdiction as well as civil. For if then perfect obedience, both in the one and the other sort, were to be given by each member to several persons then claiming it, it must follow that it must be in like manner done entirely to that one now, that hath the united supreme power in both.   

CHAP. V. Of the forms of the Church Government; and of the jurisdiction claimed by Church men.  
ALthough those that would disturb the peace of Kingdoms by setting up an Universal Monarch in Church affairs, and they that would set up the whole Clergy uncontrollable to govern in each Kingdom, after a democratique fashion, are both of them dissalowably out of what hath been already spoken; yet for men's better information, we will hear speak more particularly of both. The first I conceive cannot be at all, both for the reasons before given in the discourse of the Church, and because it is that particular prerogative which Christ hath reserved to himself, 
Matth. 28.20.  of being with them as Catholic head to the end of the world. And as in particular Kingdoms and parts thereof, Christ presides by special deputies, as King of Kings; even so, upon the same reason of Universal jurisction and care, he is to take the immediate charge of the whole unto himself.  
In which regard, as there should be no man called Father on earth, 
Matth. 23.9.  or general Monarch of the whole earth or mandkind (in derogation to God's prerogative of Universal Kingdom, power and glory) so are not the heads of any particular Church, to transcend their Apostolical parity, and encroach on Christ's prerogative of Universal Church power: because one is their Master, even Christ; and they are brethren. 
Matth. 23.8.  In which words Father and Master in the singler number as we may note one person in supreme authority to be meant, so will they serve to explain unto us who is meant and intended, when in so many places we are bidden to obey in all things, under these notions of Father and Master: namely, that it is that our particular Master or Father, who hath now as supreme authority over us in his own territory and jurisdiction, as the former Masters and Fathers had in their families: who were then the only persons that could be universally obeyed in all things; because they were then the only proper denominations of such as were in supreme authority as Christians, Apostles, Patriarches, Bishops, and the like, being not Officers to continue in supreme authority as such; nor being so continually nor universally resident, as to be able to determine all differences: nay they may be conceived included in the injunction too; because they exercised their present power in a patriarchal right and way, as shall be hereafter noted. So that, in regard of this injunction to obedience under the notion of Father, etc. the Christian Church had resemblance with the Jewish also: for their laws and commandments, being given by God before they were at that heigt as to be fitted to enjoy that statute officer, who should as a constant public Father command amongst them, they had likewise their precept for obedience and respect, couched under the notion of Father too in the fifth Commandment: within the generality thereof, including as well such temporary public officers as should immediately command, as that future settled officer of King, prophetically designed to be over them in both Churches,  
Now as these Fathers and Masters had, and have entire jurisdiction in their families and Kingdoms, because these could have but one head in chief; so must it be granted that since there can be but one Church, (that is to say Catholic) because Christ can have but one body, and that body again but one head; that therefore proportionably, as any other authority and head shall come between Christ and this body, so much will the separation and disunion of him with his body be increased. For to represent Christ in the whole Catholic Church, is not so much to represent him as head, as to be head in his room  
And in abatement of this ambitious humour, is our Saviour's reply to be construed which he made to the Children of Zebedee; who would have transcended their Apostolical rank of parity, and have been (alone) sitting above their fellow heads of Churches, at the right and left hand of Christ. For if their suit had been but for equality, they needed not to ask it: nor do I see why any of the rest should have been so angry at it. 
Mat. 20.20, &c  But to answer these, it was that our Saviour says, that those that had highest abilities in close and holy following of him, might expect a reward or Crown in heaven for it: but they were not after the manner of the Gentiles, to exercise domini-over one another here. The like are we to conceive of that example of washing his Disciples feet, 
John 13.  and many other places; where he purposely gives directions and precepts against this aim of Universal Government: of most of which, we shall have occasion to speak in discourses following.  
As for the other Government by an independent consistory of the Clergy, it must to all unbiased judgements appear unreasonable: for since (as Subjects) they are included in the general jurisdiction and authority of each kingdom; so, for order and peace sake, they should by the same authority be subject to their diocessans; as they again are to be to the Prince, the head of that particular Church. Where by the word Church, is meant that assembly of Christian Believers, which is divided from others by an entire jurisdiction of their own, and do thereupon come to be called this or that Church. No● Clergy men only, as if these were the sole members of Christ's body: and so (as being more immediately employed by authority about Church matters) they (as more strictly called Church men and spiritual guides) might be judged (as some do) do have the sole and absolute power of the Church, and to be the only watchmen and guide of souls. No, their mission and power, as immediately received from Christ, is only inward unto us; that is, over God's kingdom ther●: they are persuade men to turn to the Lord with purpose of heart: that is, so settle in our hearts the foundations of faith and love; 
Act. 11.23.  which being wroucht in us by the holy Spirit, they become thereupon (so far as they are Gods Ministers) to be Ministers of the Spirit, not of the Letter: being, for directing men in their outward duties, to have their power from that Church and Christian authority unto which themselves are subject. 
2 Cor. 3.6.  But because that error grew from an in considerate necessity of our imitation of the primitive Church, according to its first manner of Government, it will be necessary to speak something thereof.  
As God hath power, and will have glory alone; so it is necessary, in the constitution of those things in which he will have his glory more eminently to abide, that he have his power making and stateing them to be more remarkably and particularly manifest. Thus, in the Creation, that was the foundation of all things else, he acts alone; and so much alone, that his very word was the deed. In that particular designation of a Church (for his glory to be more eminent amongst men) that the honour of doing might be more his own, he did first make use of the weakest means in humane reason for the foundation and establishment thereof.  
In the first Church, amongst the Jews, and whilst they were in their weak and wandering condition, (as their need was greater, so) his personal protection and guidance of them was more express and apparent. And therefore, whilst they were in this Theocraty, their government was not to be managed by any settled Universal authority besides himself; or any one who took not, in all weighty things, immediate direction from him; lest the eminence of his own glory should be hereby abated: but they were to continue in their wont obedience to the natural fathers of their families and tribes, until such time as being throughly settled in peace and security from their enemies, he might make his recess; and according to his former promises, permit and appoint them a King of their own Nation. Who, as standing in his stead and authority now, and being entrusted with the future preservation and guidance of that which God had so carefully brought to perfection; there was the same reason why he should have remarkable eminence and authority then; as why he should not at all have it before.  
The same course we may see taken, in the founding of the Christian Church also: for they, during the time of their own persecution, were (as their weakness required) in a Theocraty too; that is to say, guided by the express direction of our Saviour himself, given to his Apostles during the time he was on earth: and particularly, as being conversant with them for the space of forty days, and speaking of the things pertaining to the Kingdom of God. 
Act. 1.3.  And in those things wherein his direction was wanting, they were to wait for the promise of the Father: even the promise of the holy Ghost, 
Vers. 4.5.  who should lead them into all truth. 
Joh 16.13  Thereby came those spiritual Guides and Priests of the primitive Church to be sometime called Ministers and Pastors; 
In the Saxon Tongue Picoster, in French Prestre; even so Petroselinum is by the Dutch called Peterselly, and by us parsley.  but commonly Presbyter (from which the Dutch word Priester, and our English word Priest are derived, being a notion in the sense of antiquity importing) Seniority jurisdiction and power; whereby they coming to be enabled (notwithstanding the weakness of the instruments and means) to bring that Church to its flourishing pitch and condition; the mean estate of the Churches own officer did redound to the undeniable glory of that God, who did so manifestly appear in their assistance.  
So that Gods dealing in matters of Government, between the Jewish and Christian Church seems in every respect alike; save that, with the Jews, the Ministry of Eldership went by birth, according to the course of nature; but here, by election of the members of the Church. For they being the adopted sons of God through Christ, the particular Priests and Fathers that were to govern in this Church, were to be at this Church's election and choice also: or rather of its representative head Christ's deputy. For so are we to understand Saint Paul's words to Titus, For this cause left I thee Crete, 
Tit. 1.9.  that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting: and ordain Elders in every City as I had appointed thee. And those Epistles to Timothy and Tytus (men that by Saint Paul had been put into authority) will plainly declare, that (as themselves, so) others had also different power one over another, as in relation to the Church's government.  
The office and power of this Elder, was in itself distinct from that of the preacher: as was formerly that of the Father of the Tribe, from that of the Priest, although for sometime added and involved under the notion of Presbyter in the same person that primarily had his authority for instruction sake; even as before the priesthood was divided, it was by patriarchal right executed by the same father of the family. So that now, these Presbyters having, (during the time Magistrates were not Christian) power of civil judicature in what concerned men estates, as well as of external duties concerning them as Christians; it came to pass, where they might exercise this their rightful jurisdiction, 
Cor. 6.6.  Brother was not to go to law with Brother before the unbelievers. And when we find those eminent persons (called Apostles) directing in matters of external obedience, they do it as Elders or Fathers: which power and office was unto them annexed, as in right of their offices as heads of Churches: 
1 Pet. 5.1.  for so saith Saint Peter he was also an Elder. And again many of these Elders did labour in the word and doctrine, and were therefore more especially worthy of the double honour, which was due unto an Elder that ruled well.  

1 Tim. 5.17.  But then, as the Apostles had in themselves, (as Christ's deputies) this union of jurisdiction and power, both for preaching and ruling (although in the last sort the present power of Heathen Magistrates did almost wholly restrain them) so they did also often dispense unto the same persons, the same joint jurisdiction in both sorts also: and that, in regard of the paucity of eminent and able persons to undertake them singly. Upon which reason, we come (in these days) to be so much puzzled, to distinguish these primitive officers by their names and titles; finding them promiscuoisly in the Scripture set down: as sometime making Apostle and Elder to signify the same: sometime Apostle and Deacons: 
1 Pet. 5.1. 2 John 1. 1 Cor. 3.5, 2 Cor. 3.6. Acts 21.8.  and sometimes again we find the calling of the Evangelist mingled with that of the Deacon. The which obscurity was also occasined, in that these Apostles and higher Officers were for want of Ministers under them, forced many times to act in those more subordinate employments, and sometimes also those at first put into lower stations did perform what did belong to functions above them. Which being by some now adays not well considered, or being careless and ignorant of the originals of names and their true derivation, they would appropriate the notion of Elder or Presbyter to the Lay ruler only, and wholly abandon the English word Priest, derived (as we said) from Presbyter, as implying sacrifice, and because we have no English word derived from Sacerdos; which might properly denote a sacrificer; therefore this notion of Priest must be laid aside, and the word Minister taken in. Not duly marking how they thereby fall into that which they would avoid, whilst they call those of the Gospel by the legal name. For the Hebrew styles those of the Law Cohanim, originally signifiing a Minister; and thence comes the Greeek words Coneo and Diaconeo; being the same with Minister in Latin, and Deacon in English. They do also hereby abusively and absurdly put him under his own congregation and charge; as sometimes calling him their Minister, no otherwise then as Josuah was called Moses Minister: as if the Pastor (for so they sometimes rightly enough call him) could be called a servant to the sheep: but they shall never find them called Ministers or servants, but in relation to God or Christ, or the whole Church. And they also do hereby confound those Officers they would distinguish. For that inferior Officer by them called a Deacon, is by name but the same with Minister, whom they would seem to place higher: as if by way of tautology they should call them Minister and Minister.  
But be they of what sort they will, evident enough it is, they were still at the appointment, and subordinate to the Apostles, or other heads in chief: who now as Christ's deputies, were equally presiding for the guidance and rule of several Churches, distinct in authority from one another. The which may be concluded as we said, from many passages set down in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus: who being by Saint Paul put in as Bishops or Overscers over other Pastors, are in and by these Epistles, taught from him the chief head: and for what was not in them taught, they were to be guided by Apostolical tradition: the things which thou hast heard of me among many witnesses (that is, my avowed life and doctrine) the same commit thou unto faithful men, who shall be able to teach others also. 
2 Tim. 2.2.  Herein are all the several degrees of subordination briefly stated: the people are to be Subject and to learn of their own Pastors and Elders: these to be subject to their Bishops; and the Bishops to their own head in chief.  
And by that expression the things which thou hast heard of me among many witnesses, etc. we may know how to expound our Saviour's restriction given concerning our obedience to them that sit in the seat of authority, when he saith but do not as they do: 
Mat. 23.23.  meaning that Rulers will sometimes do otherwise then they teach, or will publicly avow.  
Now, as this greater number of persons in separate jurisdiction, was necessitated for want of civil entire power to make any one Churches jurisdiction of large extent; so it fitted best that persecuted condition of the Church: that is, to accommodate them in having of one guide in chief, to rule each Church in all their dispersions. And as the meanness of these rulers was then best agreeable to that their present condition, so was it advantageous also: because eminence in authority would have made them, (as more remarkable, so) more obnoxious to be oppressed and destroyed, by those Heathen Magistrates, amongst whom they lived: as would also their public congregating in Churches have done the like.  
But now, after the time God hath perfected his work of the Church's deliverance, and free establishment in peace and rest from all about her; after the time of his prophecy is fulfilled by appointing Kings her nursing fathers, and Queens her Nurses, and of the Church her having sons to be set as Princes in all lands (so that now under Constantine (as formerly under Solomon) the upper Rooms and wandering Tabernacles are converted into stately Temples) for men to think of running into their wilderness and persecuted condition again, 
Esay 49.23. Psal. 45.16.  (by entertainment of those temporary forms which unto that condition were most fit) seems to me to import both ingratitude and murmur against God; as also imprudence to themselves.  
And those that shall well compare those Prophecies that set out the Christian Churches happy and flourishing condition, with that which Moses made to the Jews of having Kings when their afflicted condition should cease, will find the same reason and practice for both; although neither jews nor Christians, had by Moses, or Christ, direct precept for doing either: no more than Moses gave direction for building a Temple, or Christ or his Apostles for erecting Churches. But these things being supposed to follow (as out of duty of gratitude) that flourishing estate God should bring them unto, are less mentioned than that future succession of Kings: concluding (as we may gather) that it would follow upon it: as both solomon's, and Constantine's examples (before mentioned) so well declare.  
But (in this regard) we shall find God Almighty observing the same method, in bringing the whole Church to its state of eminence and freedom from the bondage of foreign enemies, as he doth in bringing each one of its members from the thraldom of sin and the Flesh: that is, both in the time of their birth and afterwards, leading them through wildernesses and persecutions; to wean them from the former relishes of their Onions and Flesh. pots, and to prove them whether they be fit for that promised land and state of happiness; 
Deut. 8.1, 2, 3. Heb. 12.11.  or for that peace and joy in the holy Ghost, which is requisite to their perfection.  
Unto which state being once arrived, through the Almighty assistance of him that can do all things, and (proportionable to the greatness and splendour of the Church) having raised them up a more eminent officer for their government, for men now to be affecting of Elderships, Presbyteries, and what other former temporary models they please to fancy, (in presumption that God must thereupon (as before) more immediately appear (as by miracles, gift of tongues, prophecy, etc.) because of the weakness of those his present Ministers, seems to me none other then that temptation of the Devil offered to our Saviour, of casting himself down headlong; and so ingratefully neglect that ordinary way of safety he was now in, on presumption of God's miraculous delivery. It seems to me none other, then as if the Israelites in the land of promise, flowing with milk and honey, should be ask Quails and Manna, or the pillar of a Cloud; their former food, and way of direction.  
And lastly, these that will distrust God's guidance, if he manifest it not after their own way, seem to me closely resembling those sons of Belial also, that at the Israelites institution of Kingship, were ingratefully ask how shall this man save us. 
1 Sam. 10.27.  But they that are of the number of the repiners, murmurers, and complainers amongst us, should remember Solomon's advice: say not thou in thy heart, what is the reason that the former times were better than these; for thou dost not inquire rightly concerning this: 
Eccles. 7.10. Chap. 3.11.  for he hath made every thing beautiful in its time: so that a man cannot say that this is better than that, for in their season they are all excellent.  
And more excellent and honourable no doubt it is, and more redounding to the glory of God; that having promised to bring his Church to a flourishing condition, (so as to be eminent in the world for its own strength and greatness) he should in such measure do it as that it should be now able to subsist by itself (according to the ordinary way of providence common to other Nations) then to be always extraordinarily holding them by the hand himself: as thereby confessing he could not, or had not as yet made good his engagement.  
But, as concerning worldly splendour and greatness, it may be observed that the same degrees of different appearance have risen in the lustre of Christ's deputies, by reason of his farther recess from extraordinary assistance and presence with them, as there is in the difference of the Moons shining, by reason of her distance from the Sun, her fountain of light also. For although those primitive heads, might in themselves be nearer and fuller partakers of Christ's gracious and powerful influence, even as the Moon in her nearer approach to the Sun is the like; yet was the radiation and light thereof, then most gloriously and apparently beneficial to the Churches present direction and guidance, when showed unto us by a complete lustraction of that body in our present view.  
Nay this promise of kingship, (to be for completing the blessing to a land) is worthy the observation of all these Antichrists that would seat themselves above all that is called God: 
Eph. 2.4.  insomuch as (to the undeniable evidence of the divine institution of that office) we may observe that no one people have ever been at their perfection without them; nor none at the height of their distress till they were removed. According to that prophecy of the Jews desolation; namely that before it should be, the land should be forsaken of both her Kings: the having them being in itself as sure a sign of God's blessing, 
Isai. 7.16.  as the want is of his anger to any people.  
And however some are ready, in the flourishing instances of some Polarchies, to frame arguments for the lawfulness of those governments, yet can neither those examples equal for number or eminence, those of Monarchies and Kingdoms: nor can the prosperity or success of some rebellion in some people, (even so far as to be in some worldly security and happiness) conclude for their lawfulness: more than God's premission of sinners of other sorts, (to prosper and go unpunished here) can prove for their vindication in iniquity. And therefore although God seems sometimes slacker in bringing on his threatened punishments upon some people upon their king's removal, yet that this removeall is a threatening of punishment may farther appear by Hosea; who, thrice in one chapter, threatens Israel's calamity by that sign: for now they shall they say we have no King, for we feared not the Lord, and what then should a King do to us? and again the King of Samaria is destroyed like the foam upon the water; and again, 
Hosea 10.3. Verse 7. Verse. 15.  in a morning shall the king of Israel be cut off.  
Nay we may observe this Monarchical administration so much owned by God, as to declare the absence thereof as the fittest and surest token of his dereliction and punishment of a people that had been first false to himself, and were now repudiated by him: as may appear in that other Prophecy. For the Children of Israel shall abide many days without a King and without a Prince, without a Sacrifice, and without an Image, and without an Ephod, and without Teraphim. And, 
Hosea 3.4.  by the last words we may observe (by the way) not only a depravation in religion and Church order to follow this no King in Israel, by making use of Teraphim in the Ephod, instead of Urim, as the man Michah did; but this disorder should increase, 
Judg. 17.5. Teraphim were little Images in ●he Ephod by which God did sometimes make answer. Hos●a 3.5.  till that remaining Priesthood, who by their consistorial parity, were as the Teraphims in this Ephod, should be taken away also. For this use of Teraphim amongst Israelites was to be looked upon but as a shift in Jeroboam, who wanting that order of Aaron and his Sons, made use of the meanest of the people: but in the Christian Church, and when Christ, typified in David, shall be their King, then also shall those several Kings under him maintain and settle order amongst the Priesthood and in religion itself as David also did.  
Now, concerning that separate jurisdiction which some Churchmen would claim, under colour of dividing our duties into religious and civil, it cannot I conceive but plainly appear, that (notwithstanding sacred pretence) this division is but of humane invention, being not to be found in the Scripture: and, as it is (for the most part) made of no other use but to make division and discord (by abating our obedience to the Magistrate under colour of giving it to God,) so are men not at agreement in stating thereof. For while some think that whatever the Magistrate commands it but of civil obedience, and so liable to temporal reward and punishment only; and again, what is of God's command (that is expressly set down in Scripture) is to be only obeyed out of conscience of divine authority; and then, leaving men to private judgement what precepts are thence deduceable, or when the Magistrates commands be such, they must consequently leave them no certain rule, whereby, either to preserve duty, or unity. As also those other sort do, who, distinguishing men in their several relations by them phancied, say that in whatever we do as subjects and men linked in Society, the same is of civil cognizance and duty; but in whatever we act as Christians, we are to be guided by precept from God alone. In which doing also, being neither able to bring from Scripture all things that concern Gods outward worship, and finding many precepts of Ethical, Political, and Oeconomical nature, and which do concern our duty and good even as men, although we had not been Christians, they must needs fall themselves, and drive others, by these doubtful precepts, from giving any right obedience at all, instead of directing them therein. For although (as to some intents) men may be usefully considered in these different relations, yet when the same person is now both a man and a Christian, such distinctions as should ●imply a possibility of personal division again, so as for the same Christian to act as a man in any thing without being a Christian, must (besides absurdity) bring upon us the many inconveniences of rebellion and civil war.  
And therefore, although in our being Christian, we lose not the reality of manhood, more than in being rational creatures or men, we lose the properties of sensitive Creatures: yet inasmuch as being rational Creatures, and so having a greater and surer light to direct our actions, all that we do answerable to other mere sensitives, is therefore now to be attributed to us in the capacity of men, as of the nobler and higher relation. Even so also it fareth with us, after, and while we are Christians: namely that all those actions, in which, in execution and direction (I mean so far as is humane) we resemble other mere natural men only, yet these things, being by us now acted under the inseparable relation of Christians, are, although not of express literal divine precept, yet, if done in obedience to lawful authority, a Christian duty; or, if acted against it, a Christian fault. And it will follow that what was in us (as men) before, but moral virtue or vice, is now righteousness or sin; even to the degree of an idle word. And so again (considering us as subjects) those things that are only by the light of nature investigable as civil duties, when they come to be enforced by a Superior, having his power and office from God, have the obligations of religious actions: as being part of our obedience to that God, who said them to be in that respect Gods also, and children of the most high.  

Psa 82.6.  Therefore when God sometimes commands what would concern us and be our benefit as men, although we had not been Christians, (as indeed if we had reason enough all precepts for outward direction would appear such) or when (again) many things appertaining to our religion itself, and our outward worship therein, are by the Church's authority enjoined; (whether the same be found in Scripture or no) they are both of them to be held as religious duties to us: and we being not able, while we are Christians, to act in any other personal capacity, must be obedient and subject, as in, and to the Lord: 
Ephe. 6.5. Col 3.23.  that is, till something be enjoined to overthorw Christianity, we as Christians, must obey in all things: and it is as sinful to disobey Supreme authority in the payment of taxes, as in the observation of the Sabbath. For God not now giving particular precepts as unto the jews, but leaving us herein to the direction of the higher power ordained for that purpose of him, we are to be obedient to our Masters in the flesh as unto Christ, and willingly to do them service as unto the Lord, and not as men: That is, we are now always to obey him as Christ's Minister and head of our particular Church, 
Eph. 6.6, 7·  and not left at liberty to obey as in a religious tye, no farther than we please. For the actions and precepts of each State & Kingdom, are upon their conversion to Christianity, to be called and reputed the actings of such or such a Church, and not of such or such a State: the name and notion of Church including that of State, even as (in the particular members whereof it is compounded) the notion of man is involved in that of Christian.  
So that now, as the entire trust & power of Universal headship of the Catholic Church is unto Christ resigned, and he thereupon to be obeyed as under a religious tye in all causes whatsoever, by all such as acknowledge themselves Christians; although they seem of never so civil a nature: even so, his supreme deputy in each Christian Church or Kingdom, being entirely entrusted like him from whom his power is derived) is under the tye of religion also, to be entirely obeyed by all that acknowledge his Christian jurisdiction: we being no more duly able to divide the supremacy of the one, then of the other.  
And therefore, the mistake and inconvenience of their opinion will plainly appear, that would from a short and groundless distinction, of the several objects and ends of our obedience, deduce a several and distinct tye, whereby the same person in the performance of this duty to lawful authority should stand diversely obliged: As if, because the good of men and humane Society were the next aim of my forbearance to defraud or oppress, etc. it were therefore the last end, and not rather Gods glory, as heretofore showed.  
Whereupon, since I, as a Christian, had light sufficient given me to discover how God is herein served, by this my advancement of the good of my brother, cannot thereupon but account myself as well serving God. When I do any thing as a subject to the Prince, out of general tye of conscience to God's precept that commandeth obedience to the higher powers, than it is, or should have been, if I had done it in obedience to the particular precepts of thou shalt not steal, or thou shalt not covet. And had Cato, or Scipio, had the like advantage of instruction with us, so as to have seen through to God's glory and their own salvation, as the great and last end and reward of all our actions, (as they had been obliged in conscience, so) they would (no doubt) out of respect and love to God and their own future good, have performed all those Heroic acts, which, for want thereof, could not have in them higher consideration then temporary benefits of themselves or country; and so come to be imputed unto them as bare moral virtues and duties, having in their conceits, neither direction nor intention higher.  
But for farther clearing the understanding of these things, we will instance in a particular most common amongst us, namely our food. What the vegetative appetite (as necessary to growth and nourishment) doth herein covet, the same being in sensitive Creatures controlled and judged by their palates and tastes, is ascribed as an action done by such or such a sensitive. And, in the same food again, the palate being for choice and quantity (as all other senses) controlable by reason, for what we do therein, we are accountable as men only, and not as beasts. And so lastly, when, in this particular of food, a higher authority than our own doth command, we must be then reckoned in all we do therein, but as in relation, and subordinate to that last and highest authority. For as Christ is above them all, so is our relation as Christians to include and involve that of men or subjects. So that if I now follow too much my vegetative appetite, or sensative taste; and also transgress reason, so as to be drunken and glutonise; this, being done by me that am a Christian, is a sin endangering punishment hereafter; and not singly a moral or civil vice; as transgressing only in regard to my health, or the rule of society.  
And so farther again, when abstinence from any, or all sort of food is by lawful authority enjoined, whereby the use of what was indifferent to us (in respect of any direct former Christian precept) comes to be streigthened, we are then tied in conscience to the obedience thereof: and that, not only when a Lent or Fast day shall be enjoined for an explicit religious end, but also, when abstinence shall be publicly commanded, without such end expressed at all: or although the preservation of cattle or the like, be the known end thereof. And this, because the person commanding being the same, and always God's Minister, where our ability of performance is equal, our sin of disobedience must be equal also: and that, without thought of dividing his jurisdiction and authority, and so disobeying the Prince as as oft as we please, by taking on us (as Priests in a separate jurisdiction) the sole interpretation of God's law.  
Whereupon, as every Master of a family is Priest also so far as concerns his jurisdiction, so the appellations of Princes and Priests are in many places of Scripture used as equipollent. But as the King, in regard of the multitude under him, is to use Magistrates to help him in civil administrations, so Priests also, in matters of the Church and religion. How far this their power is to extend, and how, and by what order of them to be managed, will be a proper discourse when the King's part in government and peace shall be treated of.  
Therefore now (to return) by the name of Church we are not to conceive there can be any congregation of Christian subjects by order so distnct from others, as to have immediate power from God over the fortunes or persons of their fellows; without, or against the Sovereign's leave. For since the time, manner, place, and other things essential to the constituting the meeting itself must (as heretofore noted) depend on the leave and direction of the governor in chief, and their authority, as an assembly, can be but subordinate to that from whence they derived it, it cannot in no wise be collected, that their power should be independent.  
They of the Romish Clergy, that would claim a divine right to succeed the Apostles, in the exercise of external jurisdiction and power, by virtue of an uninterrupted ordination from them at first derived, (after the same manner as those ancient Romans were superstitious to place the vestal virgins for keeping in of their holy fire in their temple,) and would have the Office and power of high Priest or Bishop, in the Catholic, or each particular Church, depend on like uninterrupted succession to his predecessor under the Gospel, no otherwise then the high Priestship did descend amongst the Jews, had (no doubt) an aim, by this peculiar way of putting one another into authority, not only to set up themselves in Apostolical power, but to exclude Kings or Masters of families from having any divine right at all; since no such uninterrupted derivation of succession, can be on their side brought. But as they cannot find any text to warrant any claim hereby, so they are to consider, that as to the jews their particular Church was the same with the Catholic, so in order to God's care for direction and government of that particular only Church, he did appoint, as well a distinct family and lineage for their Kingship, as he did for their Priesthood: it being as unlawful to alter the line of David, as that of Aaron. But, under the Gospel, where like appointment was not made, nor outward prosperity was not promised, as to the Jews, it will be very severe, to censure any particular Church as untrue, and her Pastors unlawful, upon the hazard of having some interruption in succession; or for want of intention or the like: whereby (having had some ineffectual ordination administered) all ordinations succeeding, and jurisdiction grounded thereupon, should come to be void also.  
However, before the time that the Magistrate was Christian, the claim of immediate succession or possession were a good plea in itself, and fit to be observed by others, to avoid the danger of Schism, as it was also then reasonable enough, that in consideration the Bishop in each place was also supreme head of the same under Christ; that thereupon the designation or ordination of persons into offices of power might be at his dispose too, yet since, even than this his own ordination or choice, and appointment into office was done by the people; and in the same form whereby they constituted other Magistrates, it will thereupon appear but reasonable, that as this power to govern, was by them then executed, not as Evangelists barely, but as the present supreme Christian heads, so should it be afterwards resigned to him that did succeed as supreme, in causes Ecclesiastical as well as Civil. And as their ordination, that is, personal succession and appointment into these functions of power (not their consecrations) doth (or should) depend on his choice or negative voice, as it did formerly on the people and Emperors, it cannot be now thought reasonable they should claim any outward independent jurisdiction, over the liberties or estates of others.  
By due consideration whereof we may know how to distinguish between those several ordintions of power and Office, which Saint Paul admonisheth Timothy to make use of. For by that which in his first Epistle to him is set down as a gift given by Prophecy, with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery: we may understand, that more civil election and ordination, 
1 Tim. 4.14.  whereby those Presbyters or Elders, the representative authority of that Church had (it may be at Saint Paul's recommendation) chosen him as their chief guide or instructor, even because of that eminent gift of Prophecy or instruction they found in him, into which Office we may suppose him afterwards confirmed, and also consecrared by Saint Paul, which he calls the gift of God, which is in thee by the putting on of my hands. 
2 Tim. 1.6.  For those places and cities being but partly Christians as yet, whereby Saint Paul and other primitive Christian heads could not have entire jurisdiction; it was reasonable, even for the better obedience sake of those that did believe, to submit the election of their Church guide, to that very form they used in the choice of their other Magistrates. And as in these last alleged Texts, we find both election and consecration set down in that phrase proper to Priestly administration only, namely laying on of hands; so shall we elsewhere find them both at once comprised under the expression proper to election of other Magistrates, signifying holding up of hands called there ordaining. 
Acts 14.23.  The which Presbyterial way of choice continued still in the Church, after the time that Emperors and Kings were Christian; but not as at first, for then, these Presbyters did it as Rulers and Representatives of those places, some of them being Preachers, and some not: whereas afterwads, when whole Cities became Christians, those of the chief of the Clergy of each diocese or jurisdiction took upon them to make these elections, as the Chapter of that place: but it was still done, or supposed to be, according to recommendation or licence of that Prince or Emperor that had supreme power over them all. And however at first, before the people of any place or City were wholly converted, so as the jurisdiction could be entire under one Church head, they might well be distinguished under the notions of Church and state, as each might be under a separate authority; yet when, and where these power shall be united, then, and there all election and jurisdiction, in the one sort as well as the other, must be held dependant on this one supreme Church head.  
If we suppose those of the Clergy, to be successors to Apostolical power by virtue of ordination received from the hands of one another (as by a kind of confederacy) then, since the efficacy of ordination is the same to all of them, there must be now amongst us as many men in Apostolical power, as there are men in orders: because ordination having its efficacy as primarily inherent in the Apostles, it must follow that all those derived ordinations must be equal one to another, even as that f●rst act of ordination from the Apostles received, was the same, or equal to itself.  
But, of those that would set up an Universal Pope, and of those that would set up a Pope (by this means) in every Parish, I would ask how far they would have their jurisdiction to extend? If they say they have right to all the Apostles had, then have they right to command and be obeyed in all things: for such right had the Apostles, as shall be showed anon. If they say they have right to no more them was by then practised, and so claim to succeed in the power of excommunication and Church censure, so far as to extend it to corporal punishment, than they will have much ado to make this all one with a spiritual jurisdiction and censure.  
The truth is, that we must look on the Apostles in their sentence of excommunication, as punishing men in the highest measure they then could; in regard of the engrosment of all coercive and vindicative power, by the then Pagan Magistrates they lived under; and not as thinking their refraining to keep a Blasphemer or an incestuous person company, were a punishment adequate to such offences, 
1 Tim. 1.19, 20 1 Cor. 5.  as by their heinousness and nature, did argue already no regard to their society. And again, this act of excommunication, was not then to banish him from them, but themselves from him: For, as they could not force any to be of their society, or come to their meetings, so (as the case stood then) could not they force them from coming to any their public meetings as well as others; even when they were to celebrate the communion, although they might forbear to eat whilst he was in the company.  
So that now, if the Churchmen claim but the same measure of power the Apostles did, or might then exercise, and (again) allow the person now excommunicate the like power with the other, they will then find the force and terror of their excommunication (as from themselves alone proceeding, and without leave and assistance from the Magistrate) to amount to just nothing. If they claim all the jurisdiction and power that the Apostles as heads of Churches than had right unto, they will have right to all power whatever, that is power outward and civil, as well as inward and spiritual. For, of that nature we shall find many things, that were taken into cognisance by those primitive heads, and so liable also to the censure and punishment of the Magistrates and civil laws of the Country, as was that Incestuous act; and would, no doubt, upon notice, have been by them that had present power punished in a more remarkable and sensible degree, then could be by the Apostles that wanted it. Whereupon, as we find Saint Paul comprising, Fornication, Covetousness, Railing, Drunkenness, and Extortion, under the then Church cognisance and censure, as well as Idolatry, 
1 Cor. 5: 11.  it is to be concluded that the power and jurisdiction of each Churches present head, was Universal and absolute, as of right in itself, to judge and punish in civil, as well as spiritual causes, Christ having then no Church head but them: although in matter of execution, he were (as before noted) many times restrained. Upon which consideration, we cannot any ways assign the now Gospel Ministers, to be successors to the Apostles or primitive Bishops in what they did as the then heads of Churches, but must appropriate that to Kingly right, as shall be more fully declared hereafter.  
All which, no doubt, (with some other things elsewhere spoken) will displease some of that order. For although self interest (as highest) may make them differ about precedence amongst themselves, yet to have their order eclipsed in any thing of honour or power, cannot but displease: because even self interest, though not so direct, is yet plainly therein also. And therefore, since Churchmen are usually the best learned, and commonly the only Writers of Church matters, and of State affairs also as often as any other: it is no marvil, if in so long a tract of time, so many arguments and contrivances for deviding the Kings, and establishing their separate authority, have been craftily laid by some, and as hastily entertained by others, in order to the making them more powerful.  
Amongst other things, it may be observed how pride and arrogance hath brought those notions of Laics and Idiots, which were brought in by them whereby to be distinguished from other subjects, to import rudeness, ignorance, and inferiority: when as, by means of their greater learning and favour, divers privileges and immunities were reserved to themselves. The which (God knows) I dislike not otherwise, then as finding it made destructive to public peace and good. For it is an order, which of all other should (I conceive) have the highest rank and esteem amongst Subjects: even for that their employment is in such matters, as are apparently in themselves, and by public approbation and appointment, held of most immediate concern in God's worship and service amongst us: and is (in many things) of that nature, as is not by others undertakable.  
In which regard (truly) as much grieved I am, to find that present contrary, and proportionable want of eminence and esteem given them, in those places where Monarchy hath been eclipsed or thrust out, (even by bringing them thereby so much lower as there follows to be more above them) as I am offended, at the extraordinary height, and success of their Antichristian pride, where some inseparable marks of Monarchy and government are held in their own hands.  
But, however their success proves, it will concern men that would be truly careful of their salvation, and followers of things that make for peace, 
Rom. 14. 1●.  to have an eye to the true fundamentals of religion delivered in holy Scripture, and not be led away with the usurped interpretation of any unauthorised person: whom they shall always find, either directly aiming at their own interest therein, or else, in passion or emulation to one another, they will (instead of satisfying our doubts, be still increasing & extending their own differences amongst themselves, until they have made them fundamentals and necessary to salvation: Whereupon (by anathemas to their opponents) they are to be observed, to the accompilshment of their several dominions and honour in the Church, continually espousing their own quarrels upon us, and engaging us in civil broils.  
If we do not this, and keep not close to Christ himself, that is, to that authority which is next and most representing him, we shall be in continual danger to be made believe by subordinat Ministers, 
●uke 9.49.  that not following of us (that is, not being of our Sect) is all one as not to be Christians, and to be against him. And if self conceitedness could thus blind our Saviour's own Disciples, so far as to lead them to this rash mistake, and that notwithstanding known miracles and profession made in Christ's name, what may we expect from the ambitious aims of men now living; but that this following of us, should be continually made (as too good experience tells us it is) the daily bait to draw us farther from Christ, under pretence of bringing us nearer? So that whilst some are declaiming against authority, and branding their commands as superstitious, even in things wherein Christ's honour and worship are nearly concerned, they are yet found so resolute in their own particular sects and tenants, that they would have men's belief and adherence to Christ, to be measured only by their belief and adherence to them: which, to my thinking, is as high and plain Idolatry as any can be.  
But the immediate following discourse of that text, shows the temper and aim of this humour: when those very Disciples are endeavouring to wrest Eliahs' precedent, by drawing fire from heaven against that authority which opposed them: the which although they were of another religion and jurisdiction too, is yet rebuked by our Saviour; as proceeding from a most ungospel-like spirit: and showing him to be subject to like passions with others.  
And therefore, for the true stating of these things, we shall more briefly say, that so far as they are to perform the work of Evangelists, that is, to preach unto us Jesus, and to prove and declare him to be the only fundamental object of faith and salvation, so far have they their power from God alone: but so far as they have diocessan or parochial charge, and are in paticulars to show unto us how we are to obey him as Christ and King in any outward deportment, so far are they to derive their authority from that Church power which had from Crhist power to ordain and separate them unto that work. So far as they are entrusted with the guidance of God's inward kingdom in our hearts, that is, to persuade men to faith in Christ (which was the chief work of the primitive teachers amongst the Infidels) so far are they Gods Ministers and not man's, but, as they are to meddle with men's abbearances and external behaviour in Christ's Kingdom the Church (that is to show how to perform obedience to him being converted and acknowledging his power) so far are they to have warrant from those his chief deputies in the Church.  
Whereupon two things will plainly follow to the advantage of the Clergy above others. First, that, in respect of their ordination, they are to be held so properly Gods Ministers, that, in preaching and administration of the Sacraments and some other things, none but they have power to intermeddle: and yet are they not hereby excluded from having external jurisdiction and power over men's persons also, if the authority of the Church wherein they live shall so think fit. Nay, when the representative authority of that Church shall have distinguished between holy and profane, I conceive that, in all such things as are concluded of religious jurisdiction and cognisance, the Church-members of the Clergy are, by the Church her head, to be therein employed more eminently than any other subject: especially if they do therein acknowledge themselves subordinate and subject unto him. All which I have in this part set down, to avoid such umbrage as might have been by some taken at the passed discourse.  
And for farther avoidance of mistake, about those persons or orders of the Clergy by me glanced at in any censure here or elsewhere, I shall also now crave leave to say, that, as I profess myself a dutiful son of the same Mother, so do I also highly respect and honour that Classical order of the Clergy which the Church of Engand owns as hers: being men that have approved themselves the true sons of Zadock, the type of Evangelical Priesthood, and been as eminent for loyalty as learning. But, the disturbances of Christendom are to be imputed to those of the Romish party, who, in favour to their own head, are to subject (with Abiather) to miscarry that ark wherewith they are entrusted; and to make the power and cognisance of those sacred orders, which should separate them from worldly imploment, to serve as a plea and pretence thereunto; as in order to spiritual cognisance and jurisdiction. As also, to that miscellaneous brood, who, as in hatred to their exteram, entering their ordinations at a wrong door, or not entering them at all, have as shamefully demeaned theselves in the Priesthood, as they did ignorantly and shamefully decline the title itself, and that honotr which is thereunto due: and have, by those strange fires of sedition and rebellion which they every where offer, under show of reformation and zeal, approved themselves the true sons of Nadab and Abihu. These are they that are dear declaiming against Prelacy, on purpose to gain higher preferment: whilst the name of Bishop is by them declined as an unlawful jurisdiction in in the Church, they are grasping after the thing, and striving to exercise EEpiscopacy and oversight over both Church and State, under the claim of power from Christ himself received, as his immediate Ministers: thereby showing, that their slighting of orders is but because they would not be by them confined to Ecclesiastical superintendency only.   

CHAP. VI Of the head of the Church and of the Scriptures interpretations.  
FRom what hath been hitherto spoken of our Security whilst retaining the fundamentals of our religion, as men may gather courage to resist such superstitious fears as some would put into them on purpose to draw them to their own sects, so may they plainly see it their duty (these foundations being laid) that their directest obedience which they can (as Christians) in other things give unto that person Christ hath most eminently entrusted, and by whom he is most lively represented, is the strongest argument of performance of their duty and obedience to himself.  
For he being (as the chief Master builder) to direct us in all things towards our actual edification, upon these ground works of faith and charity laid in our hearts, may seem to be Gods great accountant for the sins of the people, and to prefigured unto us under the escape goat in the law: who, as denoting the high and uncontroleable power of his office here, was both to be free and unmolested in the wilderness of this life, and also to bear on him all the iniquities and transgression of the people. 
Leu. 16.21.  For although Christ himself, (typifyed under the slain goat) do only truly and meritoriously expiate and make atonement to God for all men's sins as breaches of God's law (insomuch as no man can hope for remission of any sort of them without repentance and forgiveness in his name made and obtained) yet forasmuch as we are commanded to be obedient unto them, both in matters of godliness and honesty, there is no doubt, but the same will acquit us of guilt in all things acted by their guidance: and not contrary to the foundation of faith and love: which is, or should be in our hearts.  
And therefore to this purpose, (as formerly noted) we shall find good warrant given from him that said, Do all things without murmurings and dispute, 
Phil. 2.14.  that ye may be blameless and harmless the sons of God: in the midst of a froward and perverse generation, 
Vers. 15.  wherein ye shine as lights in the world. Here is no distinction made of our duties; here is no referment of us to Scripture; but a general direction to universal and ready obedience: which being done, we shall be blameless and harmless for obeying, however the thing wherein we do obey may prove harmful to others; and to unblamable in the Commanders.  
And that the Apostle did hereby intend implicit and perfect obedience, may farther appear by the foregoing occasion which lead him to this precept: namely for avoiding of divisions, and Standing fast in one Spirit, with one mind: unto the which, implicit obedience and subjection to one head is the only ready way. And to the end they should fulfil his joy, and be like minded, having the same love, being of one accord, of one mind: he admonisheth th●t nothing should be done through strife or vain glory, 
Phil. 1.27.  but in lowliness of mind, let each esteem others better than themselves.  
And then he tells the way to it: First, by inward charity and love, Look not every man on his own things, but every man on the things of others: 
Verse 4.  afterward he points to outward subjection to make this love useful: which he doth by the true example of humility and obedience, our Saviour himself: viz: Let this mind be in you which was also in Christ Jesus: 
Verse 5.  who being in the form of God, thought it no robbery to be equal with God, 
Verse 6.  but made himself of no reputation, and took on him the form of a servant, and was made in the likeness of men. And being found in the fashion of a man, 
Verse ●  he humbled himself and became obedient to death, even the death of the Cross: A death which was proper to such as were under the highest degree of subjection, 
V●rse 8.  being the usual punishment for slaves.  
And so, having set forth the reward of this his humility and obedience to encourage us therein, he than proceeds: Wherefore, my beloved, as ye have always obeyed, not as in my presence only, but now much more in my absence, work out your own salvation with fear and trembling. 
Verse 12.  Which words do plainly show the means to salvation, to be dependent on perfect obedience to God's Minister: for it is God that worketh in us both to will and to do of his good pleasure. 
Verse 13.  That is, as God is himself the worker of this inward love, to make us willing; so must he direct (by his Minister) our doing it outwardly to our Neighbour's benefit: under whom doing all things as aforesaid, we shall be blameless as aforesaid also.  
For his care and trust being above mine, the fault must light on him; according to his determination that said, He that shall break one of the least of these Commandments, and shall teach men so, he shall be least in the Kingdom of heaven: that is, shall have no share in heaven, or be most punished hereafter: But he that shall do and teach them, 
Mat. 5. 1●.  he shall be greatest in the Kingdom of Heaven, or in heavenly reward. Which words, 
Ibidem.  as they show the following power that some must have of teaching others, so do they declare their greater punishment or reward to follow their trust therein: according to that other saying, Unto whomsoever much is given, of him much shall be required: and to whom men have committed much, of him will they ask the more. 
Luke 12.48.   
And that this was meant in regard of power of government entrusted, and that also of that particular deligation of power and trust made to the higher powers in the Church, appears by the occasion of its delivery: having relation to the foregoing parable and admonition: where the Church, under the notion of the house of Christ (its Lord) is to be carefully watched by its present overseer put in authority by Christ: from whom these Stewards are to expect their reward or punishment, according to their behaviour in this charge.  
Where (by the way) we may note, the Monarchical designation of each Church's government; because the Steward or Master of the house, is still set down and alluded unto in the singular number. And we may also note, that it could not be meant as appropriate to the Apostles or others, as they were Ecclesiastical men and preachers only, but must intend such as are to have civil authority also: as appears by that prohibition of beating the men servants and maidens: which, 
Luke 12.45.  as it must import an Officer of authority to inflict such severe and tyrannical punishments, so these punishments being corporal) could not denote the function of any spiritual person; because they could not pretend any right hereunto.  
From all which, our benefit and duty in obedience being apparent, we are not to be carried about with every wind of doctrine. So that, 
Eph. 4.14▪  (whilst striving to serve God according to his will revealed in Scripture) we might neither, on the one hand, be in danger to be entrapped by the wiser sort, and such as have worldly ends; even by the slight of men and cunning craftiness whereby they lie in wait to deceive; nor, on the other hand, fall into the danger of such, 
Ibidem.  as may seem more simple and uninterested: because the unlearned and unwary, 
2 Pet. 3.16.  do rest Scripture to their own damnation. But we are to know, that no Scripture of God is of private interpretation: that is, to be interpreted by private persons; 
2 Pet. 1.20.  but that (its chief drift being to instruct us in the fundamentals of our salvation, and (in order thereunto) to declare those mysteries and general precepts that were necessary to our belief & practise therein, it left private men for particular guidance, to the authorised interpreters thereof.  
At first it was, the Priest's lips should preserve knowledge, and thou shalt seek the law at his mouth: 
Mal. 2.7.  they having this their law particularly set down by Moses. And so also, when they were to have kings, he was to have a book thereof, and to do thereafter. 
Deut. 17.19.  But now in the Gospel, as these particular legal precepts stood not of literal divine authority, but as precedents useful upon occasion; so the Ministers thereof were Ministers not of the Letter, 
2 Cor. 3.6.  but of the Spirit. Whereupon it still appears that the whole drift of the Gospel and new Testament, were but to set forth Christ the foundation unto us; and to leave us unto the present higher powers for direction of our practice thereafter; according to the light of Scripture, or natural reason. Therefore as we first find, the scope of each Gospel, to record the miracles Christ did in proof hereof; so shall we find the other discourses and doctrines therein contained, usually to follow but as occasioned thereupon, For Saint john speaks plainly, That if all that jesus did should be written, the whole world would not contain the books that should be written: but these things are written, that ye may believe, that Jesus is Christ the son of God; 
John 21.25. John 20.31.  and that believing ye might have life through his name.  
And so again, for the other part of the New Testament, namely the Epistles; we are not to conceive that all that was written by the Apostles or such as had inspiration, is now left unto us: for of some of them there appears nothing at all, and of some very little. Nay, Saint Paul, that wrote most, we may think yet wrote more than is come to our hands: even as he had more gentile Churches in his charge, than what his Epistles do mention by their directions and titles. All which (no doubt) would have been divine and edifying also, as well as those that are come; had not want of care in those particular Churches, or the calamitous condition of those times deprived us of them.  
But now, however we are to acknowledge and admire, the care and providence of God and the Church, in preserving and delivering to us those books and Epistles left; yet, in and by them, we may observe, that they were all but occasionally written: and that no Writer did undertake to set down the whole platform of Christian obedience; or to compose an entire and perfect body of Divinity, but in delivery of these instructions they were still respective: and even as they had particular and separate charge of Churches, so wrote they unto them such instructions and precepts, as they conceived most fit for their proper directions. And therefore we may find those writers, not only to differ from one another in those directions, but also Saint Paul, whose Epistles we have written to several Churches, doth in them differ in his directions also; according to that exigence and occasion, which he foresaw the present condition of that people required.  
For since, at that time, all Churches could not have all his or the other Apostles Epistles (for if they could, the same things needed not at all to have been repeated) it must be supposed, that what was to them already written, was sufficient to instruct them in things necessary to salvation: and that they, in their other necessary Christian behaviours, had direction by Tradition from him, or elsewhere; which was the occasion of that frequent admonition of keeping them. And for what might be wanting in both these, he refers them to be guided by the Church, and such as had the rule over them; under the general notions of whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report: if there be any virtue, if there be any praise, think on these things: and this most especially he doth, to those he wrote least. 
Phil. 4.8.   
For it is likely, that they that were to be their guides, had been before instructed in the way of Church regiment by Saint Paul himself; so far, as to be able (by tradition) to keep their charge upright, in all things tending to Godliness and honesty; according to those things which they had learned, and received, and heard, and seen in him. He, 
Vers. 9  in remitting Churches for the rest, to be instructed by those their guides he himself had instructed, did follow the example of our Saviour himself herein: who for that space of forty days (he was on earth after his resurrection) directed his Apostles in things pertaining to the Kingdom of God, or government of the Church. 
Acts 1.3.  Nor can we find any of them undertaking, as before noted, to comprise all the particulars of Theology, at such time as they write those their most general Epistles, which were for all men's direction: but kept them (as we may presume) to be delivered to the heads of Churches (amongst other things) by tradition, and so made use of according to the emergencies of their several Charges. But yet the fundamentals of Christianity, were in all their Epistles and Sermons most plainly delivered: the least and shortest Epistle containing in it the doctrine of faith in Christ, & love to one another: and also of obedience to superiors, our necessary guide in performance of them both.  
And that Saint Paul's directions in other matters given to the particular Churches, contained neither all expressly that was necessary for them to do, nor what was so generally fit and proper for all Churches as that to whom it was directed (being to others in most things only useful upon occasions as precedents) will appear, in that Saint Paul writing a particular short Epistle to the Colossians, refers them their knowledge of what is farther useful, unto his Epistle written unto the Laodiceans: willing them that when this Epistle is read of you. You cause it to be read of the Laodiceans also: and that you likewise read the Epistle from Laodicea, Which two Epistles, 
Col. 4.16.  being reciprocally recommended to those particular Churches, as of proper directions for them; and the Epistle to the Laodiceans being now wanting; is must follow, that both the fundamentals were set down in all and each of them, and that other admonitions were by the Apostles given upon several occasions and considerations: which because they did as heads of Churches then themselves, so, by their making a distinction in each Church, of such as were to rule and instruct, from the rest of the Church (and that under the notion of such as should cause those Epistles to be read, and such as were to hear them read) we may also infer, that though he made the general direction of his Epistles to the whole Church, it was but to make their duty of obedience higher, when their guides should command them. And so also, when he is setting down general heads for the particular abearance of men in each order, it is not his meaning to submit them to their private interpretation of what in them was their duty to perform as Subjects, (and so consequently leave it to their choice whether they would perform any thing of them or no) but to lay on men a stronger obligation to the obedience of their superiors commands; since they now find them to have these general divine directions to that purpose.  
To manifest that these duties of external Christian behaviour, were indisputably referred to each Christian head of the Church, and that all in that kind necessary was not set down in the Scripture, appears in that Saint Paul writing more plentifully to the Corinthians hereof then to any other Church, doth not yet profess to have set down all that was necessary: but having, as he conceived, set down what was expedient for them according to the present occasion, 
1 Cor. 11·34.  he concludes, And the rest will I set in order when I come. Thereby making a plain difference, between his power in those things he was to command them as an head of the Church (in order to their duty of obedience) and those fundamentals of faith and love, which he was to preach to them as an Evangelist; or a difference in what he did as a general preacher of the Gospel, and what he did as their Apostle and Teacher: even as one that particularly had authority over them as Christ's Ambassador, and as being their father in the Faith.  
And that Scripture, and the interpretation and enforcement of the precepts thereof, was committed to the guidance and care of the heads of the Churches (even under the Gospel also) appears by Saint Paul's commending them unto Timothy: to the end that he, as a guide to the Church, might make them profitable for doctrine, 
2 Tim. 3.16.  for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness; that the man of God (or the man having God's authority) may be perfect, throughly furnished unto all good works: 
Vers. 17.  that is, have sufficient light and authority to command and direct unto all good works. And that this power did belong to Timothy as their present guide, is made most evident from the uses there set down, all of them belonging to the office of the Superior: Namely to teach, to reproove, to correct, to instruct: necessarily implying the charge of the Scriptures to be committed to those in authority that were to be eminently active herein: that the man of God, or the chief Officer in God's stead (like Timothy) may know how to behave himself in the household of God, the Church: which is the pillar and ground of truth.  

1 Tim. 3.15.  And where it is commended that the men of Berea searched the Scripture, whether the things by Saint Paul alleged were so: it is first to be considered, that it was before the people had acknowledged Saint Paul their guide: 
Acts 17.11.  and so not bound to submit themselves, as to one that did watch for their souls. And then this searching must not be construed, as if every man had done it in a Bible apart; but they being a Synagogue of the Jews, the Scripture must be supposed remaining with the chief thereof only: who are to be understood the searchers and examiners thereof. In whose search the rest of the Bereans trusting, it made the search go in the name of the whole. In effect, still proving, that the interpretation and custody of Scripture was not common; but belonged to those that were to exercise, and not such as were to submit to authority.  
And that the Scriptures charge and custody was entrusted unto the heads of Churches, and not vulgarly dispersed in copies, may appear by our not having at this day, any assurance of the language some of the Gospels and Epistles were written in: nor have we any Hebrew copy that we now can rely upon. And all, because the first copy coming to be afterwards translated into that language the people best understood, it caused the care of the single original to be neglected; or in time of persecution to be lost by the traditors of those times: whereas, had each one, or many men had their distinct copies, such a total loss could not have happened. And although it may be well thought, that the gift of tongues might have enabled such of the holy penmen as wanted natural learning, to deliver themselves notwithstanding in Greek, yet this cannot make it supposable that all of them (the Epistles especially) were so written originally; because their address is not to the Grecians or Gentiles: And that Epistle to the Hebrews and those of Saint Peter, and Saint james, etc. must imply them to be written in that language, which was best understood by those they were addressed unto; and who were to be directed by him. Else it were to suppose a miracle wrought to a wrong end; even that which Saint Paul doth elsewhere dislike; namely the speaking in an unknown tongue; 
1 Cor. 14.  by which he means (no doubt) a tongue unknown to the Auditors. In which respect, to speak or write in Greek, to them that understood not the language, renders the Writer a Barbarian to the Auditor, as well as the Auditor one to him.  
Upon which grounds, I do believe (against them that doubt) that the Gospel of Saint Matthew, was (like the other Gospels) written in Greeks; and that because its general address did require it to be set forth in that language which was most generally understood: but for some of the Epistles, I cannot be so persuaded. And if that first exercised gift of tongues be marked, we shall find those endued therewith, speaking to every Auditor in his own language. And although question be made, whether those auditors of divers nations, might not at the same time have been endued with the miraculous gift of interpreting and understanding a strange tongue (to avoid a greater difficulty of supposing all of them speaking at once, or any one speaking several tongues at once (the which Saint Peter's after-speaking alone may give countenance unto) yet it will plainly appear, that, 
Act. 2.14.  as that gift of tongues was then used to edification and to be understood, even so afterwards (no doubt) the penmen of holy Scripture made use of the same, upon the like useful occasions, and none other.  
And as for Author's quotation of Scripture texts in this language only, (none beginning to write till these books had been by the Church all collected into one volume, and so put into that one most intelligible language) it proves no more their writing at first in the Greek, than our Saviour's and others quotations of the Greek translation of the Septuagint proves the old Testament to have been written in that language also.  
Not that we would be understood (by what hath been spoken) as forbidding the public knowledge of the Scriptures: for even the same reason that makes them chiefly to be trusted to the Church and its head, namely to know the better how to govern all others under them, will, in that regard also, make them useful to Fathers, Masters, and many of the Subjects themselves: who by their offices and callings, shall have things or persons under their power and government. In both which respects, if they come not occasionally to concern every one, as he may have his Neighbours good or ill under his trust and power, (even in cases remitted by his Superior) yet will they concern every one in their general precepts to patience, humility, obedience, etc. which (as the proper and necessary virtues of Subjects, and which must constitute government) are fit for the notice of all in general; without exception of the Prince himself: who, as, under the power of God almighty, must submit in a far higher degree, than his Subjects can to him.  
The knowledge of which, and other necessary duties, fit to direct us in our charitable abearances, whither in acting upon, or suffering from one another, may also afford sufficient reason why there should be many precepts of all sorts of duties, and concerning all sorts of people, promiscuously set down in the New Testament; notwithstanding that God's immediate rule was to be inward: even for that our Saviour and his Apostles, having charge and guidance of souls under them, it was needful (for their good deportment sake) that they should leave to them, and unto such as should succeed in the Christian Churches, (besides the fundamentals) such farther precepts and directions, ●s might keep them in a steady course of Charity and peace one towards another; when they found their duties set forth by so good authority.  
For want of due regard whereof, and of that different respect which the Scriptures do carry in their instructions, and for want of that necessary and truly Christian grace of humility, instead of learning and practising those more proper duties which concern us in our distinct callings and relations (for which only we stand accountable before God) we are through pride and partiality too often found to be studious and inquisitive after so much only as doth concern others, in theirs even such as are above us; for whose faults we are not to answer, that (thereupon) we may appear more fit to teach then be taught, to govern then be governed. And this is not only practised in the more civil relation of Subjects or Servants against their Prince or Master, but through this misused liberty, a general usurpation is almost every where now made, for interpreting Scripture against the sense and authority of the whole Church, and of our more spiritual guides therein, to whose charge they are most particularly entrusted; from which preposterous proceeding what can be expected, but what sad experience doth witness, even Heresy, Schism, disorder, and civil broils, to the scandal of Christian religion itself.  
But now, when we find, the persons in authority to be expressed in the plural number, as Those that have the guide over you, those that must give an account for your souls, etc. or else our obedience directed to the Church in general; we are to understand thereby, the head of each Church to be chiefly meant. In which respect, as there were many distinct Churches, and thereupon also many heads, (as before showed) so the Apostle might, in his general admonitions to obedience, put them in the plural number of those and them. And, as in this sense we are to understand that precept of tell it to the Church, 
Mat. 18.17.  namely to the judiciary head thereof; so also are we to interpret and apply the power of the keys, and of binding and losing, to be given to the Church's head, and not the diffused body: 
Vers. 18.  which can never in all its members meet, nor can otherwise then by their head hear and determine.  
And hereupon, we shall find this power to be expressly given to the Apostles in Saint John: where Christ is saying to them, As my Father sent me, even so send I you; 
John 20·21.  thereby giving them authority over their particular Churches and trusts. By which means, as he had formerly answered that the Son of man had power on earth to forgive sins. 
Luke 9 ●▪  So these sons of men also may without Blasphemy (in their measure) use it, by the virtue of his authority who said, whose sins ye remit they are remitted unto them, and whose sins ye retain they are retained. 
John 20.23.  Whereupon we may collect, that as the power of the keys is originally in Christ the Church's universal head, and was by him given to the heads of Churches only, so it can be in the whole Church or in its subordinate members, no otherwise then as received from their head: according to that of Saint Paul, When ye are met together and my Spirit, etc. And therefore, 
1 Cor. 15.4.  to make it farther evident that the heads of Churches are to be understood in the direction of tell it to the Church, we are to denote that the power of the keys in the next verse, was directed to the Apostles in the word ye: when it was said, Whatsoever ye bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever ye lose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven; for unto them was most of this chapter directed: 
Mat. 18.18.  the which was the reason of Saint Peter's interogating him presently hereupon, How oft shall my brother offend? etc. 
Verse 21.   
This power, commonly called the power of the keys, and by the Romanists appropriate to the chief of that Sea only, is that divine obsignation of Christian authority and precept: whereby those laws and edicts of him that sitteth in the seat of judgement, as the head of each Church, that were but civilly or morally criminal in their own nature, and obnoxious to temporal wrath only for their breach, come now to be sinful and damnable; as being violations against God and the heavenly thrown itself, by whom they are empowered, and whose authority they do represent: according to that sentence to be given at the last day, inasmuch as ye have, or have not done it, etc. 
Mat. 25 4●. ●5.   
Upon which grounds, we may know what to conceive of that article of our Creed, I believe the holy Catholic Church: which some would wrest, and make use of to draw men's obedience which way they pleased, by proposing unto us what they pleased for Catholic doctrine. But we are to conceive, that this primitive form of profession of Christian faith (therefore called the Apostles Creed) was offered to, and taken by such as were to be admitted into the Christian Church, to show and state their belief before their admittance; and not to direct their obedience afterwards. For, although to believe in God, in Christ, in the holy Ghost, do, together with the acknowledgement of their deity, draw on obedience by just consequence, yet was this form of profession of faith (therefore called the Creed) made but to denote their belief of their true existence: by which means being received into the Church, their obedience was thence to be learned. For strange it had been, for the Church to have proposed to men the matter of obedience to any, of whom as yet they had no belief in.  
And therefore, when I profess to believe the holy Catholic Church, the word holy will make it unconceivable how it should directly import my profession of obedience: and that, not only because the Catholic Church or Christ's universal body, cannot (as before noted) be ever comprehended under one notion and conception, so as to be definitive to me concerning their determinations, but also, because I can never rightly say of the present, or past militant Church to whom I seek for direction, that they are all holy: nor can men that live in a particular Church, be ordinarily able to know what is, and what is not Catholic doctrine, besides that which is proposeth.  
Whereupon understanding our belief in, or of the holy Catholic Church, to import our belief that Christ hath a true sanctified body, which being so made by means of the holy Ghost in the article foregoing, comes through their union in Christ and his Spirit, to be of one communion from the rest of the world; and so to be the Communion of Saints, as in the article following.  
So that then, although the Creed (as a Creed) cannot of itself oblige to obedience, yet since the belief of the articles thereof, do by consequent bring men to Christ's Church, and, out of desire to attain that Communion of Saints, doth also farther prompt me to acts of obedience to that Church to whom I made this profession; it will therefore follow, that that obedience which I cannot give to the Catholic Church, as such, must be (to this end) given to that part of it under which I live: since that I cannot otherwise obey the Catholic, then by obeying the particular.  
All which will be cleared by one instance of Saint Paul's: who (as the present head of that Church) gives liberty to the Corinthians in eating of things offered to Idols; 
1 Cor. 8.8: Acts 15.28.  notwithstanding that the than Catholic representative Church at Jerusalem (and he himself amongst them) had decreed otherwise. Clearly evincing, that the power of binding and losing, was to reside in each Churches own head; and that they were to perform their obedience to the same party by whom they had learned their Creed; who had been their spiritual father, 
1 Cor. 4.15.  and begotten them in Christ.  
And that this power of the keys, was not given to the Apostles only as a collective body of Church heads, and so to the Catholic Church only, but was also conferred upon the particular heads of the Churches, appears in that it was upon occasion particularly given to Saint Peter: 
Mat. 16.19.  so that, whatsoever head or chief governor; should (like him) acknowledge Christ to be the true spiritual foundation and rock, he should from Christ have power also to be herein a rock to others, and to bind and lose. And both places must contradistinguish the persons binding, from those that shall be so bound; and the persons telling, and complaining to the Church, from those that are to hear and have power of redress.  
And as they were in one place spoken to Saint Peter alone, to declare against consistorial parity: so were they elsewhere given jointly to all the Apostles (the then visible heads of Churches) to abate Popish usurpation. For they were not to be commanding one another, out of their Churches, as they might those within them; which was forbidden them in the persons of Zebedees' Children: But in those equalities, they were (in love) to serve one another: 
Gal. 5 13.  and in this their parity obeying the precept of submit yourselves one to another, 
Eph. 5.21:  he that should do it most (and thereupon become a Minister and Servant to his fellows) will even thereby make himself chief among them. 
Mat. 20.26, 27.  By which means, being converted and become as little Children, they shall then be greatest in the kingdom of heaven: 
Mat. 18.3, 4.  or have great and kingly power in the Church, from the power of Christ that hath taken them into the arms of his acknowledgement. 
Mark 9.36.  From whence it will again follow, that Who so shall receive one such little Child in my name, 
Mat. 18.5.  receiveth me: that is, in hearing and obeying him, he shall hear and obey me; but Who so shall offend one of these little ones which believe in me, it were better a millstone were hanged about his neck, and he were drowned in the depth of the sea. 
Mat. 18.6.   
As there is a distinction of the greatest in the kingdom of heaven, verse 4 to note that these things could not be spoken of Christians universally (for then received and receiving should be confounded and still the same) so to show it could not be meant of many in each Kingdom or Church that should by us be thus received, it follows in the singular number in the fifth verse, Who so shall receive one; and so in the sixth verse, Who so shall offend one of these little ones which believe in me, etc. By which last expression of believe in me, as we find children in the literal sense excluded, so may we find our obedience to Christ, to be unquestionably due to such our rightful Superiors as are Christians and believing on him.  
But because Christ himself had formerly foreseen, that our own natural pride and lusts would ordinarily draw us, both to Antichristian disobedience against our Superiors, and unto neglect of the duties of love and charity to our neighbours; it was the occasion of his expressions that he came to send fire on earth, and that he came not to send peace, etc. For in that consideration, he here saith that it must needs be that offences must come; but then, 
Mat. 10. ●4.  he also gives a woe to them by whom the offence cometh: and admonisheth, 
Mat. 18. ●.  that it were better to cast from us those lusts and enticements hereunto, although they be as dear to us as our own hands or eyes, than we should be in danger of hell, by despising one of these little ones; who were by office, 
Verse 10.  to prevent and decide those offences and breaches of charity, which our lusts should produce. And that, because they having charge of flocks committed unto them from Christ, who came to save that which was lost: so it was also their duty, to regard the strayings of every particular sheep in their folds: and it came thereupon to be the will of God, that none of these little ones should parish: that is, perish by violence and insurrection. 
Verse 14.   
The farther proof, that these phrases of little and least, were parabolically meant of persons to be substituted in Christ's power, appears in that (through all the three forementioned Evangelists) the immediate following discourses do set out unto us the plain description of some persons by Christ in that sort owned. Saint Mark and Saint Luke do it as of one that had no direct mission from him, who yet is by Christ owned, because he did his works of power in his name: and owned also according to Saint Mark, under the same expression for obedience, as he had formerly set down to the little Children, viz. whosoever shall offend, etc. 
Mar. 9: 42.  Nay Saint Mark takes in that discourse of him that acted in Christ's name and authority so, as he intermingles it with the description of these little ones as all one. And to ascertain us that by them he intended his Disciples, and his succeeding deputyes, he directs his speech of receipt to them directly: Whosoever shall give you a Cup of water to drink in my name because ye belong to Christ, Verily I say unto you he shall not lose his reward: and whosoever shall offend one of these little ones that believe in me, etc. by that means making them and these little ones all one.  
As for Saint Matthew, he sets down the description of the Apostles power of the keys immediately after the discourse of these little ones: so that, by setting down the chief mark of the power of the Church's head next, we have farther instruction that both discourses belong to the same person.  
Our Saviour, in setting down the office of the Church's heads under these notions of little ones, and little Children, and of defining their duty of humility answerable thereunto, might have allusion unto the like manner of expressions used by his typical Father David, who was usually personated as the Church's head: as we find it expressed in the 131 Psalms, saying, My heart is not haughty, etc. and again, surely I have behaved and quieted myself as a child that is weaned of his Mother, 
Psal. 131.1. Verse 2.  my soul is even as a weaned child. And as thus he answers for his mind and inward behaviour, so is it to be noted that himself (as the Paragon king) was in his person very little: whereas his predecessor Saul, was not only haughty, but also higher than others by the shoulders; and so not so fit as David, to be one of these little ones by our Saviour spoken of. And indeed this caveat for humility, given by our Saviour to such as were to succeed as heads and guides in the Christian Church, is but the same in effect that was given in the Jewish Church to be put in practice by their Kings: 
Deut. 17.20.  that his heart be not lift up above his brethren.  
And although our Saviour do thus set down obedience to the Church heads under the notion of little ones, to take off occasion of their pride; yet that he intended such persons as should be in greater charge then ordinary, appears notably by his telling us (by way of terror) of their power: namely, that in heaven their Angels do always behold the face of God: that is, they have in regard of their great trust amongst us, 
Mat. 18.10.  their eminent guardian Angels appointed. By which we may know how to interpret Saint Paul, concerning the Angels which should be judged at the last Judgement: that is, that such of them as had been more particularly trusted with the guardianship of particular Churches, 
1 Cor. 6.3.  should give account thereof to these that had formerly been heads of Churches themselves; as to the Apostles and the like.  
And that we were to distinguish these little ones, or the Church's rulers here spoken of, from her other members (commonly called Children, but without the addition of little) will farther appear by the observation of what was spoken of before. For unless we so construe them, I see not how that discourse can be direct, in answer to the Disciples question, of who shall be greatest, that is, whom he would make governor over the rest: which is in three places done. And although he deny them this power over one another, yet doth he not theirs, or others having it over ordinary Church-members: upon condition they must be converted from pride, and become humble and little before God.  
And by the word little thus received, may we interpret that speech of our Saviour's concerning john the Baptist: He that is least in the Kingdom of heaven is greater than he. For as by the kingdom of heaven we are to understand the Church, 
Mat. 11.11.  (because in heaven itself every one shall not be greater than he) so are we not to understand that every one here, either, should exceed in greatness him that was the greatest of those which were born of women: but because these little ones, 
Ibidem.  or these least in the Kingdom of heaven, have (as elsewhere showed) received from Christ the honour and trust of binding and losing, 
Ibidem.  (which john had not) therefore were they greater than he.  
And so again, when Christ brings in himself speaking at the last judgement, he useth the like expressions: Inasmuch as ye have done it, or not done it unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it, or not done it unto me.  
By one of the least, 
Mat. 25.40, 45  we are to understand such a single person to be meant, as more eminently representing Christ, may (through obedience to him in Christ's stead) make charity extensive and useful to all occasions; and not think that Christ made that charity best which was done but to any one ordinary man: or that the particular works there mentioned were all that needed. But rather, that here (as elsewhere) these additions of least and little are added in the singular number to Children and Brothers, that, (together with the distinction of them from other children and brethren) he might both set forth that extraordinary humility that should be in all governor's, and might also relate literally to that mean estate of his Disciples, the Churches present governor's: who being probably to be most persecuted of any other, therefore are those instances of charity brought in which become men in that condition.  
That these Epithets of little and least (when added to children) do both signify persons substituted in Christ's authority, and was also given to teach humility and love (especially one toward another) will lastly appear by those passages described by the other Evangelist Saint john: because spoken while Christ is deligating his Apostles, as is related in the 13 chapter and afterward. For in these chapters his speech of little children, 
John 13.33.  cannot be taken otherwise then as a proper address to them. By which, and by that fact of washing their feet, we may find how desirous he is, that that great power he had given them, should not exalt them above one another: but make them ready (by that his example) to do all loving offices one towards another: since none of them could be so great over one another, as he that had so done, was over them all.  
But although here, as elsewhere, he is most copious in putting them in mind of that duty of meekness and humility which becometh their large power; yet that a great power was delegated unto them, appears in the beginning of the Chapter. Now when jesus knew that his hour was come, that he should depart out of this world unto the Father: that is, 
Verse 1.  knowing he himself could be no longer the living light or guide of the world, he therefore thought now time to delegate his own which were in the world, 
Ibidem.  and whom for that service he had chosen out of the world. 
chap. 15.19  And therefore Jesus knowing that the Father had given all things into his hands, and that he was come from God, and went to God: 
chap. 13.3.  that is, knowing he had finished the work he had to do, and being to return to him that gave him this mission and authority, he than thinks it time to take care of his Church's charge in his absence, and to go on with his mission of others in his name, as he had been before sent in his father's name. This in the other Evangelists, runs, As my Father sent me, so send I you: and whosoever heareth you, heareth me, and the like; but this beloved Disciple, (after his usual manner) coucheth all under the notion of love. And therefore their power or mission is amongst other things parabolically set down: As my Father hath loved me, so have I loved you; continue in my love: that is, 
John 16.25.  as I have power had from God the Father, as his beloved son, so shall you from me, 
c●ap. 15.9.  as my beloved Disciples. And this his deputation or mission thus given them, he more clearly expresseth in his prayer: As thou hast sent me into the world, even so have I also sent them into the world. 
chap. 17.18.   
All which, and other considerations before spoken of, (in confirming the Church's power under her own Ministers) should methinks be sufficient to stop the haste of such, as do so headily obtrude their own private interpretation of Scripture against that which is public, and made by lawful authority. For unless they can make some extraordinary mission appear, whereby God hath something to say by them, not said before; why should men be so beguiled, as to think them not subject to like passions and infirmities with those that have the interpretation of God's word already? And truly, their crying out for obedience to God's word only, and yet proposing it as such, when guided according to their sense only, imports none other, than an aim thereby to engross all honour and authority to themselves only.  
And therefore, that command appears at this time extremely necessary; to put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey Magistrates, to be ready to every good work, 
Tit. 3.1. Verse 2.  to speak evil of no man, to be no brawlers, but gentle, showing meekness to all men. And a greater truth cannot be spoken, nor a mo●e seasonable admonition given, then to mark them that cause divisions and offences, contrary to the doctrine which they have learned, and to avoid them: for they that are such, 
Rom. 16.17.  serve not our Lord Jesus Christ but their own belly, and by good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple. 
Rom. 16.18.  For, so long as the foundation is not destroyed, so long as Christ is not deceived, but our faith is entire in him; the prosecution of particular sects, under that of Paul, Apollo, 
1 Cor. 3.3, 4.  or Cephas; and our hatred, variance, emulations, wrath, strife, seditions, envyings, murders, etc. are works of the flesh, not of the spirit: and are because we are carnal and walk as men. 
Gal. 5.20, 21.  But yet, because we are to know, that it is not faith alone that is our duty, and can secure our salvation, but faith and love, 
Jam 2. Gal. 5.6.  or faith that worketh holy love; we will now speak more fully of that grace of love or charity which must be joined to keep us innocent; and also of that other grace of obedience, which is requisite to make charity effectual.   

CHAP. VII. Of love and obedience, and of our state of innocence thereby.  
TO be sensible of good or happiness is to be living, and to be the more hereof sensible is to be more living. For as there is a positive dignity by sensation itself, that is, of sensitive above Inanimates, so is there a comparative exellence therein again, arising from degree thereof. Whereby each thing stands in degree of happiness and excellence differenced, by that degree of vigour and intenseness in apprehension, and also by degree of steadiness and continuance in possession.  
Now as experience in the natural course of things doth inform, that in all progression there must be a perfection and summety, so in this case especially; where perfection of degrees must also arise from perfection of parts: even from that more inward and lively sense of happiness and fruition, which the contemplations of its own inherent worth must constantly afford. For as it is unconceivable how there could be a progression in dignity without coming to an acme and perfection, so also is it not imaginable that this perfection can be in any less degree therein stated, then to be causally and originally so: because if this happiness or the sense thereof should depend on the enjoyment of foreign objects and helps (as in man) then, for want of an original of life and perfection, all derivatives must cease also.  
From all which as we may conclude the being of a deity from the necessary progression of life & well being, so also must we conclude that nothing under God Almighty can be perfectly happy. For as in him alone an absolute perfection of essence can always be found, so it must be to him always so clearly perceptible and known, as to fill himself with such full acquiescence and delight, that, with due regard to his omnipotency, no foreign want or fear can be supposed any ways available to impoverish or delete that impression, which the vision and contemplation of the beatifical glory of himself must, from eternity, make within himself.  
When we contemplate ourselves, or our own happiness or perfection, there being many things observable more perfect and happy than we, and through diversion of other objects engaging us to farther hope or fear, and through weakness of comprehension and understanding, being always ready to be so diverted and foiled in our contemplations, it is not to be expected that this unsteady and weak consideration of an object so unworthy as ourselves, made within ourselves, should leave any such noble and firm character there, as to fill and settle us with any degree of acquiescence and delight, or to bring it to an existent perfection. Whereas, in God, that could never be but perfect, and also knowingly and delightedly so, that resemblance of himself which must from eternity have conception & being in himself, must be supposed even naturally generating the like existence and continuance of such another self, under the relation of a Son. For all cause of extinction or abatement being taken away, that which was from eternity thus naturally begotten, must be to eternity thus necessary continued.  
And easily it may be conceived, that were any one stated in such an unchangeable degree of essential perfection in himself, as to have all perfection there centred and confined; and then to be endued with such high and steady degree of understanding and comprehension, as to be hereof always sensible, and herewith always delighted; and then lastly, supposing this person to be always accompanied with omnipotency too, then, as nothing could hinder him from his continual enjoyment of himself, so also cannot any cause of change be conceived; whereby that which was thus lively impressed, should not have like continuance and self existence also.  
A strong confirmation and help to our conceits in these things may be taken from ourselves: who constantly and naturally (as showing whence we derived it) are moved in the love and delight we take to any object, according to that impress or conception which is inwardly entertained of them: and experience telling us that the fruition doth never answer the expectation, because it comes always short of the perfection of the Idea, it doth prove that that degree of delight ariseth from degree of excellence of the object in itself, and from degree of inward perception thereof. In us, as all knowledge is admitted by degrees at the doors of the senses, according to iuch feeble representations as the weakness of the senses themselves and the unworthiness of created objects will afford, It is no wonder if, by reason of so large disparity, such unsteady and unaffecting impressions do remain, in comparison of what we may conceive to be where all these defects are taken off: especially since, by this foreign way of knowledge (to wit by sense) we are not able to know or apprehended truly ourselves, as the divine essence is, by means of continual presence and intuition: and so beget, and be possessed with a continual self-love, which is the strongest impression and delight that may be.  
As thus to the manner, so, to the measure of the generation, it will follow, that as this infinite comprehension of God, stood entirely employed in the contemplation of that full beauty, glory, and perfection of his whole essence, so must the person hereby generated be equally God also: for where the worker and the substance wrought upon are the same, what is thereby wrought must be the same too.  
Now, as it a natural and necessary property of every intelligent and voluntary agent to be to itself regardful in the first place, and to other things as they stand thereto like and relating, which we call love, so, in this case, that perfect similitude and essential same-ness which must cause the Father and Son with high and continual intercourse off affection to be perpetually beholding each other, must, as proceeding from, and bestowed upon persons of such omnipotency and dignity, produce also a third like personal existence; even that of the holy Ghost. Because (as before said) where the subject wrought upon and the worker are both God, that which proceedeth there from must be God also; very God of very God.  
As thus for the coequality of Son and holy Ghost, so for their coeternity: since that perfection of the divine essence must from the very first be, and be by itself conceived, and also loved, it must follow that these two presons must be also as much without beginning as the other. For although, with us, that have our beings and conceptions imperfect and depending upon foreign helps, and by reason that our knowledge was by degrees attained from observation of figurate and material bodies as they stand limited in time and place of operations, it is not to be imagined that any perfect conception should be made in us of a substance so spiritual and sublime, much less any such rational deffinition or discourse made for the satisfaction of others of a substance transcending the similitude and comparison of any other, therefore the best expressions of himself is from himself, saying, I am that I am: yet, were all these impediments taken off, we may conceive being and well being to be eternally the same; and that omniscience should necessarily arise from, and accompany omnipresence; and that again, being inseparably accompanied with omnipotence, it must follow, that to be, and to know, and to will, and to act, are all the same in him, that could never be divided into parts in himself, nor circumscribed nor limited by any other, in time, place, or measure, of energy; whereby, as to these personal relations, he should not be from, and continue to eternity the same that now he is: that is, not only be really the same three, but, by this divers manner of existence of these three ones in the same one substance, we may, through their union amongst themselves, conceive deity itself to be more fixed and settled in unity or one-ness than it would be otherwise.  
From the observation of the manner of existence and working of any thing objected to humane sense, where agent and patient stand circumscribed and limited by the laws of matter, it must be very heard to deduce any satisfactory conception how these things should be brought to pass. It must needs be hard for us to apprehend how one God should thus be three: at the same time truly one, as to the Godhead, and truly three, as to the persons: and this, without division of substance, or confusion of peresons: that he that was begotten should be as ancient as he which did beget him; and again, that that person that had procession from the other two should yet be as much without beginning as either of them. And all, because created bodies being to work according to those rules which the Creator did appoint, to the intent that that end which was by him aimed at in the course of his providence might have a regular and certain effect, it was necessary that they should be ascertained, stated, and limited, by the laws of number, time, place, etc. Forasmuch as, if any one or more of them should not be numerically and separately that very one, or that very number more, a perpetual miscellany and confusion would follow; to the defeating nature in her operations, and to the depriving her of her variety, for want of distinct subsistences and individuals. And should not natural Agents be confined to time and place, whereby that which is now done, or here done, was not at all times, and every where done, it must then fall out, that things thus left at liberty, must work infinitely to the degree of deity: or else, being impeded by the like unconfined operation of others, all must perish by reluctance and disorder: Whereas God, that had thus by number and measure stated and bounded other things, must be looked upon as unlimited in himself by those limitations which he puts upon others. That unity, that moment, that point, from whose simpleness the numbers, times, proportions, wherewith other things, stand bordered do take their original and derivation (although they were from him, yet) they are not at all afficient on him, he cannot be confined by those confinements he puts on others; but remains in himself still so much more simple than they, as not to be patible by them. It would be derogatory to him to think him so numerically and determinately one, as to say he is but one: for that were to say or suppose there were more ones, which this one did not comprehend; and so, he not the whole and incomprehensible one. No, he is one, as being all: his oneness is from his allness; his unity from his ubiquity. Not separately and singly one as in relation to another, but as comprehending all things else; he is totally and universally one, and that, without confinement of time or place.  
But however there be coequality and coeternity amongst those three, as considered in themselves, and in relation to that one divine substance whereof they are possessed, and wherein they do unite, yet, as they stand differenced in order amongst themselves according to their relations, so are they, in their emanations and operations upon men and other Creatures, distinguishable by their order of working also. For whatever is done by God the Father, is done in the Son, and through the holy Ghost: who, as last in order, is nearest unto us in the participations of deity here. For that second person in the Trinity, who in his natural and eternal generation, as God, was begotten of God the Father, when he took our nature upon him, and did in it perform the work of our redemption, was then conceived by the holy Ghost: by whom also we receive all those spiritual blessings, graces, and favours, which, by means of Christ's Mediatorship and merits, are from God the Father to be expected by us, as the earnest of his love in his Son. From whence it comes to pass, that the sin against this person is set down as unpardonable; as including all the rest: by being a more near contempt against them all, because none can act alone.  
Lastly although by these divers personal subsistencies in the same substance, we may conceive deity, as to inward operations and respects, to be so fully completed that no farther generation or procession needed (because understanding and will stand hereby always satisfied with adequate objects of truth and good) yet as those incomprehensible rays of love and glory which before all time were mutually and continually communicated by these three most blessed persons (as coming from omnipotent Agents) could not otherwise otherwise be confined in operation then by their own good pleasure, so it being the property of glory and goodness to be extensive, and as natural to do good as be good, it came to pass (in time) that that inward contemplation which was at first the generation of him that was the Image of his Father's glory, 
2 Cor. 4.4.  and thereupon of that love which was from them both proceeding, was, for the farther manifestation of the same glory, the cause of all those effects of his love which appear in the whole creation; and of those several inferior participations of divine resemblance heretofore spoken of.  
In the former way of working, the divine substance itself is wrought upon and communicated; in this, only the attributes thereof are imparted, according to matter newly created. The working of deity in the first way, was natural and necessary: but in this, voluntary. For the Father could not be said to will to beget the Son; nor could the holy Ghost be thought to take voluntary procession from the other two: because none could be said to will that to be done, which at no time was, or could be undone. The cause of the operations in the first case was perfect love, arising from perfect similitude; in this, as the similitude was more imperfect, so the intercourse of affection also was more properly an expression of charity or gift upon objects of want, than an aim at fruition through sense of likeness and same-ness; the which we may make the definition of love, and thereby somewhat difference it from charity: because the one seeks to enjoy, the other to bestow: though usually they are taken for the same, and fall into one another. For that, whosoever loves is always ready to bestow; and none was ever bountiful to any thing unloved, or unlike.  
In declaration of these sublime mysteries much more might be said: but, when we have said all we can, it is not to be conceived that the feeble brain of man can ever attain any steady degree of comprehension of that in accessible light: it being more easy to lose our reason in a curious search, then satisfy it in any full discovery. And therefore, our safest course is to confess we know him not: having indeed no warrantable rule for our direction herein, but what God himself, hath of himself, in the holy Scripture set down. The which, had it not styled the second person the the Image of the invisible God, 
Col. 1.15. Heb. 1.3. 1 John 5.7.  the brightness of his father's glory, and the express Image of his persons; And so leading us to conceive of the procession of the holy Ghost, I see not how the true personal existence of those three that bear record in heaven could have been apprehended.  
As for that hypostatical union of the two natures in that one person of our Saviour (a mystery also necessary in some sort to be comprehended and believed) it is learnedly done by others; especially by the pen of Judicious Hooker: and is not to our present occasion so proper. But so much I thought necessary to premise in this place, for the better conception of the personal subsistence of deity; by way of supply to what was briefly spoken of the unity thereof, and its operations, in the entrance of the first book; and what shall be spoken thereof in the last chapter of this book: this being as necessary to be known to state us Christians, as that was to remove us from Atheism: and also for the better understanding the original and nature of love itself, whereof we are now to treat. For hence we may perceive how God himself is said to be love, 
1 John 4.8. Verse 12.  as being the foundation thereof: and that also, if we love one another, God dwelleth in us, and his love is made perfect in us. The which is not only true in the natural state, wherein all creatures had existence and perfection from the love of God manifested in Christ by whom he made the world, 
Heb. 1.2.  and had that thereby also recourse back towards God again, by occasion of those natural propensions to mutual love and beneficence seated in men and other things, by means of that blessed spirit which moved upon the waters; 
Gen. 1.2.  but also true in the state of grace and regeneration; wherein God the Father was pleased to love men again as in his beloved Son, when they had now lost that Image and likeness wherein they stood lovely as his creatures before; even by the love of God shed abroad ●n our hearts by the holy Ghost which is given us. 
Rom. 5.5.  By whose blessed influence we are not only holpen and directed in our love and obedience upward, whereby to meet the God of love more directly (even to the degree of a miracle-working faith where it is strong enough) but also stand inwardly affected towards the assisting him in his course of providence; by love to those his Images now present amongst us: men being not otherwise capable of approving themselves to be Godly or Godlike, then by the expression of this their love according to such rules of obedience as Christ himself hath appointed, and in Scripture plainly set down. For as we are inwardly made preceptive, and participant of this love by the grace of faith, even by having our understandings cleared concerning the reality of God and his goodness, and of the communication thereof unto us, of which we have spoken in this last discourse, so again, do we stand outwardly confirmed and conformable herein by the grace of obedience: even by signal testification of our true love to him, by our ready and conformable expression of it according to his direction; of which we shall now speak in that which follows.  
As the general praise of love is most plainly and largely discoursed of by Saint John, so is he most of all copious to show how love and charity (being the general precept for Christians) are the fulfilling of the law: and how they secure us in a state of innocence. And therefore, commending love to us, he saith, I write no new Commandment unto you, but that which ye have heard from the beginning: meaning, from Christ himself, who had showed that this precept of charity or love was (as hath been hitherto showed) the sum and scope of all the Law and the Prophets: that is, 
1 John 2. ●.  
Matth. 2●. 40.  of those particular precepts set down in the Law. Again (saith he) a new Commandment I write unto you, which things is true in him and in you: because the darkness is past, and the true light shineth. That is, true in him that hath thus rid us of strict legal observance, 
1 John 2.8.  and from the darkness and multitude of literal precepts: and hath enlightened us with so much supernatural wisdom, as to see this one performance of love to be the sum of their meaning: they, without it, not being able to state us innocent: For he that saith he is in the light, and hateth his Brother, is in darkness even until now: but he that loveth his brother, abideth in the light, 
Verse 9  and there is no occasion of stumbling in him. 
Verse. 10.  Which last words point plainly to the stating of our condition of innocence by love: he concluding all Christian foundation and commandment in these words; That we should believe the name of Christ Jesus, and love one another. 
Chap. 3 23.   
And therefore is this Gospel single light, hinted unto us as a single eye, which enlighteneth the whole body. This state of innocence through love, 
Mat. 6.22.  may be also compared unto the straight Gate: both for its singleness of precept, (in regard of those many precepts formerly given us) and for its difficult too: as for loving of Enemies and the like. This is that wedding garment, which whilst we have on, we need not doubt ourselves true members of, and truly fitted for Christ's Church and kingdom: but if wanting it, we are then to be rejected and cast out. For without this robe of charity, we shall be ready to divide this his kingdom against itself, by breach of peace and order; this being the leaven that must season all we do. This is that rock, on which we founding our Christian duties, through faith in Christ, they shall stand unmoveable against the storms and tempests of the world: whereas else, prophecy, miracles, mighty works, though done in Christ's name, and with never so religious pretences, shall not make him own us, without its being their ground work. And to this purpose he saith, If ye keep my Commandments ye shall abide in my love, even as I have kept my Father's Commandments and abide in his love: and then he adds, this is my Commandment that ye love one another, 
John 15.10. Verse 12.  as I have loved you. And lest any one should think, that this Commandment was but a single precept, and not general, and including all the rest of his Commandments, he farther adds; these things I Commanded you, that ye love one another. Where the command of love is put in the plural number, 
Verse 17.  as the sum of all the Commands we are to keep, as truly his. So that then, no love to Christ without keeping his Commandments: no keeping his Commandments without loving one another. For as Christ, in his actions, stood excepted from sin, notwithstanding his likeness to us in the frailty and infirmities of nature; even because of that perfect love to men, and perfect obedience to God with which they stood accompanied and directed; even so is each one in degree innocent, according to that degree of love and obedience they bear towards their brethren, and to him their head.  
And indeed none speaks so home herein as our Saviour himself, both to make love the fulfilling of the law, and also to make obedience our secure direction herein: for in three several places, Matth. 19.19. Mark 10.19. Luke 18.20. being recorded to give the sum of the Commandments to be observed by him that should inherit eternal life, he puts the command honour thy Father and Mother, 
Mat. 19.16.  as a compliment to the other particular precepts. And farther, to banish that pharisaical error of Corban, whereby religious pretences had usually been made a cloak to disobedience; he mentions in none of those places, any of these four precepts, which we only attribute to be written in the first Table; but puts this command of obedience to Parents last, lest it should be taken but as equal, and part of the number of the other six. Not improbably inferring it to belong to the first Table; by which means, they may be presumed to be by us respected under their proper relation of Gods; and not in the equality of Neighbours, to be loved but secondarily to ourselves.  
And then, this command being set down as last of the first Table, it must be supposed put for the rest: implying, that our love and honour to God himself, (now absent) is best discovered in what we do to these his deputies present amongst us.  
And take it as of the first, or second Table; yet his words are express, for making this obedience the fulfilling of the law, Matth. 19.19. Honour thy Father and thy Mother, and thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thyself: showing thereby (as heretofore noted) that the precepts of Do as thou wouldst be done unto, and love thy Neighbour as thyself, can never have right proportion and value, without the authority and coinage of a just and common superior to us both: by the standard of whose precepts it is to be impartially estimated. For Christ had before recited the particular precepts of our love to our Neighbour: but now he sums them up to be perfected and fulfilled in love; even as that love is to be completed and directed by obedience to superiors.  
Else when we think ourselves least biased with self respect, and do most really examine our thoughts before we act, how that they are none other but what (with like circumstances) we would be content to have received from him or others, we might yet be deceived. For since first, all the intervening circumstances could not be by us throughly considered, nor what measure of concern they had unto that person and me, and all other parties besides: it cannot be avoided, but that taking the judgement upon mine own score herein, I must have failed, in doing (through ignorance and mistake) wrong to myself, to that my Neighbour, or to some other. For although I have but done as I would be done unto, as to my judgement did appear, yet when it must fall out, that no one man can foresee and state all other men's concerns fully, it must follow that judging upon wrong evidence, he hath made wrong judgement: and so not loved his Neighbour as himself.  
And therefore all innocence must proceed from obedience: for at the last judgement, when all things shall be truly stated and laid open, and it shall be made appear, how in this or that particular, I did to myself or some other an evil which I thought not of, it will not be a sufficient excuse, for me that took upon me to judge herein, to say I was not aware thereof; or that I was ignorant it was at all, or in such measure any harm; or that such persons were therein at all, or so much concerned. For since every one is to be alike loved as my Neighbour, my intent of loving and regarding, some one or few herein as myself, will not (though rightly done) assoil me of such failings and dangers, as must hereby happen to others also: by whom (when it comes to be truly stated) I must acknowledge I have not done as I would be done unto: for I would be loath that another should injure me, under colour of doing right to another.  
And therefore that admonition of Saint James, is to be carefully remembered by all Subjects, that in their deportments towards others, would keep themselves unblameable: My Brethren be not many Masters, knowing that we shall receive the greater condemnation: clearly evincing that guilt sticks so close to all our commerce with others; 
James 3.1.  that so far as it is not authorised by direction, or permission of a lawful superior, it cannot be warrantable: who also cannot be excused of partiality and guilt, otherwise then as having whole and entire interest deputed unto him from God: whereupon, there are not to be many Masters, as heretofore noted.  
And therefore was it not sin in the Israelites, 
Exod. 12.39.  (according to the words of Moses) to borrow of their Neighbours, with an intent to deceive them: because he that commanded it, had from God (by his office) perfect propriety in the dispose of their actions. For though it might be objected, that they would not have been to dealt withal by the Egyptians themselves: this was true as to the usage of the thing, considered separate from that authority by which it was done, but not in relation to their equal obligation to superiors in matters of obedience. For although they would not themselves have been content to have been so deceived; yet, in obeying a superiors command, they did but unto him as they would be done unto, had they been in his case. For he having whole interest, is thereupon to be wholly looked on, as in relation to the performance of the divine precept of do as thou wouldst be done unto. For as it is easy, so always just, for a man to distribute and give to others of those things that are all his own: Whereas he that hath but an uncertain share, and that mingled with many, must in his decision (through partial and uncertain interest) give a partial and uncertain judgement: and so many times falls short of the rules of charity, and loving others as ourselves, when he most intends it.  
Nay, if our Saviour's words be well weighed, (who gave us this rule) we shall find public allowance appointed to be our guidance therein: and that the usage of others, was not left to each ones private judgement. For although men of late (out of arrogance, and to value their single judgements) have put it into the singular number of do as thou wouldst be done unto; yet from the beginning it was not so. But when it was set down as a rule for fulfilling the law and the Prophets, 
Mat. 7.12.  it was put in the plural number; whatsoevey ye would that men should do unto you, 
Luke 6.31.  do ye even so to them, etc. plainly showing that no man had warrant from hence to act any kind of wickedness, if he could gain a third persons consent; but the words men and them must imply public approbation, or that persons approbation that hath public charge.  
When the precept of love is set down, it being each man's duty to be affected therewith, and ready to perform to the utmost of his power, it is therefore commanded in the singular number, thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thyself. For this being not only in the first place necessary, as the root of that tree on which our outward charitable works must grow, but being also hidden in our hearts, where none on earth can have cognisance, it could not refer to the approbation of others. But because in the outward exercise of this love, I might transgress in quantity, and so (as heretofore showed) do otherwise to some of my Neighbours, than I would be done unto myself, even whilst I am vehemently loving others as myself, therefore am I not to act by private light, and as a single man in this case; but as having direction or leave from that public person that hath common interest. For although this root of love, be only or chiefly to be watered by the dew of heaven, as having its formal seed from thence alone, yet is the plant itself of that nature, as without the culture of the gardener, not only to become barren or adulterate in its fruit, but also by its manner of growth, to disorder and overshadow the rest of the trees of the same garden. Every man therefore is to love every man as himself, as they are to be considered in their general equality of men; but since under policy and government, we cannot be externally separate from those different relations which the rule of that polity hath submitted us unto, therefore is the guidance of private men's actions in these different relations, to be regulated by him that hath the charge of the whole Kingdom: who is to order every one under him, as the general Oeconomy thereof shall require: and who, according to their joint and common relations unto him, as subjects, may do to men as he (in his public capacity) would have men do to him.  
And if we do not interpret the meaning of this rule against private judging, we make it destructive, and contradictory to the Antecedent, and consequent discourses (used by Saint Matthew and Saint Luke) of men's taking on them to judge one another, and to spy the moats in their brother's eye: the which things are plainly in those places set down as bringing condemnation and not innocence. The which innocence, by the precedent context in Saint Matthew, is placed on implicit reliance and obedience to those above us, for that which we would have done unto us. So that because we are to rely upon the greatness of the knowledge and care of God & our Fathers in the flesh, therefore no man should presume to be wiser than they: nor, by judging others without their leave, to do by them otherwise then he would be done unto. Wherefore without this interpretation, I see not how the coherence of therefore in Saint Matthew can be made good. And although Saint Matthew have the instance from reliance on God most especially, Saint Luke hath it for submission to humane authority: for we cannot think Christians obliged to give to other askers, or stand still to their smiters, then what are warranted by authority, as elsewhere noted.  
And if we mark the subsequent texts, they will clearly inform us against men's reliance on the obliquity or variety of their own guidance, by bidding us enter in at the straight gate, 
Mat. 7.131  (meaning that of obedience) and avoid that broad gate and wide way of morality which men are subject to enter at, when they are to act any thing. And so Saint Matthew goes on to warn men against these false Prophets, that shall hereafter be so prone to seduce us by their specious precepts to innocence, by reliance on doctrines by themselves brought in: who are to be known by the fruits of dissension and civil war, even because none but such fruits can be expected to come from a Tree whose root is not love to their brother, and obedience to Christ. Nay implicit obedience too, for though they should Prophesy, or work miracles in his name; yet since these might have been done but out of self liking and regard only, there is nothing but founding obedience on him (as on a rock) that can secure our foundation. For we are to know, that since Christ the master of the house is now risen up (and hath finished legal and moral righteousness) and hath shut to the door; that is, bound up the law and the testimony, and their meaning, 
Luke 13. 2●.  
Isa. 8.10.  among his Disciples; it is not then for men to knock more at that door of entrance: But if their works were not done in obedience to him as Lord, they were workers of iniquity, though they called him so when they did them: neither communion with him in the visible Church, nor hearing his Gospel can excuse them. 
Luke 13.26, 27.   
Again, the subsequent text in Saint Luke joined thereunto (for if ye love them that love you what thank have you, for sinners also love those that love them) doth plainly also show, 
Luke 6.37.  that men's private wills and judgements were not to be relied upon, for performance of that precept tending to love: whose performance that way could render men but still sinners. But we must be made capable of loving our enemies as our friends, by submitting our wills to the will of a public person, unto whom they are of equal concern with ourselves: and so doing by him as we would be done unto, we shall do by all others as we would be done unto also. Else, if we blindly act by our own judgements, and singly lead one another by our private lights, we shall both fall into the ditch.  
And therefore, we can then only safely reckon ourselves innocent, (as before noted) whilst obeying our Superious direction in commands and prohibitions: and in case none appear, we are to guide ourselves the best we may, by applying the said Maxim between our Neighbour and ourselves. Which truly done, our failings are to be excused upon our Superiors permission given us herein: as having to the best of our consciences and judgements loved and done, as we would be loved and done unto: both in relation to our Neighbours own interest, and also in the upright managing that trust of impartial dealing, by God or our Superior committed unto us. And this, because his authority is equal in both; and the same to permit as enjoin. For where authority leaves any thing to be ruled by my conscience and discretion, it is the same as if he had commanded me to order them after the same manner: and it shall thereupon follow, that I performing my utmost devoir therein, am in my actings to remain still innocent, as having but obeyed my Superior.  
And from this necessary referment of the managery of many actions to the power of particular Subjects, and because of the necessary submission of some deportments also to the guidance of fathers and Masters of families, (as proper to their charge and duty) grows the reason why we find in some of the Epistles and places of Scripture, such general direction and intimation of duty: namely, because those, or some of those precepts, or precedents in them contained, may be upon occasion as we said, useful to the general direction of the several persons contained in each Church; when he shall either stand by his proper office, or by power and leave from his Prince, under no positive restraint but of God alone. At which time, and at all times when he is not by the Church debarred, it seems highly expedient, that the same person thus entrusted with the execution of affairs, wherein himself or others may be concerted, should have liberty to have his recourse to the Scripture, for the farther enabling him in his demeanour, in things and persons submitted to his trust and power: and that upon the same reason and grounds, that were formerly given to show their sole custody and power of interpretation given to superior powers: namely for them to have assistance of divine guidance, in execution of their charge of government also.  
Upon which ground and consideration, it became in particular manner necessary also, to have the general rules of do as ye would be done unto, and love thy Neighbour as thyself, to be commended in common to each one's observation: to the end that each one, having his Neighbours good or harm more or less in his separate power, might by this conscientious rule and tie of examination, be more readily provoked and directed in his sociable abearance. For the rule itself being but a general rule for inoffensive living, by introducing a common and equal sensation, or fellow feeling of each others wants and benefits (that thereupon (as to ourselves) the good of others might be sought, and their harm avoided) therefore is it by our Saviour placed as the sum and fullfilling of the law. Meaning, that as God had formerly by Moses and the Prophets, given particular precepts and directions for the sociable abearance of the nation of the Jews, so the only standing divine rule to us Christians now, was this summary direction for the good of Society: whereby preserving the good of our Neighbour, we should also thereby to our power, maintain the glory and service of God.  
So that the said rules, of love thy Neighbour, etc. and whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, etc. importing generally, as if it had been commanded to all sorts of men to be ready according to their several stations and degrees, to promote the good, and to ease and sustain the harms of one another; it must therefore follow, that those persons that have public and whole trust and power in each society, are in the first place to have the interpretation and application of this rule: and so each one under him, as he shall entrust them therein; in order to the good and welfare of that society. For since the care and trust of the Prince is more than that of others, it must also follow, that the application of that rule which is directive therein, must be primarily in him too: the subject having only liberty to guide himself in what he is to act on another, as supposing the rule a fresh said unto him from Christ's Minister set over him. Because else (as before showed) general harm may be the consequent of general liberty independently to act by these rules: whereas in our assistances to them, and in our submissive deportments, (if we bear one another's burdens) we shall fulfil the law of Christ; 
Gal. 6.2.  in maintaining the good of society, the end of that law.  
The rule of do as thou wouldst, etc. being thus hard to be kept (as from private direction only) causeth it to fall out, that our works (as our works) cannot justify us before God: because they cannot, as proceeding from separate persons only, have throughly, and on all hands charitable and perfect performance; but as done in Christ; that is in obedience to his, or his deputies authority: and failing in the faith hereof, or in our impartial dealing with our Neighbours, in things by authority permitted unto us, it will follow, that whatsoever is not of faith is sin. 
Rom. 14.23.  But if in conscience to Christ's authority, (commanding obedience to him and in him) we do that which may privately make our conscience condemn us, yet God is greater than our consciences and knoweth all things: to wit, knoweth, that as his glory is to be increased by humane preservation, 
1 John 3.20.  so humane preservation is maintained by obedience and submission.  
For if we must be judging of morality, and being under lawful authority, act their commands on others no farther than the supposal of our case and suffering to be theirs will give leave, I would fain know, whether the Judge, and other officers and executioners of civil Justice, that join in the sentence and infliction of death on any their fellow Subjects; or whether the Soldier, that for press or pay doth the like on his own country men or others, do either of them imagine themselves in their case; and so acquit themselves, by not being instrumental in infliction of more, than themselves would have again suffered from them? If they do not, nor need not, then doth their innocence follow their obedience: even by Imagining themselves to have been in their superiors case, & him their subject: for as then, they would have expected obedience to what themselves had conceived fit to be done, so are they now to give it. In which case (by my obedience) doing as I would be done unto by him that hath whole concern and represents all, it must follow, that I do as I would be done unto by all men else; and so by my obedience have fulfilled the law of Christ.  
Whereupon as we find Abraham's faith imputed for righteousness, and he called Father of the Church or Faithful; so was this attributed unto and made appear in a matter of obedience: In thy seed shall all the Nations of the earth be blessed, because thou hast obeyed my voice. 
Gen. 22.18.  For although Abraham had at other times obeyed, yet was he herein exemplarily the Father of the Faithful; because the proof of his obedience was performed in a particular, wherein both the injury to another and himself, might have been so highly disputed out of private judgement and interest. Whereupon, that which is here attributed to Abraham's Obedience, is interpreted by Saint Paul his Faith: who in the first Chapters to the Romans largely sets forth the necessary guilt accompanying legal precepts, not done in Christ; who throughly fulfilling all moral righteousness; our faith and obedience in, and to him, makes it imputed unto us: for as by one man's disobedience many were made sinners, so by the obedience of one shall many be made righteous. 
Rome 5.19.   
He tells us there, that Circumcision is that of the heart and Spirit, not in the letter: 
Rome 2.29.  that is, men are now to be justified by love (the work of the law written in their hearts) and not by the observation of the letter according to their own sense. 
Verse 15:  For against such, he pronounceth a necessity of such sins, as attended such as professed themselves wise: 
Rom. 1.22.  saying, Thou art inexcusable O man whosoever thou art that judgest: for wherein thou judgest another, thou condemnest thyself: 
Rom. 2.1.  for thou that judgest dost the same things. That is, inasmuch as thou takest upon thee to guide others and thyself by thine own judgement, thou must consequently break Charity, the end of the law: and so involve thyself in the guilt of thine own, and others sins, that must follow thereupon. For now we are delivered from the law, being dead to that wherein we are held: that is, being released (as heretofore noted) of the penalty of observing legal precepts, 
Rom. 7.6.  as of immediate divine authority; because we should serve in the newness of Spirit (that is by love) and not in the oldness of the Letter. 
Ibid●m·  For while we were taking upon us this literal performance, the law of our own members and concupiscence (pointing at private interests) caused it to prove to us the law of sin, and of death.  
So that then, the law of God being to be served with the mind inwardly, and not by fleshly wisdom, to make it the law of sin, it follows, that there is no condemnation to them which are in Christ Jesus: which walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit. That is, because they that act after the flesh (or take upon themselves guidance) do mind the things of the flesh (their own interests): 
R●m. 8.1.  but they that walk after the Spirit, 
Verse 5.  mind the things of the Spirit: that is, being always guided by the fruit of the Spirit, inward love, they always mind the effects thereof: in which they could not err, whilst remaining obedient.  
For else, authority and law only defining and measuring in particular acts what is murder, adultery, theft, etc. and rating accordingly the punishments thereupon due, we should, in our particular biased interpretations, commit often the same, or worse faults, than those we went about to amend. And this, because God, who from himself and in his own name gave these precepts at first, gave also a continual succession of Prophets, Urim and Thummim, and other divine ways of revealing his pleasure in their interpretation upon doubtful occasions; so that being both ways expressly divine, their observance literally (as so) was each man's duty then: but now, being not to be literally and particularly so construed by private men, they break or keep them, when they break or keep their substance, charity and inward love; and are more or less obedient to Superiors therein.  
And therefore although there could be but one truth, amidst those different exercises of Christianity between the Jewish and Gentile Churches; yet the Apostles being to promote and encourage Christianity all they could, and Christians again to obey implicitly in all things not fundamental; the one might justly command, and the other be also obedient, although in things differing and contrary: which otherwise in the commanders, must have been Heresy on the one side or other. And besides, must have been Schism and Scandal in each sort of the disagreeing Subjects, that in absence of their common head, obtruded upon each other their differing constitutions: having no other authority to act, or impose to the dislike of one another, then in relation to their joint authority; as thereby holding of the head: 
Col. 2.19.  under whom they were to be esteemed but as one, by means of joint communion and subordination. But when done in just pursuance thereof, error is avoided: for that a divine sentence is in the lips of a King, and his mouth transgresseth not in judgement. In the original it is in the future tense, shall not transgress: which I note to avoid the Exposition that might be made against the allowing the judgement of Kings in general to be such; 
Pro. 16.10  as thinking it only appliable to Solomon himself, because particularly inspired above others.  
And this place of Solomon is a good comment and confirmation to another of like sort: namely, to punish the just is not good, nor to strike Princes for equity. Where we may find, that a Prince in his definition, is held the same with a just man, (as formerly noted in the title of justice): 
Pro. 17.26.  and that then we can no more punish or accuse the one than the other, for want of justice or equity. Upon which reasons Elihu (in job) brings in that saying, as a truth universally agreed upon: is it fit to say to a King thou art wicked, and to Princes ye are ungodly?  
Therefore, by the words shall not transgress in judgement, 
Job. 34. 1●.  we are to understand that they shall not cause subjects to transgress in their obedience; because the sentence is divine, which in the Original imports divine Oracle, or Divination, as having whole interest by divine deputation and precept: but erroneous it may be, and is in him (as he stands in relation accountable to God) so far, and so often, as he again transgresseth his law, who hath whole interest, both in those persons, and him, and all things else. For if he take upon him to prescribe rules according to his own judgement, where God hath made positive ones already; or do in those cases left to his care, (through passion or interest) respect himself, or some one party above another, and not resyect Gods superior interest before his own subordinate interest (doing by God as he would be done unto) he doth not do as he would be done unto. For as he would not have his Judges, and such as he trusts do the like by him, so is he not to deceive and abuse God's delegation; in forgetting that all his power is but usurpation and injustice, when not according to the best of his judgement and conscience, directed to God's honour above his own: as also, to the general and impartial good of his subjects.  
So that Subject's justice or justification, consisting chiefly in submission to the judgement of their Superior, we may well know how to interpret that wise King and Preacher: be not righteous over much, neither make thyself ever wise, why shouldest thou destroy thyself? Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish, why shouldest thou die before thy time? By which words, 
Eccle. 7.16. Verse 17.  we are not to think that either increase of righteousness or wisdom is forbidden, or increase of wickedness or folly commended, as in themselves; but must apply them unto their manner and object of usage and employment. For so (in the first verse) he that will be so seemingly righteous and wise, as to think his own conscience and discretion sufficient and warranted judges of his actions, against, or above that of his Superior, he will endanger his own guilt and destruction, by being so over righteous, and overwise: That is to say, by private useing and applying the rules of do as thou wouldst be done unto, and love thy Neighbour as thyself, not left unto him by the higher power. Whereupon, being over wise, that is wise in his own conceit, he neglects the precept that said Honour thy Father and thy Mother and thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thyself, 
Mat. 19.19  and so doth not as he would be done unto. And again, he that hath not these charitable rules deep enough in his heart, but shall act contrary in things remitted to him; or shall strain the letter of the law to countenance his malice or private interest only; he is over much wicked and a fool: and, offending against charity, puts himself into the same danger also. For although obedience be in itself matter of Apostolical precept and rejoicing; yet should we be wise unto that whis is good, 
Rom. 16.19.  and simple concerning evil.  
For alas the uncharitable designs of self interest, do so often intermingle in what we do, even in order to superior command; that we shall not need to fear men will not have sins enough to answer for. We are all of us (God knows) so far the sons of Adam, as to be too prone to yield to the temptatiof tasting of the forbiddin fruit of good and evil in what is commanded; whereby we lose the innocence of doves: and not to be wise enough again, in doing that good to our Neighbour, which is left and referred to our own discretion and power; whereby we fail of the wisdom of Serpents.  
But however, if we will be innocent it must be by casting of our own wisdom, and by implicit following Christ's precepts for obedience and charity to our neighbour: and for what we have done otherwise, we must re-estate ourselves in innocence by repentance, even to the degree of little children; who we know obey implicitly, and act without malice. And this is the scope of Christ's thanks giving; that these things were hid from the wise and prudent (that is such as trusted in their moral righteousness), and were revealed unto Babes: that is, to such as (considering the load of legal precepts) should, 
Mat. 11.25.  like men regenerate again in Christ, take his easy yoke upon them▪ and by lowliness and meekness (the two concomitants of obedience) find rest for their souls.  

Verse 29.  And this is the effect of our new birth: whereby being, as the sons of God in Christ, restored to a state of innocence, we come to be freed of the old leaven, and that guilt of morality incurred by the old Adam. And in this sense, are all those and the like places to be understood, how the children of God sin not: Whosoever is borne of God doth not commit sin, for his seed remaineth in him, 
1 John 3.9.  and he cannot sin because he is born of God.  
Which places may well allude unto, and are explained by our Saviour himself in his answer to the Pharisees (a people that use to make religious pretences to discountenance lawful obedience; and would have made their unauthorised interpretations of the law, (in superstitious observation of the Sabbath and some other things) act their militious designs against Christ's honour, and their neighbours good) If ye were blind (saith Christ) ye would have no sin; but now ye say we see, therefore your sin remaineth: if they had not opposed their own prying humour, 
John 9.41.  in the literal morality of the law, against Christ's authority, obedience had kept them innocent: but going about to establish their own righteousness, have not submitted themselves to the righteousness of God. 
Rom. 10.3.  For by means of their insubjection unto that manner of judgement for the which Christ came into the world, they (trusting to their own may of seeing) came to be made blind: whereas others, that pretended not to see of themselves, through obedience to him, were made to see.  
And if the forementioned places of Saint Matthew be well consulted, we shall find the interpretation and guidance of religious precepts and duties left wholly to the supreme Magistrate: and that Christ, by this liberty in the great legal injunction of the Sabbath, shows that offices of Charity, (or judgement, mercy and faith) are the end or weightier matters of the law: & mercy better than sacrifice. 
Mat. 13.7.  And therefore although he aver his own authority in Church matters, as being greater than the Temple, yet he saith the Son of man Lord also of the Sabbath. If he had said the Son of God had been Lord thereof, 
Verse 6. Verse 8.  it had been but to assert what was not questioned: but as he here calls himself Son of man, to countenance his deputies, and stop the mouths of such as (under colour of the weakness of humane authority) would deny the supreme Magistrates power herein, so he did before instance what men they are that have it: that is, Kings personated in David: and Priests, alluded unto in Abiathar, in whose days it was done; both of them having sole trust of law. And therefore as they in the law, so he, as a great King and Priest in the Gospel, had this power also.  
Whereupon since the observation of legal precepts (as barely such) cannot have (as from us alone) any such exact performance as to be justifiable and meritorious; but this being done by Christ, the morality of our works can be justified but as through him: that is, as done in obedience to his authority, who hath been fully meritorious therein already. Hereupon it must be plicite, where direct precept is; or according to the general precepts of love, in things remitted to us. And this was the great mystery of Godliness, God manifest in the flesh: through obedience to which manifestation we come to be justified in the Spirit. For Christ saith of himself, as long as I am in the world, 
Tim. 3.16.  I am the light of the world: 
John 9.5.  but being we are bidden to be obedient to our Superior Masters in the flesh as unto Christ: and in the Lord (that is, in his stead) it follows that he that despiseth them, despiseth him that sent them. 
Eph. 6.5, 6, 7.  And therefore Christians, in their obedience and discipleship to Christ, 
Luke 10.16.  are compared to sheep: a creature best setting forth their duty of obedience, by their ready, simple, and implicit following their Shepherd, and also the general duty of Christian love and charity; by their inoffensive and harmless deportments one towards another.  
And to prove that this obedience to Christ's Minister is to be the pre-required condition that should justify men in their Christian deportments, we shall find that the Apostles, and such as he was to delegate as his Ambassadors, are by Christ not only called the lights of the world, a City on a hill, 
Mat. 5.14.  and the like, to show the largeness of their illumination, but farther to show the necessity of the conformity of our outward deportments to their directions, they are also by Christ appointed to be the salt of the earth. And he expressly says, that every one shall be salted with fire: that is, 
Verse 13▪  every man's faith shall be tried by the fire of afflictions and temptations, and every sacrifice shall be salted with salt: that is, as every sacrifice under the law was to be so seasoned; so he that came to fulfil the Law and the Prophets, 
Mat. 9.49.  had now made the precept of love (seasoned by the obedience to those that were to command in his stead) to be the sure way of making each Christian duty lawful: and after the same manner that each Christian himself, was to be made acceptable by his baptism of afflictions.  
And although it were reserved for the clearer light of the Gospel, to discover that all wickedness proceeded from malice, and other the works of the flesh: and on the other side▪ that love was the only thing to estate men righteous: yet we find the same in many places hinted at in the old Testament▪ And Solomon in particular is very express to this purpose, when he saith hatred stirreth up strife, but love covereth all sins. 
Prov. 10.12. Mat. 14.12.  Which is answerable to our Saviour reason of the corruption of the last times, viz. because iniquity shall abound, the love of many shall wax cold.  
This accomplishment of our innocence through this saving grace of love or charity, is that more excellent way by Saint Paul showed to the Corinthians: 
1 Cor. 12.13.  who had before showed, how all the several gifts of the holy Ghost were given for mutual edification, and bestowed severally on several members, but for completing and adorning that one body, the Church. In which respect, since the more ordinary and common members, which were useful to the body (as the feet or the like) could not expect to have those more eminent endowments; (for then should they not be eminent if ordinary) therefore is a whole Chapter spent in showing this more excellent and ready way of Charity: whereby those more feeble and less honourable members, that could not attain to be Apostles, Prophets, Teachers, or the like; might yet, by means of this common band of union and perfection, find an equal capacity, with those that were highest gifted, to attain to the edification and support of the general body. This way being to them also the most excellent and sure, because that without it, all their other endowments will prove but as sounding brass, 
1 Cor. 13.4.  and tinkling Symbals. Of which bond or union, and also of the union of the other Christian graces, we shall farther discourse in the ensuing Chapter.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Coincidence of Christian graces.  
HOw the affection of unity is accompanying the whole race of things, hath been abundantly declared (as a metaphisical or supernatural speculation) by such as have not had any other light to direct them in the inquiry, then that which mere nature would afford: being drawn from contemplation of her procession in things here below. But, unto us Christians, who have from above been confirmed in the knowledge of deity, and also of its unity, as the ground of our divinity must grow more firm and steady in knowledge of God himself, so will the contemplation of that unity (as considered in him that is the cause of all things) lead us by a plain way of demonstration, to disscover why in each thing by him made, the same affection should be also necessarily implanted: not only in order of resemblance herein to its Author, but to the formal stating of it such, or such.  
Concerning some of the nearer resemblances of deity in the things of life (which we call individuals) we have formerly spoken; as also of man's above them all. But this affection of unity, is so much more closely accompanying them, that it not only formally constitutes them, but thereby also differenceth them from inanimates: who can receive no formal unity, but what must arise from the definition of their whole Mass: whereas, in the definition of any species of individuals, that natural unity which appears therein, can have no other true existence or perfection then what was first really inherent in, and constituted by the individuals themselves: as being the observable properties in them severally abiding.  
As therefore all things, together with their creation and existence from God proceeding, received from him this affection of unity also, as necessarily constituting them distinct from the whole race of things, so, to the end that the Maker's praise might yet receive addition and increase, though the increase of the several objects of his bounty and goodness; and that this division of the whole Mass, might not (by civil war and disunion amongst themselves) prove the overthrow of one another, (but that one thing might be a continual support unto the good and preservation of another, and thereby all conspire to the same end God's glory), we may observe all those friendly instincts and properties, bestowed by God on natural Agents, as heretofore noted. By means of which propensity, and benign aspect of one thing towards another, ariseth that other affection which we call goodness. So that, when the separate existencies of things (which states truth) are by this affection of goodness made agree in things to their own mutual preservation and to God's glory also, then doth the prevalence of union appear herein again; as joining good to truth, and creation to providence; and making the Creatures end, or preservation, conspire to that of Gods, his own glory: and God's glory to meet in direct points with their good.  
But now, although these benevolent inclinations of things might suffice to mutual preservation in Inanimates, and such sensitives as had none, or small cause of division, through largeness of private appetite and will, so, to the end that voluntary Agents (which were most to seek it) might not be subject to recompense their own higher sense of felicity from God received, with the ingrateful diminution of his glory in the disturbance of the course of his providence, it was onward necessary, that for maintenance of the same unity (which was made as aforesaid by inward instincts in other things) there should not only be an inward natural appetite to union implanted (which we call love) but also such outward directions given to them; that through the due observance hereof, their union and meeting amongst themselves might tend to the like end with the other things before spoken of: namely the preservation and maintenance of God's glory, and their own good.  
All which considerations, will now make manifest the great reason, not only of that simplicity and fewness of the Gospel precepts, as in order to our more easy performance, and for their approaching so much nearer to the perfection and unity of him that gave them, but also of that plain coincidence they have amongst themselves: whereby they come, like the whole race of things themselves, (the object of their directions) to unite and conspire in the common end of all things, God's glory; and (the subservient end thereof) each particular things natural preservation: For as there is an union in the end, so must there be also in the means and directions leading thereunto. All which we shall declare by instance; it being a thing not only useful in itself, but also necessary for to understand those many texts, where sometimes love, sometimes faith, sometimes hope, sometimes obedience, or the like, are singly set down as comprehensive of all duty and perfection beside: and not constantly any one grace alone After that I shall give farther evidence thereof: by producing some places of Scripture, clearly setting out their conjunction and harmony.  
When the threats due to sin or the breach of the law, are by any in such sort resented, as to cause him to have recourse unto the remedies laid down in the Gospel; or else, when the enjoyments and promises by the Gospel itself set for't, do of themselves invite; then is the first putting forth of appetite to attend these objects as good, called by the name of hope. After which, the rational faculty comes to be set on work, for the entertainment or contrivance of the means: which being apprehended as feasable, doth then become the object of our faith; and so of our reasonable appetite called will. For although the sensitive appetite, (as more general and as next unto life or individual being) do readily at first attend every thing (as its object) that is presented under the Classis of hope or fear; yet, when understanding hath had leisure to work, the reasonable will prosecutes no farther, in attainment or avoidance of these objects of hope or fear, then as the consideration of those mediums lying between them and us, makes these objects (by their nearness of approach to us) to be afterwards, in a second measure, hopeful or formidable.  
In which consideration, hope and faith do always accompany one another: and although hope, as more general, do inchoat in order to the end, (namely the enjoyment of bliss and avoidance of torment) yet faith, in order to the means, to wit, our laying hold on Christ) doth so instantly follow, that some have believed these graces to come together: Which may be true in relation to that one divine spirit which (entering at the same time) was the cause to both; but yet it hinders not, but that this spirit might produce its effects in their natural order, as before showed. It being aterwards true indeed, that these graces are mutually increased and strengthened by each other: the hope and belief, or belief and hope of the end, (by its value) exciting the belief and hope, or hope and belief of these means that are tending thereunto.  
Which means coming hereupon to be more constantly and fully pursued; hope or belief to be therefore accepted, grows by degrees (in each one) into stronger hope and belief that he is accepted. Which belief, or strong faith of God's acceptance and love to us; doth again increase on-ward, in our love to him. Unto which only happy estate, being by these blessed degrees once come, then doth hope and faith become silenced and swallowed up by this most high and complete grace of love: for we now live no longer by desire, but fruition.  
But because, in this life, and whilst we carry this treasure in earthen Vessels, we cannot arrive at any perfection, much less at any degree of continuance and perseverance in this happy enjoyment of God by love, we are therefore (as elsewhere noted) to cherish in ourselves all those means, whereby our faith and hope may be kept in or restored unto their pitch and vigour: so that, notwithstanding our many relapses, we may be still reintegrated again to a state of love. In which regard, we are next to consider of that which is the general grace of supply and sustentation to all the rest: namely the grace of obedience.  
For from the efficacy of this grace it is, that hope and faith gather their joint and mutual strength: even from conscience of our continual actings, and endeavours in performance of the commands and directions of God. For these things must follow as necessary consequents of one another: First to obey out of fear to displease, and hope to kept favour; and then farther, still to obey, even as we believe our obedience accepted and available. And lastly, obedience will still increase itself, with that increase of grace it brings: and as it hath perfected our first feeble hope to strength of faith, so will it accompany our state of highest perfection; even our state of love. For than shall our readiness in execution of God's commands be doubled: because being united to him by this affection, we shall not only do his will as his, but as our own too. So that when faith shall fail, obedience shall not: being a grace so proper and necessary to each Creature, that it cannot (in order to its subordinate relation) be truly such without it. And this, not only in the will, but also in act, so far as lieth in its power. For although none will deny the omniscience of God Almighty, so far as to doubt his inspection into the most inward thoughts and inclination of his Creature; even to the discerning that proportion of faith and love, which is in their hearts; yet, it being the most natural for justice, to proceed in rewards and punishments (especially such as outward) according to overt acts, we shall still find God himself recompensing those that were endowed with strongest measure of these graces, proportionable to that public estimate thereof which they in their life times, by more remarable obedience did make apparent: as our Saviour's obedience to the death of the Cross, and abraham's in the death of his son, and divers others examples in holy Writ do declare.  
As for the duties of prayer, preaching, alms, sacraments▪ etc. they are the several objects and expressions of our obedience: through perseverance in which Christian precepts, (as outwardly administered in Christ's kingdom the Church) God's inward kingdom of grace in our hearts, is made to have its efficacy and growth. And as for the Theological virtues of meekness, humility, patience, gentleness, long-suffering, etc. they may all be comprehended under the aforesaid grace of obedience: serving as necessary qualifications to the stating thereof: as shall in their due place be declared.  
From all which, as the simplicity of the Gospel may plainly appear, so will it be farther manifest, how by this coincidence of Christian graces (summed up in love and obedience, or in love alone, or obedience alone, (as presuming they cannot be one without another) that men now under Christ the second Adam, are come (as before noted) to be stated in a capacity of Innocence, upon almost as easy terms as under the first: and how we are again brought to be more resembling his condition, while implicit obedience is our perfection now, as it was to him then. To the farther confirmation whereof, we might also add the coincidence of the sins opposite to these graces: as contrarily tending to diminution of God's glory, and humane good: Even declaring how infidelity and uncharitableness, are ever accompanied with, and heightened from the sin of obedience. But I shall now proceed to Scripture proofs in these things: and in farther confirmation of the precedent chapter, beginning with some out of the New Testament.  
Saint Paul having declared somewhat to the Ephesians of his knowledge in the mystery of Christ, 
Ephe. 3.4.  doth it, that thereby all men may see what was the fellowship of the mystery: that is, both the fellowship of Christian precepts amongst themselves, and our fellowship or communion with Christ through obedience. Which (mystery) from the beginning of the world hath been hid in God; who created all things by Jesus Christ: that is, heretofore hid under the legal observations, 
Verse 9  but is now (as the unsearchable riches of Christ) preached amongst the Gentiles. To the intent that now unto the principalities and powers in heavenly places, that is, unto the higher powers seated and deputed by Christ, might be known by the Church, (that is, by the virtue of illumination and authority, given to them through Christ's headship of the Church) the manifold wisdom of God. And therefore Saint Paul's prayer was, that Christ might dwell in their hearts by faith: 
Verse 10.  so that they being rooted and grounded in love, 
Verse 17.  they may be able to comprehend with all Saints, what is the breadth, and length, 
Verse 18.  and depth, and height: that is, this mystery of the love of Christ which passeth all knowledge. 
Verse 19  Namely, that they may know how it should be effected and kept up, by those that walk worthy of the vocation wherewith they are called: 
Chap. 4.1.  who must do it with all lowliness and meekness, with long suffering, forbearing one another in love: 
Verse 2:  endeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace: that is, in obedience to our own Christian head, which is the only bond of peace. 
Verse 3.  For by means of the building and foundation laid by these Christian heads, 
chap. 2.20.  Apostles and Prophets, (as then they were called) given for the perfecting of the Saints, and for the work of the ministry; we come to be united as Citizens of the household of God, or Catholic Church; of which Christ himself is the chief corner stone. 
Ibidem.  The body of Christ being in this sort to be framed and built together in this life, 
Verse 21.  till we come to be past fear of being tossed to and fro of every wind of doctrine: even by being come to the unity of faith, 
chap. 4.14.  through the knowledge of the Son of God: or to have attained that measure and stature of fullness, 
Verse 13.  which is to be from Christ himself expected.  
Of which Christian submission and obedience, having set down positive precepts in the names of Husbands, Parents, and Masters, he finally exhorts them to be still furnished with the whole armour of God, that is, faith, love, and obedience: that they may be able to stand against the wills of the Devil: That is, these his most crafty wiles and insinuations, 
Ephes: 6.11. 2 Cor: 11.13, 14  whereby we come to be tempted by him as an Angel of light, under religious pretences, to acts of obedience: even by the Prince of the power of the air, 
Ephes: 2.2.  the spirit that worketh in the children of disobedience.  
For (saith he) we wrestle not against flesh and blood, meaning against fleshly rules or Masters (for against the works of the flesh we must wrestle) but against principalities and powers, against the rules of the darkness of the world (that is) against spiritual wickedness in in high (or heavenly) places. Or against the wills of the Devil, 
chap: 6.12  working in such as under the colour of legal or moral precepts, (called usually darkness) by their own high power in the Church, would countenance disobedience: and so overthrow the mystery of Christ, by the mystery of iniquity. 
2 Thess. 2. ●●   
For these are to know, (as Saint Paul saith to Tymothy) that the end of the commandment is Charity; or peaceable submission and obedience for charity sake: out of a pure heart, and a good conscience, and faith unfeigned. From which (saith he) some having swearved, are turned aside unto vain jangling; that is, unprofitable questionings of legalty: 
1 Tim: 1.5. Verse 6.  desiring to be Teachers of the law when they should hearers) understanding neither what they say nor whereof they affirm. But we know that the law is good, if a man use it lawfully: that is, an obeyer of legal authority, whereby to retain innocence, 
Verse 7. Verse 8.  and not as judge, to become guilty. Knowing this that the law is not made for the rsghteous (or just) man; that is, to condemn a just or obedient man; but for the lawless and disobedient, for ungodly and sinners, etc. Where, all wickedness being reckoned after, as subsequent and attendant on disobedience, and by opposing the disobedient and lawless against the righteous man, we must understand obedience and righteousness to be contivertible: For as the fruit of the Spirit is love, so the fruit thereof again, is joy, peace, long suffering, gentleness, goodness, faith, meekness, temperance: against such there is no law; that is, 
Gal: 5, 22, 23.  law of condemnation.  
And this mystical way of accomplishing our innocence, is farther repeated to the Collossians: that their hearts might be comforted, being knit together in love: and unto all riches of the full assurance of understanding, to the acknowledgement of the mystery of God, and of the father, and of Christ: in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge. 
Col: 2.2. Verse 3.  In which words we may plainly see, that our greatest comfort ariseth from love in our hearts: and from hence have we the full assuranc of understanding of right obedience to God's law, to the acknowledgement of the mystery of God: even the mystical way of justification; whereby, being inwardly made ready and pliable to perform all acts of beneficence, we (by our conformity and obedience to this one precept) should contrary to the doctrine of the darkness of this world) be estated truly innocent. In which words, the general name of God is first attributed to the holy Ghost: for that he is the more proper efficient in the understanding of this mystery, as also of the acknowledgement of the Father and of Christ. so that, in participation of the Godhead by this mystery, we are made comprehensive of all the real treasures of wisdom and knowledge, in being thereby guided through God's light, and not our own.  
Which, as the Apostle spoke least any should beguile them with enticing words, 
Col: 2 ●.  (that is, 
Verse 5.  Religious pretence, which is most enticing of any) so he joys in beholding (the fruit of this inward love) their order, and steadfastness of their faith in Christ; that is, their peace and agreement in the faith. And thereupon proceeds to admonish them, lest any man spoil them through Philolosophy and vain deceit: meaning, through the Greekish popular Philosophy of their Country, (teaching righteousness to be attained by their many precepts of moral justice), or vain legal deceit of the jews amongst them: after the Tradition of men, after the Rudiments of the world (or worldly wisdom) and not after Christ, in the simplicity of this Gospel's precept of obedience. 
Verse 8.  For we cannot offend God whilst we are obedient to him; because in him (that is, 
Verse 9  in Christ) dwelleth all the fullness of the Godhead bodily. Where the word bodily is added, to express our real participation of his corporeal fullness, that are to be rooted and built up in him; according as in the following words is expressed: And ye are complete in him, which is the head of all Principality and Power: 
Verse 10.  That is, in obeying him, as King of Kings, by our submission to the Prince his Deputy, we are complete in him; as thereby obeying his Kingship and Christship.  
And so also, being grounded in love in him, we are circumcised with the Circumcision made without hands, in putting of the body of the sins of the flesh; or the observation of the Law that causeth sin, by the circumcision of Christ; 
Ve●se 11.  buried with him in baptism: That is, following him by our patience in those afflictions, which love to our neighbours, and obedience to our Superiors must produce, we shall then, like as the Captain of our salvation was made perfect by suffering, and was thereupon exalted; so we (proving ourselves able to endure our shares of that baptism which he was baptised with) shall rise with him through the faith of the operation of God, who hath raised him from the dead. 
Verse 12.  For we being dead in sins, and the uncircumcision of the flesh; That is, kept under the bondage of sin, through the weakness of our flesh, hath he quickened together with him: having forgiven us all trespasses, blotting out the hand writing of Ordinances that was against us, which was contrary to us; 
Col: 2.13.  that is, to us Christians: and took it out of the way, nailing it to his Cross: 
Verse 14:  That is, made legal righteousness to be perfected only by taking up our Cross and following him, by patience and humility in obedience. For having by his Cross spoilt principalities and powers; that is, the principality and power of death, (and the Law that caused it) he made a show of them openly: triumphing over them in it.  

Verse 15.  Whereupon the admonition follows, Let no Man therefore judge you in Meat or in drink, or in respect of a holy day, or of the new Moon, or of the Sabbath days: 
Verse 16.  That is, be not subject to Ordinances now as of immediate Divine precept, although men should go about to prove them as expressly Divine as these: for these were shadows of things to come, but the body is of Christ; that is, 
Verse 17.  they, in their particular tendencies to moral perfection and obedience, did foreshow that the body and drift of them was to be abreviated and completed by us in Christ, 
Chap: 3.14.  by putting on of charity, which is the bond of perfectness. He therefore proceeds, let no man beguile you of your reward, in a voluntary humility and worship of Angels: that is, let no private man bereave you of heaven, (the reward of obedience to Christ) by making you believe that your own voluntary humility to any such Minister or Messenger, that like Angels would appear most divinely authorised, can excuse you of default in not giving your rightful obedience to him that holds his power by direct office from Christ: Intruding into those things which he hath not seen; that is, proceeding by his presumptuous and selfwilled refusal of Christ's authority in the flesh, under colour of spiritually serving him: 
Chap: 2.18.  being vainly puffed up by his fleshly mind; and not holding of the head (or right chief;) from which all the body, or the Church, by joints and bands, (that is, by just degrees of subordination) having nourishment ministered and knit together: or being nourished by her own Angels and Ministers (in the bond of obedience united) increaseth with the increase of God: that is, 
Verse 1●.  receives God's blessing, following Divine order and subordination under Christ.  
Wherefore if we be dead with Christ from the Rudiments of the world: that is, if we confess the sting of death and the Law nailed to his Cross, and worldly wisdom to be abolished in our Christian perfection. Why as though living in the world, are we subject to Ordinances? 
Verse 20.  meaning to such as hold not of the head of that Church whereof we are Members: For to humane Ordinances that do hold of the King as supreme under Christ, we must (for the Lord's sake) be subject: when as those things which, by any else should be put upon us, 
1 Pet: 2.13.  as under a Religious tye and precept of touch not, taste not, handle not; are all to perish with the using, after the commandments and doctrines of men That is, the Precepts in these things are not otherwise of Divine authority, 
Col: 2.21, 22:  then as commanded by that supreme Officer and Head in each particular Church substituted by Christ the Church's universal Head: Having indeed a show of Will-worship, and humility, and neglecting of the body, not in any honour to the satisfying of the flesh: That is, they have but a show of spiritual sanctity, or form of godliness: as though they did not intend the honouring of the flesh, 
Verse 23.  and their own selves, in this their seeming obedience and worship of Christ after their own wills and devisings; when yet it was their only aim.  
For this worshipping or obeying Christ, or Christian Authority, according to the ways and forms of our own wisdoms only, is not truly worshipping or obeying him, or them, but ourselves; whom we Idolise in his, and his Minister's stead. For whilst we take the interpretation of the Moral Law on our own scores, and will, as by and from ourselves presume to hear God himself only therein (as once generally heard from Mount Sinai) We sacrifice to our own nets and snares: and do forfeit that glorious liberty of the Gospel, whose mystery is to fulfil the Law in this one word, Thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thyself: and are again entered into bondage. 
Rome 13.8, 9, 10.   
For so St Paul interprets our literal observation of the moral Law, as given by Moses from Mount Sinai, even as answering to that Jerusalem which is in bondage with her children; 
Gal: 4.25.  and not to that freedom which is to be restored unto us, by the head of that jerusalem which is above: whom we are now to hear in all things in Moses stead; 
Verse 26.  as hath been noted from that prophecy set down by Moses himself concerning it: The Lord God shall raise up unto thee, a Prophet from the midst of thee of thy Brethren like unto me unto him shall ye hearken: according to all that thou desirest of the Lord thy God in Horeb, saying, Let me not hear again the voice of the Lord my God; neither let me see this great fire any more, lest I die. 
Deut: 18.15, 16  By which words we may plainly understand, that all Command and Precepts are to be by us obeyed as Gospel-precepts under the Kingship of Christ; and not as formerly delivered by Moses from God the Father: and that without exception of the Decalogue itself.  
The which fault St Paul complains of in his giddy and disobedient Corinthians, being jealous over them with a godly jealousy; lest, by listening to others, they should through subtlety be beguiled, as the Serpent beguiled Eve, from the simplicity that was in Christ. 
2 Cor. 11.2, 3.  That is, lest, as Eve, in a desire and presumption of farther knowledge, was by the Serpent tempted to disobey God; so they, by listening to such superstructures as were taught by others, might be drawn to neglect those Fundamental directions which he, as their Master-builder, had laid; and wherewith he had espoused them to Christ: 
Verses 19, 20.  and so suffer themselves to be brought into bondage, by relying on the wisdoms of such false Apostles, and deceitful workers, as transforming themselves into the Apostles of Christ, would, under colour of Mission and authority immediately received from God, be directing men in their Christian Moral duties, contrary, or above the direction of their own general and authorized head: who must now be in danger to be accounted as a fool, 
Vers. 13, 14, 15  in comparison of these transformed Angels of light, and Ministers of righteousness.  
To warn us against which seduction, and to show that the interpretation of Divine rules and precepts were by God and Christ now referred to that person who was next representing them, it is observable, that whensoever Christ is urged with the text of the Law, or when himself is expounding it, he always makes the sense thereof other than was formerly received: releasing it to the general law of reason or morality, and not tying himself to the Letter as it was particularly moral to the Jews: as by making Murder and Adultery to be inward, and releasing by his Power, sometimes, the outward acts, as by dispencing with that strict precept of the Sabbath, and other instances may appear: These precepts binding the Jews as Divinely Moral, but Christians no farther than as rationally or politically so.  
And St Paul having thus largely in the forerecited, and in the next Chapter, spoken to the Colossians of our participation of God through ●hrist, and of Christ through Christian obedience (in this precept of love) he then particularly instances how this love is to be outwardly stated, and made perfect by obedience to rightful Superiors in Christ: naming such Masters in the flesh as were then Christians, and saying, Whatever ye do, do it heartily as to the Lord, And not unto men: Knowing that of the Lord ye shall receive the reward of his inheritance; 
Col. 3.23, 24.  for we serve the Lord Christ: that is, we serve him by these in his stead: But he that doth wrong, that is, disobeys, or serves him according to his own will (which must cause wrong) shall receive for the wrong which he hath done, and there is no respect of persons: 
Verse 25.  Clergy and La●ety, high and low, are made culpable by disobedience.  
And in the next Epistle (being the first to the Thessalonians) having set down some particular commands for them to follow, (saying, Ye know what Commandments we gave you by the Lord Jesus) he after adds, He that despiseth, 
1 Thess: 4.2.  despiseth not man but God; who hath also given to us his holy spirit, 
Verse 8.  meaning this authority which he might be bold in as the Apostle of Christ. 
Chap: 2.6.  And this he doth, as presuming them inwardly guided and instructed from God himself in the general precept of love; saying, but as touching brotherly Love, ye need not that I write unto you; for yourselves are taught of God to love one another: 
Chap. 4 9  Meaning, that this precept only is of immediate Divine direction and injunction; being able, if rightly performed, to estate us innocent: according as he noted in his former prayer for them, saying, The Lord make you to increase and abound in love one towards another, and towards all men, even as we do towards you: 
chap: 3. 1●.  to the end he may establish your hearts unblamable in holiness before God, even our Father, at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ with all his Saints. 
Verse 13.  At which time it will be found, that Charity shall cover the multitude of sins: 
1 Pet: 4. ●.  or make us innocent.  
And so far would he have them seek Peace (the fruit of this love) That they should study to be quiet, and to do their own business; not taking upon them to censure the actions of others, 
1 Thess: 4.11.  especially of those that are their Superiors. And the means to accomplish and perfect this, he after sets down, We beseech you, Brethren, to know them which labour among you, and are over you in the Lord, and admonish you, 
chap: 5.12.  and to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake. That is, count them directors of your love (so far as it is operative:) and be at Peace among yourselves: 
Verse 13.  Which is the same with the precept of study to be quiet. Because being obedient to them, we shall be at peace with one another: but if we follow and believe them not in the manner how Christ is to be served, and this our love to be exercised outwardly, as well as we have already believed that these things are to be inwardly embraced; it will follow that our private Will-worships to him, and private apprehensions of love to our Brother, will, by their Cross and thwart one upon another, prove to be their mutual subversion: and upon occasion of division and discontent hereabouts, rancour and malice will break in, to the real overthrow of both true Faith and Charity. It being impossible that any voluntary particular act of my love to any Neighbour, can be so great and extensive, as that more general good to all, which obedience must produce.  
Whereupon follow directions, both to Superiors and others for effecting it: Warn them that are unruly, comfort the feeble minded, support the weak, be patient towards all men: that is, see that no man render evil for evil unto any man, or take upon him to avenge his own wrong: but ever follow that which is good, both among yourselves, and to all men: 
Vers● 14.1▪  That is, let your Obedience be continual, that your Charity may be Universal. For if you should be so unruly as to raise Civil commotions and quarrels upon the score of your own particular enmity and revenge, how would this confused return of evil for evil by the several Members of a Kingdom one against another, dissolve all bonds of Peace and Charity; whilst every man should be both persecuting and persecuted. Whereas by a joint submission and acknowledgement of them that are over them in the Lord, and acquiescence to them in their public Charge and Trust, all rancour will cease, and general Amity be preserved.  
And these two fundamental precepts of Faith and Love, (wrought by God in the Thessalonians) he again mentions in his second Epistle to them, as he had done in his former Epistle: for as there he thanks God always for them in his prayers, remembering without ceasing their work of faith, and labour of love: So here he saith, We are bound to thank God always for you Brethren, as it is meet, because that your faith groweth exceedingly, and the Charity of every one of you all towards each other aboundeth: 
2 Thess: 13.  So that we our sel●es glory for you in the Church of God: That is, for your good example; for your patience (the effect of love) and faith in all your persecutions and tribulations that ye endure: 
Verse 4.  which is a manifest token of the righteous judgement of God, (or of these graces of God in you that makes you righteous) that ye may be counted worthy of the kingdom of God: (both to the participation of him in his Church here, and hereafter:) for which ye also suffer: That is, those tribulations which ye endure in obedience to Authority, 
Verse 5  according to that righteous judgement of God, who now will have righteousness and peace meet together in the good and peace of the Church, is a plain argument that you yourselves are true Members of that Church; even by that plain demonstration given of your sense of fellow-feeling of those miseries which must attend her, in case the direction of her authorised guides should be rejected.  
For although the Law it in self were holy, righteous, and good, and would have proved effectually so to us also, if we had had sufficiency and integrity enough to have been fully comprehensive and observant of every particle thereof, yet sin, taking occasion by the commandment, through those motions which were in the flesh unto sin, made us come to lose Charity and Peace, the end of the Law, through a mistaken interpretation of keeping the Law according to the Letter thereof; and so made it to be the Law of sin and of death. And therefore are we to esteem ourselves as dead unto that wherein we were held; 
Rome 7.6.  that is, unto written precepts, being now to serve this husband in newness of Spirit, and not in the oldness of the Letter. Meaning, that through obedience made from the heart to that form of Doctrine which was delivered unto us, 
Rome 6.17, 18.  we shall now be made free from sin, and born the servants of righteousness: That is, by having our righteousness perfected after this new and living way, even by obedience to that life and spirit of Christ, those Precepts and directions which from the holy Ghost are received from those that represent him in Authority here amongst us. By which it shall come to pass, that what the Law could not do in that it was weak through the fl●sh, God sending his Son in the likeness of sinful flesh, and for sin, condemned sin in the flesh; that the righteousness of the Law, or that righteousness which the Law aimed at, might be fulfilled by us, who walk not after the flesh, 
Chap: 8.3, 4.  but after the spirit: for they that are after the flesh, that is, do trust to their own fleshly wisdoms in the interpretation of literal precepts, will, from thence, take occasion to mind the things of the flesh, and so make it prove the law of sin and death, 
Verses 5, ●.  and not of life and peace.  
Nor is this Doctrine of the simplicity of Gospel-precepts, and accomplishment of Innocence by Christian submission, other than what was formerly prophesied to be the estate of the Christian Church: viz. In that day shall the Lord of Hosts be for a Crown of glory, and a diadem of beauty unto the residue of his people: 
Isaiah 28.5.  and for a spirit of judgement to him that sitteth in judgement; and for strength to them that turn the battle into the Gate: 
Verse 7.  That is, to him that shall judge them and fight their Battles, which in the Jewish phrase signifies Kingly office. In these words we see the spirit of judgement is plainly prophesied to reside in him that sitteth in Judgement: who being also mentioned by him in the singular number, and the glory and beauty of the Church being expressed under the notions of Crown and diadem, it cannot but personate the Kingship of Christ and his adopted sons; 
Isaiah 32.1.  according to the following prophecy. Behold, a King shall reign in Righteousness, and Princes in Judgement.  

Chap. 28.9.  Then the Prophet goes on, to show whom he would teach Doctrine and Knowledge, that is, such as are weaned from the Milk, and drawn from the breasts: Meaning such as are content to obey the voice of Christ's authority as little Children. But the persons usually erring in this case, and that think the simple food of Milk too weak for them, and therefore must taste the Tree of good and evil, 
Verse 7.  (called strong drink and wine) are deciphered under the notions of Priests and Prophets, the usual leaders in disobedience. For whereas the Lord said, This is the rest, wherewith ye shall cause the weary to rest; and this is the refreshing, yet they would not hear: 
Verse 12.  but the Word of the Lord was unto them (that is, to their apprehension) precept upon precept, precept upon precept; Line upon line, line upon line; here a little, and there a little: that they may go and fall backward, and be broken, and snared, and taken: that is, 
Verse 13.  refusing the simplicity of gospel-light, these conceited wise men shall be taken in their own ●raft: being snared in the Law of sin and death; called their Covenant with death and hell. 
Verse 18. Verse 11.   
Upon which ground it is, that God there threatens to speak with stammering lips, and another tongue to that people: meaning, that dark parabolical way of delivery, used in Scripture. The which should be also increased by these men's own devised phrases and select words of interpretation used amongst themselves: whereby (as by a sort of Canting) they should speak as with stammering lips and another tongue: and so be punished with darkness, because of their incredulity and disobedience to him; and for having trusted to their own Moral wisdoms: and because also through dark and intricate instructions of legality, 
Verse 15.  they thought to have made lies and falsehood their refuge. But it is there declared, who shall be the sure foundation of the Church's safety: namely, the Corner stone, or the seat of Judgement; He that believeth shall not make haste: That is, 
Verse 16.  Christ (by his owning this Throne of Kingly Judgement) will be for a spirit of Judgement to him that undertaketh to be the Line and Plummet of judgement and Righteousness. 
Verse 17.  The which shall increase in strength, to the treading down and overflowing these hiding places: from the time it goeth forth it shall take hold, for morning by morning shall it pass over, by day and by night: That is, 
Verse 18.  it shall so grow in power, that it shall be to these sorts of people A vexation only to understand the report: 
Verse 19  To hear of the daily increase of Kingly Office and power, notwithstanding their seditious contrivances. For, the bed is shorter than that a Man can stretch himself on it, and the covering narrower, then that he can wrap himself in it: There is no room for lies, 
Verse 20.  nor refuge for falsehood, to be had in the simplicity of the Gospel precepts. It is God that now calls for this respect and obedience to his Vicegerent: For, the Lord shall rise up as in Mount Perazim, he shall be wrath, as in the valley of ●ibeon; That he may do his work, his strange work, and bring to pass his act, his strange act: That is, 
Verse 21·  God shall be powerful present in assisting his Vicegerents, as formerly with David and joshua; and by these that sit in judgement, and turn the battle to the gate, shall cause the waters of Mount Perazim to overflow their hiding places, and the hailstones of his wrath to sweep away the refuge of lies. 
Verse 17.   
And then shall those Prophets, Rulers, and Seers, find themselves so confounded, by the spirit of deep sleep from the Lord, that their delusive speculations shall afford them no better satisfaction, 
Chap: 29.10.  than the dream of Meat or drink to him that is hungry or thirsty. And all, because of these pretenders to serve God in another way then by the direction of their Superior, Do but draw near to him with their mouth, and honour him with their lips, but their hearts is far from him: in vain (making semblance of) worshipping him, teaching for doctrines the commandments of Men: That is, preferring the rule of righteousness or judgement of their own setting up, 
Matth: 15.8.  before those set up by my authority; which was our Saviour's own interpretation of this prophecy who no doubt best knew the meaning thereof. The like also doth St Mark set down to be the interpretation of this prophecy; namely, that this pharisaical pretention of legal or traditional sanctity, (under the notion of Corban) serves but to defeat the positive precept of God's Vicegerent. 
Mark 7.6, etc.   
Therefore saith the Prophet, behold I will proceed to do a marvelous work amongst this people, 
Isaiah 29.14.  even a marvelous work and a wonder: for the wisdom of their wise Men shall perish, and the understanding of the prudent Men shall be hid: That is, the wisdom of these pretenders shall come to nought. And therefore it is added, Woe to them that seek deep to hide their counsel from the Lord, 
Verse 15.  and their works in the dark: and they say. Who seeth us, and who knoweth us: That is, they find such multiplication of contrivances, as if they would out-wit God Almighty. But he saith, Surely your turning of things upside down (a fit expression for such as will be judging their judge) shall be esteemed as the Potter's clay: for shall the work say of him that made it, he made it not? Or shall the thing framed, say of him that framed it, he had no understanding: 
Verse 16.  That is, shall man be wiser than his Maker? Will they not allow God his own way and season for things? Why will they be again seeking to be under Moral righteousness, and legal bondage, as when the Lord himself led them by the hand? and so would have God tied to harder conditions than the Ploughman: Who; when he hath made plain the face of the Earth, 
Chap: 28.25.  and cast in his appointed grain; doth not then continue ploughing himself still: but (expecting such Crop as this prepared earthy Heart of man will yield); he doth afterwards (by divers afflictions) cause those several sorts of Grain, to be cleansed and made acceptable.  
But as for them that think there can be no fruitful place where God is not the immediate holder of the Plough, and where are not many Precepts from him given; he adds, Is it not a very little while, and Lebanon shall be turned into a fruitful field, 
chap: 29.17.  and the fruitful field shall be esteemed as a forest? and in that day shall the deaf ears hear the word of the Book; and the eyes of the blind shall see out of obscurity, and out of darkness: That is, 
Verse 18,  the Jews that had heretofore had God's precepts and worship so plentiful amongst them, shall be darkened: and the Gentiles, formerly sitting in darkness, shall have a marvelous light appear: and by reason of that precept of Love by God inwardly taught them, they shall know and perform the words of the Book, or precepts of the Law: and so being made obedient to the Gospel, and become of the number of Meek and Poor, they shall increase their joy in the Lord: 
Verse 19,  For the terrible one is brought to nought, and the scorner is consumed; 
Verse 20,  and all that waiteth for Iniquity is cut off: Even suck kind of men, as would scare men with the multitude and strength of their Precepts, as if they were all expressly Divine; and do again scorn the simplicity of the Gospel-rule; and so make themselves workers of iniquity: That make a Man an offender for a Word; and lay a snare for him that reproveth in the Gate; and turn aside the just for a thing of naught. 
Verse 21.   
Which verse clearly expresseth all their practice: first by making Religious, and Divine precepts to stretch to every thing, they cause men to be in danger to be offenders to God for ordinary matters: and so make him that is in the seat of judgement, appear a stumbling block or rock of offence: seeming to them an usurper of authority, in offering to direct and reprove us: thereby causing the just, or the rule of Justice, to cease and desist upon no occasion. As though a King sitting in the seat of judgement, 
Prov. 20.8. 1 Joh. 3. ●.  did not scatter away evil with his eyes; as though he that doth righteousness were not righteous; as though judgement and righteousness, had not a certain line and plummet for their measure; or that the weight or measure of justice appointed by Cod's Vicegerents, were not to be the true standard; but that men might make divers weights and measures thereof. For when subjects take on them to interpret and judge of righteousness and justice, by any other way and rule then that set up by Christ's deputy, they then make him a stumbling block to them, 
Rom. 9.32, 33.  as Christ himself (being laid as the chief corner stone for the Church's direction) was made unto the Jews: who would be still following legal righteousness, and not submit to that which was of faith in Christ.  
By means of these snares, laid for him that reproveth in the gate, we may also interpret that these Priests and Prophets should not only (through strong drink) err in vision and stumble themselves in judgement, 
Chap. 28.7.  but that they should thereby sometimes ensnare those persons sitting in judgement: and so cause them also to err through wine and strong drink: that is, in too much listening to their shows of Divine revelation and authority. But generally the ensnaring there spoken of, is in regard of those vulgar errors which should prevail in the Christian Church, notwithstanding this judgement seat of Christ executed by his deputies: even as it formerly had done amongst the Israelites, called there the drunkards of Ephraim. 
Verse. 3.   
Therefore saith the Lord who redeemed Abraham, concerning the house of Jacob: Jacob shall not now be ashamed, neither shall his face wax pale. 
Chap. 29.22.  In which words God expressing himself under the notion of Redeemer, shows the condition of the Christian Church (the house of jacob) under Christ their Redeemer, typified under jacob himself: namely, that all cause of fear and shame shall be banished, through the succeeding glory of the Christian Church. For so it followeth, But when he seeth his children the work of mine hands in the midst of him (that is, such as are begotten to him through the power of mine inward Kingdom) they shall sanctify my name: and shall sanctify the holy one of Jacob, and shall fear the God of Israel: that is, 
Vers. 23.  shall walk righteously and obediently according to their calling. They also that erred in spirit, that is, such as were not yet thus inwardly guided but were led by multitude of literal precepts, shall come to understond (that is, to know this right way of sanctifying me) and they that murmured (that is, such as were made stubborn by reliance upon their own interpretations of legality) shall learn Doctrine: that is, shall learn the doctrine of obedeince, 
Vers. 24.  a fit lesson for murmurers.  
As this Office of Teaching or Instruction, is to be understood here set down as in the first place proper to Christ (who was anointed to preach good tidings) so, 
Chap. 61.2.  because this could be but in small measure done and supplied by himself (at least amongst the Gentiles, in the glory of whose Church it is to be understood that of the Jews was prophesied) it is therefore to be supposed, that Christian Princes are to be his chief deputies in this office of instruction also. For as they (under him) Shall build the old wastes, and raise up the former desolations of the Jewish Church, by this advancement of Christ's kingdom amongst the Gentiles: 
Verse 4.  so These strangers shall stand and feed the Church's flock, 
Verse 3.  and the sons of the Aliens shall be her plowmen and vinedressers: all which are the Gospel expressions for Christ's Shepherds or Pastors.  
Nor can it appear otherwise then reasonable and necessary, that those that are to be in the seat of judgement under Christ, should have in chief the power and office to teach and instruct, as well as to censure and reform. Which, although not fit to be personally practised by Kings, in that sense of preaching as now understood (especially having under them persons in holy orders to that purpose separately ordained) yet is that general Office of instruction to be esteemed so properly their right, as that (for the matter and measure thereof) it is always subordinately to be executed by others. For as they are to be the keepers of both tables, so upon extraordinary and exorbitant occasions, they may also (no doubt) as God's Ministers entrusted in chief with the advancement of his glory and service publicly and personally also, perform that Office under the Gospel, much more rightfully then good Josiah under the Law. Who, to his great commendations, had formerly done the like, 
2 King. 23.2. 2 Chron. 34.30  In the ears of the Priests and Prophets, and all the people both small and great: and yet was the custody and interpretation of the Law much more appropriate to the Priesthood then, than now.  
Nay indeed this Office must both be in the same person, and in the first place settled also: or else I see not how they should have power or ability to reprove, in such things where they had no power or right to constitute and ordain. And therefore we may observe, that the first Mission of power which our Saviour gave, was under the notion of this Office of Preachers or Evangelists: and by virtue thereof, and obedience thereunto, did the Apostles at first claim obedience from their Churches in other things; as shall more fully appear anon.  
But to return, so much of the prophecy as concerns the Church her increase and prosperity, is to be interpreted as not made good fully in Christ himself, nor in some time after: that is, whilst the Church was so under persecution, that those deputies of Christ in the seat of judgement, had not power and honour enough to preserve the members from shame, or fear. But it is to be completed unto the residue, or latter time of the Church: when God shall more eminently appear like a Crown and diadem: in being the spirit of judgement and strength, to them that have the crown and diadem. That is, when Christ as King shall reign in righteousness, and his deputies of Princes shall rule in judgement: 
Isa. 32.1.  then shall a man (the Prince in Christ's seat) be for a hiding place from the wind (of divers doctrines wherewith they were formerly tossed) and a cover from the tempest (that is, of persecution) he shall be as rivers of waters in a dry place: That is, (from the spirit of truth now met in the seat of mercy and judgement) he shall cause instructions to flow forth as waters in a dry land: and by means of strength (to him that is to turn the battle to the gate) he shall be as the shadow of a great rock; 
Verse 2.  even for strength and defence to the Church, formerly wearied with persecution. And so the Prophet goes on, to show how the eyes and ears of them that yet see and hearken to his instructions, shall be reclaimed from their former rashness, and come to understand knowledge.  
By this word man set down in this second verse in the singular number (saying, A man shall be, etc.) we may gather, first, that there should be but one at once in each Church that should supply the place of a rock and spirit of judgement: although, in respect of the whole number of Christ's deputies in the Catholic Church, they were to be Princes in the plural number, under him the Churches universal head and King of Kings. And then again; this person being set down under the notion of a man, will denote unto us that it could not be meant of Christ himself neither.  
But this (as before said) shall chiefly come to pass, after the former Palaces of the Jewish Church shall be forsaken: 
Verse 14. Verse 15.  and by means of the spirit from on high, to be powered on the Gentile Church, judgement shall dwell in the wilderness: that is, in the Gentile Church, formerly a wilderness, 
Verse 16.  and righteousness remain in the fruitful field: meaning the now flourishing Gentile Church. And the work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effects of righteousness shall be quietness and assurance for ever. That is, by means of righteousness looking down from heaven, 
Isa. 32.17.  and so causing righteousness and judgement to kiss each other, The Church shall dwell in a peaceable habitation, and in sure dwellings, and in quiet resting places: that is, the Church by the means of this blessed protection of kingship, 
Verse 18.  shall be no more in danger of persecution as before.  
These blessings of peace and prosperity, to come to the Church by means of God's judgement and righteousness given to the King and the King's son, 
Psal. 72.1▪  (that is, Christ and his sons of oil;) David, under the type of himself and Solomon, at large setteth down in the 72 Psalm. Where, it being set down to last so long as the Moon shall endure, we may know how to interpret Isaiahs' prediction of quietness and assurance for ever: and so be confirmed that these promises import temporal happiness, to accrue to us by a temporal Saviour.  
All which prophecies were to be fulfiled, after those prophecies concerning Christ's humiliation in his own person should have an end: and also his own prophecies concerning those miserable times of calamity that should (for sometime) befall his Church after his departure. In which respect it is, that he is come to send fire on earth and a sword, etc. meaning persecution: and also to set men in nearest relations at variance one against another: meaning that for fear thereof they should betray one another. For if we be not regardful of the true times of completing the prophecies of universal peace of the Church, we shall be at a loss to find their accomplishment. For I conceive the prophecies of universal peace (as of beating swords into pruning-hooks, etc.) to have accomplishment at the general peace, when Christ the Prince of peace came: and our Saviour's prophecies of his Church's persecution, to have an end in Constantine's time. After whom, I look on the Christian Church, in her relapses under Julian the Apostate, etc. as in a temporary trembling motion: till she fix in her state of quietness and assurance.  
For we are not to expect that Christ should cry, 
Matth. 12.19. Verse 29.  or cause his voice to be heard in the streets of the world as a King, Until he had sent judgement into victory: that is, until by means of victories obtained by these his deputies in the seat of judgement, he shall have made himself notable for his power. For the expression of sending judgement into victory, must import his doing these things by others: even by these anointed persons under him. In the mean time, those his former Deputies, Apostles, Bishops, Patriarches, etc. that like weak and feeble reeds, were shaken to and fro of the wind of persecution, 
Matth. 11.7. Matth. 12.20.  he should not break; or quench the smoking (or dimly burning) flax: That is, should both powerfully defend them against others breaking; and should also promote the increasing state of his Church: which like to smoking flax, should shortly burn forth brightly under Monarchy: and by means of these nursing fathers of the Church, should show judgement to the Gentiles. 
Matth. 12.18.   
This fault of men's adding precept to precept, and of Forsaking the fountain of living water, and digging to themselves broken Cisterns that can hold no water, 
Jer. 2.17.  we may find plentifully reproved by other of the Prophets also: but most of all by this Evangelical Prophet, who in the latter part of his eight Chapter is censuring thereof, and warning us against this covenanting with death and hell, 
Isa. 8.12.  almost in the same words. Say ye not a confederacy to all them whom this people shall say a confederacy; neither fear you their fear, nor be afraid. 
Verse 13.  Sanctify the Lord of hosts himself, and let him be your fear and your dread: that is, sanctify him according to the precepts of faith and love, his inward law written in your hearts. And then He shall be for a sanctuary (a place of safety to you) but for a stone of stumbling, 
Verse 14.  and a rock of offence to both the houses of Israel: for a gin, and for a snare to the inhabitants of Jerusalem. And many among them (that is, all such as will trust to their own light and neglect the simplicity of Christ's Gospel-light) shall stumble and fall: 
V●rse 15.  and be broken, and be snared, and be taken.  
And then he proceeds to tell what this new, and living way is, and how the letter of the Law is to be made lively, and effectual by means of a living keeper: and so he brings in Christ speaking Bind up the testimony, seal the law among my Disciples: that is, let judiciary power be in those that rule in Christ's name and stead: 
Verse 16.  And I will wait for the Lord, that hideth his face from the house of jacob (that is, such of them as sacrifice to their own snares) and will look for him. 
Verse 17. Verse 18.  Behold I and the children whom the Lord hath given me, are for signs and for wonders in Israel: because our way agrees not with the interests of their moral contrivances.  
After which, the admonition comes against our listening to these diviners and such as would find Christ in the secret places. When they shall say unto you seek unto them that have familiar Spirits; 
Matth. 24.26  (such as make frequent brags of their own gifts and illuminations) and unto them that peep and that matter; such as have canting ways and expressions of their own, do not follow such: for, should not a people seek unto their God? Is it fit that they should seek for the living sense of the Law, to the dead, letter? But if they do seek to the Law and to the Testimony, 
Isa. 8 19  if they speak not according to this word, (namely showing how all Law is fulfilled in this one word of love) it is because there is no light in them: that is, because God hath suffered the God of this world to blind their minds. 
Verse 20. 2 Cor. 4 4 Levit. 9.18.34. etc. Deut. 30.6.  Else they might see that these Precepts of love are plainly there set down, as the sum of the Law also: and other particular Precepts, as they were literally delivered, were but appropriate to the Jewish Nation only: and not universally binding as divine. And therefore they that thus dig deep to hide their Counsels from God, shall pass through it hardly bestead and hungry: they shall be caught in their own snares and be as him that dreameth of meat and behold he is an hungry. And it shall come to pass when they be hungry, 
Isa. 8.21.  they shall fret themselves: and curse their King and their God, and look upward. That is, the shame and confusion of their own deceitful way, shall drive them into so great desperation, that instead of amendment by obedience to God, to be showed to the King his Minister, they shall curse the parties themselves; that is, curse God by cursing their King: whereby they shall curse upward, as well as look upward. The which is the issue of all such blind guidance: namely to find trouble, darkness, dimness, anguish, and the like; 
Verse 22.  which way soever they shall look.  
And this consequence of dimness and anguish, as we find by example to have been the issue of the absence of Monarchical direction, in the Idolatry, Civil war, and other wickedness of the Israelites, When they had no King, but every man did what seemed good in his own eyes (that is, interpreted and followed the letter of the Law as he thought good) so, is it also foretold to happen to Israel, and in them to the Christian Church, when she shall be an empty Vine, or fruitless, by bringing forth fruit unto himself: that is, serve God after his own invention, signified by increasing his Altars and goodly Images. For then, when their heart is divided; that is, 
Host 10.1  are not single and entire in their service and obedience, they shall be found faulty, and their Altars and Images shall be broken down: 
Verse 2.  which is the same as to be snared and taken. They shall then find their sin of disobedience to prove their punishment. For they shall say we have now no King, because we feared not the Lord, what then shall a King do to us? That is, 
Verse 3.  since we have refused to fear or serve God, as he appointed in the King his Minister, and have spoken words swearing falsely in making a Covenant (the Covenant of our own works with death and hell) therefore do we deserve to have judgement springing up like Hemlock in the furrows of the field: that is, 
Verse 4.  to have this common and uncertain weed of judgement, that is now growing everywhere for want of a formal root, to be made as poisonous unto us as Hemlock is.  
We shall also find the Prophet Amos imputing it as a fault in Israel and a sure sign of their calamity that they hated him that reproved in the gate, and abhorred him that speaketh uprightly: that is, 
Amos 5.10.  they despised and slighted that sentence of Judgement and Equity which was in God's Vicegerent, and did desire the day of the Lord: 
Verse 8.  as thinking to be found upright b●fore him according to their own ways. When as it should be as if a man did flee from a Lion, and a Bear met him and went into the House and leaned his hand on the wall, and a Serpent bit him. 
Ver. 19, 21, 22.  For which cause God there threatens to withdraw his public presence (a sure sign of his dereliction of any place) and to abhor their Offerings, their Feast days, and other solemn ways appointed for his own worship: because, under colour of serving him, they had turned judgement into wormwood, and left off righteousness in the earth: or had made it spring up like Hemlock, as formerly noted.  
Nor need there farther instances be given of that simplicity and coincidence of Gospel Precepts, and how that Faith and Love, or Faith that worketh by love, and Love made useful by Obedience, are asserted in the New-Testament, as necessarily, and only fundamental; since, if the whole Scripture be diligently examined, they will be found the usual drift of them all. So that as salvation is sometimes, and in some places promised to such as believe the Gospel, so in other places, to such as obey the Gospel. Faith uniting us to Christ, and Obedience uniting us to his Church. He that with prepossession of this Doctrine, shall read the holy Scriptures, shall find the difficult places thereof to assent to a ready opening and interpretation; offering themselves to unlock easily with this Key: it being the door of entrance into most of the mysteries thereof, which are usually turning upon these hinges.  
Which plenty and readiness of discovery, as it hath been the occasion of my passed tediousness in these Discourses, so must it be the excuse also; both for my want of order, and also for any repetition that shall be found therein. For as the known benefit arising by peace (through obedience) made me attentive to such remarkable Texts as did confirm this duty, so these Texts again, by the abundance of matter accompanying them and leading to that subject, caused me both to fail of method, and to transcend my intended bounds in the Treaty hereof. And yet, to avoid this tediousness, I have neither undertaken to Comment on many places (neither in Old nor New-Testament); and in some of those I do undertake, it may be observed that I have but cursorily glossed: leaving the farther discovery to each man's easy observation that will attend it.  
I know many will look strangely at the first, upon this Doctrine of men's innocence by implicit obedience in all we do: that is, to Christ himself in things fundamental, and which formally state us Christians, and to our Prince (his deputy) in all things necessary for the security and advance thereof. But when the scope of Scripture, and the good of Peace and common Charity (thereby, and no way else to be attained) shall be well considered of, the apparent benefit, will in reality (I hope) exceed the seeming novelty. For without it, how shall we be able to ground and settle ourselves, upon such a constant course for Unity and Agreement, where private judgements (under the colour of Conscience) shall not be able to interrupt Gods appointed way of providence, by setting him to act against himself? Even to interrupt and abate of that glory which should be given to God in the highest, by not providing for this Peace one earth, and good will towards men: according to that heavenly Hymn sung at the birth of the Prince of Peace. And if such a thing as Government must thereupon be acknowledged necessary, and that obedience again is a duty necessary to estate Government; then must there necessarily a difference follow (in point of guilt) between him that performs it, and him that doth it not: and so consequently he that hath been more implicit and ready in his obedience, must be confessed to have better performed it, than he who hath therein but observed the Dictate of his own sense and Conscience, and not that of his Superior.  
Nor can I see, how men, generally granting Superiors to be accountable for the sins which were acted by virtue of their commands, can thereupon avoid the acknowledgement, that as this guilt lights on them because the other obeys out of sense of duty, so must it proportionably abate in the obeyer: unless they can make obedience no duty at all, or (that which is more absurd) can make men never the juster for having done it.  
But so hard a thing it is to overcome that thirst of rule and insubjection that is naturally graffed in us, that some objections must always be expected to shake off implicit restraint, and to leave us still to the liberty and condition of our first Parents, in examining the Ground and Reason of each command, before we come to act. It faring with men, in the rendering of their obedience, as it doth in their Charity. For although none will deny that Charity lies upon him as a duty, even as they will grant that Obedience doth also, yet when we are to act this Precept of Love or Charity we shall find interest and covetousness, so to sway us in making of Objections against such as do really need it, that it will in the end amount to very little: even as in like manner Pride and Interest are always ready to defeat the duty of Obedience; by one objection or other against the person commanding, or the Command itself. Thus, Children and Servants, being told of those Texts of obey in all things, or the like, will presently answer, that, by all things, must be understood only things lawful: For else, our Father or Master may command us to do contrary to the Laws of our Prince and Country; he may command us to Kill, to Steal, etc. And the like answer we must also expect from some who live under the notion of Subjects, but have no mind to be so: to wit, That no man is bound to such implicit obedience, as is by me formerly set down; nor the subject obliged to obey his King commanding contrary to the Law of God and Nature. And then, assuming to themselves a liberty to know, interpret, and apply these Laws, they have made that Precept of obey in all things, equivalent to obey in nothing: since that I do no more for him, than I would have done for a friend that should have entreated me: even to have satisfied his desire as far as my own Conscience or judgement did lead me.  
But they have not well considered, that as the reason why Children and Servants cannot follow implicit directions, is, because the Prince their common Superior, hath nowhere left the Father and Master to this liberty, by saying obey in all things, or the like, but on the contrary, doth expect immediate and particular obedience from them, as Subjects, to many of his Laws: which, had he not, but had bidden them to Submit to those that had the rule over them, & to do all things without murmurings and dispute, etc. It cannot be doubted but an implicit obedience to their Parent or Master would have excused them against their Prince: inasmuch as in all those cases, where no reservation was expressly made, obedience to them was but obedience to him.  
Nor have they well considered the condition of humane frailty; which is, and will be, while man continues in this vail of misery, obnoxious unto sundry unavoidable inconveniences and mischiefs. It is not for men to fancy their happiness can be in any thing so stated here, as not to be liable to cross and adverse accidents: all they can do, is to bow and submit to that way and course by Providence appointed them, and where these things are least to be feared.  
And therefore, to those that shall object against the degree of arbitrariness we have assigned to Princes, What if King's shall command their Subjects to commit murder, or lie with another man's wife, or the like: We may make answer by another Question; Whether they think it more probable that those things should come to pass and be acted in Civil war and Anarchy (the usual remedy of this fear) when each man is left at liberty to perform what he is by natural inclination provoked unto, or when their actings, are, in that case bounded by one that can have no such self-delight therein. Where there is a King set up with due power, that can have no pleasure in any man's revenge or lust, it is not supposeable that this one person shall be alike prone to command in that kind (nay, even to any one person) as that, the nearer provocations of Anger and Concupiscence where no irresistible power is, should universally instigate to be committed, in order to that liberty in which each one is left.  
If men do really hate these and the like evils, and do accordingly desire that the most sure way should be taken for their avoidance (for to do it in such degree that they shall not be supposeable to happen is impossible) they should then (me thinks) not countenance those maxims and courses that tend to Rebellion and Civil war. For, where it is but possible that under a Monarch equally obeyed, some things may be, at some times commanded, in case of insurrection and Civil war, it falls out of necessity that such things must be often, and more generally perpetrated.  
And where, in the first case, it can never happen but with some knowledge and remorse of the thing as evil, (whereby through Conscience or sense of honour the execution may be prevented or mitigated) here Conscience itself comes many times to be so blindly engaged, that each disagreeing party is ready to believe that their revenge and rapine against each other, is but as done against God's enemies; and so is both duty and service to him. In which case, to spare out of any natural or moral relation of Father, or Master, or the like, is all one as to prefer worldly respects to divine, and the love of men to that of God: too sad experience telling us, how men, in this case, are wont to heighten one another's rage by the abused application of this or such like Texts. Cursed be he that doth the work of the Lord deceitfully: and cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from blood.  
But for fuller satisfaction in these scruples, men are to consider that as Murder, Theft, Adultery and the like are in themselves Vices notoriously destructive to humane preservation and peace, so in the eye of divine Providence it was found necessary, not only to forbid them by express Laws and Precept from himself, but also to substitute amongst men such living Magistrates as should have the charge for the interpretation and enforcing of them. To say that any man may commit Murder, Theft, or the like, and yet commit no sin, were not to speak like a Christian; but then again, to say that the determination of what is, or is not Murder or Theft, is not left unto him that is to interpret and enforce this Law, is as erroneous and unbecoming a subject. When Moses commanded to slay every man his brother, and to borrow of the Egyptians raiment, Jewels etc. the Israelites that were to look on him as the keeper and interpreter of the Law, thereby Obedience to him assailed both of Murder and Theft. For as these Laws (as we said) were made for the good of Society, so is their definition and particular enforcement entrusted to him that hath share of each Society. In which consideration it may often fall out, that the putting of some to death by public command, is necessary to the saving of more from being murdered upon private revenge; and the confiscation of some men's estates, the ready way to secure other subjects in a more quiet possession. And if those that are by Princes in these kinds to be employed as executioners of Justice, are not obliged to enter into the examination of the legality of the Precept or Sentence whereby any is bereft of life, liberty, or estate, even because of those great inconveniences that might follow such delay or refusal; why should not Subjects in the general be held excusable by implicit obedience also? For it is nowhere found but the Subjects of the one sort do stand equally, and as strictly obliged as the other; and therefore, if the Prince his particular employment of some certain of his subjects this way, did, for his very Precept sake, tie them to stricter obedience, and also excuse them therein; what and if another subject should upon occasion be willed to act this part? What and if as many subjects as should make an Army should be called together to execute his commands upon such numbers of others as could not be awed by the ordinary way of Justice, (for an Army is nothing else but an extraordinary levy of men for public vindication)? Are subjects in this case to refuse listing, till they be farther satisfied in the justice of their Sovereign's proceeding then what his Declarations doth intimate? Or may they afterwards suspect execution in every new Command, until they be fully satisfied in the justness thereof? If this be thought unreasonable, as the ready was to defeat all Military Discipline, so must it likewise be held destructive in Civil proceedings also; which is but a more stationary and settled Army; as the Army is a more movable Commonwealth, in a more warlike posture: Obedience being the Life and Soul of both.  
But, if the Prince, upon some Reasons known to himself; command any of his Subjects to carry a Reprieve, or be otherwise instrumental in the saving of any person condemned for Murder, or Theft, or the like, is that person, that hath the life of this man now in his power, to suspend or deny the prosecution of this Precept, because, for aught appears to him, the condemned party is not guiltless? If the condemned party shall be saved by his Obedience to his Prince his Command, and shall afterwards commit more Murders, or Thefts, or the like; on whose score score shall all these light? For it is (certainly) as well a fault to justify and acquit the wicked, 
Prov. 1●. 15:  as to punish or condemn the just: but surely it is imputable to him that is by Office to command, and not to him that is by his Relation to Obey. Which case, well applied and considered, will inform us that it is not Justice (as it is truly and really so) but that, in these kinds of determinations, we are carried away with the natural sense of pity, and sense of honour and vulgar reputation: inasmuch as it appears more noble to be instrumental in the acts of mercy and beneficence, then in punishments or condemnations.  
But if after all this, the truth of what hath hitherto been delivered find but slow belief and practice; it is not to be wondered at. Considering first, that the thing itself is a mystery; even hid from the wise and prudent, and revealed unto Babes: that is, to them that (like Babes and Sucklings) can be content innocently to rely on Christ's sincere milk of the Word, (his Precept of Love) and to draw it from the Breasts of the nursing Fathers and Mothers of the Church. To these humble souls, will God give his Grace: but will resist the proud in their prudent speculations. For how is it otherwise to be hoped, but that since men do fancy themselves to have sufficiency of discretion and integrity, (which all more or less do) so proportionably, they shall also balk all guidance but their own; or (which is all one) such only as themselves like of? For, since the Reason why I decline the others guidance to follow theirs, is only because I first found their Principles, and Commands were such as were agreeable to mine own judgement or interest; it must then be granted, that I follow therein but myself, and also obey none other. They therefore that can well be content to acknowledge that Faith in Christ is necessary for making us capable of the blessing of Deity, will yet make a stand to confess it to be solely that Faith that worketh by love, or is always ready so to do: and that then, as we cannot be Members of Christ otherwise then as by being Members of his Church, so neither of his Church, otherwise then by obedience to that power therein residing in his stead.  
But now, for Conclusion of this Discourse, we will see how far these things stand good and justifiable in the very light of Nature also: to the end it may find readier entertainment, when they shall appear reasonable in humane prudence, as well as divinely positive; both that there should be an inward Plantation of Love and Charity in the Creature, to serve towards mutual affordment in the work of Providence; and that, to make this love effectual to the same end, there should be Order and Regulation appointed: lest through the pursuance of beneficence separately and unlimitedly undertaken, the contrary might be produced. For as we have in this whole work propounded Scripture and Reason for our only proof and Authority, so in this particular (as well as in all the rest) it is our endeavour to let men see the agreement of those two: and that Scripture is nothing but Reason enlightened and rectified; and so bringing sundry sorts of truth more near to our understanding.   

CHAP. IX. Of Charity as it stands in Nature.  
AS some there are, who in their height of admiration of those many excellent endowments and Prerogatives of mankind, have left unto us their Eloquent and abundant discourses of his perfection and felicity; so others again there are, who in contemplation of his many weaknesses, pravities, and imperfections, have been as excessive in their pathetic expressions of his misery and wretchedness. And observe whom you will that write of this Subject, and do consider man in a separate condition, and you shall find them falling into intemperance on one hand or other. Not that man is not the same he was, but the object of the comparison they still make unto him, having between him and them such large degree of perfection, or meaness of beatitude or goodness, we need not wonder, if from such different conference, man arise with such like different censure and estimation. For one sort comparing him to God, or such things as are in their specific degree more happy or perfect, it cannot be expected but that from such a comparison he should arise other than a Creature of low and most miserable condition and esteem. The other again, comparing him to other sensitives and Creatures below him, must in contemplation of those many abilities of his (in Understanding and Will) above them, and of his more lively Image of his Maker in the appetite of good, make their Discourses high in his commendations.  
But however his Felicity or Virtue, be thus abased or extolled, we cannot but justly esteem him positive in both: and that, though from God he differ most highly in all things in degree of perfection, yet in reality of resemblance, he doth most remarkably retain his image and favour; and that in both kinds.  
As for that state of felicity which is proportionable to his degree, and proper to him as a man, none can make doubt of, that attentively considers him: nor can those miseries that befall him, be ascribed to other then accidental causes; and not as arising from his natural incapacity.  
And let this pravity and corruption of manners be again weighed, and they will for the most part be found accidental, and unnatural also: insomuch that there is no man (nay no sensitive) that hath not his Will wholly averted from evil, as known to be such.  
And further, since nothing can be sin or evil, but wherein mine own or some other Creatures prejudice is reached, (to prove it is not primarily natural in us) it is to be noted that there is no Creature, but doth unfeignedly and continually covet the good of both. And although the good and benefit of others, be (for reasons heretofore showed) in case of present competition postposed, yet are they positively and continually existent in our Wills: even so, as there was never Creature in the world, that did, or could, considerately, and unprovoked by self-respect, act, or intent the harm and prejudice of another.  
Which natural quality of Love and Charity, (belonging unto sensitive Agents, and Creatures, as such, and according to their approach to divine resemblance, and that degree of Will and Understanding which the divine fountain of these things hath made them partakers of, in order to be the assisting instruments in the course of his Providence, appears most eminently in man; as having most of God in him: that is, of this love and desire of beneficence. And although Women and Children, (for want of intention or understanding sufficient) do not place their Love and Charity on so high and worthy objects as men, (unto whom the true ends of Society and honour are more apparent), yet, that this affection of love and beneficence is naturally and perpetually existent in them, is manifest by their constant exercise hereof towards Dogs, Birds, Monkeys, and the like. Nay, we shall find girls (that cannot in judgement reach so high as those) providing apparel and food for their Babies, with most high and great indulgence: as supposing they do hereby as really pleasure and benefit these, as their Parents do them. Observe we again in them, what aversion they have (on the other side) to the doing of harm: even so, that from the time they do once begin to know what death is, they will not be induce to kill any thing: especially, if it have not been represented or made known unto them as a Creature very harmful to others: at which time, their appetite of more general benefit may well be supposed to lead them thereunto. And when any doth carelessly and in sport kill innocent Creatures, it is only want of remembrance, and full apprehension of the true loss and suffering thereof: for had we not by incogitancy and custom been led thereunto, a man should no more kill a Fly, than a soldier without other engagement would kill a Man.  
Nay farther, that vindicative prosecution of other things, (as it hath its aim in Justice, and intends natural security) is a part of our divine resemblance: and that pravity of our Wills therein, may seem to arise from the want of right understanding of right and wrong, and of the true intentions and provocations of others to our prejudice: and not out of premised purpose of harming them, without self-respect. For it is no more possible for any man, to intend another any ill, otherwise then out of self-consideration, than it is for him to unman himself.  
The particulars of our failings, and deviations from divine exemplar in harming of other things, (so as to cause sin) is therefore chiefly incogitancy: cy: either harming them ignorantly, or above the measure of the harm received.  
So that self-respect, is so far from being the sole fault that misleads us in the punishment of other things, that it is all the warrant or reason we can have for doing it. Nay so far as we do it not, we are then transgressors of Nature's Law: being then only become unlike to God our pattern, when without, or beyond, just self-consideration, we neglect their good, or procure their harm.  
And as the state of things did thus stand good in point of Nature and Reason, so still, God having given every man charge concerning his neighbour, and bidden us love our neighbours as ourselves, it altars not the first end and intention of loving myself best, but rather directs a way to it, when it doth by consequence make others good to be mine. As for example, God having now, by the Light and Precepts of Religion, reserved to himself all execution of injury and revenge, and (the better to provoke our reasonable Wills to the obedience hereof, and to the entertainment of patience,) having annexed promises and threats of highest nature, to encourage and deter us herein, it will follow, that since divine command is now stepped in, the case of benefit arising by private revenge stands altered in true Reason; and will, (if pursued,) prove a ready course to bring upon myself the like, or greater mischief it strove to inflict: by making me liable (in that regard) to the vengeance of an irresistible and all powerful deity. Whereas, if I love and serve God, or do good to my neighbour as myself; as God requires, I shall thereby, most assuredly do and seek mine own good, as Nature enjoins.  
Now, as all Sensitive Agents have (as we said) so much of God in them as to have a continual readiness and inclination to acts of beneficence, (as may appear by their readiness in acts of pity and succour) so man hath it most as most resembling him: Insomuch as there is not any one, but had he unlimited and irresistible power, would make it his whole endeavour (af●er personal supplies are satisfied) to be continually, undertaking such acts, as should procure to others greatest benefit, and to himself (thereupon) greatest thanks. Nor can he act or intend the harm of any thing as it stands a Creature in Nature, but only as in consideration of its inclination and readiness to harm others: which must still carry on the proof of ma●s general intention to beneficial performances. Nay, in our most fierce pursuits of revenge against any one or few, it is still by us designed and intended, as a way to acquire advantage to the achieving a more high and general benefit to others. For let all our endeavours be observed, (for the attaining power or riches, beyond personal use or expense), and they will be found of direct intention that we may thereby be able to lay obligations on others.  
As this (I say) will be found true in the first intentions of all such as do set themselves for the gaining any eminence of honour or greatness, so from hence, we may discover the ground of that peremptory desire and presumption of success, that each one concludes should answer the reasonableness of their own designs. Which, as it is made good use of by Fortune-tellers, in their constant promises of good luck, so is it the great cause of State alterations: even because each one, being to himself more presuming of his good intentions and deserts, then of the contrary, he is thereupon more ready to entertain hopes of increase by change, then fear of miscarriage therein, from the examples of other men's misfortunes happening upon like occasion: of whose good intentions he could have no knowledge at all, but might well have observed them, to have done both imprudently and ill. In which, or the like erterprises, being again by the will of others hindered, hence it is also, that those passions, first of Anger, and then of Revenge, do in each one: arise namely from the testimony of his own Conscience, of the benefit and goodness of his own ends by him designed, when he shall be seated in his power. For although Custom of Revenge, do (like Custom in all other sins), beget many times prosecution, even out of the pleasure thereby only arising, yet this must be ascribed to the pravity of unbridled Custom, and not as growing out of pure Nature; which hath in each Creature primarily placed a desire of beneficence; even so eminently and apparently, that we may confidently affirm, that in the worst of actions which was ever yet perpetrated by any, the project and design of good and beneficence was still in intention: and that, that very act of Revenge itself, was but executed as proceeding of discontent in being therein hindered.  
Where is then man's fault, if it be not in the Will to good, but for want of knowledge which he could not remedy? Nor seems the disturbance of other things to be his fault either, since they first make a disturbance to him, and what he doth is but to remove it, that thereby the intended good may proceed? Yes, he hath his fault in them both: even because, through pleasure of present revenge, he neglects to consider of the prejudices and sufferings of other things through his means; and this in most things he hath ability enough to do. In which course if he fail through want of knowledge and ability, it excuses not, but adds to his fault: because (as heretofore declared) he presumed upon the guidance of his own knowledge herein.  
Another fault is want of equity; in fancying his desires and actings higher, than the poise of his equality with other things would bear: and from thence comes his injustice, in balancing distributory and vindicative prosecutions. For man being placed amongst others his equals, cannot, but, with the same appetite that leads him to affect himself above others (in regard he knows his own good intentions and not theirs,) come also in his acts to be unjust to others; and this, because he must be partial. For, taking upon him to be judge and director, according to this particular light and interest, he must in his proceedings be unjust. Whereas only God Almighty, that hath whole, and equal interest and knowledge in all things, and is not capable of personal injury or wrong (otherwise then by having his Creatures wronged) cannot in his punishment of his Creatures be unjust: because he doth it for their sakes; in that he had the only consideration of their general benefit the cause and measure thereof. But man must be so far partial and unjust, as he is patible in the cause he judges, or differently interessed in the parties.  
And were any like Adam at first, put to be amongst all sorts of Creatures so far below him, where his actions without impeachment might take place, and in whose benefits he had entire and equal share, he would no doubt proceed in all things with great justice, according to his measure of knowledge. But because there is no man, but (let alone), would be like a God also over all his fellows; and would (if his wish might take place), arise from one degree of eminence unto another, until he had gotten absolute power of conferring all benefits and receiving all honours; it became necessary in stay of those prejudices that might hereby grow, for God to come in with his positive Precepts of lowliness, humility, brotherly love, and love to our neighbour as ourselves. Whereby we come to be put in mind, that as the honour and thanks of beneficent actions, is only at his dispose that is the fountain of good; so others are of as great concern as ourselves: none having farther power of acting therein then from God received. And that however this appetite of search of honour and pleasuring others, were divine and useful, we should notwithstanding (in the particulars wherein another's interest is concerned as well as our own) not proceed without leave of him that hath whole interest.  
For if men can at all be differenced from one another in their actings, in respect of good and bad, just and unjust, (so far as to make them warrantable or not), it must arise from the difference of that additional light and warrant they shall be helped to from without and above themselves. For since all men (as bearing God's Image) are by that higher part of their mind (which we call Synterysis) universally and continually assenting unto to the general Rules of Justice and Probity (which we call the Laws of Nature) if they be not by others farther helped in the exercise of these generals, (at such time as they come to make them frameable to use), it will happen, that since each single person did from divers instances and inductions of his own framing and collection, raise and conclude these maxims to himself, they must also diversely, as well as fallibly, demean themselves, when they come to descend to the particular application of them, in those emergencies which concern our moral duties and sociable abearances, as heretofore noted.  
As for example, all men of ordinary discourse and reason do knowingly and unfeignedly assent to those general moral maxims, of God to be worshipped and served, Parents to be honoured, Theft, Murder, Adultery, and other vices to be punished, and the like: yet since this they do, as thereunto lead from their own several observations, of the mischiefs following or to be feared from the contrary practices or neglect of these things, it must follow, that as men come differently to raise these conclusions, so must these prejudices and prepossessions differently bias and direct them again, when they come to refer back and apply them to particular use and action. Whereupon, although all men do agree to the reasonableness of God's worship and Service, and the punishment of Vice, and reward of Virtue; yet will it be hard to find any considerable number directly to agree wherein, and in what sort this worship is to be manifested: and so again, how to state and bound each Virtue or Vice, and to proportion their just rewards or punishments.  
In which regard, as a divers ability, interest, and prepossession, will make men disagree in what is Adultery, Murder, Theft, etc. and how far punishable; so may the like considerations generally cause aversion, from entertaining other moral maxims as necessary as these: nay more (indeed) as being their support and foundation. As for example, in that of implicit obedience. For as public preservation and good doth depend on the due reward and punishment of Virtue and Vice; so doth the same again, depend on the maintenance of his Authority that is to have the trust therein: And therefore by right reason, should this have been set down in the first place, and next to our obedience to God, had not thirst of licentiousness made men (in all conclusions and maxims of subjection and obedience) to fancy the greatest number of restraints and qualifications, to be observed in the commands of such Superiors whose places themselves should never probably act, (as to Princes or the like) and on the contrary place more implicit obedience towards Parents, Masters, etc. which Offices themselves always did, or were likely to supply. As if those that had the greatest command and trust, were upon good reason to have the least power to see the same performed.  
But these things seem naturally to fall upon us: for as every man doth submit to Government in general, out of consideration of his own private good to be therein enjoyed; and not out of care advance the public, otherwise then in order thereunto; so must it again fall out, that in all deliberations for the manner or measure of exercise thereof, that form of administration should be still chosen, that in each party's judgement affords to himself most full and free enjoyment: placing his first respect to his own particular, and regarding the public but in order thereuto: from whence such difference of judgement in forms of Government do arise. And from hence also it comes to pass, that the Subjects in Polarchies are always (upon experience) more complaining and desirous to return under Monarchy again, than they were at first to abandon it: even because they now find themselves deluded, and defeated of that share and degree of Power and Government, which they upon their prince's removal did before vainly expect.  
By all which it will appear, that intention of good according to our own light, cannot estate any guiltless, for then all would be so: but public good must arise by joint submission unto one Judge of common good. Else it will prove that this strong desire to do good, will be the continual cause of harm. For malice itself being but in order to envy and revenge, if men are no farther inclined to such like prosecution (as before noted) then as being hindered in their own way of doing good, it must then follow, that to do good disorderly is the ready way to be malicious. For though the will to good must always reside in private and separate persons, yet the understanding and direction thereof, must be conform to such as are in Authority: and the judgement of such as are under subjection, is to be employed in knowing what, but not why to obey.  
By which means we shall preserve and maintain undeniably that which is t●e most general and highest step to Providence and general benefit, namely public peace. Whereas pursuing our neighbour's benefit according to rules and ways of our own framing, the truth of our private speculations towards beneficence, can be but as contingent (if not more) then that of Authority: and must by the distraction of mine own and others obedience, (through exemplar encouragement for each one to follow his own judgement in ways and acts of benoficence), avoidable defeat all public good and Charity: in defeating the bond of peace, that unity of direction that should have led thereunto.  
For upon the same warrant I follow mine own, or others private judgement against public command now, I may do so again: as often as I pretend, or really conceive, my neighbours good to be thereby increased. And the same liberty being taken by others also, what can follow, but that men differently acting and obeying, according to different Consciences and Interests, they must force difference to arise amongst themselves in their services one towards another: to the final overthrow of Charity and public good?  
As for example, I, that am unknowing or heedless of the good and benefit of strangers and such as are more remote, in comparison of those near me and such as I converse with; and which must again, make such difference between those which are of my neighbourhood, in respect of that different affection I shall cast towards them, as they have in particular friendships and kindnesses deserved at my hands, or do in affections or interests sympathize and comply with me; cannot thereupon, but out of this my unequal regard, dispense so unequally of my Charity, that those I know not shall have no share or provision at all, and of those I do know, either through contrariety of humour, or thwarting of designs, some will come to be esteemed and prosecuted as enemies: even for that they stood contrary in affection or act, to that way or course I had resolved on, or put in practice for the advancement of the good of those which I esteemed more: as being my particular kindred or friends. Whereupon, another (again) that held greater relation or friendship to those I slighted or disesteemed, was thereupon induced, from the height of my more fierce and private love towards the promoting the good of these above others whom he loved better, to labour (on the contrary) the hindrance and harm of them above others. By which means it shall come to pass, that each subject in particular shall be truly wanting of his due measure of Charity and beneficence, in execution and enjoyment, whilst, through private design and power, the same is only measured and practised: even, to the overthrow of all true Charity, and public peace also.  
The which considerations well weighed, might methinks persuade any to the obedience of Christ in his deputed Minister, for direction of their Charity. Namely to consider, that since love and propension to acts of beneficence, were placed in us for public good sake, and for that of others more than of their own; it is therefore reason, we should submit to be therein guided by the public direction of others also. Whom obeying according to Christ's Precept given to that very end, 
Phil. 2.14.  of doing all things without murmuring and disputing, why should we doubt of being blameless and harmless the sons of God: 
Verse 15.  and having really loved others as ourselves, and so performed the moral Law, since we have submitted to act according thereunto?  
Wherefore the sum of all is, That God made man upright, 
Eccles. 7, 29.  but he sought out many inventions. And that therefore public good acted by private direction only, is always evil: and the more intently and confidently so done, the more evil. That private equity, is public iniquity. That that natural former inclination to beneficence, which leaned on the principles of our dark fleshly wisdom, aiming at, (and so corrupted through) original pride and presumption of our own managery, is to be now abandoned: and we renewed in the spirit of our minds through love (and its fruits) Meekness, Gentleness, Patience, etc. Which inward root of love, as it comes from God only, so is it at his only dispose: being made perfect by obedience to him, or Officers holding direct Authority from and under him.  
By which means, we may perceive how Nature comes to be perfected by Grace; and how that natural and original intention to beneficence that through our fall was defeated by pride, comes to be made useful by the Gospel light and directions of Obedience, Humility, Long-suffering, Patience, Meekness, Gentleness, etc. this inward root of love being always ready to bridle us against envy, hatred, malice, and all uncharitable actings against others; even so far, as according to the light of our own Conscience, (not otherwise authorized) we are to abstain from all appearance of evil. 
1 Thess. 5.22.  By which means God that could never act contrary to to himself, or to the defeating of his own work or end (which could never be but perfect, and in itself worthy of preservation), doth by Grace restore and rectify what in our fall had been corrupted. Thus that love which Nature provokes me to express out of inward delight, Religion enjoins and directs me to execute according to explicit precept. That good which, for Honour or Virtue sake, I seek to act as a moral man, I must now, for Duty and Conscience sake, reinforce and prosecute as a Christian. That degree of beneficence, which in nature I might arbitrarily and differently dispense, according to mine own relations of Family, Friends, or the like: I must now, according to the tye of conscience and subjection, distribute indifferently, or according to such rules, as he that hath public charge shall direct.  
For our state of innocency consisteth more in negative, then in positive acts; that is, more in being harmless, then beneficial; because innocence (or abstinence from harm) is always a praise, and compatible to all men (inferior as well as others) but to be positively beneficial, is the attribute and sole honour of the Fountain of good; and is to mankind no otherwise communicable and proper, then as impowered and deputed from him, and acting in his stead. And therefore is Lord said to be the fulfilling of the Law, because it worketh no ill to his neighbour: 
Rom. 13.10.  And, in that Chapter, as obedience to the Higher Power is most strictly enjoined, and may be understood completing the Precepts of the first Table, and so inclusive of that Law of, Honour thy father and mother: So is the love of our neighbours as ourselves, set all down in negative Precepts, Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou shalt not steal, 
Verse 9  etc. Nay, our justification, and the forgiveness of our offences and sins against God, is made to depend most on our forgiving one another: which was chiefly hinted at in that perfect model of Prayer, Forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive those that trespass against us: Heaven itself being the reward of our innocence, not of our merit, and that because we cannot without derogation to God's honour, take on us to act in matters of beneficence without him. And so again, the Devil being the father of malice, the more we take upon us to act therein, the more we show ourselves his servants: Of which his delight in malice, contrary to the Precept of love, we have a plain instance in Witches, who spend their whole power in things destructive and mischievous, being wholly swayed by desire of revenge, which as it did at first grow from being crossed in their own designs, so they had beneficence in their aims. And therefore, so far as any is malicious to others (that is, is wilfully set to prosecute his own ways of doing future good by present evil) so far hath he listed himself under this Destroyer, and thrust himself out of Divine favour and protection, by renouncing Divine obedience; 
1 John. 3.14.  whereas others may know they are passed from death to life, not only because they love the brethren; but also for that they are obedient to God's minister in the manner thereof.  
For without God, every one may be truly said to act, that hath not from him as great and full direction and authority as was in his power to procure, even in that particular in which he acts; but doth rely only on such general directions, as were (for aught he knows) not proper to the cause in question: And so not being by God's Minister interpreted and warranted, as to licence therein, he must remain still, as much as before, without true warrant to act on another; and the other again, without just cause of suffering at his hands. For since both of these, having from Reason and Scripture alike power to judge, interpret and impose upon each other, he must be concluded to have been most innocent, and obeyed God most, that hath most obeyed his Vicegerent, and stuck to his direction therein. And this, because the positive Precepts of Scripture and Religion, coming only to supply, and make more appliable those general and ambiguous rules of natural reason, to which end determinate Interpreters were again put to see the meaning of these Scriptures applied to these cases and persons unto which they are proper) it must thereupon follow, that as those that undertake to judge cases by the light of nature only (without regard therein had to Scripture) cannot in so doing be guiltless; so also they that undertake to be their own judges from the immediate rules of Scripture, and do balk the the direction of the authorized Intepreter and Keeper, they must thereby become liable to guilt also.  
So that now, to sum up all these Discourses concerning love and obedience, it is still to show how men under the second Adam, stand (in respect of works) in a like condition for innocence as they did at first. For as then, the only Precept was to forbear tasting of the knowledge of good and evil, even so it is the only Precept still. For so much (in brief) our Saviour explains, saying, For judgement am I come into this world, that they which see not, might see; and they that see, might be made blind: 
john 9.39.  And again (as before noted) answered those that presumed to derive Innocence and Righteousness from their own light. If ye were blind ye should have no sin: But now ye say we see, therefore your sin remaineth. 
Verse 41.  The which and other places, are certainly plain enough to convince any whom The God of this World hath not blinded to their own destruction.  
And however formerly amongst the Jews, where God was immediate Lawgiver, and by plain literal Precepts did set down his pleasure to be observed by each one in particular, the differencing of obedience into active and passive was useful; that thereby upon occasion subjects might perform their duties to God and his Vicegerent also; as also it was before the higher Powers were Christians; yet now, unto Christian Subjects, that have not from Christ rules set down for their external abearance one towards another (but they are to be taught his commands from his Deputies and Ambassadors) the case is otherwise, For so the words are, Teaching them to observe whatsoever I have commanded you; 
Matth. 28.20.  not what I have commanded them. So that, when subjects are by their Christian head now commanded to be actively obedient in any thing, they are then disobedient if they are not so; because where doing is required, their doing to their power, and not their suffering, must show their obedience. For as I cannot find that the Crown of Martyrdom was promised to any, but such as were persecuted for the name of Christ, or Christianity (which in Heathenish persecutions was to come to pass) so cannot I tell what other title then that of Rebel, 
Mat. 10.18, 22. Mark 13.9, 13.  to give to such as oppose or resist their Christian Prince.  
Nor can I find what other reason to give for that expression of our Saviour's, saying, that God hath given him authority to execute judgement, 
john 5: 27:  because he is the son of man, than thereby to show how God, in his recess from matters of earthly judicature, doth not take upon him to set down rules for external obedience, immediately from himself, under the Gospel, as formerly under the Law; but mediately, by humane instruments; & that as the salvation of our souls, and also of our bodies, was committed unto him that had taken our whole nature upon him (and so he might be called the Son of man as well as the Son of God) so this salvation of our bodies (which is the object of Government and Society, and of all things pertaining to judgement and morality) being not by him to be personally managed, it must be done by these more eminent Sons of Men, each Christian Prince. And surely, as our Saviour's frequent assumption unto himself of this expression, The Son of man, is not to be construed impertinently or casually done; so will it clearly explain, that as God hath referred all judgement to him, that contains in his own person the radical excellence of our nature, and that because he is the Son of man: even so (and to the same end) are these other more eminent Sons of men to be in matters of judgement obeyed in his stead. And if the method and order of dispensation used by that great and wise Creator and Disposer of all things be duly observed, we shall find, that as in order to continuance and preservation of men (both personally, and in their kind) he hath not only implanted those natural provocations to pleasure heretofore spoken of, but also that natural readiness to acts of conference and kindness, as now declared: so, to prevent all such abuses as might arise through the exorbitant or irregular use of things thus naturally ingraffed (and likely thereupon to be as violently coveted) we may also observe Divine bounty and providence, to be as continually intent and careful in restoring and assisting of us, being lasped, as at first to create and state us happy.  
The food which we take, as it hath in itself personal respect only, so hath it in each one a proper way of judicature to determine both of choice and satiety, as well as of appetite and hunger. In those other inclinations that have aim beyond the party acting (the one for bringing men into the world, and the other for preserving and advantaging of them, being there) they also, by divine appointment, are to have their public rules of direction and limitation, set down by those Societies of men wherein they are to be exercised; lest else, the means might prove destructive of its own end. For I that in nature, and as a man, could not more kind-like, or meritoriously employ myself, then in such like actions, may yet, by intemperance or partiality in prosecution, prove myself to be in these things more highly ignoble and vicious, then in any thing else.  
As for those rules and restraints put upon men's acting in the first sort, by the appointment and limitation of Wedlock, or for avoiding of unchaste acts, none do doubt of the fitness of positive direction and evidence herein, in order to public benefit, although against the good liking of the obeyer: Whereas, if public good were rightly known, and weighed, the other, that hath a more high and general influence thereupon (even as it is more continually practicable by each person) ought also much more to have its directions and confinements set down by public appointment; for else it may happen, that that more particular regard towards those of mine own family, and other relations; which might at first arise from the marriage tie, and that precept of a man's providing for his own family, might from too eager love fixed on some, contract by consequent, as great hatred and neglect towards others, whereby to destroy in the street, that which was thus carefully preserved in the house. For as it is observed in the food of our natural bodies, that the greatest and most dangerous surfeits do arise from the inordinate and irregular use of that which is in itself most wholesome and best; even so in the politic frame, there is nothing which more usually, or with greater danger, doth procure the disturbance and dissolution thereof, than this arbitrary application of our loves, even when we as men, do so far follow our own natural tye of affection and interest in the placing of our good deeds, as to be neglectful of that our more high and near kindred and relation we have towards them as Christians: wherein, as that common and equal affinity of Brotherhood and Fellow-members, is always to fill us with due readiness to be beneficent to all, so must it be directed and differenced in choice of object, and degree of exercise, by Laws and Rules received from him that hath the common Headship and Superintendency herein.  
And if such a liberty to dispute the warrantableness of commands, should be left as some men do insist upon, strange it is, that amongst all those large and express Precepts for general obedience; as, Obey in all things; D● all things without disputing, etc. that no distinction of duties into civil and religious is ever made, nor exception set down of unlawful commands. But if men could but a little separate themselves from their own humours, and that conceitedness of their private abilities in judging good and bad, they would then find the judgement and interpretation of these things, must be supposed left to their Christian Superior, or else large volumes should have been left, comprising in every particular what duties and actions were to be held Civil, and what Religious; and what lawful and what nor; because otherwise, the liberty of disputing of these things, would render men truly obedient in nothing; and thereupon also make the said Precepts vainly given.  
And having so far showed how the Precepts of General Good and Charity stand pointed out in Scripture and Reason, as the duty of each one in particular, and under the pain of most heavy guilt and punishment; and how it is best effected by obedience; it seems now requisite, to speak something also of those benefits and advantages which will hereby accrue, even unto the particular persons that employ themselves herein, and out of duty undergo those difficulties and hardships which usually attend this obedience: As of Patience, Humility, Gentleness, Meekness, Long-suffering, etc. To the end that none may grow heartless in the work; as being always held in a task to the benefit of others, and not at all to himself.   

CHAP. X. Of Patience, Long-suffering, Humility, Meekness, etc.  
HE that shall well consider that great and sudden growth of the Saracen Empire, shall never be able to stop his admiration therein, till he consider withal, the prevalence of those enchanting promises of sensual delights and rewards, in that Religion offered to the Sectators thereof: For while Mahomet himself, is standing (like the Devil) on his high Mountain of Prosperity, and offering the Kingdoms of the world, and the glory of them, 
Matth. 4.8, 9  to such as would fall down and worship him: Who can expect other event, than such a crowd of followers? when, on the other side, worldly peace and prosperity was not only not promised, but the contrary prophesied to be the usual lot of such as should list themselves in Christ's service. For as our Saviour was content to become vile in all worldly esteem himself, so did he plainly profess, that the Disciple was not to be above his Master; 
Matth. 10.24.  and that whosoever would be his, must (thereupon) take up his cross and follow him; that is, follow him in meekness, patience, long-suffering, etc.  
In which doing, they should not yet be so unhappy (even in this life) as worldly and ordinary judgements might conceive. For as in him, the reward of humbling and subjecting himself (in obedience to God) was rewarded with as great eminence in honour, 
Phil. 2.9.  and a name above all names: So to us, that shall be obedient and subject to him, and such as shall command in his stead, those present pressures, which the practice of these graces should cause, 
2 Cor. 14.7.  will not only be sure to be rewarded with an exceeding and eternal, weight of glory hereafter, but even here also, the unprejudiced and sound judgements of men, may from the practice of these virtues discern a present benefit to arise: and that, not only to mankind in general, but even to that person, who shall conscionably undergo them as his duty; who shall find godliness to have the reward (as well as promises) of both lives; as well of this, as that which is to come. 
1 Tim. 4.8.   
All which will be plainly made good to them, in the judgement of any that hath but so far pierced into the true state of things, as to find that happiness consisteth in the measure of enjoyment and content; and not in the proportion of our covetousness and anxiety. Therefore, as we formerly noted (in the Prophecy concerning the flourishing estates of whole Regions and People in general) that the promise and designment of the Jews or others for having of Kings, was when they should possess their land, and dwell therein; so in the behalf of the firm and real possession of each single Christian, 
Deut. 17.14.  that former Prophecy of the prosperous condition of the Church under the Gospel, is made good; namely, that the meek should inherit the earth? for although some haughty and turbulent persons have more of possessions under their present command, 
Psal. 37.11.  yet cannot they in any true sense be said to possess & inherit them, because labour in acquisition, and fear of loss, together with the distraction which the thought of other acquisition and conquest must produce, and above all want of faith in God (and so assurance of good enjoying them) will all of them render these men (at best) but unsteady usurpers.  
For as we cannot say of any whole people: they are in a true state of possession and dwelling in any Country, which is by them but newly acquired, and that by force; and unto which claim is openly laid by others, or in the possession whereof they have no agreement amongst themselves; even so, single persons are then to be esteemed true Inheritors of their earthly possessions, when they have assurance it is because their hope is in God: even that it is sent unto them from him, by means of a just expectation and endeavour; and can in a pious degree of humility, acknowledge, It is not by their own bow, 
Psal. 44.6:  nor by their own sword (that is, not by their wisdom and contrivance gotten) but through the bounty of that Eternal Fountain of Goodness, the giver of every good and perfect gift. 
James 1.17.   
This is that estate of Christian Fortitude and Perfection, which now under the glorious rays of the Gospel, comes to be so clearly shown to the sons of men. It is through this assurance and grace, that the patient and meek can in the midst of all violence, find themselves more than Conquerors. For first, having confidence of God's care of them in all things through Christ (so as to make all things work for the good of them that love him) as they cannot (on the one hand) but think themselves highly in God's favour, that hath given unto them not only to believe, 
Rom. 8.28.  
Phil. 1.29.  but also to suffer for his sake; so can they not, but from this measure of affliction plainly gather, that he reckons their Christian grace of patience at such a great perfection, as to call them into so great sufferings: For as he will lay on his children no greater burden than they can bear, so thereupon they cannot but in a double Obligation, acknowledge themselves tied to Obedience and Submission.  
In the old World, where little besides the light of Nature was left for direction, how did the violence of those Men of Renown, work to the disturbance of themselves and others, in their erroneous prosecution of content and happiness, under the maxims of Quicquid libet licet. Under the Law, men were brought to moderation, An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth: but this looking still with a face of revenge, was to be perfected by Precepts from the only Pattern and Doctor of Divine Wisdom and Perfection, Christ himself: I say unto you, love your enemies, etc. 
Matth. 5.44.  A Lesson and Direction of such truth and concern in itself, for and towards the stating and possessing, even of temporal felicity and peace amongst us, that should we consider it abstracted from that authority whence we had it, yet would it for its own sake deserve our entertainment, and that in the eye of bare natural reason and policy.  
For we cannot consider men in their commerce one with another, at any such constant rate of goodness and perfection, but that interest or insufficiency, will ordinarily lead them to the envying of one another: In which case, if it should be allowed each person (according to his presumption of the right thereof) to proceed to revenge and self-repairation, what shall become of peace? And although for peace sake, the Law provide against external private prosecution, by appointment of a common Judge; yet, while the root of mischief is remaining within, how oft will power and craft find evasion, to act its own malice to public disturbance? besides, that torture which this restless passion must breed in the party possessed with this Devil, not otherwise to be cast out or cured, but by this command of Christ himself.  
And although to the most wise and learned amongst the Heathen, God would not afford any through light herein; yet may we discover and admire the prevalence of that truth, which should enable them with such large speculation and progression this way: so that as well in Philosophical Doctrine, as Heroical practice, they could discern and prefer it as a compliment and crown to their other virtues. For what had Pride, Revenge, or Arrogance (with their turbulent deportments) to do with Prudence, or in the seat of Justice? How could those things lead to temperance, which were even in their own nature intemperate? And since virtue and felicity, must be in the even temper of the mind; how shall we find them, where these passions (by their abode) have first overthrown all moderation? And so lastly, if the end of Fortitude be to overcome evils, what other way shall we so assuredly do it, as with such fortification of our minds; whereby they shall not so much as seem evils at all, but rather blessings and benefits? Whereas (alas) to others, who are ignorantly and impetuously whirled with the thirst of honour, riches, or worldly pleasure of any sort; how often must those crosses and thwart (in their attainment and possession) which they must encounter from the hands of Competitors, render them through revenge, anger, and discontent, not only most afflictedly defeated of that particular, but through sense hereof, deprived of all their possessions else.  
Or could you fancy a person (like Solomon, uncrossed of all that could in this world be asked; yet he (as in his experience and true wisdom) shall tell you (as if set up on purpose) That all is vanity and vexation of spirit; nay, all of them in their fullest glut, 
Eccles. 2.17.  falling far short of the shortest moment of that content (much less of that steady lasting content) which his meek and pious father took, in that gladness which God put into his heart; and that in comparison of other men's corn and wine, 
Psal. 4.7.  or any other temporal felicity. When God gave him peace, it was (by reason of his meek and grateful acceptance) made to him the blessing of peace: 
Psal. 29.11.  nay, when he came to be afflicted, this (as it wrought faith in God) he acknowledgeth it to be good for him also: 
Psal. 119.75. Phil. 4.11.  For he had well practised the state of Christianity, in whatsoever estate, he was to be therewith content: And as he stood in his God thus steady like a tree planted by the rivers of water, 
Psal. 1.3.  he beheld the ungodly (in their unbottomed condition) driven to and fro like chaff upon the face of the earth: neither had they (like him) a father in heaven, to seek daily bread from; but it was first their curse and unhappiness to have no trusty and steady support for food (but to seek it in desolate places, wandering up and down) and then also, 
Psal. 59.15.  to grudge if they be not satisfied.  
Or let us suppose again, any person at the higest pitch of power, so as to be able to recompense all those his conceited injuries and displeasures which must befall him with revenge; yet how shall we ever find this remedy, to do none other than increase his disease? For while he is taking it, how much trouble will this passion put him into, and yet be both as unsatisfactory then, of having done it full enough, as afterwards (even out of the natural sense of pity) how will he find himself troubled with perpetual reluctance, of having done so much? For when he shall be restored to his reason again, he must find, that whilst he hath been judging another, he hath been condemning himself. For was not the harm done by another, given as the reason of this revenge? well then, since hereby he hath not, nor cannot recover the harm or loss, it must fall out, that so far as he is punishing him, he is arraigning himself: First as rebel to God, in dethroning him or his sole Prerogative Of repaying with vengeance: 
Deut. 32.35.  And then (having by the very act of revenge itself broken the Precept of love) what juster punishment can he expect, then that, as he hath with high and malicious contrivance plotted and acted the harm of another, and that only as in the Devil's stead (with express desire and pleasure in mischief, without expectation of repair to himself) so should he be left to the reward of that Master he hath so carefully served.  
And then farther, this act of revenge is so far from abating or allaying the pressing tortures of this passion (which un-erring truth justly calls Travelling with mischief) that it necessarily increaseth it: 
Psal. 7.14.  For the more and higher it works, the greater discontent and murmur will it draw down from the friends of the oppressed. And then, since none can in this case want friends and pittiers, this must again (by new objects) give occasion of new anger, and therewith of new revenge. Whereas accustomed patience, not only enables us in the enduring of present sufferings: but also is (by its habit) the true and only relisher of all blessings when they come: no otherwise, than abstinence or course food is too dainty fare afterwards: which is but loathsome to persons glutted therewith. For all pleasure being absence of pain, as health is of sickness; and arising therefore to be increased according to present sense of contrariety, it will follow, that as sense of pain and want did precede, so will sense of pleasure and possession (in measure) succeed: patience equally enabling us to sustain evil with less grief, as to entertain good with more delight.  
In which respect, we may well find how those Gospel Promises came to be made good, of, Whosoever hath left house, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or mother, or wise, or children, or lands for my sake, 
Mark 10.29.  and the Gospels: he shall receive an hundred fold now in this time, houses, and brethren, and sisters, and mothers, and children, and lands, with persecutions: and in the world to come eternal life. 
Verse 30.  Which words (with persecution) plainly show us, that separate persons can have such large restauration made good to them in this life by no other way, then by that formerly set down: which (if rightly weighed) will be such a high recompense indeed, as if each Christian formerly deprived of these things for Christ's sake, or each Christian subject now deprived for the Gospel of peace sake, had, or could have had, these things in kind restored.  
All which well observed, would make the condition of Kings and great Persons, not so much desirable by Subjects and Inferiors; even for that the fare and usage proper to them (which in regard of scarcity with us, we call dainty) is, by reason of commonness, with them more loathsome than ours; whose freedom they often envy, being themselves so enclosed and imprisoned with set order, and multitude of ceremonies and attendants, that they esteem themselves then only at liberty, when they can most imitate and practise the freedom of our condition.  
But the weakness of this passion being so well found in natural reason and example, I may leave it as a common place sufficiently treated of. For how many and eminent are t●ese instances (even amongst Heathens) of such as would not acknowledge their Prosecutors power, or their own weakness so far, as to prove by repine or desire of revenge, that they were more than they could bear: and did therefore usually leave this pusillanimous part, to be acted by the weaker tempers of women and children.  
But as for Precepts this way set down in Scripture, I believe, that, next to the Doctrine of Faith in Christ (which must precede, as well as be accompanied with these virtues) these Lessons of Patience, Humility, etc. will be found the chief drift of the Gospel: if not the only Precepts, that private persons can of their own judgements rely upon: they proceeding from the same Precept of Love and Charity. These teaching us how with Charity to suffer from others: as the orher doth, how to be inwardly affected in my actings towards them.  
For as, Whatsoever things were written aforetime, were written for our learning; so was it done, that we, through Patience and comfort of the Scriptures (that is, through the Precepts and Examples thereof, therein set down as practised, and the comfort and reward thereof thence also arising) might have hope, 
Rom. 15 4.  and encouragement to the performance of the like duties: that through the grace and goodness of the God of patience and consolation, we may be hereby enabled to be like minded one towards another, according to Christ Jesus: 
Verse 5. Ver●es 1.2.  And so, be, not only actively charitable, whilst (in things in our power) each one shall not seek to please himself, but his neighbour: but also, the same example will teach us to be passively charitable too, by our readiness to submit to authority, the only way to the peace and unity of the Church; 
Verse 6.  that therein with one mind, and one mouth, we may glorify God, even the father of our Lord Jesus Christ.  
However I cannot tell, whether (from these lights) I have given sufficient reason or no, for casting off revenge and disobedience, and entertainment of patience and humility; yet sure I am, that I can by mine own good experience say, that as I become every day a more true Disciple of my Saviour, even by willingly taking up my cross and following him; 
Luke 9.23.  and that, as I do more and more consider, that slander, persecution and all worldly afflictions, when suffered for, or in a good conscience (which may be best known by the corruption and wickedness of the persecutors) are not only testimonies of Christianity (in order to his predictions that way given) but also of Gods more especial and fatherly favour (that chasteneth every son whom he loveth) So do I more and more increase every day in true comfort: 
Hebr. 12.6.  Even from the assurance I thereby gather of God's protection and care of me; and that in a far higher and more settled degree, than any revenge by myself formerly taken could afford.  
Nor can I, or any man else (that considers these usuages of God with a well measured judgement) but thereby find advantage to arise even in this world's consideration also: It faring no otherewise with men in the behalf of their Reputation and Honour, then in consideration of worldly estate and fortune. For as he that will always be living at the height of his fortune, will be so much the nearer to poverty, by how much he is more expensive and in the sight of envy, and yet have no more true inward content than others; even so, such as live in the height of reputation, must be subject to the same diminutions and hazard: for when those faults which really all men must more or less have, or those which mere envy shall discover, shall be divulged to the world; he cannot then but be rendered, both to other men, so much the more ill, by how much he hath formerly been held more good: and to himself (hereby) so much more miserable, by how much he deemed himself before more happy. Whereas he that is really good, cannot but be always in a thriving and prosperous condition; although that steady course of virtue and honesty which he walks in, may through difference of the common practice of the World (as making God and his Neighbours good his aim, and not Covetousness or Vainglory) make him to differ from the rest of the World in his Deportments, and so for a time displease.  
For a time I say: For as men can never wholly banish truth, so this man's innocence and integrity, cannot but by degrees appear; at which time, the very height of former calumny, will redound to his increase of reputation. And, all men being ready to take occasions for extolling their own abilities in matters of extraordinary discovery, they will from hence, take occasion the more to set forth and admire this man's Merits or Innocence; even for that others have heretofore so much leaned to the contrary. Which Commendations again, growing to this party by continual increase and degrees, and those deserved; must thereby render him also in point of reputation, both continually prosperous, and likewise steady therein.  
But, if it fall out otherwise, and that God's love to us, above the rest of the world, shall be made farther appear by their unjust and oppressive usage of us in matters of our estates, or by the dislike and rejection of our communion by such as are riotous or factious; as we have hereby fresh comfort in ourselves, in respect of our Christian Faith and Assurance (in order to God's promises made that way) so may we also reap true inward content, even in point of Heroic Resolution and Prudence: out of the consideration, that this their mislike of our cause or carriage, arose not from any well grounded estimate of justice or virtue. Vulgar justice being many times nothing else but the effect of Bribery, Importunity, Friendship, or the knotting together of some party for the preferring some such man's cause as hath insinuated himself into most favour. The which cannot be expected from him that hath his confidence so much in God and the goodness of his cause, that he cannot, he dare not, distrust providence so far, as not to resolve on and prefer a noble suffering before an ignoble prevention.  
And so again, in point of civil behaviour, and in that reputation which is to be expected from men's sociable deportments, so little regard is usually had to the general and public benefit of society, that the Commendations of Breeding, Comity, Urbanity, or the like: are often times but the flattering compliances and endearments of some sorts or orders of the subjects one towards another, whose usual issue is in a Faction. And the ordinary way of winning worldly friendship and esteem is, either by open applauding each others abilities and courses, or else by such profession and insinuation of our services and affections towards them, as to give occasion upon all opportunities (even out of self-regard) to commend their friends, and their abilities, as esteeming themselves commended in these that so much own and approve them. Whereas he that is truly conscientious of God's Service and his Neighbours, so far as to place them above Popular shows, dares not undertake this kind of serving himself by his neighbour's ruin; but will watch all seasonable opportunities to perform the office of a true friend; by expression of such deeds and Counsels, as shall advance other men's benefit in the first place, and his own honour amongst them in the second. By which means, as I shall really do the part of a true Commonwealths-man and Christian, so shall I never want the true comfort thereof; as of having truly served God, and my neighbour; although to the world it were not otherwise apparent, then by my suffering for both.  
And the like condition (no doubt) will be found in all dutiful sufferings, by all that can lay aside all malice, 
1 Pet. 2.1.  hypocrisy, guile, anger, and evil speaking; and can as new born babes (with patience and humility) commit all to him that judgeth righteously; 
Verse 25. Verse 3.  even these (I say) if they have but tasted that the Lord is gracious, and found the fruits of that blessed and promised Comforter, shall quickly feel the sting of worldly afflictions, so taken out by him that hath undergone and overcome them for him, that, in the midst of Prisons and Confinements, they shall sing with more real solace and delight, in their magnimous sustentation of any injury or Cross, than their adversary can do in the infliction of his revenge. For be it never so great, yet when I (by my patience) have proved myself Superior in all that his malice could reach unto, I shall thereby, at once, both repel his strokes, and also return them upon himself, to the redoubling of his angry and revengeful torment; even to see himself thus miserably defeated by my resolution: When, as on the other side also, he cannot but deny his own want of courage and true fortitude, in being so highly sensible, or affected with a mistaken, small, or occasional injury, as to lead him to this fruitless reparation.  
And then further, Patience having had its perfect work, so as not only to suffer the spoiling of our Goods, 
Heb. 10.34. Rom. 5.2.  but even to glory in tribulation: it will estate men in a condition of outward felicity also. For as none but children, are satisfied with the strokes which are given to the stones against which they fell: so when (besides insensibility through patience) our adversaries shall perceive us advantaged by such misuage, he will then leave to do us evil, even for fear of doing us good.  
And as thus in single persons, so will this height of fortitude, be prudentially found the steady and true promoter of Political and State interest, as well as of all virtue besides: For how can Justice, Honesty, or any true virtue be duly expected, while terror of any sort shall stand up to amate the Actor from Execution? And since in worldly Dispensations, the gain of one must be the loss of another; and since again, the fear or hope of rewards from great and rich men prevails most, will not hope of gain, and fear of opposition continually endanger justice, and bring on the oppression of the poor? For say men what they will, no man (as a natural man) can have that degree of fortitude, as not to be many times awed by political greatness, or personal courage. And could we suppose some person informidable, so as (in things of inconcern to himself) he could dare to act according to the true sense of Justice; must it not still follow, that when again his interest is mixed therewith, the same want of true fear must render him as partial to himself. So that, in a mere natural man, you cannot so place fortitude as to make it always a Virtue: whereas he that hath God in all causes for his second and Judge, (making him his only fear) as (on the one hand) he will not fear what flesh can do unto him, so, (on the other side), will he always fear what he doth unto them.  
By which means being habituated to a steady Virtuous deportment in all his actions, he shall find honesty (even in this world's respect) to prove the best policy. Inasmuch as, all advantage and gain (in that kind) arising according to the value of trust and employment, his approved fidelity and integrity will so far advance him herein, as to make honour and preferment attend him as his due. The proof and discourse of all which, (as the sure Crown and reward of Devotion, Humility, and Patience) takes up (by Precepts and Examples) the greatest part of Holy Writ itself: as if on purpose to show us, that its chief aim were to exhort and encourage us herein. And the humble and devout searcher of the Scriptures shall be sure never to return empty of this blessing: whereas he that is not grounded in love, but carries with him the spirit of Pride and contention, returns usually ten times more the Child of the devil then before.  
But that which most of all is the occasion of this present discourse, and comes nearest our present business; is to let Subjects hereby see, that that degree of submission and Patience I had formerly commended unto them, was a state of happiness as well as duty: and that especially for Christian subjects towards Christian Princes. Against whom, Anger, Malice, and Revenge (in all their degrees) must most of all be laid aside. Whatsoever we suffer from them, we must look upon as coming from him that set them up in this high power: and who hath their hearts so always in his hand, as to turn them which way he pleaseth: 
Prov. 22.1.  either making them instruments of his anger upon us, or trials of our trust and Patience towards him. Whereupon, we cannot more lawfully think of retaliation and resistance towards them, (against whom there is no rising up) then against God himself: 
Prov. 30.31.  for in vain expect we the reward of suffering wrongfully, if we allow them not a power of doing so; and that beyond any warrantable restraint of ours. Those evils that come from the hands of others without Authority from them, I may prevent or resist as mine own discretion and Conscience shall direct; with consideration had to the Precepts of Love and Charity: and in this kind we commonly make a Virtue of necessity. But where lawful Authority doth impose, the ties of public Charity and Obedience do both lie upon me; and although I may do my best by petition or persuasion to alter his Will from prosecution, yet can I not at all use mine own will for resisting him therein.  
All which will not prove of great difficulty, to him that shall remember his Saviour's prophecy; that in the world we should have afflictions: and that promise also annexed therewith, in me ye shall have peace. This man I say, 
Joh. 16.33.  in hope of that high price and reward which is set before him, will be ever running his race with all cheerfulness. 
Heb. 1.12.  And while he is running to that heavenly Goal, it will be easy for him to read the hand of Providence to be many times writing and engraving Characters of temporal advantage also out of those malicious plots of his enemies: no otherwise then as it was with Joseph: who through envy being sold and put from home, was thereby delivered from famine, and brought into a richer soil, and greater preferment elsewhere: whereupon he might now have power to express true goodness, in returning good for evil. And, upon a discreet examination, he shall also generally find, that these Crosses were but the effects of love; and put in his way, like so many pauses and stops, to delay or divert him from some course he had headily undertaken; which in the pursuit would have proved more destructive to him; either in his spiritual or temporal condition, then are those opportunities and advantages which divine Providence hath now brought him unto.  
Oh thou admirable and blessed Grace of Charity! How dost thou, by thy due exercise, at once both make us good and happy? as well in exciting us to acts of beneficence, as delighting and rewarding us for doing them. To call thee a moral Virtue is too low: thou art them all, and their Crown. For, in order to humane preservation, (and of all things that have sense and will) thou art of as large and necessary extent, as is that Virtue of Union and Sympathy, which is the preserver of the whole world's Fabric besides. Nay in us thou art the same Union and Sympathy; under the name of Love, doing the same thing: that is, hereby preventing the destruction of voluntary Agents, as that doth of all natural ones: and so being not only (like that) providence her right hand, but also so much more above it, as thy execution is more above it in difficulty, and the object of thy employment more noble. How much below thee stand all other Graces and Virtues! Even so far, as to be of no use without thee; like as thou also art (again) so much more worthy, as thou art more thyself: that is art more extensive. For when by any of them alone, I choose to exercise any moral duty, if thou take it not by the hand, how will self-respect bias it to pride? Or, if without thee I employ my zeal, it will be found little other than a gilded trifle, or a Sacrifice of that which costs me nothing: 
2 Sam. 24.24.  as being commonly but the employment of an hours time or less; which I had beforehand so ordered, as to have nothing else to do therein. Or, did I exercise my devotion in real expense of part of my dear esteemed estate; and that in Alms or building of Temples, or the like; how will that present requital of foreseen honour, make me usually a willing dispenser of my fortunes, even to be seen of men: and that, either by thanks from the poor, or by having my name set or known in the Temple: by which means, carrying a face and design towards pride, how will it take off from that freeness which should Crown Devotion? But when, against my will, (it may be) all my fortune, and that which is yet dearest, my good name is now snatched from me, (and that by my professed enemies) and I can yet be joyful as well as patient, hence, together with the difficulty, must arise the highest pitch of honour. Difficulty did I say, nay impossibility; for naturally it is so: inasmuch as in so doing, I do make contradictions both true at once. For if my deprivation or suffering be in a thing I esteem not, or am not sensible of, what need, or use of Patience? And if I must be willing to suffer, what I am unwilling to suffer, as it can only be done by a miraculous and divine help, so the Virtue thereby wrought must be most highly divine also. How is a natural perfection put into a nonplus herein? My injury must be the reason of my patience, my wrong of my forgiveness; nay more, I must in the highest measure be actively charitable to this my known enemy, even because he is so: expressing it in the highest degrees; feed him, cloth him, (if he want); and above all, pray for him howsoever.  
Compare that which great ones deserve with this, and you may call it Pride and Arrogance. For with what ease do they sit and command; and then assume the achievement of public Utility and Peace as proper to themselves, when alas the true burden and thanks for these things, rests on the part of the obedient. For what use of power but through submission? and how soon without Patience, would prosecution of revenge set whole Kingdoms in a civil flame: whilst revenge should thus generate, and my revenge on him, call for his revenge on me? Therefore as Charity is the preserver and establisher of other Virtues and Graces, so is Patience, and subjection the true trial and establisher of Charity. For Kings and great ones, have their honour and power but from this relation of subjection and obedience: and so far only as they have first submitted their Wills to God, and are themselves obedient, and truly passive under his Authority and command, can they have true power to act upon or command others, By which means, patience under subjection, will prove the best Jewel in their Crowns; as well as a Crown to other Virtues of their Subjects.  
Nor can Princes be excused from the personal exercise of this Virtue of Patience also, by being sometimes sharers in those chastisements, which must testify them to be sons and no bastards: 
Heb. 12.8.  And that not only when their own iniquity shall be punished with the rod of the children of men, 
2 Sam. 7.14.  (that is rebellion), but also when they (according to the Will and appointment of God) shall fill up that which is behind of the afflictions of Christ in the flesh, for his body's sake which is the Church. Not that they can add in merit; 
Coloss 1.24.  but like as every particular Christian must estate himself in Christ and his Church by their following him in sufferings and obedience, so must great ones measure herein be higher than others upon occasion: even as their honour and reward is proportionably more eminent, in regard of that great trust of the Church put into their hands. For as Saint Paul and other holy and eminent members and guides of the Church, did formerly by their particular and more remarkable sufferings and patience in, and for their separate Churches, more fully and speedily fill up that measure of wickedness which unto their oppressive and persecuting adversaries was by divine permission allotted, and thereby the sooner call for God's Vengeance on them, and compassion towards the relief of that Church for whose sake they suffered: even so, each separate Church may be supposed to have its measure of temporal afflictions more remarkably and fully completed by the afflictions and sufferings of its own head and guide in chief, whereby, the sooner to move God in compassion of their sufferings, as of the whole, to regard and relieve the distresses of that particular Church in their temporal sufferings, no otherwise then as Christ, as head of the Catholic, did by his sufferings, generally merit salvation both temporal and eternal for the whole Church his body. And therefore, although the sons of Zebedee were not able to drink so great a a draught, nor suffer in so high a measure, as being to have but a subordinate and particular charge under our Saviour, yet that they were able to drink of that cup, and should also bear a share in this Baptism, is there ascertained: when as yet the entrance and admission into Dominion and Power, as on the right hand and left hand of Christ in his Church, 
Matth. 20.20; etc.  should be left to the dispose of Providence, as heretofore declared.  
But now, it is not every Patience, or dull insensibility under every affliction that is to have this honour and reward; but that Patience most properly that is accompanied with the duty of Obedience. For I may give all I have to the poor, nay my body to be burnt, and yet be but charitable to myself, in design to mine own honour. But when I am so taken up with the good of others, (in order to my love of him whose image they bear) that (in sure token thereof) I can forgive all injuries, and them also that did them; here is Charity upon Charity: which (in care of public Peace and Good) suffereth long, 
1 Cor. 13.4. etc.  is kind, envieth not, is not puffed up, but beareth all things. Which expressions, as they properly betoken the Virtues of such as are to be subject to Authority, so may they serve to expound to us those sayings of our Saviour, whosoever shall smite thee, etc. namely that the right use of Patience is thereby meant; even Patience under Authority, and not any stupid neglect of our own safeties. For so in Saint Matthew it is, whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek, 
Matth. 15.35.  etc. Whereby we are to understand, that those evils are not to be resisted that come from men on our right hands: that is, are above us. And so again, Whosoever will sue thee at Law, etc. to him we must with Patience give our Cloak also, 
Verse 40.  if Law will take it away: and being thereby compelled, we are to do for any man more than he shall ask.  
And these Gospel Precepts, carry but the same meaning toward Patience and Humility under Authority, as Solomon's prudential Precept formerly did: if the spirit of the Ruler rise up against thee, 
Eccles. 10.4.  leave not thy place: for yielding pacifyeth great offences: and all because of that relation of obedience we stand bound unto, in regard of his Authority that thus commanded us. And therefore, when we find these Graces of Humility and Meekness set down and commended unto us, they are to be taken as necessarily implying the duty of obedience: inasmuch as they are the only proper Virtues of such as are stated in the relation of subjection. For this Virtue of Patience is as necessary to the constitution of things voluntary in the relation of Patients, towards the receipt of the Virtue of that Agency which from the Governor is to be acted on the governed, as is the endowment of other natural Virtues and Properties on inanimates, to make them susceptible of that efficacy which on the part of their Agents is required also.  
Whereupon Patience comes to be a Virtue of such great influence, and concern in the establishment of Charity, (making the Precept of love useful to humane preservation and God's honour,) that sometimes it supplies the place of Charity, and is joined to Faith in Christ, as the other fundamental requisite to salvation: nay sometimes goeth alone, as the most sure groundwork thereof, and true token also of Christian Faith itself. For so runs our Saviors admonition, in patience possess ye your souls. And to that purpose saith Saint James, 
Luke 21.19. Jam. 1.3.  the trial of your Faith worketh Patience: and then, (to show the perfection that follows Patience), he adds, but let Patience have her perfect work, 
Verse 4.  that ye may be perfect and entire wanting nothing. And St. Paul having set forth our access to God through Faith, after adds, and not only so, but we glory in tribulation also: knowing that tribulation worketh Patience, and Patience Experience, and Experience Hope, and Hope maketh not ashamed; because the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts; by the Holy Ghost which is given us: that is, Tribulation and Patience, do uphold and supply that fundamental and saving Grace of love, 
Rom. 5.3, 4, 5.  which is wrought within us by the Holy Ghost.  
And as in the Epistle to the Hebrews, we are exhorted to be followers of them who through Faith and Patience inherit the Promises, 
Heb. ● 1●.  so doth St. Peter well ●et out what is, or should be the sign and effect of this brotherly love: viz. Not rendering evil for evil, and railing for railing. That is, 
1 Pet. 3.9.  not resisting the evils suffered from Authority, by Deed or by Word, (after the example of Christ formerly set down), but chose blessing; 
Ibidem.  knowing that ye are thereunto called, that ye should inherit a blessing: meaning the blessed reward of our Patience, in suffering of that share of afflictions unto which we are in this life called. For he that will love life, and see good days, (that is, he that desires to enjoy a future life or good days here) let him refrain his tongue from evil, and his lips that they speak no guile: let him eschew evil and do good. Which is the same with the former admonition, 
Vers. 10.  of not rendering evil for evil, nor railing for railing: only there, our resistance by act was put first; but here, the resistance by words is put first; under the Precept of refraining our tongues from evil. And then follows the admomonition for actions: let him eschew evil and do good: let him not only forbear resistance, but be obedient also: and thereupon shall he be in a state, both to seek peace and ensue it. 
Vers. 11:   
As generally thus amongst mankind, Patience is added to Faith to make us inheritors of the Promises, and a necessity of compliance with Christ in sufferings, that we may be also glorified together, so, 
Rom. 8.17, & 2 Tim. 2, 12. 1 Tim. 2.15.  unto the particular of women, is Patience added also: she shall be saved by child-bearing, if she continue in the Faith. By which words, as we are not to understand that none but Childbearing women shall be saved, or that the others should not be sharers also of these common sufferings incident to the rest of mankind; so may we perceive this particular instance of Child-bearing put, both to set out Patience in the highest degree of suffering known amongst us, and also (being put under the notion of Childe-bearers), may be taken as comprehending such as are married: who being subject to husbands may farther serve to show, that this Patience is occasioned from that degree of subjection and bondage, which God (by reason of their appointed subordination) had put them under, when he said, In sorrow shalt thou conceive, 
Gen. 3.15.  and thy desire shall be subject to thy husbands. So that then, each one that traveleth in pain under this yoke of bondage to the Laws of Superiors, by reason of, and for punishment of our corruption, 
Rom. 8.18.  is to submit to the pleasure of him that subjected the same in hope: and to reckon that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared to the glory which shall be revealed in us, when we shall be restored to the glorious liberty of the sons of God.  
Nor need we wonder why immortality and eternal life, should be promised to them who by patient continuance in well doing seek for glory and honour; and (on the contrary) indignation and wrath unto them that are contentious, and do not obey the truth; if (besides the benefits arising to mankind by this Virtue (formerly spoken of), we also consider its efficacy in advancement of the Praise and Honour of God amongst us also. For where Patience and Humility are practised (as all outward strife ceases, so) general contentment will arise: Whereupon, Kings, as well as subjects, being reciprocally pleased in having, and yielding ready obedience, men on all hands will have cause to Thank and Praise their Maker: whose greatest delight being in the good of his Creature, and their grateful acknowledgement thereupon, so is their murmuring and affliction to him most unpleasant: as abating the sense of his goodness and praise.  
From which grounds, we may easily discern the Reason, why this Virtue should be so especially commended to us by that great preserver of men. So that since it was necessary, that in token of our zeal and love to his service, something of difficulty should be enjoined; what in the eye of his allseeing Providence more fit than this? whereby, as his glory is upheld by the establishment of the Kingdom's peace here, so are the Patient themselves, (besides the reward of his Grace in this life,) to receive the deserved Crown thereof in the world to come.  
Wherefore now, lift up the hands that hang down, and the feeble knees: and seeing also we are compassed with so great a cloud of witnesses, let us lay aside every weight, 
Heb. 12.12.  and the sin (namely of rebellion) that doth so easily beset us, and let us run with patience the race that is set before us: looking unto, etc. 
Verse 1. Verse 2.  For though no chastning for the present seemeth joyous, but grievous; nevertheless afterward, it yieldeth the peaceable fruit of righteousness, unto them which are exercised thereby. 
Verse 11.  For although here at the pleasure of fleshly Fathers, we be for a few days chastened; yet God turns it to our profit, that we might be partakers of his holiness. 
Verse 10.   
By this proper note of persecutions and afflictions, left unto us as a Legacy by him that was the Author and finisher of our Faith, and that once so highly suffered for us; we stand, in a peculiar manner, not only distinguished from the rest of the world, as in testimony of the truth of our Religion above theirs, (who, as an Argument of their humane device and extraction are still closing with Nature in promises of sensual delights), but, according to the true and sanctified use of these afflictions again by the several members of the Church, each Christian professor therein comes to be a more true Disciple and Christian one than another. Inasmuch, as my being by my profession and belief a Christian, cannot of itself make me a true one: because it may be a thing not of my choice, or bestowed on me out of particular Grace and Election: but happening (for aught I know) from no other ground or assurance, nor having other reason or influence, than the hazard of birth or Education.  
Had I been born and educated where other Religions are professed, I had, in all probability, been even such an one in belief as they; and those others of those Religions, had (doubtless) upon like change been of mine. In which case, as I should have thought it hard that they, for their good fortune of being Christened when I was Circumcised, should be thereupon rewarded and I punished, so cannot I reasonably now think that as regeneration must be something else than this, so also that that Baptism that must purge out the old man, must be (where it may be had) something else than that of outward washing; the Baptism of the Holy Ghost and of fire, must be added to that of John.  
Yea and baptism of afflictions, rightly applied it must also be. For that else, it may be again, that as they came but occasionally upon me, so was I by my own natural constitution and softness of temper drawn both to the search after God by these afflictions, and to the Patient enduring of them. It may be ignorance or inability to resist or avoid my sufferings in the condition I am now in, makes me, as in a kind of Melancholy revenge, appeal to Heaven for reparation: and, for want of natural fortitude dejectedly to yield, and sit down in some Stoical contempt or melancholy retirement. If so, what praise can I expect for my seeming neglect thereof, when it was but what I cannot overcome and avoid? In which doing, I may also naturally reap inward satisfaction, and so far flatter myself in this my degree of Patience and well-doing, that I may go yet one step farther, and receive consolation and content by my endurance of those things, and be yet no true partaker of that baptism with which the Captain of my salvation was made perfect.  
If I find not myself still ready for fresh encounters, and that out of sense of duty and public regard, as one that is strengthened with all might according to his glorious power, unto all Patience and Long-suffering with joyfulness; but do now hide or cloister up myself from being any more publicly beneficial to others, 
Col. 1.11.  only because I am afraid I shall be thereby prejudiced myself, and be rendered obnoxious again, what do I but thereby acknowledge that I am both privately affected in being thus regardful to myself alone, and also to be as poorly spirited; since I am so over mastered by their weight that I can endure no more.  
And as Patience may in itself alone be an uncertain sign of true Regeneration, so may faith also. For if, in many a Christian, we should examine the ground of this too, it would be found grounded on Nature also: even although it should be so strong as to submit to martyrdom. For since I, in another Religion, or another in mine, might have so died, had we been so brought up, it can in itself evidence little of the truth of that duty we profess: but oftentimes may have issue from peevishness or stubbornness, without respect to Love or Obedience. And certainly, to suffer for disobedience to Christian Authority, can scarce deserve the honour of Martyrdom, only due to those that undergo it for the honour of Christ's Name. For that Child deserves little pity, that would rather die under the rod, and perish by famine, then accept of such wholesome food as is appointed him by his Father; only because it is not such, or so dressed, as to be altogether suitable to his present fancy.  
Nay, neither is love only a sure sign of this Regeneration: for this also may proceed from natural propension; and respect to honour and thanks may make us Charitable, as well as Martyrs. Whereas he that is the true Christian, and fitted with grace of Regeneration, is never slothful; but stands always diligent in works and labour of love: 
Heb. 6.12.11.10.  because God who is not unrighteous will not forget to be continually assisting him with his grace of perseverance here, or reward hereafter; therefore he sits not down disconsolate under the burden, for he knows who hath called him to the combat; and he will be thereupon always ready to entertain it. He was not, he knows, born for himself only: nor can the sense of injuries to himself draw him from being publicly beneficial: even although he get nothing but reproach for his labour: as knowing, that, through this difficulty also, his reward will be higher. He, he is still looking into all these things with the eyes of love and public Charity: whereby he stands always magnanimous and resolved to undergo any thing for the good of those that bear the image of their Master, and that according to such rules as those that have public charge under him shall direct.  
For each true Christians love and patience, must, through his obedience to the head of his own Church, make useful that general end of humane peace and preservation, for which Christian Patience was by Christ himself enjoined to the whole Church, and therefore he sits not down sullenly and discontentedly, like a stubborn child, under his task and duty, that will act no more because he cannot do as he likes. Because he finds himself crossed in what is enjoined him to do, or in the measure thereof; he will therefore, by way of murmur and regret, run into the extreme thereof. Because he hath been in the world crossed, therefore, like those children that are fallen out with their play-fellows, he will hide himself and play no more.  
And as thus his Patience could not have continued and been rightly steered without Charity, so neither Charity without it. It is not, as we said, every natural propension and voluntary beneficence that can, of itself, be called the labour of love: for that may be the pleasure of love: and Pride may be its Parent. But when nature shall be holpen by the grace of obedience, when that Patience that was enjoined for public benefit shall also wait on public direction, then comes he to give a lively testimony of the Grace of Regeneration. For he knows he may decline harm, but cannot duty: Nature obligeth us to one, Religion to the other. Where he is strucken on the right cheek, where the spirit of the Ruler doth rise upon him he must not leave his place, the performance of Loyalty and Service to his rightful Superior, although that he know that through false information he is for the present bent against him; as know, that he is thereunto called by him that hath his heart in his hand, and can turn it which way he pleaseth.  
Therefore now, when I shall have so far subdued rebellious Nature, as to submit unto, and undergo my task with patience, not as out of necessity, but out of duty: When, our of no other reason but because God hath commanded it, I shall obey what is enjoined me, and what I might with my first Parents, find Arguments against, in a presumptuous knowledge of good and evil; than it is that the strong man begins to be bound by a stronger than he. When, in the exercise and expression of my Love and Charity, I suffer not myself to be swayed by interest or natural propension in the choice of the object or apportioning of my love, but can be content, as being in Christ now born again, and through Grace become a new creature, to love all men as bearing God's image, and more especially Christians and such as are made conformable to the image of his son, and that without the exclusion of any under the apprehension of enemies, or differing from me in judgement or opinion; than it is that I may esteem myself renewed in the spirit of my mind, and may gather a well grounded assurance of particular mercy and adoption for that: as Christianity is by this sign of the Cross differenced from other Religions, so may I by this my discreet and obedient taking of it up, assure myself that more than Nature or Chance hath confirmed me herein. For if, in love to Christ and the Peace and welfare of his Church, a Christian can be for a while content to be in subjection to these his Fathers in the flesh, he thereby gives the best proof, that he will much more be willing to be in subjection to the Father of spirits and live. Even to that God, who as an earnest of the acceptance of his endeavours, 
Heb. 12.10, 11.  had assisted him with his Grace of illumination and perseverance herein, and thereby assured him of a blessed release and restoration into the glorious liberty of the sons of God, when he shall have fought his fight and finished that his course of cleansing, which was by divine Providence appointed him in the Purgatory of this life.  
Not that we would be hereby thought bounding that inexhaustible riches of God's mercy: as though it stood confined to these or the like means, in the appointment of particular men's salvations; but as setting down the best proofs of a true and well grounded Faith; where these things are practicable. For although Faith cannot be good without Works, nor Works without Christian Obedience, yet God forbid we should exclude infants from salvation for want of them. I say therefore, that there is no true confidence and glory save in the Cross of Christ by whom the world is crucified unto me, 
Col. 6.14, 15, etc.  and I unto the world: even until I come to be a new Creature, by bearing in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus. And as many as walk according to this rule, that is, endeavouring to reform the rebellion and stubbornness of the world by their own exemplary Patience, Peace be on them, and Mercy, 
Verse 16.  and upon the Israel of God.  
By the passed discourses, we may gather how corrupted and depraved nature comes to be perfected and restored by Grace: we may see how that former way we had, with other natural Agents, of glorifying God in our contents and pleasures being forfeited, we come now, through endurance of afflictions, to arrive at such a state of delight (abstracted from sensuality) as to be enabled in the condition of new Creatures, to honour him in a supernatural way; in such measures as naturally we could not do.  
For we taking on us our own guidance, and so not being content with the enjoyments of what delights natural sense did outwardly afford, (common to us with other sensitives), and also not trusting to general Providence like other things, but rather to our own contrivances and stocks of Propriety, could not be rightly said in the exultations of pleasures thence proceeding, to be thanking and praising God like them: who, in their simplicity of not undertaking to know the particular Author of their benefits, or have stores of their own, did (as his Creatures and workmanship) expressly, though not intentionally praise him in every thing they did: but then most, when (as sensitives), in their sing, playings, and other ways of rejoicings, they did most eminently confess and acknowledge his bounty and goodness, by this their more lively resentment of benefit.  
In regard whereof, namely of our proneness to derogate from God through conceit of our Proprieties, we may find reason why in the Old-Testament, (where promises run in a temporal strain) there should be such frequent admonitions of rejoicing before him, with the first fruits, and best of them. For as else, we in our pleasures had but thanked ourselves, so this being done, we are then to provide what our souls lusteth after: 
Deut. 12.6, 7, 12.21.  and the more we rejoice before God the better.  
But this course and way of honouring God, seemed not yet refined and abstracted enough for clearing us of the old leaven: and therefore in the Gospel our Saviour will have us wholly renouncing this trust to Propriety, and with the Sparrows and Lilies of the field, trust for our food and clothing to general Providence again. How this may be done, by using them as if we used them not, hath been partly heretofore showed: by declaring that we should not reckon ourselves such absolute proprietors, as to serve Mammon more, or equal with God; but should esteem our interests in them but so conditionate and usu-fructuary, as not to take off our obligation of thanks to God in every particular we receive.  
For, when I can so forget and relinquish my trust and reliance on mine own Propriety, as to count every new enjoyment to be as a new favour from God received; I shall then be freed from Idolatry to Mammon: and while remaining willing to relinquish my Propriety to God's Ministers dispose, in order to God's service or public good, I may then reckon all lawful enjoyments and pleasure thereby attained to be sent me of God. And so by making worldly things instrumental for the increase of my joy in him, I shall then make good that saying of Solomon, There is nothing better for a man, then that he should eat and drink, 
Eccles. 2.24.  and that he should make his soul enjoy good in his labour: this I saw was from the hand of God. And so again, Go thy way, eat thy bread with joy; 
Chap. 9.4:  and drink thy wine with a merry heart, for God now accepteth thy works. We may then rejoice, and again rejoice in the Lord, when our moderation should be thus manifest: 
Phil. 4.4:  and (having banished from us the afflicting cares of things of this world), place no other regard to them, then as to things that were first obtained from God by supplication, and received from him with thanksgiving.  
Wherefore now, (for our spiritual way of pleasing God by our pleasures), how great cause have we to acknowledge and admire that goodness and wisdom of his, that whilst he is extolling his mercy, in not taking the forfeiture of our inability of praising him expressly and sufficiently enough in every particular pleasure we enjoyed, he had contrived this way of satisfying his justice without our destruction, or subversion of the course of Nature formerly established. For since in these pleasures that arise in us after our state of Regeneration, it cannot be said that they come from depraved Nature, or a cause barely Natural, (because effected in us by that which is rather contrary thereunto, namely from what is in itself painful and troublesome) it must therefore follow, that in the pleasures and contents we now express (after this renewing of our minds,) we must in them praise God in a most spiritual and divine manner: as being now again freed from the corruption of the old Adam.  
In this new birth the Holy-Ghost is our Parent: by whom, (presenting unto us the promises of the Gospel); 
1 Pet. 1.3:  we come, by the immortal seed of the word to be begotten unto a lively hope. Which hope, causing us more and more to adhere, and be incorporate into Christ, comes then to be called Faith: By which, we may say we come to receive our quickening and vivifycation. After which, we may call afflictions, persecutions, etc. the throws and pangs of childbirth: and those hands from whom we have them, we may call our Midwives. When we are brought into this new Kingdom of the Church, then is the Grace of love, to be that food and nourishment we are afterwards to receive, and grow by: at least it must serve us as that spiritual stomach, whereby all things must be digested to our use and benefit. Which time of new-birth, being the time for casting forth this strong man armed by a stronger than he, makes it to each one a time of more remarkable trouble: not so much for the quantity of affliction, as the struggling conflict made within us; by that spirit now raging most, when he is to be thrown out.  
But this is not all; for there is in all of us states and degrees of weaning, necessarily following afterwards: by the sufferings whereof, we come by little and little, farther to shake off those remaining corruptions of our former Nature: until, being, at last, so throughly rooted and grounded in love, as to be spiritually united to God by our blessed Mediator, we come then to the measure of the stature of the fullness of Christ. 
Ephes. 4.13.  In which second Adam our enjoyment of Eden (or pleasure) is now as innocent, as it was at first, to Adam in the Garden before his fall: the reluctance and curse of the Creature, (that is, the punishment of our sin) which would not let us enjoy pleasure the natural way, proving now the instrument for possession of pleasure in this way. For they, having their sting and venom taken out, come to be but bruising of our heels; by the goodness of that God that causeth the intended malice and mischief of them to light on the heads of that Serpent and his Agents. For when the old Adam with the affections and lusts, 
Gal. 5.24:  hath been so throughly crucified in us, that we can neither look on our sufferings as ills, nor their Authors as enemies; we may be able then to say, that the life we now live in the flesh we will live by the Faith of the son of God, who loved us, and gave himself for us. 
Gal. 2.20.   
But now, although it be our parts always to be aiming at this mastery and perfection, (in which regard our life is compared to a race or warfare) yet, until we have in death concluded our sufferings and conquered our last enemy, we shall never be able (with the Captain of our salvation) to say it is finished: but must, (whilst we live) be subject to divers fresh assaults and encounters: one while provoking us to presumption, (through abundance of revelation), one while to despair, (through thorns in the flesh) in such measure, that we shall need to be still taking to our assistance, not only the inward weapons of humility and love, but the outward exercises of all such religious duties and performances, as may again strengthen these Graces, or any way direct and encourage us in a steady course of recovery by the degrees of hope and faith; and so re-estate us into the former degree of adherence: until this faith, the substance of things not seen, shall grow into the fruition of God by love, 
Heb. 5.21. &c  the bond of perfection. For our unskilfulness in the word of righteousness, will make us (like new born babes wanting milk) need to be continually attendant on our Apostolic keepers and interpreters of the Oracles of God, to have the foundation of repentance from dead works, and of faith towards God again and again laid: and to have the doctrine of baptisms, and laying on of hands, and of the resurrection of the dead, and of eternal judgement, again and again preached. By which means being continually strengthened in our work and labour of love, 
Chap. 6.10, 11▪  we shall not be slothful but followers of them who by Faith and patience inherit the Promises.  
And so also although Prayers, Preaching, Repentance, Fasting, etc. (nay the Sacraments themselves) are but Ceremonies compared to that final object of Religion (God's Praise and man's Salvation, and are not in themselves fundamental) yet, since this love can never be to perfect in this life, as not to put us in need of these helps for apprehension of these divine truths, and also to keep our minds fixed and intent on our duties, and since neglect or alteration in them may be damnable through disobedience: it seems therefore now expedient, that something should be said thereof, and of those errors of Idolatry and Superstition, which do usually attend their wrong administration.   

CHAP. XI. Of Idolatry and Superstition, and of the Power of each Church her Head, in the establishment of Ceremonies and Divine Worship.  
NExt unto Atheism, that would wholly subtract Deity, is the error of Polytisme, that by division would so confound him, as through irregularity and confusion in our practice, his real and true service should be defeated. For although the Atheist do only profess not serving him, yet doth the Idolater (by multiplying and adulterating his appearance) so multiply and disguise both his person and his will, that in the end, we are not able to know, what is truly the one, or the other.  
Nor is this crime and error of Idolatry subject only to outward and bodily representations, such as did usually accompany Gentilism: But inasmuch as honour and adoration are to be the end of our knowledge, and because again the goodness and soundness of this adoration will take admeasurement and proportion from the truth and worth of that Divine Existence and Perfection which is by each one conceived, it must also follow, that men are to be accounted more or less Idolaters, as that Image of God conceived in their minds is more or less truly representing him. For he being not to be perceived by any of our bodily senses, or otherwise known to mankind, then by the effects of his being, to wit, his goodness, power, wisdom, justice, and such operations as must properly denote him, it must therefore come to pass that such as shall fail or mistake in the apprehension of these emanations, and shall attribute unto him such works or way of energy, as are neither worthy of him nor proportionable unto him, are thereupon to be accounted Idolatrous.  
As for example, such as having not rightly conceived and observed God in the continual and general expression of that his most eminent attribute of goodness and mercy, nor well considered, that true glory and honour doth arise from the generality and extent of benefits, nor (indeed) well understood the true import of these phrases of Election, Predestination, etc. and how, and what works do, and do not save, are ready, in a hasty partiality to themselves, to judge him, like one of the vulgar, as exercising only his power and greatness in the acts of Election and Reprobation; and that, not only in prejudice of his wisdom, as being guided by no discrimination in the Election of some before others; but, in prejudice of his goodness and justice, as thereby rejecting others of equal merit and condition. By which means the Image these men have conceived will come to be truly an Idol, by having eyes and see not, etc. and thereupon so much below, even the vulgar; because they, in their sentences to life or punishment, would have respect to merit or demerit, so far as possibly they could perceive or forefee them, and not proceed therein, as in a kind of lottery.  
And as these and such like false representations must introduce Idolatry within, by means of a shorter or unstable impression: so when men come to adapt and proportion their outward Service and Worship, it must also come to pass that the same must be defective, false, or frivolous, and consequently so much more or less superstitious, as they shall be more or less unknowing of God or his will, and shall be therein only guided by particular fear and fancy.  
Upon which ground, we may find reason why Almighty God (both in reference to his own honour, and for estating men upright and blameless in their religious duties) did always either himself appoint some established form and rule therein; or else authorise some person under him to do it, and not leave it to the hazard of private and single men's devotion, whether to be done or no; nor to their differing judgements, to fancy what variety and contradiction therein they pleased. By which doing, not only Gods continual and constant Worship, will be more secured and uniform, but men will continue more free from the guilt of Idolatry and Superstition; whilst they shall not be thus let loose to private contrivance of what the passion of fear shall suggest, but be therein guided by the will of God's public Minister: whereby they must, with the performance of their duties of obedience therein to him, be acquit of the sin of Superstition towards God also.  
Under the Law, as all the outward forms of Worship and Service were by God himself instituted (and so expressly set down that none could doubt) so was there a strict injunction given against any alteration, even of that very part of his Service which seemed most Ceremonial. Which happened not solely for that God instituted them (because we find David and other good Kings making alteration in some things of like institution) but this peremptoriness arose from the continuance of that end which at first gave them institution and being. For so far as they were typical and representative of Christ or his Church to succeed (of which sort most of them were) it must follow that till Christ were come, any alteration in them made (as of unfitness for public use) were none other than to accuse God himself of weakness that had enjoined them.  
And, as upon this ground, the High Priest and Tribe of Levi stood in many things, independent of the Authority of their Kings, even so also, because much depended on the preservation of that Jewish State (as in order to have it continue until our Saviour should come to put an end to that Church) God therefore, (even after the establishment of Kingship) reserved to himself a Super-intendency of their State-Government also; and had his Prophets to declare his pleasure upon all great and exorbitant occasions: lest otherwise, their transactions with their Neighbours, or misgovernment at home, might prove so destructively prejudicial, that his own purpose might be defeated by their ruin.  
After the time our Saviour himself appeared, and had the whole Government laid on his shoulders, these offices were wholly resigned up unto him; 
Isa. 9.6.  and so from him, who was King and Priest after the order of Melchisedec (and who was the Prophet which Moses foretold of to be raised up like him, 
Deut. 18.15.  and which was anointed to preach glad tidings) they come to be by him conferred in chief on his adopted sons, the several heads of his Church; 
Isa. 61.1.  and so at last to be impropriate to the anointed Christian Monarches, without such reservation as God had formerly made in the Jewish Church, in reference to his Theocraty.  
If we look for the knowledge of these things in the practice of the primitive Christian Church, we shall not find any separate jurisdiction or authority claimed, either in Priestly or Prophetical way, but what was subordiate, if not appointed by the Apostles, the then Heads of the Church. The which is plainly intimated by S. Paul, when he tells the Corinthians (who had in many things presumed against the authority of his Apostleship as their Head) Though ye have ten thousand Instructers in Christ, yet have ye not many fathers: for in Christ Jesus I have begotten you through the Gospel; wherefore I beseech you be ye followers of me. 
1 Cor. 4.15, 16   
For although many of these their Preachers or Instructers, had (no doubt) by their Doctrine won many particular souls amongst them to the faith, and so might be called the spiritual Fathers to those persons; yet, since they (generally considered as a collective Church and body of men) had first been instructed by him, and were also the Seal of his Apostleship in the Lord: 
Chap. 9.2.  They (under the notion of Sons of the Church) could have but one spiritual Father, no more then natural sons could.  
Whereupon, having signified to them his Power of Super-intendency, under a relation that might claim sole and undeniable authority (as their general Father or Head) he then tells them of his practice thereupon: For this cause I sent Timotheous unto you, who is my beloved son and faithful in the Lord, 
Chap. 4.14.  who shall bring you into remembrance of my ways which be in Christ, as I teach every where, in every Church. That is, I have sent him by my Apostolical Authority, 
Verse 17.  to take the charge of your instruction in my absence: because he knows my manner of Doctrine and Worship, which I have established in other Churches, by virtue of that power which Christ gave me.  
And so he goeth on, reproving such as had demeaned themselves proudly against his Authority, under colour of their office of Instruction, or as Waterers to what he planted: And thereupon says, The Kingdom of God is not in word, but in power; that is, he would not regard the speech of him that was puffed up, 
Verse 20. Verse 19  but the power. For although they might preach in Christ's name, yet if they had not power from that Supreme Deputy, which Christ hath entrusted with his Church's Power, their Authority was nothing; as elsewhere he says, How shall they preach except they be sent? 
Rom. 10.15.   
Indeed, those Epistles to the Corinthians, are very intent and copious in the defence of S. Paul's Authority; and the six first Chapters are particularly bend that way, and carry an especial reproof against those Schisms and Divisions which had happened amongst them for want of this unity. Whilst some would choose one Master-builder, and some another; and that with such vehemence of affection, as Idolatrously to neglect or forget Christ himself, whose Deacons they were. And whilst others, as Superstitiously again, would balk those Ministers of Christ set over them, as thinking obededience no where due but to him alone. Therefore (saith he) I beseech you brethren, by the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
1 Cor. 1.10.  that ye all speak the same thing, and that there be no divisions amongst you; but that ye be perfectly joined together in the same mind, and in the same judgement: Which thing cannot be, while Every one of you saith, 
Verse 12.  I am of Paul, and I of Apollo, and I of Cephas, and I of Christ.  
After which (like a faithful Minister and Steward) he first vindicates the honour of his Master against such as would divide him, by their Idolatrous regard to his Ministers to his stead: Is Christ divided, was Paul crucified for you, or w●re you baptised in the name of Paul? 
Verse 13.  And so blaming himself to blame others, he goes on clearing himself, that that power he had exercised had ever been done by him in Christ's name, as acknowledging his derived Authority and Mission from him, of preaching and laying this Christian foundation: Which thing seemed foolishness to these Greeks; for they (besides their natural aversion to all kind of subjection but what themselves fancied) were (as it appears) tainted with arrogancy towards their own ability in discerning right and wrong according to the Moral Philosophy of their own Country; and so were unwilling to submit to the simplicity of the Gospel; and make obedience to Christ their wisdom, and righteousness, and sanctification, and redemption. The wisdom of God is now a Mystery, even a way to Justification, 
Verse 30.  which the wise men of the world knew not, nor could discover in their Precepts of Moral Justice.  
Having therefore afterwards again, warned them against these carnal courses that caused these divisions, as also told them that this worldly wisdom is foolishness with God, 
Chap. 3.34. Verse 19  he than undertakes Apostolical honour and power, as being immediately entrusted under God in Christ; and so he having from them received the Spirit of judgement, 
Chap: 4.1, ●.  thinks it not valuable to be judged of man's judgement. For the Superior cannot be justified (as elsewhere showed) from below: Nay though, saith he, 
Verse 3: Verse 4.  I know nothing by myself, yet am I not hereby justified; but he that judgeth me is the Lord; that is, the act of Justification must come from above; and therefore Inferiors are not to do it, but leave it to the last judgement, where every man shall have praise of God. 
Verse 5.   
In the next verse, he comes home to what was the drift of all the rest: These things brethren, I have in a figure transferred to myself, and to Apollo for your sakes; that ye might learn in us, 
Verse 6.  not to think of men above that which is written: that no one of you be puffed up, for one against another; that is, Forasmuch as ye know me to be your Planter, and that Apollo and I are all one, by subordination to God that gave us our powers, therefore are ye not to regard other men's authorities above that written warrant they can bring for the same. For difference in power must come from God; if it come from below, it will cause divisions and puffing up one against another: For who maketh one man to differ from another (but God) and what hast thou that thou didst not receive; now if thou didst receive it why dost thou glory, 
Verse 7  as if thou hadst not received it? that is, since Christ hath given his power in the Church to us in chief, and to all others as subordinate, why should they act without us, as though they had not received it from us? Why should you, in your popular fancy of underived power, thick to reign as Kings without us? For although we have suffered ourselves to be accounted weak and despised, that ye might be strong and honourable, and also to try if by any means we might win you; yet it is not to deny that we have (as your father) just power to command you: 
Chap. 4.14▪  and therefore I write not to shame you (for your neglect) but as my beloved sons to warn you, that I may not have occasion to come with a rod, but in love, 
Verses 20, 21,  and in the Spirit of meekness, as I have always done. And therefore, although S. Paul do now beseech them to be followers of him, as the only way to be of the same mind, and of the same judgement, yet it is but what he might as an Apostle of Christ have been bold in, and have commanded them in Christ's name; and what they as commanded in the Lord, that is, by the stewards of the Mysteries of God (nay, as labourers together with God, in this building and husbandry) ought to obey. 
1 Cor. 4.1. 1 Cor. 3.9.   
And therefore is it that S. Paul faith, I praise you brethren, that ye remember me in all things, 
1. Cor. 11.2.  and keep the Ordinances as I delivered them to you; even as I, the Disciple or Follower of Christ, have by virtue of my Mission from him appointed you. Not (as some would have it) follow me no farther in any thing than you find me following Christ; because this had been to overthrow all he had said before, and to have given new toleration to schism, under pretence of following Christ: For if men be not followers of those their Supreme Heads that are followers of Christ, but will make divisions by honouring God their own way, then will the Author of peace be made the Author of confusion; whilst some (in their public worship) have a Psalm, some a doctrine, a Revelation, and Interpretation, etc. to the overthrow of all true public worship and service, 
1 Cor. 14.26.  for want of uniformity. No otherwise, then if the same person, in the manner of his return of thanks and service to God, should be distracted in himself, and not wholly intent on the thing he is about; for as there are private benefits for which we are separately to be thankful, so are there national ones to, in which our prayers and praises are to agree by public appointment.  
And this is the reason, why, writing to the Ephesians of our public duties of praising God, he presently enjoins them submission, as the only means to make it right and uniform: Speaking to yourselves in Psalms, and Hymns, and Spiritual Songs, singing and making melody in your hearts to the Lord; 
Ephes. 5.19.  giving thanks always for all things unto God the father, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, submitting yourselves one unto another in the fear of God; 
Verse 20. Verse 21.  which is the same with let every soul be subject unto the higher power, because they are of God: And so he goes on, to state obedience in all the present Christian relations; 
Chap. 6.1. Verse 5, 7.  that is, of wives, children, and servants, as unto Christ, and as to the Lord, and not to men: But by his beginning with the duty of wives, and staying so long upon it, we may well conceive him to have herein a particular drift, to set forth, under the figure of women's obedience to their husbands, as their heads, each Church's obedience to its Husband or Head under Christ; who is the head of the whole Church his spouse: of which more hereafter.  
As for the authority of that office of Priesthood (so far as related to sacrifice and legal Ceremonies) none make doubt of its abolition under the Gospel: 
2 Cor. 3.6.  Whose Ministers (or Preachers) being now Ministers of the Spirit, not of the letter, themselves can by no pretence, as heretofore showed, claim external jurisdiction and obedience.  
As for the other office of Prophet, it had indeed a continuance for some time in the Christian Church, whilst it was in its weak condition, as a necessary means to give them and their guide's direction what to do in their continual distresses. Thus is S. Paul's bands, and ensuing death prephesied to happen in those times. For as there could not, under a good space of time, be a sufficient number of able persons found to receive Ordination, and so to be disposed of for the peculiar care of Churches, as now (but in this their unsettled and weak condition, Christ himself (by the means of the promised Holy Ghost) being necessitated extraordinarily to endue men with several gifts, for general edification in the absence of humane learning it was no wonder if this gift of prophecy, did many times come along therewith; since all proceeded from the same spirit.  
Yet although this gift of prophecy, were thus necessary to be held up from Christ, for the support and direction of his Church during her weakness and infancy; yet being usually accompanied with the gift of Doctrine and Instruction also, it afterwards came to pass, that Prophecy and Doctrine did come to signify the same thing; as in that place where it is said, No prophecy of scripture is of private interpretation. 
2 Pet. 1.20.  And indeed, the predictions themselves were but instructions for those they were addressed unto, how to guide themselves according as those events should happen: So that, it being but instruction in an object and busisiness more remote, it was no wonder that the notion of Prophet came afterwards to signify the same with the Preacher; 
Acts 13.1. Acts 21.8.  as also the word Prophesy the same with Doctrine: even as the Minister or Deacon, to comprehend the like function of instruction also.  
But however, even in those times, there was still subordination; nor was it in the power of those Prophets, or any other, to take on them to settle any Doctrine, or Church order, against, or without Apostolical leave; namely, the leave of that general Father or Head of the Church, under whom they had received their first Christian foundation; and who was thereupon (as a Master builder) to have power over each workman that undertook their spiritual edification. As was intimated to the Corinthians; where S. Paul complains of this abuse, in the practices of such as had ventured to build on that foundation without leave which he, as head of the Church, had first laid: saying, 
1 Cor. 3.10.  according to the grace of God given me, have I laid the foundation, and another buildeth thereon: but let every man take heed how he buildeth thereupon.  
And this right of Government and Authority, to be given to those persons from and under whom they had been taught and brought to Christianity, we may find noted in those two forementioned places to the Hebrews; where the first admonition, for obedience (to such as have the rule over you) is given under the notion of such as had spoken to them the word of God. But then, having put them in remembrance of them, 
Heb. 13.7. Verse 17.  he afterwards speaks directly, Obey them that have the rule over you, etc. intimating, that Christian education gives an unquestionable right to Christian obedience.  
Nay, in those very Doctrines which the primitive Prophets (for the present) taught, they were censurable by the rest of their fellows, until this higher authority had confirmed it. All which, in the Epistle to the Corinthians, may be further understood; where S. Paul makes use of his Apostolical authority, in ordering those of that rank how to make use of those many gifts they had received unto edification: for they (it seems) being proud of their manifold dispensations, 
1 Cor. 14 33.  had made the God of peace to be the Author of confusion, which caused him to fall upon that objurgation, What, came the word of God out from you, or came it unto you only; that is, received you not the word from us? why then should ye not be obedient to us as well as other Churches, to whom we have preached it also? he therefore says, that the Spirits of the Prophets are subject to the Prophets; 
Verse 32.  that is, ●hey are for the present ensurable by their present auditors, who may be gifted as well as themselves. And, for conclusion of all, and to keep unity, and make God the Author of peace, and not of confusion, he disclaims any private man's gift to be able to disannul his authority; and therefore further says, If any man think himself to be a Prophet, or spiritual, let him acknowledge that the things I now write unto you are the Commandments of the Lord; 
1 Cor. 14.37.  that is, let him confess my Apostolical authority from Christ received, whereby I have power to order the Church's affairs; or else he doth but think himself a Prophet, or spiritual, when indeed he is but puffed up by his own fleshly mind of vain glory and ambition.  
And this subjection of inferior Prophets or Teachers under the Gospel, unto the chief Prophet or Head of the Church, is doubtless to succeed, and be continued upon the same ground it was formerly given to Moses; 
Acts 3 22. & ●. 37.  and accordingly that prophecy of Moses is interpreted by S. Peter and S. Stephen; where Moses tells of this obedience, to be given to this succeeding great Prophet by all Persons, saying (as from God) Whosoever will not hearken unto my words which he shall speak in my name, I will require it of him; and that Prophet which shall presume to speak a word in my name, which I have not commanded him to speak; 
Deu. 18.19, 20  or that shall speak in the name of other Gods, even that Prophet shall surely die. And as this jurisdiction in matters of Doctrine, is interpreted by some to be given our Saviour in regard of his Prophetical Office, to doth Nathaniel the true Israelite, make these Prophecies of our Saviour made by Moses, to allude and be appliable to him as King of Israel, or head of the Church. From all which subordination in the Spirit of Teaching or Prophecy appearing to be continually necessary, 
John 1.49:  
Acts 3.21.  it must follow, that since Christ himself must remain in heaven, until the restitution of all things, that this power must, for truth and peace sake, rest in these his chief Deputies, that ar● anointed with this power from him that was that great Prophet; and so a Prophet of Prophets, as well as King of Kings.  
And therefore we may observe, that Christ being not able in his own person, to perform and supply all that measure of preaching and instruction, which should be continually necessary for the edification of his Church; and it being again necessary, that there should be, for order-sake, certain persons more eminently entrusted herein, it is the reason why, as the Prophet Isaiah sets him down in the first or chief place, Anointed to preach, 
Isa. 61.1. Chap. 59.21.  and to have God's Spirit put upon him, and his words put into his mouth; meaning (that the Spirit should not be given him by measure) so, for perpetuating this necessary office and high trust, God there promiseth to Christ a particular seed to that purpose: My words shall not depart out of thy mouth, nor out of the mouth of thy seed, nor out of the mouth of thy seeds seed, 
Ibidem  saith the Lord, from henceforth even for ever. Of the King's right by office to be of this adopted seed, we shall anon allege the parable of Solomon to that effect; as we may instance his example, by being Preacher as well as King.  
For we are to conceive it to be no otherwise with the Prophets and Teachers under the Gospel, then formerly under the Law; where, if any would take a prediction upon him, if he could not bring a present miracle or Sign sufficient to win belief, he was censurable by the event itself. 
Deut. 18 21, ●●  But if any undertook to direct in matter of Doctrine, the Law itself was still to be judge of the goodness thereof; and he taken but as a private man, unable to overthrow the authorized sense thereof, without he brought attestation of Divine Authority, higher than that whereby it was founded. For to tempt the people to Idolatry or Service of other gods, was amongst them made Capital, as before rehearsed. And so no doubt under the Gospel (in the Primitive Church) although there were not standing Schools and Orders of Priests and Prophets (as amongst the Jews) yet was the trial of that spirit they pretended unto, referred to the examination of the like extraordinary spirit in others; even as all other of their illuminations and doctrines were (for confirmation) censurable, according to those Principles of Christianity, which the Apostles the then Heads of Churches had from our Saviour received; and so had again (as Master-builders) set down for the people's edification; against which, 
Gal. 1.8.  although an Angel from heaven should teach, they were to be accursed. But because these Precepts and Doctrines of our Saviour, were neither so numerous, nor by him so exactly set down as the Law of Moses, but left in trust to the Heads and Guides of his Kingdom the Church; it therefore came to pass, that the inferior members of the Church, should be much more subject then formerly, to these their Teacher's directions, even because they were not elsewhere to be learned.  
Nor should it seem strange to any, that the power of these Functions, formerly clipped away from Monarchy, should thus under the Gospel be restored; by virtue of deputation from that Supreme Head of the Christian Church, The first born of every creature, 
Colos. 1.15. Rom. 8.29.  and the first born amongst many brethren: since they were anciently annexed by God unto the Prerogative of Birthright, and so seated (Paterno Jure) in the Master of the family: as in order to enable him in his sole Government and Authority; for so we read of Enoch and Jacob prophesying, and of Abraham and other the Patriarches sacrificing.  
But when the numerousness of the Church did require to be governed by an adopted Father or Head, although the absoluteness of his trust was somewhat pared by the division as aforesaid, yet both of them were to be generally subordinate to this one Supreme Power: for so although the Priesthood went to Aaron, even as he was the first born, and because that Function was to be settled for continuance, yet was MOSES to be to him as a god. In whose time, 
Exod. 4.16.  as being the first that had the stile of K I N G, we read of the first that had the title of PROPHETS; and these remarkably set to be such as had part of Moses spirit put upon them; namely, those Seventy appointed to help in Government.  
Against which Right of Kings (as Heads of Churches) although some have hitherto disputed, as being blinded by the fallacious distinction of duties into Ecclesiastical and Civil, and thereupon thinking the jurisdiction in matters of Religious cognizance should rest in others, as more rightful Successors to Apostolical power; yet can this Church jurisdiction, and superintendency of Priestly and Prophetic charge, be by no good reason pared away now: For that the same person, who as Christ's Deputy, is to succeed in the Supreme Power of each Church, and the jurisdiction belonging thereunto, must also be acknowledged to be entirely successive therein (by virtue of, and in respect of that union and entireness of these powers, primarily in Christ as great Head of the whole Church, and by him resigned and entrusted to that person that presides and represents him in every part thereof; to be by him wholly managed as under the relation of his Deputy, and not as due to the particular Styles and Titles of Apostle, or Father, or as King only. And we can no more rightfully now seclude Kings from any part of this entire trust and power, than we could Apostles formerly.  
And if we will observe it, they shall be found sitting down in the same right of claim that those Apostles themselves did; namely, the natural and prudential claim of possession; the particular persons of the one sort, having, from Christ, no more open designation then the other. For this is the natural derivation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from him that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the original of all existence and being; and so also comes it to be the right of each Christian chief man, by derivation from him, that, by pre-excellence, is the man, even the man Christ Jesus.  
The which deserves our grateful observation, as done in great favour to mankind; to wit, to silence those many disputes which might else have arisen about the King's right to command, and succeed not only in Church matters, but in Civil also. Whereas now, the Apostles (the first Heads) claiming their right of Headship by the rational way of possession, as Kings do theirs, it makes the Titles of future Heads (so succeeding) to be legitimate that way also: This we shall find verified in many places by the Apostle Saint Paul; who is exercising this Authority most, and over most Churches; and yet could lest claim particular designation.  
Three of these places we have lately mentioned; the first was, where he claims his Headship over the Corinthians in the Paternal right of Premier Seizin; I have begotten you through the Gospel; which Kings (as Heads) may say now; viz. 
1 Cor. 4.15.  You are to be subject to me, inasmuch as you received the Gospel, and your Christianity, from under me and my authority, being my subjects before you were Christians. The most remarkable difference herein, being, that the former Christian Heads (coming to govern by the sword of the Spirit chiefly, and so by it to make Christians of such as were under the material sword already) made their claim of jurisdiction and power from their instruction, even as attested by miracle from above: Whereas the now Heads of Churches; being usually to govern such (as subjects) that had been by their Predecessors made Christians already, are (in case of dispute one with another) to be differenced in their right of Headship over those that are to obey, by the ordinary way of providence; even by the material sword of conquest and possession. And as the right and exercise of civil power, was then made subsequent, and annexed to the manifestation of Priestly right, so now Priestly power is to follow, and depend on that of Regal.  
The next place we may observe was like to it; claiming jurisdiction over over them, 
Chap. 3.10.  because he (as a Master-builder) had laid the foundation.  
Then, in the place last mentioned, he claims jurisdiction over their Prophets upon like reason; What came the word of God out from you; that is, 
Chap. 14.36.  since you received it from me, you ought to be subject to me.  
But this he makes to be most clear, when, in the ninth Chapter, he would set forth his claim of jurisdiction most fully, he yet makes this his only available title: For in that he was an Apostle, or free, or had seen Jesus Christ: 
Chap. 9.1.  Was none of them arguments to entitle him to their Headship, more than any other Apostle, nor so much neither. For, however, these things might dignify the person, yet it was actual seizure and possession, must estate him Head of Corinth, more than of any other Church. And therefore he adds, Are not you my work in the Lord? And so pursues that Title in the next Verse, If I be not an Apostle unto others, 
Verse 2:  yet doubtless I am to you: for the seal of mine Apostleship are ye in the Lord.  
Unto all which, if we shall add the right of man's dominion in spirituals over the woman, 
1 Tim. 2.12, 13  by him settled upon the same right of primogeniture (as formerly noted) it will make the right of Kingly claim of succeeding Headship most apparent.  
And if it were free for Saint Paul to claim equality with the chief of the Apostles, in answer to such as thought his Commission not so high, because he was not conversant with Christ, like them; how much more may seizure entitle Kings now, against such as can claim no such advantage.  
Therefore (to return) as Prophets were first mentioned in the time of him that was first Styled KING; so, to make it farther clear that this gift and power did originally belong to the person of the Monarch or chief Governor, it is also observable, that the first established and really anointed King (namely Saul) had with his Unction from God, this Spirit of Prophecy poured on him also.  
Unction from God, I say, for that this only did confer power from the fountain of Power, as heretofore noted; the other material unction, received at the hands of men, serving but sacramentally to confirm people in their duties of subjection to that Authority which from heaven alone could be received. Which material Unction, being in that regard necessary to be applied to the persons that should Hereditarily hold that established office of power, yet it hindered not, but that such other particular persons as were by God occasionally or extraordinarily empowered with any gift for the good of men, might be still really, and truly held and reputed as Gods anointed. In which sense we are to interpret that saying, Touch not mine anointed, and do my Prophets no harm; 
Psal. 105.15.  Given to such as exercised their power by Patriarchal right, before Kingship under the Law; as also other phrases of Unction in the New Testament given to such as by means of some extraordinary gift in teaching and instruction exercised Church power in an Apostolical or Priestly right, before Kingship under the Gospel.  
Upon which grounds, we must say also of the first Heads of Churches, the Apostles and such like, that although they could not (because of their subjection to heathen Kings) make much use of their power in Government over men's persons, yet were they as heads of Churches thereunto as rightfully empowered, as if they had been Kings, and had had material unction; the power (as before noted) belonging to Christ's Vicar, and not to the notions of Apostle, King, or the like.  
But in after times (amongst the Jews) when the Power and Office of Kingship did succeed, those former Unctions of power did now resolve and unite into this, which was of highest eminence above any other; and this stile of Gods Anointed, was appropriate to Kings. And although those other Functions, of Priests and Prophets (as parts clipped from the entire trust of Monarchy) were therefore formerly sharers in this Unction, and so were sometimes materially anointed also, yet, for that their anointings did signify but some particular reservation of trust, it might make them sons of oil, but could not confer on them the eminent stile of the Lords Anointed: Which in the first place was due to the Christ, that had all Power given him, and next to his Adopted Christ's in the Church.  
And therefore we shall observe in Sacred Story, that those Kings that were most upright in their Offices and Trusts towards God, had least of their power shared by these other anointed persons. Thus will you find David and Solomon, and other good Kings, not only in Supreme power, and exercising their Authority without impeachment of these other anointed Officers, but also, some of them prophesying themselves, and using authority over the Priests. Whereas in the times of Jeroboam, Ahab, and such like, you shall find the Prophets in greatest power, and most intermeddling; and to that end was Elisha anointed: And also, to warn these Kings and people, from taking such courses as might draw down God's vengeance to their destruction; and so proceed to the overthrow of the Monarchy of that Church, before the appointed time that the great Monarch of the Christian Church, should change that former way of administration.  
And as we before noted, the first styled Prophets to be such as were sharers of the unction of power of the first styled King; and that the Kings, Saul, David and Solomon, had also this spirit of Prophecy, in testimony of their right thereto, for enabling them in their Offices of Government, so shall we find this spirit of Jewish prophecy, to expire with the last person that had this unction of power remaining; namely Caiphas the high Priest; being the last person that succeeded in that Church in the Seat and Authority of Moses and the Law. For so it is plainly there set down, that he Spoke not this of himself, but being high Priest that year, he prophesied that Jesus should die for that Nation, 
John 11.51.  etc. And so again, this his Prophecy is afterwards plainly set down to be the same with Counsel; where it is said, Caiphas was he that gave Counsel to the Jews, 
〈◊〉 18.14:  that it was expedient that one man should die for the people. And if we make not this Prophetic Office and Trust a part of Monarchical and Kingly Function, and so for some time executed by the High Priest, I see not how any footsteps or remains of the Government and Sceptre of Judah, could be found visibly continuing until the coming of our Saviour.  
So that now, since the time of Christ's uniting these Offices in himself, and thereby also abolishing the necessity of any fixed Ceremonial Law, and consequently of any external Priestly jurisdiction separate from that of the Monarch; and again, by the division of the kingdom & government of his Church, amongst so many heads subordinate unto him, that there need not, as amongst the Jews (where was but one nation) be any distinct settlement of the Prophetic to direct against the overthrow of kingship therein, there seemed no such use of reservation: because, if one or two should through iniquity or indiscretion fail, yet all could not. Therefore, it cannot now be reasonably contradicted, that the power of each Church's jurisdiction is wholly centred in the person of each Christian Prince, by deputation from that supreme head thereof that was Priest and Prophet as well as King.  
The full proof of this connexion will appear by due consideration of that place of Moses; where he, (recounting again God's recess from Government and instruction, as from himself, and commending the people's desire herein), promiseth that God will raise them up a Prophet from among their brethren like unto him: 
Deut. 18.18.  from whose mouth they shall receive all God's commands. By which words of a Prophet like unto me, we are to understand a chief Ruler or King like unto Moses; for the notion of Prophet, separately considered, was never rightly given to Moses. And so doth Nathaniel interpret this Prophet to be the King of Israel. And generally, 
Joh. 1.49.  so did that whole Nation expound it also: as may appear by the people's readiness to make him a King, 
Joh. 6.14, 15.  when they perceived he was that great Prophet that should come into the world. Whence we may plainly perceive, that, as to be a Prophet in chief, imports to the same as to be a Governor in chief, so is the Governor in chief to be reputed and obeyed as the Prophet or instructor in chief: Prophecy signifying the same with Instruction, and Instruction being proper to persons in Authority.  
And therefore, if the Apostles and other heads of Churches in the Primitive times, had this power over persons miraculously gifted by God, and whom themselves had not set up in Authority; (being extraordinarily by God Called and Ordained thereunto) How much more may the heads of Churches now claim it over such as have not extraordinary revelation from Heaven, nor any Church jurisdiction but what is from themselves derived.  
For these may now challenge, as supreme Christian heads of each Church, the reunion of that power which was separately by other Christian heads enjoyed whilst they were none: and, upon the same reason of infidelity that made their former Christian subjects deny them obedience in some things, they are now, (being Christians) to claim it as entire to themselves. And therefore, as we before noted, the Apostles and such like former Christian heads to have sole rightful power whilst the King was not a Christian, and that he was but an usurper in what he did in the Church, so, they being now Christians, it follows that all that intermeddle without their leave, are usurpers also.  
From all which, and what hath heretofore been said in the Argument, we may easily conceive how to determine concerning Apostolical succession: in right whereof, those of the Romish Prelacy would at this day take to themselves supreme and independent power in Church affairs: even because the Apostles had so in relation to their contemporary Pagan Kings and Magistrates; and would, on the other side, leave to Christian Kings only civil coercion and Authority; because so much, and no more, was formerly possessed by Infidels. We shall therefore say, that where the Bishop is (in his City or Diocese) the supreme Christian Governor, (as to many of those Ancient Bishops and Patriarches it happened before Kings were Christians, and at this day, in Rome, Collen, Trier, etc. is practised) there, and then are they to lay claim to direct Apostolical succession: as having none on earth their superior in Ecclesiastical power. But when, and where that City or Diocese is but part of a greater Church, united under a Christian head superior to these particular and inferior heads; then, and there is that chief Bishop or overseer of that Church to be held the rightful successor of Apostolical power; and the other Bishops to be subordinate unto him: even as Timothy and Titus were formerly to St. Paul.  
It is not to be doubted, but as this office of Ecclesiastical super-intendency is to be acknowledged as of Divine Right, so may Bishops (so far as their power is extensive) account themselves the Apostles successors therein: which as it will estate them in rightful power to govern the Presbyters and others below them, so will it again subject them to their head in chief: even to him, that is the more direct and entire successor of Apostolical jurisdiction. From whom, (in that regard) they are to derive their personal Ordination (or appointment into determinate jurisdiction and power); even as Zadock, the type of Evangelical Priesthood, received his from Solomon, the Type of Christian Kingship: although the act and Ceremonies of Consecration are to be, under the Gospel, as formerly under the Law, received from those of the Priesthood only; in acknowledgement of divine constitution of that Function.  
But for this omission of Princes in assuming their right upon their conversion, he may easily see the reason, that shall consider that great splendour of the Roman Emperors, and that poverty and more mean condition which the Bishops and such like Church heads did at first live in: who, being at that time well studied in their Master's Precepts of Obedience and Humility, had so little struggled for jurisdiction or riches, that there might seem rather scorn to take, then desire to assume and engross what they had. And, it may be, more fresh sense of Piety and Devotion, might make these first Christian Emperors willingly rather enlargers, than detractors from men of such pious and harmless conversation. The which might make them also less studious of those inconveniences which might grow from hence afterwards; not only to themselves, but all other Christian Kings: who, from their examples, were often made believe, that their highest expressions of devotion was to be measured by their advancemene of Christ's Church, meaning Clergymen: and that also, by taking the Jewels out of their own Crowns, and therewith embellishing their Mitres. Whether this omission were begun, and continued through ignorance, pride, or blinded zeal, is not so certain, as is that absurdity which from thence hath arisen: namely of Kings having no more power in the Church allowed them being become Christians then they had before: nay and less too, since some of these will now put in for so great a share,  
But it is to be considered, that as the admonition was then most proper, of fear not them that can kill the body, etc. in respect that Pagan Kings had not Ecclesiastical coercion so was the distinction of duties and obedience into Religious and Civil, then most proper also. The which will upon the same reason come now to be united: because of the union of that person commanding under Christ in chief in both.  
And therefore, had the Primitive Christian Princes well examined Saint Paul's distinction of his own and others Apostolical jurisdiction, they would have found in them the whole rights of their Crowns comprised: when he said, 
1 Cor. 4.1.  Let a man so account of us as Ministers of Christ, and Stewards of the mysteries of God. Under the first expression of Ministers of Christ, (or his Deacons or Deputies) they shall find Magistracy and more Civil power over Christian persons and actions within their Church contained: in the other, all power given over the way and manner of God's outward worship; and also the chief charge and care of Preaching or Instruction. Which makes St. Paul proceed in the description of his Steward's Office only, because he undertook little in the other.  
For since it was the most natural and reasonable course, to lay down Rules and Instructions for men to follow, before any outward execution of Government, by Rewards or Punishments (in observing or neglecting them) could be established, we may find good reason why our Saviour did delegate his Authority to those first Fathers and heads of the Church, by virtue of that power they should from him receive to represent him herein: saying to them, all power is given to me in Heaven and in Earth, Go ye therefore and teach all Nations, etc. teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you, 
Mat. 28.19, 20.  and lo I am with you always even unto the end of the world. And, it must be acknowledged a thing reasonable, that since the actions of voluntary Agents must have issue from their understanding, that therefore, in order to that obedience which was expected to follow, there should be appointed a powerful way of instruction to precede. Which Office of instruction, although it did for this cause precede, yet since Christ had promised the continuance of his presence or power with it unto the end of the world, as knowing it to be at all times necessary for him that is to have the charge of Government under him, we cannot but resolve that this Office of Instruction or Preaching is to be held and exercised by all others but subordinately, and in dependence of that present head of the Church: who holds, amongst other Unctions, a deputation herein in chief from Christ himself; who was anointed to preach. 
Isa. 61.1.   
In the first heads, the attestation of miracles, which gave them Authority to be harkened unto in their message of Instruction, gave them thereby also, upon all necessary occasions, Authority to be obeyed as Heads and Governors. In the last heads, as Conquest and the ordinary ways of Providence doth design the Governor first, so doth it therewith also estate him in the right of supreme Instruction, as necessary thereto. And surely, they that would deny the necessary conjunction of these two essential parts of Government, that is of the Indicative and Vindicative, not allowing to the same person as well a power to direct how to live and do well, as to punish for doing otherwise, and all because he doth not personally execute this Office of Instruction, but leaves it to others, may upon like ground deny his right and power in condemning and punishing, because the same is performed by others also.  
From all which we may see the King's Title and Right now, as God's Minister and Steward, to order things pertaining to his Worship, as well as we may find that the Title of each individual Prince to this Office of God's Minister and Head of the Church doth rest now upon the same evidence of right, which each person hath to the enjoyment of his own propriety in severalty from others. For as God made such and such Creatures for the general use of men, so did he institute such and such Offices for their use too: In the vacancy of which Offices, there lies an equal right to the next possessor upon the same natural reason, as there doth to the next possessor of Land, cattle, or any other goods, which have for the present no rightful proprietor.  
And if any should think the Christian Prince now debarred from claim to Apostolical succession and power in ordering of Church-discipline and affairs, according to the exegencies of times and places, as the Apostles, by their Traditions, formerly did; and all because they are not now, like them, miraculously inspired and assisted; they may, upon the same reason, even forbid the use of preaching and instruction to be by any now exercised also; until, by some miraculous attestation and proof, those separated to that Function can evidence their Call and Authority herein to be more than ordinary, and to have been conferred on them by hands as holy as those of the Apostles also. But, as this more express appearance of divine assistance & approbation of persons, is not now to be expected or relied upon, so neither, (in justice) can it be brought as a bar to the divine right of execution of the one, more than another; nor to regal super-intency in both.  
Therefore, as we have formerly showed the necessity of our submission to the Prince his guidance in our outward observation of that Law of the second Table, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself; so must we conclude it much more necessary, that that form and manner of service, which is requisite to express our devotions in fulfilling that Precept, 
●att. 22.37.  Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thine heart, etc. should not be left to the hazard of each ones, fancy but be at the dispose of God's chief Minister, even for the avoiding scandal; which must always be subject to private and new devices and forms; but cannot be to what is of public practice and institution.  
For if the authorized worship of any Kingdom, should be subject to be sin or scandal to any the subjects of the same kingdom, and professing the same Religion also, then can God never be outwardly worshipped, nor any Religion publicly exercised, but the parties must commit sin in doing it: because some or other will still be of a contrary mind; and so take offence and scandal thereat. And therefore, scandal must ever arise from the fewer number to the greater. For although the use and continuance of some Jewish and heathenish Ceremonies, were in the Primitive times scandalous; they were not called so because Jews or Heathens used them, but because a few men (having now included themselves in the common profession and number of Christianity) would therein descent from the common practice of Christians, which ran otherwise. And then again, since God himself doth not prescribe the whole outward form of expressing our Love and Praises of him, and that he doth, it is yet recommended for execution to the supreme Magistrates trust, it must follow, that so often as we decline his Rule, we must be scandalous; and in danger of error and sin.  
And to this purpose we shall find Saint Paul very express, when he gives the Romans warning to avoid scandal or offences; saying, Now I beseech you brethren mark them which cause division and offences, contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned, 
●om. 16.17.  and avoid them. Where we may see the doctrine received, is to be as the ancient landmark, which (set up by our Fathers) is not to be removed: but remain as a standing rule for decision and enclosure of differences. 
●rov. 22.28.  For if he had said, that that side is schismatical and scandalous that departs most from the truth of Christ's Doctrine; then, since each side did still pretend to that truth, this could not have been a way of decision: but had referred private judgements and interpretations back to themselves. And then again, if there had been divers sorts of disagreers, that Sect could have been scandalous only that departed most: whereas now each one is scandalous, so far as they differ from their standing plain rule: even by so far departing from Christ and leaning to themselves, as they depart from his Minister; and therefore he says, they that are such, (that is, which cause divisions contrary to the Doctrine learned) serve not our Lord Jesus Christ: (that is, do not rightly obey him, (though they pretend it), by not obeying his chief Minister) but their own belly: 
Rom. 16.18.  and by fair speeches deceive the heart of the simple. And to prove farther, that innocence from scandal is in obedience, he after expresseth his joy, that their obedience is come abroad to all men. 
Verse 19   
For if (as before proved), obedience be a necessary duty to be observed towards the making our Love and Services to our neighbours effectual, it must be concluded much more necessary and expedient, to be employed in keeping up that which is the end thereof, the glory and public worship of God. And therefore as it would seem absurd in our actions, to drive at such an end which we did never intend to perform and enjoy, (as it would be to be always practising Offices tending to mutual preservation, that thereby God might have the greater number of Praisers, and yet never practise this duty of Praise and Worship), so must we thence infer, that in, and towards the stating and exercise of this duty, obedience is most especially required; as to the meritorious and final object of all the rest.  
So that, if, by means of our obedience to Christ in the Church, (his Kingdom here upon earth,) there be not an uniformity kept up, in our public exercises of all those duties that serve for the advancement of God's Kingdom in our hearts, and for setting forth his Worship and praise for benefits received, that Unity and Coition of the Christian Grace● and Precepts amongst themselves (formerly spoken of) will come to be made void and useless. For however it may be allowable to each single man (as best sensible of his own enjoyments and wants), to thank God or pray to him privately, in such manner and words as himself finds most warrantable and behooveful; yet, must it be acknowledged reasonable, that all those public forms of Worship and Praise, whose practice is necessary for constituting each place an unite and distinct Christian Church or Assembly, should be at the dispose and appointment of that public person only, who under Christ is the supreme and entire head and Representative thereof: Even out of necessary consideration, of keeping up conformity therein; and by that means keeping Gods public Worship in existence; which else, by men's differing practices in opposition to one another, would come to be defeated and lost: no otherwise then would our practices in the Precepts of Charity, if not by uniform obedience directed. For these things have a natural and necessary coherence: the Unity of the end requires Coition and Unity in the means; and that again requires uniformity in the directions themselves, as well as Unity in the person directing: all of them to be made useful by the Grace of Obedience before noted. But because much dissension hath hitherto) arisen about that Officer or person we are to give the obedience unto, in regard of the different names of power in Scripture used. We will speak something farther here, of that Coition or succession of this supreme Officer now under the Gospel.  
This we shall find briefly done by Christ himself, when he is impowring these several little ones. Where he begins with those that should first represent him, namely such as should presently succeed as his own Desciples and followers: 
Matth. 10.40.  he that receiveth you receiveth me, etc. Under which (no doubt) the first Apostles were to be comprised: who, in regard of their mean worldly condition, might sometimes be objects of Charity also; even to the receiving a cup of cold water.  
The next object of our obedience is set down under the notion of Prophet: he that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, shall receive a Prophet's reward. 
Verse 41.  Under this notion we may comprehend Episcopal, or Patriarchical power succeeding; which had power of instruction, but little of jurisdiction: the which was reserved for the last more glorious Officer the just man, or righteous man: And he that receiveth a righteous man in the name of a righteous man, 
Ibidem.  shall receive a righteous man's reward. That is, shall be made capable of justice or justification, by means of his obedience to this chief representer of Christ's Authority, who is thereupon called a just or righteous man: this appellation of righteous man being equivalent with that of Ruler in chief, as divers places of the Old-Testament do also Warrant. In which the attribute could not be formally due to him whose words were perverted by gifts: Whenas, by reason of the place they execute, 
Deut. 16.19: Exod. 23.8.  they ought always to be respected as righteous by those under them.  
And therefore unto him, as the person of jurisdiction and power, shall those other Offices of Prophecy or Instruction be annexed and made subservient: no otherwise then in the Jewish Church, it at first was unto Moses their first King. For so we shall find it plainly delivered concerning Aaron and him: Thou shalt speak unto him (meaning Moses to Aaron) and put words in his mouth: and I will be with thy mouth, and with his mouth; and will teach you what ye shall do: Which is the same with being a spirit of judgement, 
Exod. 4.15.  or Mishpat: and of being in the mouth of their seed, and seeds seed for ever, before spoken of.  
And then follows the subordination of the Prophets: and he shall be thy spokesman (or Angel) unto the people: and he shall be, even he shall be, to thee instead of a mouth, 
Verse 16.  and thou shalt be to him as a God. And in the first verse of the seventh Chapter, he is expressly called Moses Prophet: Aaron thy brother shall be thy Prophet or Angel. The which doth plainly foreshow the Coincidence of Christian Authority, under each Christian King and Monarch: to make useful the coition of the means before spoken of. For he, as the last most glorious deputed Minister to Christ amongst us, is to claim our obedience in his name; in all things done towards the stating of Charity: and, as Steward in the mysteries of God, is to be obeyed in all our outward religious deportments.  
Nay, that very Argument of mysteriousness and profoundness in matters of divine truth and worship, (which some would urge in bar to the Kings intermeddling in causes of Religion as the true Steward of the mysteries of God), is by the wisest King and Preacher, made to be the proper glory and part of his Office: 
Prov. 25.2.  saying, It is the glory of God to conceal a thing, but the honour of Kings is to search out a matter. In which words, Kings being set in the plural number, 
Prov. 25.2.  makes it appear that this of liberty searching into the mysteries of God, was not reserved to Solomon only, but was belonging to each King as God's Vicegerent on earth. Nor was it so set down as to denote that every individual King could personally attain to such ability: but to show that each King being Gods chief Steward, that therefore those things which by means of his Seers and Prophets under him were performed, should be accounted to the honour of the King: as being done by him, because of their subordination to his supreme Authority therein.  
And those persons that are most subject, to inveigh against public forms, as Will-worship, Superstition, and Scandal, are themselves the only men that are truly guilty of Will-worship and Scandal, by relying on their own private Wills and Judgements, and preferring their own devises and forms to the practices of all others; whereby to introduce general offence and scandal. And so again, when they refuse to join with others in their public services, out of the fear of superstition in giving too much; and do choose to proceed in contrary or negative performances, this, as being induced and carried on by superstitious and ungrounded fear to displease, offends in the worse extreme, and turns to be true Superstition indeed. And I verily believe, that men are generally more superstitious in avoidance of Ceremonies, than they are in observing them: for this is Superstition upon Superstition.  
For the truth is, if public reason and appointment be excluded in appointing forms of God's Service and Worship, then, since himself hath appointed no form to us Christians (as such), he can now have no right external Worship given to him at all: which (doubtless) for honour sake, is eternally due to him as God; and, by way of gratitude, to be returned from us. But although he knew it to be a thing necessary to be done, yet knowing also that we now have Moses and the Prophets, (as useful precedents for general directions in what we are to do) that is, since we have all that light which was formerly given to any people; if these, and those many general Precepts since given cannot be sufficient, together without great helps of natural learning and reason we now enjoy, we are left without all excuse.  
And if we mark the gradations of Gods immediate appearance to man since the beginning in these instructions, we shall find it to decrease by degrees, even in this particular also, as man's instructions and reason have grown to be more. To Adam and the Fathers, he was often director in the way of his Worship, as the Father of the Family: that is, Viva voce. After mankind increased, he ruled as King, by positive Laws. After which, as men grew more and more knowing of their duty, he withdrew his immediate appearance by degrees.  
And if men will consider things without vulgar prejudice, it must be acknowledged a course both rendering God highest Praise, and us consequently most benefit. For since all our Worship and Service of him, must be so much the more acceptable as it shall be more voluntary; and since it must be by so much more voluntary, as more agreeing to our understanding; it must thereupon also be an addition to his Worship and Praise, when, being left in the manner and measure indefinite, we know it our duties to do it continually and all we can; then if in performance of his positive commands, we should have rested, as having throughly performed our whole service. As we see it come to pass in the examples of the Jews, Scribes, and Pharisees, that had their literal appointed Worship and Ceremonies; how ready they were to acquiess, as having performed all their bounden duties; and to neglect the continual serving and honouring him, even in weightier matters.  
And again, when God doth not prescribe his own outward Worship and manner of service, we may farther acknowledge our benefit herein; even for that our occasional breaches are not now so highly dangerous to us Christians, as formerly to the Jews. Amongst whom (upon that consideration) how frequent shall we find the crime of Idolatry laid to their charge; increasing not only from the malicious instigation of that wicked Serpent, always most ready to wreathe himself into our fancies, and to contrive ways to break those Precepts God doth most immediately command; but by reason also of the aggravation of their offence, in the least deviation from things to commanded, without due licence and Authority. Whereas amongst Christians, where God is not immediate in these injunctions, but (only requiring the measure thereof to be with all our heart, with all our mind, with all our strength) hath left the manner of doing it to the Church's authority, there cannot be such danger of that kind of Idolatry about the manner of celebrating Gods outward Worship: But our danger of Idolatry is chiefly in the measure; that is, in preferring Mammon before him, or looking with such affectionate eyes on our own proprieties, as to make Covetousness to be Idolatry. 
Ephes. 5.5. Coloss. 3.5.   
By means of leaving those outward Forms to the Church's power of institution and contrivement, God is not (again) so subject to have his Almightiness and All-sufficiency mistaken; by men's thinking that he hath need of these, or any the like things: And so also are we more like to avoid, the danger of Idolatry and Superstition, which should be incident to be given to such things as should be by him immediately chosen to that purpose. 
John 4.23.  For when we (who are now instructed, that his true Worship is in spirit and truth, and that these outward Forms are but to mind us, and make us perceptible of the inward graces they signify, and to strengthen in ourselves, and confirm in others, our real and hearty acknowledgement of his deserved praise and glory) do thereupon choose, from instance of what is most honourable in our esteem, to set forth our thankfulness in the esteem of others; this, as it cannot be to subject to Idolatry, so must it be more lively and fervent, in expressing and raising our Devotion.  
And therefore we may observe, that whilst God did prescribe the matter and manner of his Worship and Adoration, it was in such things and ceremonies as had highest esteem amongst men; and it was (in common acknowledgement) a good rule for examination of fitness herein, by comparing it to the usage and esteem of persons of highest rank amongst ourselves, 
Mal. 1.8.  saying, Offer it now to thy Governor, and see if he will accept it. And with these very Kings and all else, it was rule of honouring him with our substance: Which they did with most wonderful expense, giving the world thereby to understand, the high value they esteemed him at. When 
1 Sam. 24.24.  if they should have sacrificed unto him of that which cost them nothing, men might well have judged they had served Mammon better than he; and so through Covetousness have committed Idolatry, as before noted.  
And let men (with Judas) cry out whilst they will, Wherefore all this waste? yet, 
John 12.4:  since the measure of our praising and setting forth God's glory in the sight of men, must arise from the rare of those outward expressions we do to that purpose make (for our inward hearts none can measure otherwise) when we offer or dedicate (therefore) things vile unto him, we then (instead of exalting him) do the best we can to dishonour him; as too often we find it.  
As these considerations, prove the leaving the form of Gods outward Worship to man himself, as the most likely means to have it thereupon to. be oftenest practised, and so his heart kept aright in doing it; so will it appear farther reasonable, that it be the peculiar charge of that (the) man that hath the whole trust of each Church where the same is to be done, inasmuch as he himself, being greatest, cannot but be best able to judge what Solemnities are fittest to be given, for advancement and expression of the praise of one so great as God is; and must be also most able, to see the same performed publicly and in decent manner.  
Nay, his very doing it, will advance God's honour in men's esteem, above the doing it by others, as far as his dignity is above that of his ordinary subjects: Which may seem one main reason for instituting Monarchy; namely, that by the contracting the power and glory of a people into one person, God may by him be more entirely and eminently honoured in his public Worship and Service. For as the institution of a Church, and the reason of Gods more particular bounty and presence to them above the rest of mankind, was (as heretofore noted) from the consideration of the increase of God's glory, through their more remarkable way of expressing their service and gratitude for so high favours; even so also may we think, that this extraordinary dignifying of some persons in the same Church above others (and so of one person especially above all the rest) was also (through his more high and remarkable dignity and obligation) to have himself more dignified in his Worship, proportionable to the quality of the person doing it. And therefore as we shall never find God Almighty deputing or impowering above one person in chief as his Representant to the people, either in declaring what his Divine Will is, or for seeing the same executed: So this may be the reason also, of those many more strict injunctions for King's duties to God, and of those more particular examples of punishing and rewarding his zeal or neglect, as if it had been that of all the rest.  
Wherefore we will set down this rule, That where the Supreme Magistrate is a Christian, there all our outward deportments, for expressing our obedience to God's command in serving and honouring him, or loving our neighbour, must be subject to his direction; and whensoever done against it, we cannot, but (by following our own wills) be in danger, not only to commit Superstition and Idolatry, but Rebellion also. Whereas, doing these things according to inward devotion, and that also guided by the duty of obedience, we cannot be culpable of either of them. For although there may be Ceremonies (as we find in some Churches) which may seem to lean that way; yet I see not how the obedient member should in the exercise of his devotion according to the Institution of Authority, have the guilt of Superstition charged on him, for performance of such duties as truly are Superstitious, more than for what is not; since he had no more liberty to institute, or examine the one than the other. For however superstitious fear or misguided zeal, might cause the Authority of that Church to err in the establishment of them; yet can it not be the fault of him, whose part is to obey in all things, but not to direct in any.  
And (for conclusion) we shall again say, that as all the other good and happiness of each Kingdom, must have existence and vigour from the truth and sincerity of Religion therein publicly practised, and the truth and vigour of this Religion and God's Worship therein, must again be maintained in ours and others knowledge and esteem, by frequent exercises of devotion (whereby to cause it to take impression) we must also set it down, that as to give unto God no outward Form of Worship at all will resolve into Atheism, so (in the same Kingdom) to do it publicly more ways than one, will resolve into Polytheism; which, if not Atheism, will soon turn thereinto. The which, experience too clearly shows to come to pass, in those places where (public Forms being decried as humane inventions (and too full of Superstition) private men, led with true Superstition indeed (that is, with private conscience and fear) do severally stretch their inventions on such few insignificant Ceremonies and Forms, as being themselves of no esteem in our sense, must consequently render that devotion they would express to be in the end so also; and, in the mean time, involve us into all those civil disturbances, which are wont to be deserved and attended by scandal and breach of Charity.   

CHAP. XII. Of Antichrist.  
ALthough those two Offices of Kingship and Priesthood, be by none denied as necessary for him, that is to protect and redeem us from all enemies and afflictions temporal and ghostly; yet do mens prejudices in unwary disjoining them, and eclipsing the one by too sole reliance on the other, make both of them many times uneffectual; and by too much coveting and bending our belief and endeavours, in pursuit and acknowledgement of him, under that capacity only we list to fancy (as nearest our own aims) we hazard, or deservedly lose that whole benefit, that can accrue but to such only, as do wholly own, and rely upon him in both.  
Thus the Jews, that had their promises running always in a strain of temporal felicity, were subject to interpret and expect, all the Prophecies of Redemption and Restauration, to run in the same sense also: This prejudice sticking so close, that those very Disciples that waited on our Saviour's person, and had both his life and doctrine witnesses to the contrary, yet they became so wholly intent hereon, that because it failed but a little in the present expectation, their hopes in him as to the other, seems wholly obscure and overcome: For so Cleophas (having told how the chief Priests and Rulers had put to death and crucified our Saviour) saith, But we trusted that it had been he that should have redeemed Israel: This overhasty, 
Luke 24 21.  and too great intention of Christ's exercise of his Power and Kingship here, making them slow of heart to believe all that the Prophets had spoken, 
Verse 25.  and so inconsiderately pass over the necessary performance of his other Office of Mediatorship; not considering how that (in order thereunto) Christ ought to have suffered first, and then to enter into his glory: 
Verse 26.  not well considering that death and hell were the first grand enemies he was to conquer; and so upon his humiliation, to proceed, as the way to his exaltation.  
On the other hand again, amongst Christians (that do not so literally lay claim to those particular promises made to the Jewish Nation) the other Office of Mediatorship, which he performeth as the only High Priest, comes because of its nearer concern in our spiritual benefits and good, so wholly to take up the conceits of many, that the name of Christ seems drowned in that of Jesus; not well considering also how by omitting our acknowledgement of him and his power, we hazard the receipt of those his benefits, which stand promised on that condition; namely, how those that would not that he should reign over them here, are counted his enemies; 
Luke 19.27.  and not to expect share of his Inheritance, nor to remain with him hereafter.  
Which speech, being by him uttered just upon his going to jerusalem, to take possession of his temporal Kingdom in right of his father David, may well instruct Christians against their usual prejudices, in acknowledging Christ's exercise of temporal power, only because he doth not personally appear therein: For so it is set down; And when he had thus spoken, (that is, declared his right to reign as Christ) he went before, ascending up to jerusalem. 
Verse 28.   
Concerning the manner of Christ's reigning, we have spoken in some places before: both to show how he denyeth the personal exercise of his Kingship amongst us as yet, and how again he doth it by Deputies or Vice-Roys (as sub-christs' under him) in several places of his Church; reserving so often to himself the stile King of Kings: Thereby declaring, that as all Crowns and Sceptres are now derived from him, so are they hereafter to be laid at his feet.  
But though, in regard of the particular incredulity of the Jews, with whom he only conversed, he bend his most frequent arguments in confirmation of the necessity of the other Office, yet this is always asserted too, or remains undenyed. And therefore, when his Disciples (full of Jewish prejudice) ask him, 
Act. 1.6.  Lord, wilt thou at this time restore the Kingdom to Israel: He denies not his own right, in exercise of temporal power over his Church; but strives to inform them, that the time of doing it was their mistake. For Christ being (as aforesaid) to perform his first Office by suffering here, and the other not till he enter into his glory; he therefore answers, It is not for you to know the times and the seasons, which the Father hath put into his own power: 
Verse 7.  but ye shall receive power, after that the holy Ghost is come upon you: and ye shall be witnesses unto me, both in jerusalem, and in all judea, and in Samaria, 
Verse 8.  and unto the utmost part of the earth; whereby it appears, that the time appointed by God for the exercise of complete Monarchical power in the Church was not yet come; and therefore he tells them of that power that should in the mean time be exercised by them.  
Of which Apostolical power we have spoken somewhat before; and therewith showed, how their Government was Monarchical, and that by reason of Unction of power from Christ, they had the right to be his chief Deputies in all things in each Church where they did preside, although their modesty, and the Heathen Magistrates usurpation, would not suffer them then to show it.  
And if we mark the precedent discourse, Christ may be found giving them this real power of Headship, proportionable to that degree of glory the Church was then in: For it would have been strange, for a distressed, and despised Church, to have had a glorious or high tituled Head. So that, although that sort of glorious Kingdom, which they fancied, could not yet be restored to the Church, yet that they should in the mean time be his sole Deputies in the managery of this Kingdom, appears in that he was with them forty days, giving them commandment, and speaking of the things pertaining to the Kingdom of God; and so he bids them abide at jerusalem for the promised baptism of the Holy Ghost, 
Luke 24.49.  or to be endued with power from on high: The which we may conceive to be the Unction of Church power, because this promise is made a reason of this their demand about the execution thereof: viz. When they therefore were come together, they asked him saying, Lord wilt thou, etc. And his answer is negative only, to the glorious exercise thereof as yet; but affirmative to their doing it by that power which they should receive from the Holy Ghost: Whereby, and by the words Witnesses to me, we may well understand represent me in my power, both of doing and suffering; according to that Commission which he elsewhere gives them: 
John 20 21.  As my father sent me, so send I you.  
So that the sum of all is, that as it behoved him that was the head to be made perfect by sufferings; even so his Church to arise to her glory, and particularly to the glory of Kingship, by such degrees of sufferings, as her great King should be pleased to appoint.  
In the mean time, how unlike soever the means seemed to them, yet should the advancement of his Kingdom thereby be to his greater honour; that could give them power by sending of the Holy Ghost, to be witnesses and promoters thereof. And therefore as God before (in the Theocrity) appeared in setting up the Church of the Jews, so Christ in the beginning, acts more powerfully from Heaven in his, it seeming a thing unreasonable to make a recess, and to give over his miraculous assistance, until the work itself had attained such height and strength, as to be fit to be performed by Deputies; and that in a Monarchical form, according to the pattern of Government used in Heaven itself.  
But it is like, that the Apostles had more confidently made this Interrogation, upon mistake of our Saviour's speeches unto them: First, 
Luke 12.32. Chap. 22.36,  Of giving them the Kingdom; and afterwards in bidding them now provide themselves of swords: As if their former way of dependence on extraordinary providence, were to be now abandoned, and this Kingly way of acquisition and administration to be by them exercised. And that they thought this way proper to themselves, may appear by their present showing him two swords, and of S. Peter's hasty using one of them afterwards.  
But the Kingdom in the first place promised to these his little flock, or flock of little ones, was the Kingdom; that is, the Kingdom of Heaven, and not any glorious Judicature here, more than he their present Master had: No, they were first to seek the righteousness of the Kingdom of God after the same way their Master had done: 
Matth. 6.33.  which as it was most proportionable during the Theocraty, so should it be to them more glorious, than the Royal Robes of any Solomon, even than those more majestic robes which succeeding Christian Kings should wear: To which purpose, they might have considered his former designation of their manner of Glory and Judicature, wherein he he saith, that he that serveth, should not expect to be greater than he that sitteth at meat. And that therefore, they who had continued with him, 
Luke 22. 2●. Verse 28.29.  as his companions, should have a kingdom appointed to them, as his Father had appointed one to him: and not have their time of Judicature, till the last judgement; at which time, they that had followed him in the regeneration; that is, had here mostly executed the Offices of Evangelists, when the Son of man, should sit on the throne of his glory, they also should sit upon twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel. 
Matth. 19.28. 2 Cor. 6, 4, 5.  In the mean time they were to resemble Christ in much patience, in afflictions, in stripes, etc.  
So that then, their exercise of Kingship being to be like that of their Master, namely, by witnessing for him and his Gospel in Judea, etc. as he had already witnessed a good witness before Pontius Pilate, and so making up what was behind of the affliction of Christ, for his body's sake the Church: we are to interpret the other part of Christ's speech to them (which might import their now making themselves friends of the unrighteous Mammon; 
Luke 16.9.  and of taking to themselves Purses and Scrips (and especially by taking to themselves swords, when he said but now, He that hath a purse let him take it, and likewise his scrip, 
Luke 22.36  and he that hath no sword let him sell his garments and buy one,) to be made good and accomplished upon the glorious establishment of his Church under his glorious Deputies. At which time, his Viceroys should be in a capacity to provide for themselves and others by these swords; and were not (under pain of tempting God) again to grow altogether careless of supplying themselves, as the former labourers were.  
And that his meaning herein was prophetic and future, they might have gathered by that which followed, saying, That the things written must yet (or first) be accomplished in me: that is, as he was numbered amongst the transgressors, 
Luke 22.37. Ibidem.  so must he himself suffer as one also. Which having had an end concerning him, than should the power and eminence of his Church so arise by degrees, that through the glory of his succeeding deputed Christ's (which exercised their dominion in his name) the rest of the prophecy should be made good unto him; viz. That God would divide him a portion with the great, 
Isai. 53.12.  and that (by these his Deputies swords) he himself should divide the spoil with the strong; that is, when he shall have made his soul an offering for sin, he shall see his seed (meaning more especially these his adopted Sons) and, by means of their ministration, he shall prolong his days; that is, in exercise of temporal Kingship. And thereby, the pleasure of the Lord, concerning the Churches temporal salvation and glory (as well as eternal) shall prosper in his hands. 
Verse 10.   
So that the Apostles mistake in the forementioned demand, was in the time and season of Christ's more majestic appearance in the exercise of Kingly power in this kingdom of the Church by God given him, and not in the true right he had thereunto.  
Their mistake also was in fixing their thoughts too strictly on the Jewish Nation; as if Israel, in the literal sense, and not the whole Church had been the Kingdom to be thus dignified and advanced by his Government.  
These mistakes they were also the rather led into, in regard of those many promises made in particular to the Jewish Nation; and also, for that those promised blessings were always exemplified under the person of David, whose natural son they knowing our Saviour to be, it made them to expect he should thereupon be himself the executioner and undertaker thereof; and so to be actually seated in the Throne of his father David, as it was before promised to the blessed Virgin. Yet if they had withal considered that other prediction concerning our Saviour made to Joseph, namely, that he should save his people from their sins; they would not then have gone about to make the execution of his Office of temporal Jesuship, precipitately to defeat that other his Office of saving souls. But our Saviour, that knew best his appointed time and manner for performance of these offices, executed first the higher and greater work in his own person, and leaves the other to be brought about and executed by Substitutes anointed under him: He upholding all things by the word of his power, when he had by himself purged our sins, 
Heb. 1.3.  and sat down at the right hand of Majesty on high.  
In which regard, although every member of his Church were equally his seed, and equal to one another in reference to that Mediatorship (which was consummated in his own person, without other future assistance save that of the Holy Ghost) yet, in regard of the Prophetic and Kingly part (or the part of Instruction and Government) which was to be completed by Humane deputation, they were again severally dignified and differenced one from another; and so might be unequally esteemed his seed, as they stood in that respect nearer in relation unto him, for the perfecting of the Saints, for the work of the Ministry, for the edifying of ●he body of Christ. 
Ephes. 4.12.  And as this difference is to be observed, that we be not like children (without a Father) carried to and fro of every wind of doctrine, by the sleight of men, and cunning craftiness whereby they lie in wait to deceive: 
Verse 14.  so is it to last till Christ's second coming; 
Verse 13.  that we come to the stature of the fullness of Christ.  
So that the glory of the Church (this Kingdom of God given unto Christ) being to arise by these means and degrees, it is the reason of that petition of Thy kingdom come. 
Matth. 8 10.  Which importing (no doubt) its increase and prosperity here (in order to have his name more hallowed and honoured thereby) may be well interpreted to signify our desire that this Church may arise at such a degree and state of eminence, that it may be proportionable in splendour and dignity, to admit the true Idea and Platform of Regiment used by God himself: Not as if the measure of God's Omnipotent power should be then increased, but that the manner of execution thereof in the Church should be also more conform; namely, That his will may be done on earth, as it is in heaven. 
Ibidem.   
For although before it, Christ's Will and Law (for the matter of them) was as truly (if not more) performed in the Apostles time, and by the primitive Church then afterwards; no otherwise, then in the Jewish Church, God's service was generally more unstained before Kings then afterwards; yet, as amongst them, the accomplishment of God's aim and promise of having a place to put his name in, was made the object of their desires (as therewith importing their own promised happiness also) so in the Christian Church you may find reason why it should be commanded us to conform our desires to that of Gods; and that, besides the matter of our own inward devotions and charity (whereby we severally and privately performed his will) we should desire the manner of performance of it, to be outwardly glorious and uniform also: that it may answer, as near as may be, that ready service which Angels do in heaven.  
For if we hollow and glorify his name, 
Matth. 6.9.  and do also acknowledge his power and kingdom on earth, as it is in heaven, we shall (no doubt) than best do his will in earth, as it is in heaven. Whereupon concluding also, 
Verse 10.  that the first petition of hallowing God's name, is to be explained also on earth as it is in heaven (because we have no need, nor warrant to doubt, or wish the doing it in Heaven) it is farther evident, that the petition of Kingdom come, must relate to the Churches future prosperity; according to whose splendour and greatness, God himself and his Kingdom may be rightly said to be more or less come or present amongst us, even as he is more or less majestically represented, in the eminence of that officer which is substituted with his authority.  
And therefore, we being to ascribe all kingdom, power, 
Verse 13. Dan. 4.17.  and glory unto him (without wresting from him the right of his everlasting kingdom amongst men) we may explain this petition of Thy kingdom come, in our Gospel precept of prayer, by that petition of the Jewish Churches prosperity, included in their injunction, To pray for the peace of Jerusalem. 
Psalm 122.6.  Both they and we being thereby obliged to continual duty of praying for the increase and glory of his Church; and that, not only when it is weak, but although flourishing, we are to pray for the continuance and increase thereof. And, that it may the better so do, we are to make prayers and supplications for such as shall be chiefly instrumental therein; that is, for Kings, and all that are in Authority. 
1 Tim. 2.2.   
This our commanded Petition, pointing at the glory and increase of the Church, and particularly under Kingship, may also well be understood as proportioned and answering the many Gospel-Promises made to that purpose; and those particular promises also, heretofore made to Abraham, and other the Church Fathers and Founders; namely, that their increase of race and posterity should be crowned with the blessing of Kingship also, as we have formerly noted.  
So that, besides the expression of our desire that God's honour (by the increase of his Power and Kingdom amongst men) may be advanced, (which we are always to seek before any thing that concerns ourselves) this Petition for the increase of the Church's power, was inclusive also of our own benefits; as secretly importing a request for the abatement and diversion of those grivous persecutions which the power of Heathenish Authority did then inflict; conform to that natural desire of our Saviour himself (so often repeated) Father, 
Matth. 26.39.  if it be thy will, let this cup pass from me. From which persecutions, as they were to hope release answerable to those many Prophecies formerly made of the Church's prosperity and eminence in Power, so were they to pray that God would bring it to pass, by setting the mountain of the Lords house, on the top of every mountain, and above every him; that is, by advancing Christ's Kingdom and Power to such height, as it might be of highest eminence amongst men. By which means (notwithstanding all those many oppositions made in the beginning by Pagan Kings and others) God would perform his promise, of, Yet have I set my King upon my holy hill; 
Psalm 2.6.  that is, advanced my Church's power to such height, that the members thereof may now be sensible of those many Promises of Peace and Prosperity, which under Christ's glorious Kingdom they were to enjoy.  
The power of the Church being thus to be seated in Christ the Heir of all things, 
Heb. 1.2.  and by him deputed unto others, is the reason why (as the Old Testament usually calls the risings and the murmurings against Gods chief Minister a rising and murmuring against God, even so also) S. Paul, 
1 Cor. 10.9.  warning the Corinthians against tempting of Christ, brings in the example where the Israelites tempted and spoke against Moses: as may appear by Moses words in his Expostulation with God (taking their complaints as aimed at himself) saying, Whence should I have flesh to give unto all this people, 
Numb. 11.23.  for they weep unto me, saying, give us f●esh that we may eat: Which words denote to us, that he being anointed by God as the chief Magistrate over them, and so personating that power of judgement and Government which by God the Father should be committed unto Christ the Son, under the notion of Unction, the tempting of him is styled the tempting of Christ; and that more especially, because he was more expressly representing him in that office of kingship that had most of his unction; as being King of Israel or Jesurun.  
So that, although Christ and his Gospel appeared to the Jews as under a cloud, yet while they were all baptised unto Moses (Christ's Minister) in the cloud, and in the sea (that is, were observant and obedient unto him in Christ's stead) they did all eat the same spiritual meat, 
1 Cor. 10.2. Verse 3.  and drink the same spiritual drink; for they drank of that spiritual rock that followed them, and that rock is Christ: But because their not following and obeying him, 
Verse 4·  was the cause they soon fell to Idolatry and other evils, therefore are they put for examples and admonitions to us, 
Verse 11.  upon whom the ends of the world are come; that we should not murmur against Christ chief Minister, and so tempt him as they did.  
And that murmuring against God's Minister, is by God reckoned as against himself, farther appears, in that it is said, All the Congregation murmured against Moses, and against Aaron: And in the 11 Verse, God says, How long will this people provoke me, etc. And in the 29 Verse, How long shall I bear with this evil Congregation, which murmur against me: I have heard the murmurings of the children of Israel which they murmur against me. So that now, all Government being committed unto Christ the second Person in the Trinity, they that oppose those Anointed Powers that act under him as Christi, are to be deemed opposers of him as the Christ, even as those former opposers of God's Substitutes were called murmurmurers against Cod, while they acted under the Notion of Elohim.  
But although every opposition of Christ's chief Minister in Church-Authority, may (upon former reasons) be esteemed done in opposition to Christ, yet shall we not find the term of Antichristianism set down till after our Saviour's Ascension. For until he had revealed himself, so far as to institute and authorize Officers under him, and they again to hold and exercise their power as in direct acknowledgement of him, the opposition of these Officers could not be formally that crime of Antichristianism, which we may call the Gospel term for Rebellion: And is the resistance of Christ's Kingly power, excented by himself or his chief immediate Officer.  
But because himself was little seen herein, as never partaking of the visible and material unction, the Scripture usually makes that sin to be the rebellion against the Christian Monarch, by any inferior person or order of men. For although the opposition in the primitive times made against this flourishing State or Kingdom of Christ's Church (set down in the Prophecy of the Psalms) is to be interpreted against Christ, (where it is demanded, Why do the Heathen ruge, 
Psalm 2 4.  and the people imagine a vain thing, the Kings of the earth set themselves, and the Rulers take counsel together against the Lord, and against his anointed; saying, 
Verse 3.  let us break their bands in sunder, and cast their cords from us) yet because they were done by Heathens, and such as acknowledged not God the Father, 
Verse 2.  they were Theomachy against Gods, more than Antichristianism against Christ's eminence in power. And therefore they do but show us, that first conspiracy of men of all sorts, which should be the forerunner of those more notorious Antichristian plots, which should afterwards proceed from such as professed his service; alter such time as he hath been by God set on his holy hill of Zion, or the Church) and that many of these Kings had made their acknowledgements unto God and him; 
Verse 12:  According to the Expression (there used) of kissing the Son.  
Whereupon, divers of the Penmen of the New Testament, foreseeing the sundry oppositions of this deputed power, do call the person so doing Antichrist; a word proper for such as oppose persons anointed. Which as in the first place is due to the Anointed, the Christ of God, 
Luke 9.20. Chap 2.26. John 1.41. Psalm. 45.7. 1 John 1.3.  or the Lord Christ, or the Messiah, being anointed with the oil of gladness above his fellows: So next to Kings, who (as heretofore noted) are only styled Gods Anointed, or the Lords Anointed; and so by derivation of power from God, obtain with Christ a kind of fellowship.  
And thus much we shall find plainly discovered unto us in the Parable of the talents; where Christ's trust of his Kingdom and Power here committed to Deputies (during his absence to possess another Kingdom) is set down upon the occasion of the prejudice of such as thought, because of his going to Jerusalem himself, that therefore the Kingdom of God should presently appear; that is, be forthwith gloriously managed by himself: 
Luke 19.11.  He therefore says, a certain nobleman went into a far Country, to receive for himself a kingdom, and to return; and he called his ten servants, 
Verse 12. Verse 13.  and delivered them ten pounds; and said, occupy till I come; By which is set forth that trust of power, which in his absence should be committed to the several Heads of Churches. But his Citizens hated him, and sent a message after him, 
Verse 14.  saying, we will not have this man reign over us. Where we may see Antichrianism stated and defined; that is, when such as are members of Christ's Church, or his Citizens, do so far express their hatred unto him, as to deny his deputed Christ's to Reign, or have power over them. And therefore, after he hath taken the account of his Deputies trusted talents, he than comes to censure these Rebels against his Vice-gerents, just as if they had been so to himself, saying, But these mine enemies which would not that I should reign over them, bring them hither, and slay them before me. And that this sentence was directly intended to such as refuse this his power in his Deputies, 
Verse 27:  and not of his Deputies disobedience to him, appears, in that S. Matthew setting down the like Parable of trusted talents (but without mention of the particular fact of the Citizens') hath no such expression in his relation thereof, 
Matth. 25.14.  although he record afterwards, Christ's owning his Ministers as himself, as elsewhere showed.  
So that now, who is a liar, but he that denyeth that Jesus is the Christ? he is Antichrist that denieth the father and the Son. 
1 John. 2.22.  It is not said he that denieth the Holy Ghost; or he that denyeth Jesus, that is the belief of his Saviourship; for this being wrought inwardly by the work of the Holy Ghost, it maketh its denial or refusal more properly the sin against the Holy Ghost, casting Christ forth from within us as an unholy thing, but, offending against Christ's regency or power over us outwardly, offends also against Charity; and so by destroying Monarchy or Union, hinders our well fares here, as infidelity doth our welfares hereafter.  
And that this mystery of Antichristianism is the denial of the Father and the Son, and that in regard of power to be exercised by persons here below, and from them sent and empowered, may be notably gathered from these very words of Mission and Delegation, which Christ always used at the empowering of any from him, using still these speeches or the like; 
Luke 10.16.  He that despiseth you, despiseth me, and he that despiseth me, despiseth him that sent me. In which, there being always mention of delegation of power from the Father and the Son, and never from the Holy Ghost, it comes to pass that Antichristianism is plainly opposition in the execution of such power as is from God the Father, and Christ delegated. In which delegation, because Christ is to them the immediate Donor, it therefore takes the name of Antichristianism  
For these being anointed and established by God in Christ, although they are not to personate Christ in having dominion over their faith (as being the object thereof) yet are they to personate Christ in claiming their obedience in all things; and so forgive also, as in the person of Christ, 
2 Cor. 1.21: Verse 24. Chap. 2.9, 10.  lest Satan should have advantage over them; 
Verse 11.  as seeming to be done out of original power in themselves, and not as acted in Christ's Name and Authority.  
So that now, the means of accomplishment of our welfare here, being by Christ reckoned as his service (under the notions of Love and Charity) and our obedience to him therein, making us participants with him of what he meritoriously did in obedience to God, in performance of the Moral Law for us, it follows, that as we deny the Holy Ghost in denial of Jesuship, so also God the Father in denial of his Christship. For all things being ours through Christ; and as through him that was both God and man, all mankind came to be capable of the benefits and favour of the Godhead; so single men, being members of particular Churches, through obedience to particular Christ's under him, come to be participant of Christ also; and of those benefits promised to the whole Church his body under the condition of obedience.  
Again, as by faith we lay immediate hold on him the second Adam, for forgiveness of original sin, so by obedience to him and his Church, we attain the benefit of his obedience, and remission of actual sins. In the first way, by our particular offerings to him of inward faith and love, we are all of us (through Christ, made Kings and Priests to God on our own behalves; in the second way, we (as members of particular Churches) must have for what we do, warrant and direction on from other Kings and Priests, having therein Authority from him.  
Nor are Kings Supreme Deputies as Christi only; that is, because their oil and unction is ever in Scripture distinguished from what is ordinary, but they are also his most immediate and eminent Deputies, for execution and accomplishment of his Jesuship: (I mean so much of it as concerns the Church's temporal safety) which was part of that work which (as King) Christ was to do; as appears by that his speech, The son of man came not to destroy men's lives, but to save them. 
Luke 99.56.  But because it could not be personally completed, by (that the son of man) himself, it must be presumed entrusted to those; who to that purpose, are so often in Scripture eminently adorned with this title of Saviour. 
1 Sam: 9.16. Chap. 10.27, Chap. 19. 9●  Nay, it is taken as an office so proper to Kings, that God (for his people's greater assurance) puts himself under that notion, The Lord is our king, he will save us: so likewise is Christ called A Prince and Saviour, 
Isa. 33.22. Acts 5. 3●. Phil. 3.20:  as he is also called the Saviour of the body that is, of his whole Church, by his deputed Saviour's in the several parts thereof.  
But most remarkably clear to this purpose, and also to show the following advancement of the Church by these Saviour's under the Saviour, and that this Church, in that glorious condition, is that which is to be called God's Kingdom, is that last verse of Obadiah; And Saviour's shall come up on mount Zion, to judge the mount of Esau; and the kingdom shall be the Lords: For the Prophet having before set forth the Church's enemies and oppressors under the notion of Edom, doth at length foretell all their deliverance and glory, to arise by the means of these Saviour's; and that, in regard of this more eminent and glorious condition of the Church at that time then before, it shall be more remarkably owned by God as his Kingdom: And the kingdom shall be the Lords. And so, being his and Christ's by means of these Deputies; it will follow, that they that oppose them, oppose Christ, and so are Antichrists.  
But to know these things the better, and the persons defined, we will more particularly take notice of two places, set down amongst many in the New Testament to this purpose. The one is of the lesser and many Antichrists, or the petty insurrection of people and subjects; which began, even in the Apostles time, towards the effecting the mystery of iniquity; according to the popular vain philosophy of the Greeks and Romans. Yet because these, claiming right in their names only, and from Philosophical principles, did come far short of the mischiefs and contrivances herein wrought by the Antichrist (called therefore the man of sin) we will begin with his particular description first.  
He opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called God, or is worshipped; that is, sets himself above Kings and Monarches; so that he, as God, sitteth in the Temple of God, 
● Thess. 2.4.  showing himself that he is God; that is, under pretence of being God of the Temple, or whole Church, he hath so far insinuated, under colour of Gods own right here, that he should reign over orher Gods as a very God indeed: The Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying aswel pro as contra; or, such an one as may seem for Christ, whilst really against him.  
And, that the person here set down under the notion of God, should intend Christian Monarchy (as the only anointed person under Christ) may be presumed, for that the appellation of God is only properly applied to the Ruler of the people in the singular number; denoting there can be but one God in each Church ruling at once. And whensoever we shall find this notion of God applied to any other, as to the High Priest, 
Acts 23.5.  it is because they had part of this unction of power, as heretofore noted. And in regard thereof, we may see reason why the notion of Gods, should be then put in the plural number, and also before that of the Ruler; that is, because the first standing power of judicature and Government, was put in the Tribe of Levi, whose plurality in jurisdiction and power over the people made the same proper. And therefore that Precept of Moses, Thou shalt not revile the gods, nor curse the ruler of thy people, 
Exod. 22.28.  is to be applied and interpreted as relating to the same persons by him designed for their judgement and Government; 
Deut. 17.9. Ibidem,  namely, The Priests and the Levites, set down in the plural number also: whereas, The Judge that shall be in those days, as their succeeding Ruler, is set down in the singular number.  
In this sense, we may also conceive Moses giving the name of Gods to present ordinary Judges: even because their respect might not be more called into question then the others. By that means, putting upon the more uncomely parts the more abundant honour: and not preposterously preferring ordinary Judges, (as such) before him that was single in Authority, and the supreme Ruler of the people. So that Moses (having for honor-sake), given this appellation of Gods to those that were at that time indeed so, (because they had their power immediately from him, and had none but him above them), he could not without tautology, have after put the name of God in the place of Ruler: And he might besides, by placing this Ruler (or King) last, have the like respect towards his singular honour above them, as David gave to God, when he styled him a great King above all Gods. 
Psal. 95.3.   
Upon all which considerations, we may find reason why St. Paul (as before noted) should now under the Gospel, apply that former admonition of Moses unto the Ruler of the people only: as knowing, that there is but one now in each place that is to have this appellation. Whose opposition, as it was no doubt foreseen to come to pass by Saint Paul, so he saith he had told somewhat of it to these Thessalonians while he was with them: assuring them, that he should be revealed in his time. Farther telling them, 
2 Thess. 2.6.  that the mystery of iniquity did already work: meaning under those popular claims of liberty; which in some particulars (it may be), having concern in some places and persons where St. Paul had to do, made him forbore to put it into writing. But the government of the Roman Emperor, did yet let, and would let, until he be taken out of the away: that is, until that Monarchy be overthrown, 
Verse 7.  these workings for Aristocracies and Democracies can take no effect: for they, as so many several infects, were to be engendered out of the corruption of this great body. But as the Emperor's power should decrease, then shall that wicked one be revealed: that is, shall appear rising up in glory in his place: and shall put all the Arguments of the many Antichrists into method, adding unto them more of his own.  
In which course he shall prevail and continue, 
Verse 8.  until he shall be consumed by the spirit of the Lords mouth, and destroyed by the brightness of his coming. That is, after his revelation and full height, he shall consume and waste by evidence of Arguments drawn from Scripture, and other illuminations proceeding from the spirit of truth, which was promised from the Lords own mouth, to be sent for a comfort and guide to his Deputies in the Church; and shall at last be destroyed by that eminence of Majesty and power, which shall be manifest when the great King himself (at his second coming) shall be revealed from Heaven with his mighty Angels (in flaming fire), 
Chap. 1.7. Verse 2.  taking vengeance on them that know not God: and that obey not the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ. That is, when such Christians as will not obey Christ's power revealed in the Gospel, shall be equally punished with such as know not God at all. So that we may hence probably gather, that this grand enemy shall not quite be destroyed till the last day: that honour being reserved for Christ himself; although we find him to have been daily declining, by the revelation of greater truth and light in the Church.  
And that Antichristianism consists in breach of public Charity, or in the opposition and overthrow of the prosperity of the Church, may appear farther by that his Character the son of perdition. For God having appointed, the glory of this Church to arise by means of kingship, he that shall hinder this will prove the son of perdition, by that destruction which his opposition must bring.  
This increase and splendour of this Christian Church, to succeed in place of the former, is (under the Jewish figure) notably described by the Prophet Joel. Where also, (under the name of jehoshaphat, (or the Lord will judge (twice repeated), the kingdom of God to come is apparently set forth as to follow that glorious increase of the Gentile Church, which these his mighty ones shall bring to the valley of jehoshaphat, or into the Church. Where, by means of these Saviors, 
Joel 3 11.  God will sit to judge all the heathen round about it: that is, all those that remain the Church's enemies. By means of which glorious deliveries, it follows that, (not only God's power and terror shall light on the rest of the world, but) the Church itself should know him to be the Lord their God, dwelling in Zion his holy mountain. At which time also, God will more particularly own his Church; then shall jerusalem be holy, and there shall no strangers pass thorough her any more: 
Verse 17.  that is, the sons of violence shall not oppress her as in former times. For in that day the mountains (or kingdoms of the Church) shall drop down with new wine: and the hills shall flow with milk: and all the rivers of judah shall flow with waters: and a fountain shall come forth of the house of the Lord, 
Verse 16.  and shall water the valley of Shittim. Under which expressions, the abundance of instruction and learning is also comprised: when, on the other side, the Church's enemy's, Egypt and Edom shall be desolations and wildernesses, 
Verse 19  etc. because of their former oppressions: but judah shall dwell for ever, and jerusalem from generation to generation. 
Verse 20.  Whereupon it must still follow, that they which oppose these jehoshaphats, executing Gods Mishpat here on earth, (as them to whom he hath promised to be a spirit of judgement, and are to be Christ's Ministers and instruments in bringing on and preserving this prosperity of his Church and kingdom), do oppose Christ; and so are Antichrists.  
Saint Paul's next description whereby we are to note him, is, that his coming and working, 
2 Thess. 2.9.  shall be after the coming and working of Satan: with all power, and signs, and lying wonders: even as at this day, miracles are pretended by him and his, for confirming his Authority.  
This thing is also further evidenced, by their prevailing in their deceiveableness of unrighteousness in those that perish. Because that in this mystery of iniquity, unrighteousness prevailed by its deceivableness: that is, not as unrighteousness, but as having put on a form of godliness, he deceived those that perish under pretence of zeal. 
Verse 10.  And that, because they received not the love of the truth: that is, received not the truth in love, but wresting it through their temptations to Pride, Ambition, Revenge, etc. they made it the instrument (in this Antichristian hierarchy), to their own and others destructions; through breach of Public Charity, and through placing their Christian obedience on a pretended, and not on the true Deputy of Christ.  

Ve●se 11.  And for this cause, God shall send them strong delusions, that they should believe a lie: that is, that they should believe that to be God's Truth and Service which was not: 
Verse 12.  and thereupon they might be damned who believed not the truth but had pleasure in unrighteousness. That is, because they preferred those pleasures arising by the unrighteous courses of opposing Christ's Regency, therefore are they said not to have loved or believed the truth. But Saint Paul gives thanks for the Thessalonians, that through sanctification of the spirit, 
Vers. 13, 14.  and belief of the truth and his Gospel, they had been so established in a way of salvation, as to be freed thereof: exhorting them to stand fast in the Traditions they had been taught, whether by word or Epistle. 
Verse 15.   
And that we may know the purport of these Traditions, (here mentioned) and that it may appear that matter of manners and external behaviour were but traditionally delivered upon occasion, and not to be of universal precept to all Churches as positively divine, he tells us their sum in the sixth verse of the next Chapter. Now we command you brethren in the name of our Lord jesus Christ, that you withdraw yourselves from every brother that walketh disorderly; and not after the tradition which he received of us. 
Chap. 3.6.  Importing, that as God had called them by his Gospel, (or by means of his instruction and begetting them as a Father) unto sanctification of spirit and belief of the truth; so was it necessary that obedience and observance of his Traditions, should be used as a means to continue, and manifest this sanctification and truth in them: and so make them of the number of those that obey, as well as believe the Gospel. For as we are to conceive, that this phrase, our Gospel, was not to propose to them another Gospel then that of Christ, 
Gal. 1.7.  so are we not to conceive it to be by chance or idly done: but to teach them, that since they had believed it as from him delivered, so should they obey it as his, and not as any other man's. And by setting forth himself, and his Gospel also, under the term of our (in the plural number), we may further presume, that the intimation of his just Authority was intended, by the usage of that proper expression of persons in supreme power. Whereby also we may learn, that guidance of manners, as well as Doctrine, was by Christ at that time committed unto the hands of the Apostles: which makes him here (as elsewhere) command in his name.  
But, more especially to our present purpose, we may learn by Saint Paul's setting down the Gospel of Christ in this place as his, and by making their obedience and belief thereof as the cause of their avoidance of Antichristianism, 
Verse 31, 14.  that it plainly denotes that this sin is Christian rebellion or disobedience, as before noted. For indeed, the Gospel, as a Gospel, is the object of Faith and salvation, by the offer and proposal of one who, having taken our sins and infirmities upon him, hath already performed the work of obedience for us: and is not, like the Law, binding to any thing of burden or hardship as directly in itself, but as in the hand of those that had and have the dispensation thereof, and shall be therewith entrusted: that thereby, as in acknowledgement of our belief and thankfulness for so great mercy, we might be ready and fitted to obey as Christ and King here, him whom we profess and hope to find as a Jesus and Savior hereafter.  
These and other signs, have been heretofore brought by many to evince the Pope to be the Antichrist: for indeed, in him and in his See, have all the other Antichrists hitherto centred and confined their opinions: they being but petty ones to him. But most of these interpreters, having the discovery of his erroneous Tenants in Religion only in their eye, did bring in these civil usurpations but as proofs to that, by the by: as though, because the Pope offered to join Merits, freewill, etc. in the work of salvation, he had therefore been Antichrist, and not rather an Anti-Jesus then an Anti-Christus. Not well marking, how these and other his Doctrines of Purgatory, Infallibility, Indulgencies, etc. were not for themselves; but, as a necessary train, did wait upon the advancement of him in his Antichristian humour of setting himself above all that is called God. Being useful (as experience hath told us) for recovering money and strength, towards the seating and possessing himself of that his usurped power, as well as this his power should, and did prevail to the same end also; namely overthrow of Kings: and that under all those fair pretences of Reformation, Liberty, Law, Justice, etc. which the Aristocracies, Democracies, and the lesser Antichrists had made in their rebellious contrivances.  
True it is, that corruption of manners, or the deceivableness of unrighteousness, as well as Heresy of Doctrine, or belief of a lie, do follow (as a necessary train), this sin of insubjection to Christ's Authority: and so make the Antichrist deservedly to be styled the man of sin, and son of perdition. And this may be the reason, why the name of Antichrist is not by Saint Paul given to this great one: even because he should appear in the latter age of the world; wherein the consequences of heresy and corruption of manners, should be more notorious in him then was (their first main cause) the sin of stubbornness and rebellion: which by that time, should (through possession and blind devotion), have gained to itself a show of right. It faring no otherwise (in this respect), with the application of this Gospel term of Rebellion, than it formerly did (under the Law) with that other proper name of Rebels, viz. sons of Belial. For as that, (in after times) came, (from the experience of that concomitant degree of lewdness & vileness which always attended disobedient and ungovernable persons), to be applied to persons notoriously wicked, as well as to such as were formally Rebels; even so, in this latter age, it is no wonder if the notion of Antichristianism be otherwise used also, then in the strict sense of insubjection. Like as the virtue and grace of obedience, (upon a contrary reason) is in usual speech made comprehensive of all, or any other commendation; unto that person unto whom it is given.  
And that he was called Antichrist in opposition to Unction and Monarchical Government, may undeniably appear by that which hindered him from taking upon him publicly this power: namely, the Roman Emperor. For had his Antichristianism consisted in such Doctrines as had concerned Christian Faith only, why should the Emperor be at that time a let therein; liking them one no better than another? But because the Apostle saw such Doctrines set on foot, as would overthrow Christ's Regency in his Deputies afterwards, he calls it the mystery of iniquity already working; and concludes the only let to keep it from being actually in the person of the Antichrist, was the Emperor's present possession. And this was the reason why the actual Session of the Pope in this Authority, is called Antichrist revealed: even as the broaching of the Doctrines tending thereto, was called the mystery of iniquity, or Antichrist working: aim, and possession of jurisdiction, making him properly Antichrist in both; and not Heresy in Doctrine.  
Having thus far showed, in brief, how Antichristianism consists in opposing Christ, that is, in regard of his Regency; it must farther follow, that since this opposition cannot be to him now in Heaven, otherwise then as done against such as are anointed under him here, (which are to act in his name and Authority), that thereupon Antichristianism is to oppose Christian Monarches: who only now are anointed as proper immediate Officers under him: and who are holding their Office in the Christian Church, according to prophetic designation of what should befall her in her flourishing condition: namely, 
Psalm. 45.16.  to have sons whom she should set as Princes in all Lands.  
And this farther appears, according to that model of the Christian Church in the eight last Chapters of Ezekiel: where the Priesthood also being designed, the chief of them is put under such a Name and Notion as may mind them continually of their duty of loyalty and submission to Princes: since from a King, their predecessor Zadock was first preferred to that Office as heretofore noted. And to take off Presbyterial parity from this Antichristian hope of Regency; Ezekiel in the 34 Chapter, (reproving and setting forth the mischiefs arising from their Anarchical rule), prophecies that God will set up one shepherd over them, and he shall feed them; even his servant David: Which as it was to be understood first in Christ himself, 
Ezek. 34.23, 24.  as coming of David's natural loins, so to be executed by his adopted sons of oil in the several Territories of his Church.  
We shall find this future condition of Monarchy prophesied plainly by Jeremy, to accompany also the flourishing estate of the Church: saying, their Nobles shall be of themselves, and their Governor should proceed from the midst of them: that is, shall be my servants also. And I will cause him to draw near, and he shall approach unto me: that is, as I have the hearts of Kings in my power, so will I guide his: for who is this (or who else is this) that engaged his heart to approach unto me saith the Lord. Where, 
Jer. 30.21.  noting Governor, He, and His, to be set down in the singular number, we may infer Monarchy to be meant. And then follows Gods more remarkable owning his Church, when his Kingdom shall be thus come amongst us: and ye shall be my people, and I will be your God. 
Verse 22.   
The like we may observe done largely by Isaiah in the 49 Chapter; both to express the increase, and flourishing estate of Christ's Church, to arise and recover by degrees from its former distress, and also that this should come to pass in the time of Christ's adopted sons, and through that glorious addition of kingship following the Gentile Prince's entertainment of the Gospel, and acknowledgement of their fealties unto him. The Children which thou shalt have after thou hast lost the other, shall say again in thine ears, the place is too strait for me, give place to me that I may dwell. 
Isa. 49.20.  Then shalt thou say in thine heart, who hath begotten me these, seeing I have lost my Children and am desolate: a captive, and removing to and fro: and who hath brought up these? Behold I was left alone, these where had they been? Thus saith the Lord God, Behold I will lift up mine hand to the Gentiles, 
Verse 21.  and set up my Standard to the people: and they shall bring thy sons in their arms, and thy daughters shall be carried upon their shoulders. And Kings shall be thy nursing Fathers, and their Queens thy nursing mothers, 
Verse 22.  they shall bow down to thee with their face towards the earth, and lick up the dust of thy feet: and thou shalt know that I am the Lord, for they shall not be ashamed that wait for me. 
Verse 23.   
The like we shall find in the 60 Chapter: the Gentiles shall come to thy light, and Kings to the brightness of thy rising. And again, 
Isa. 60.3.  the sons of strangers shall build up thy walls: and Kings shall minister unto thee. 
Verse 10.  For in my wrath I smote thee, but in my favour have I had mercy on thee. Therefore shall thy gates be open continually, they shall not be shut day nor night, that men may bring unto thee the wealth of the Gentiles: and that their Kings may be brought, etc. Which, and many more places, 
Verse 11.  (showing the glory and increase of the Church under Kingship), must be understood to be completed in Christ's adopted sons; since in his own person he had (while he lived), 
Isa. 53.2.  neither form nor comeliness: and (as to these things), was despised and rejected of men: a man of sorrows, and acquainted with grief: and we hid as it were our faces from him, 
Verse 3.  and we esteemed him not: performing only in himself (as after followeth) the work of Jesuship, and so healing his Church by his wounds and stripes.  
And therefore, as we are to interpret those many promises of prosperity, (made to the Church in general under a Jewish figure), to be accomplished in the prosperity of the Christian Church; so must also many of those other Promises, made of the Church's Kings in the name of David and Solomon, be interpreted of Christian Kings: Else we shall not know how to make good those sure mercies of David: 
Jer. 33.21. etc. Psal. 89.27, etc.  those many Prophecies that his kingdom should be established for ever in his seed: and that his mercy should not depart from him, 
2 Sam. 7.15.  as it did from Saul, who was taken away from before him.  
The same again repeated 1 Chron. 17.13. promising, that as his Temple should be built by Solomon, (who was a Type of Christian Kings as David was of Christ) so God says, 
1 Chron. 17.13  I will not take my mercy from him, as I took it from him that was before thee: but I will settle him in mine house, and in my kingdom for ever: 
Verse 14.  and his Throne shall be estaalished for ever. And David himself did so understand it also: and therefore said, Now O Lord let the thing that thou hast spoken concerning thy servant, and concerning his house be established for ever: 
Verse 23.  and do as thou hast said. And so he proceeds with a reason for establishment of that Government: Let it even be established, that thy name may be magnified for ever: saying the Lord of hosts is the God of Israel, even a God to Israel: and let the house of thy servant be established before thee. 
Verse 24.  And in the next verse he intimates the manner how it should be: For thou O Lord God hast told thy servant, 
Verse 25.  that thou wilt build him a house: that is, supply it by adopted Children: for so the word, wilt build, must import beyond Solomon already born.  
Therefore, understanding and interpreting, the conditonal promises made to Solomon and David, to extend and have been fulfilled in their own personal loins according to Nature, and these by default on their part to be cut off; and understanding again, that succession of perpetuity and the glorious Promises of the Church, to be made good in solomon's typified sons (the Christian Monarches), these seeming contradictions may be easily reconciled; as having been both made good. And it is observable (by the way), that the expressions used verse the 14. show that the kingdom of God here is the Kings, (as before showed in the Petition Thy Kingdom come), and that again the Kingship of Kings is Gods: for so the words run, I will settle him in mine house, and my Kingdom for ever: and his Throne shall be established for evermore: 
Verse 14.  to the end that Gods will may be done in earth as it is in Heaven.  
But since (for the far greater part of the time past,) we cannot find as aforesaid these Promises fulfilled to the natural or direct seed of Solomon or David in the kingdoms of Israel or Judah, we cannot without great partiality and prejudice but conceive that they must (typically) be accomplished in Christian Kings: in like manner, as we are to understand, that the many Promises of Judah and Israel, and the Jewish Church and Temples happiness and perpetuity, are to be made good in the Christian Church: answerable to that prophetical description of the Christian Church (under the Jewish figure) made by David himself: 
Psal. 122.5.  viz. For there are set Thrones of judgement, the Thrones of the house of David. Where the names of Thrones, being twice set in the plural number, must signify succession of Kingship: which coming to Christ as naturally David's son, and to Kings as Christ's adopted sons, it follows that the opposers of them, do oppose Christ; and so are Antichrists.  
And without the like interpretation, and taking in the adopted Christian Kings, (as with Christ typified in Solomon Psal. 72), it will be hard to be understood, how many of those Prophecies of prosperity and outward greatness here and in other Prophecies given to Christ, can personally be made good in him: considering that mean condition Christ himself lived in amongst us; where he was so far from expressing, or exercising any thing like the Throne, or judgement of a King or King's son, that he had not whereon to lay his head. 
Matth. 8.20.   
But there can be no more better Commentator of the meaning of these Promises than David himself: who in his last words clearly explains to us, 
2 Sam. 23.1.  that they were prophetic to those Thrones which should be established under the Types of him and Solomon by Christ and Christian Kings in the Christian Church; and not by him, and his direct natural seed in the Jewish Church. For there we shall find him confessing, that he was but the Prophet of these things that should after come to pass; and not the present object, otherwise then in type: the spirit of the Lord spoke by me, 
Verse 2.  and his word was in my tongue.  
Afterwards we shall find, that that perfection of the Ruler he speaks of, belongs to his typified son Christ, and not to himself: because it speaks of a perfection, and an extent of Dominion, which he in his own person was not capable of. He that ruleth over men, or is appointed Ruler over mankind, (which David nor his natural race as Kings of the Jews could not claim to be), must be just: ruling in the fear of God. 
Verse 3.  And he shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun ariseth: even a morning without clouds: as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain. All which are expressions of excellence which David could not personally essume: 
Verse 4.  and therefore he adds, although my house be not so with God, yet he hath made me an everlasting Covenant, ordered in all things and sure: for this is all my salvatin, and all my desire, although he make it not to grow: That is, 
Verse 5.  although neither I, nor my present more natural house do thus grow; yet it is my comfort, that it shall be accompplished in my typifyed son Christ, and the Christian Kings after him. In him, from whom all Crowns are derived, and in whom all Justice is originally inherent, is this Prophecy in the first place to be fulfilled. And then, by virtue of that Unction which those other Christi shall have from him all the world over, they also shall be enabled, in their several jurisdictions, to rule over men in the fear of God: and, by virtue of their derived power, be as the light of the morning, even as a morning without clouds when the Sun ariseth: or after this Son of Righteousness is arisen: and be as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shineing after rain: that is, that clear shining light of Justice from him imparted, shall in them spring up like tender grass, in their earthly administrations.  
And then he foretells the state of Antichristianism to follow, and that under the Jewish notion of insubjection and Rebellion, viz. Sons of Belial, (or men without yoke): but the sons of Belial, shall be all of them as thorns thrust away, because they cannot be taken with hands: That is, because they cannot be kept under by Laws, 
Verse 6.  but (as Thorns) have been troublesome to others, and been ready to raise civil flames of dissension, therefore, as Thorns they shall be burnt, or thrust away. But the man that shall touch them, must be fenced with Iron, 
Verse 7.  and the staff of a spear. That is, as he that will meddle with cutting down of Thorns, must have his person defended against their pricking as it were with Iron, and also must have a staff or fork to manage them with, and not his bare hands, so, prudence must direct Christian Princes, to have in readiness david's Chelethites and Pelethites, and the assistance of their Militia, (typified under Iron and a spear), and then they shall be utterly burnt with fire in the same place: 
Ibidem.  that is, these Thorns of rebellion shall be consumed.  
That Christ and the Christian Kings were in these Promises meant, appears yet more fully by that Promise which God makes of the prosperity of his people at the same time; which could not have likelihood of accomplishment in the Jews. Moreover I will appoint a place for my people Israel, and will place them that they may dwell in a place of their own, and move no more: neither shall the Children of wickedness afflict them any more, 
2 Sam. 7.10.  as before time. Which Promise was not made good to the Israelites, whom the Assyrian and other Nations did so many times afflict, and whom the Romans did utterly subdue and remove; but was made good after the time of Christian Kingship: in that this Christian Church was ever more glorious and strong, then to be oppressed by her enemies. And so David himself farther instructs us: acknowledging these things spoken of his house for a great while to come. 
Vers● 19   
In this forerecited Prophecy, and those whereto it alludes, it is farther observable; that, as it, is the first that speaks particularly and largely of the perpetuity and glory of the Church, so doth it also of the kingship that should be therein: coupling them so together, as to make it apparent, that, as the glory of a Church and Nation doth arise by Gods vouchsafeing to own them, and by having a place amongst them, so this owning them, and this place, is still accompanied with the Promise of kingship: nay made subsequent thereunto. For so we find, that while Moses is directing the people to go with their hard controversies (or appeals,) from the ordinary Judges unto the judge that shall be in those days, (meaning that future Government of kings, 
Deut. 17.9.  which immediately follows in the same chapter) he appoints them to go up unto the place which the Lord their God should choose. 
Verse 1.  Showing to us, that when God would have his Church most eminent, by having a chief and eminent place amongst them; he will also have one most eminent Officer to be his servant in establishment thereof; who may also more gloriously represent him therein.  
All which, as it appears in the examples of David and Solomon, so doth the words of Solomon clearly manifest it: showing, That God chose no City out of all Israel to build an house for his name, before he chose David to be over his people. 
1 King. 8.16.  And therefore, because the good intention of David's heart to build God's house could not be performed by him, God promiseth to raise up to him a son, that should come forth of his loins, and that he should build this house to his Name. Which son of his we cannot think otherwise of, then as having his kingdom purposely made glorious and established, 
Verse 19 1 Chron. 17.11.  for the increase of God's glory by this work. And therefore, it was not a work which God required to be done by any of the former judges: but the height and glory belonging to each Church and Nation, 
Verse 6.  is to be accomplished under the most glorious instrument.  
And, by having this future regard to things, we may find those Gospel promises of restitution or reward, (which could not in kind be made good to the Primitive persecuted Church and the oppressed Christians therein), to be made good to the Catholic Church, and the generality of Christians under the protection of Christian Kings since. Namely, that, in comparison of those former losses, the Church hath since been rewarded, (both in respect of increase of possession, and degree of continuance), with an hundred fold, now in this time of houses, and brethren, and sisters, and mothers, and children, and lands, etc. 
Mark 10.30.   
Whereupon, we may make the whole issue and interpretation of this forementioned. Promise to be, that Christ (typified in David), is represented as desirous out of his zeal to God's house, to be as active and forward as he can for advancing of Gods own glory; and also for the promotion of his Church's happiness; represented under the figure of the Jewish Temple. But because he (in regard of those Victories he was to make over sin and death) was in his own person disabled to perform it, (even as David was for the wars which were about him on every side, 
1 King. 5.3.  until the Lord had put them under the soles of his feet), therefore is he, by God the Father Promised (in the person of David), 
2 Sam. 7.12.  When thy days shall be fulfilled, and thou shalt sleep with thy fathers, (that is, when thou shalt have accomplished the days of thy flesh, and by being seated at the right hand of thy Father, shalt have thy foes made thy footstool), then shall God make good the word he had spoken concerning him and his house, 
Verse 25.  to establish it for ever. That is, in accomplishing the glory of the Church under his adopted sons, (the Christian Emperors and Monarches); as the glory of the Jewish Church and Temple, was settled under Solomon, and not under David.  
By which words for ever, we are also to understand Christian kingship to be promised to last till the world's end, notwithstanding all opposition: as we may find them typified under Solomon the King's son, in the seventy second Psalms: where the flourishing estate and increase of the Church, is foretold to continue to the glory of Christ's name, by reason of these that held their Crowns of him. His Name shall endure for ever: his Name shall be continued as long as the Sun: 
Psal. 72.17:  and men shall be blessed in him: all Nations shall call him blessed. That is, each Christian Monarch (from him anointed), shall be as a Son to continue his Father's Name for ever: meaning so long as the Sun and Moon shall endure. For if this Psalm had intended, the setting forth of the continuance of Christ's own Name, as the second person in the Trinity, and not in relation to his Office of Christ or King, (to be accomplished by Christian Kingship, 
Verse 10.  in the submission of the Kings of Tarshish and of the Isles, that shall bring him presents), than this limitation of earthly time had not been so proper, as now, if it had not foretold of something, wherein (more remarkably) the whole earth should be filled with his glory: that is, 
Verse 19 Verse 3.  by the glorious appearance of these his Deputies, who shall (on their several Mountains and little hills in his stead) be judging the poor of the people, 
Verse 4.  save the Children of the needy, and break in pieces the Oppressor: whereby, the rod of his power out of Zion being generally manifest, men shall fear him so long as the Sun and Moon endure: 
Verse 7.  Whereas in respect of his own personal Dominion over his holy Church, it shall be truly for ever: and longer than the Sun and Moon shall endure.  
And again, those acts of protection here set down, are the proper Offices of Kings or Gods on earth: as appears by the like duties, appointed for them to do in the 82 Psalms: defend the poor and fatherless, do justice to the afflicted and needy, deliver the poor and needy, rid them out of the hand of the wicked. All (in effect) declaring, that God being unto them a spirit of judgement, 
Psal. 82.3, 4. Isa. 28.6.  and putting a divine sentence in the lips of the Christian Kings (as Solomon did prophesy), they should now by their due and diligent execution of their Offices, bring all these things to pass: and so make righteousness and peace to kiss each other. 
Psal. 85.10.   
Wherefore now the glory and prosperity of the Church, (God's house and kingdom,) being thus promised under the blessing of kingship, we are to esteem them Antichrists or sons of Belial (most especially), that do oppose Kings. And by those words of David, the man that toucheth them must be fenced with iron, and the staff of a spear; we may understand this opposition chiefly predicted to happen from within herself; when the Church shall have arisen to that strength to be thus fortified. That is, when Christ's succeeding deputies (as he foretold to his Apostles), should have taking to themselves both Purses and Swords: and so (under Kingship) make use of those Swords, and that Mammon: at which time, although foreign force should harm the Church no more, yet sons of Belial should.  
And into the only hands of these deputies of Christ any may observe them put, that shall mark this speech at both times particularly directed to his then Deputies, the Apostles; and shall farther observe, how these things could be accomplished by those persons that were not to fight; but (in their prosecutions), to fly from one City to anothher. 
Matth. 10.23.  Who were, for attaining their Kingdom, that is, in attaining the Kingdom of Heaven, to sell what they had and give Alms: 
Luke 12.33.  and so provide Treasure in Heaven that faileth not. Therefore in their case of more immediate divine protection, they could not serve God and Mammon; 
Matth. 6.24, 25  but were to take no thought for their life, etc. But now, because we have before spoken of that prediction of the swords, we shall here speak something more of the other.  
And he said to his Desciples, There was a certain rich man which had a Steward, 
Luke 16.1.  etc. Which whole Parable, sets plainly out unto us, an alteration to happen to God's Stewards in his household the Church, in regard of their trust: but whether that more immediate way of protection and illumination given to the first Stewards, were the sooner taken from them for personal default (as the Parable may seem to denot), is not so much material. But we may observe this alteration plainly told to come to pass: and I say unto you make unto yourselves friends of the Mammon of unrighteousness, that when ye fail, they may receive you into everlasting habitations. 
Verse 5.  In which words the command of making this friendship, being given to them that had not been unjust Stewards: and that could neither fail themselves, of the continuance of God's extraordinary trust and assistance, and had again a caveat against the trust to this Mammon, it must be understood as a direction and warrant, what those future Heads of the Church (whom they did personate) were to do, when these former miraculous assistances should fail. At which time, for the preservation of public Peace and Good, it might be commendable and lawful for the latter more glorious deputies to support their dignities, by keeping back part of those revenues which were in the hands of their subjects; since the propriety of the whole was undeniably in that their great Lord and Master, whose steward he was. And as for the everlasting habitations, it is to be meant that the Church and her future Heads, should by God's assistance relieve themselves this way unto the end of the world; as in the words For ever (formerly spoken of) hath been noted.  
That Parable where God suffers himself to be put under the notion of an unjust Judge, will farther clear to us that the meaning was to foreshow that alteration; and not the whole withdrawing of trust and protection, as through abuse. For there it is noted, how God in his recess should seem not to hear, because not so apparently and presently, avenging and protecting as formerly; insomuch, as infidelity should generally infect the earth at Christ's coming. 
Luke 18.  And therefore this great friend of the Church having brought her to a state of self-subsistance, may be supposed to have shut to the door of miraculous assistance, which was formerly granted to those his persecuted children (now at rest with him) and will answer (many times) but to importunity only. 
Luke 11.7, 8.   
And to show that this alteration was not substraction of trust of Stewardship, it is after added, that the future Steward's fidelity in their trust of this Mammon, shall make them as acceptable as those that were formerly trusted with goods of more Divine Nature: He that is faithful in that which is least, 
Luke 16.13.  is faithful also ●n much.  
So that now, the glory and protection of Christ's Church, being conjoined with, and made subsistent by that of its Head, and the glory of protection of its Head, being now to be maintained also by these helps of swords and mammon; it follows, that as any do go about to bereave them of these trusts (by God and Christ put into their hands for the good of the Church) they do also thereby rise against the Church, and oppose Christ himself; and so are Antichrists.  
And if we look to experience for proof of these Prophecies, there is nothing more plain, then that as Christian kingship did increase in glory or number, so did the Church (Christ's kingdom) increase also; and that again, as those Nursiing Fathers of the Church, were (through the insurrections and oppositions of those many, or the Antichrist) eclipsed or lessened, so did heresies increase, and the truth decay. Our own present senses being able to witness, that where this unity is lost, in the person that should represent Christ in the administration of power, there also is unity of Doctrine lost, and schism is also brought into the Church, as well as confusion into the State.  
The which needs the less to be wondered at in us, on whom the ends of the earth are come, if we consider what befell the Jews themselves, when there was no King in Israel. For although they had the oracles of God committed unto them (that is, they had not only more abundance of divine precepts, 
judg. 17.6. Rom. 3.2.  but had God himself also (by his Priests and Prophets) always ready to give them express direction in all doubts, as from an oracle) yet how plainly doth the instance of Micahs Idols tells us, how subject each one is at such times to fraim to themselves (not only new forms of Worship, but) new gods of their own devising and setting up. Which by little and little, may come to be taken up and countenanced by their divided authority, as that was by the Danites, 
Judg. 18.30.  who had many equal to and under them, to be seduced by an evil example, but none above them, to keep them and all others conformable.  
All which (well considered) may instruct us of the reason of our Saviour's dark answer (to such as had no mind to believe him therein, when he saith, My kingdom is not of this world. This was true first, in that this world's kingdom (being not to be compared to his Kingdom in heaven with his Father) did not (therefore) deserve comparatively to be called his, 
John 18.36.  or had in that esteem, which they that made this question did think of. And then, we must understand this denial not to reach to his right of Kingship, or Supereminence in the Church and Kingdoms of this world, but to the present execution thereof by himself; that (probably) being the very cause of pilate's demand. Unto whom, he having been (by some) reported as King of the Jews, and he beholding his present mean condition (so unlike that of a King) it made him scornfully ask, Art thou a King then? aswel as afterwards, 
Verse 37.  scornfully write that he was so. And therefore our Saviour's answer can import no farther abnegation of his Kingship amongst us, then to his own personal execution, meaning not to be by him immediately managed here now, but by Deputies, whom he shall own and empower as King of Kings. Whereupon he also saith, The Father judgeth no man, but hath committed all judgement to the Son. And he is so far from renouncing his true being a King, 
John 5.22.  and title hereto, that he says, I am a King; and that the testification of this truth (meaning his right in this Office) was the cause of his coming into the world; adding, that every one that is of the truth, heareth his voice; 
John 18.37.  that is, he believeth and obeyeth him accordingly.  
So that we are to interpret this denial of our Saviour's Kingship, to be upon the same reason at this time done, as he had formerly charged his Disciples, that they should tell no man that he was Jesus the Christ. For although he had wrought all those miracles to evince so much, 
Matth. 18.20. John 20.31. Matth 7.6.  yet would he have them careful not to cast pearls before swine; that is, he would have them to be wary, in declaring his Divinity before unbelieving Jews, as himself was now reserved in publishing his Kingship before a scornful Roman; lest he being so straight bound to another Master, might be but the more moved thereupon, to turn upon him with reproach.  
And therefore they that think that Christ did deny his true Kingly Right and Office, by that answer, Thou sayest it; may also, by the same rule say, that at the same time he did also deny himself to be Christ the Son of the living God; 
Matth. 27.11.  because he also answereth to that question made by the high Priest, 
Chap. 26.64. Verse 65.  Thou hast said it. But in this place (being newly spoken before the other) he may be conceived to have made answer enough for both; and so to adjoin that time of fuller manifestation of his external regency and glory, which was the occasion of their demand; namely, at that time when he, 
Ibidem.  as Son of man shall be sitting at the right hand of the power of God. By which means his Deputies shall be endued with power of earthly dominion; and at that time also when he shall make his own personal appearance in the clouds of Heaven, to judge all men at the last day. And that he had openly acknowledged this truth himself before, 
〈…〉  appears by that request made to Pilate, Write not the King of the Jews, but that he said, I am king of the Jews. 
J●hn 1● 21   
So that now, unto the deniers or opposers of this truth of his Kingship (by obejection of any other truth) we may make demand, with Pilate, What is truth? Unto which I suppose they can make no answer, but by proposing to us some wild fancies and collections of their own. For whilst they would make the known duty of Charity, producing real good by peace, be interrupted by some of their speculative duties which cause division, and all under pretence of preferring truth to peace, they would have us leave that good which evidence of sense and experience tells us to be so, in hope to enjoy some contemplative good (by them called truth) which we cannot apprehend.  
But we conceive, that when Christ, the Way, the Truth, and the Life, 
J●hn 14 6.  is once (on our parts) entertained and believed; when we have once sought and attained, the kingdom of God and its righteousness (that is, 
Matth. 6.33.  have to our utmost, endeavoured to promote the glory and Administration of Christ's regency in his Church, the pillar and ground of truth, then, 
1 Tim● 3 15.  and there are we with gratitude to enjoy those additional blessings which peace bringeth. Then, and there are we to study to be quiet, to seek peace and ensue it, 
1 Th●ss 4.11. 1 Pet. 3.11. Psal. 34.14. Rom. 15.33. 1 Co●●. 15.  and the like; which are the proper duties of such, as (being by God's grace called) are by the God of peace, called unto peace.  
And therefore, although the Prophet Zachery (speaking of the restauration of the Jews, and their receipt of the Gospel) would have them seek peace after truth; that is, prefer that truth before all worldly blessings; yet, where this truth is once received, there peace is to be preferred to lesser truths; according to good Hezekiahs' saying (now settled and confirmed in God's Worship) Peace and truth shall be in my days. The like was promised to the Jews in their restauration, or rather to the Gentile Church, 
Jer. 33.6.  abundance of peace and truth. And to doth holy David also, put mercy before it in his blessing to Ittai, saying, Mercy and truth be with thee. 
2 Kings 20.19.  And other graces and blessings are elsewhere more often put before, 
2 Sam. 15 20.  then after truth.  
Nay, of such advantage to the preservation of truth itself and of sanctify of life this grace is, that we shall find it put first, as the way to that, Follow peace with all men, and holiness, without which no man shall see the Lord: looking diligently, lest any man should fail of the grace of God. That is, lest failing of the usual concommitant and conveyer of grace, ye should, 
Heb. 12.14.  through the lack thereof, lack grace also. Lest any bitterness springing up trouble you, and thereby may be defiled. Where malice, hatred, etc. (the attendants on war) being also set down under the name of bitterness, 
Verse 15.  we are warned to avoid them by keeping peace: for else, these malicious bitter prosecutions, will not only outwardly trouble, but inwardly defile us. And to let men see that, by this peace, the civil peace is meant, it is called Peace with all men: And again, to let them see it is wrought by patience chiefly, it follows the large commendations thereof set down in the twelfth to the Hebrews.  
However (to make answer to some that would have us endanger both peace and truth, by putting the name of truth always in, to prevent peace) we have made instances of Peace, being put before truth, and also before Holiness; yet the truth hereof is, they are so coincident and depending one upon another, 
Psal. 85.10.  that Righteousness and Peace have kissed each other: They do become inseparable in themselves, and are so inseparably our duties to follow and practise, that we can never truly do the one, whilst we are not highly regardful of the other also; and must then be guilty, when we prefer (as some do) a very uncertain discovery of truth, to a certain loss of peace, and so (under colour of new Gospel-light) lose the benefits of the Gospel of Peace, and make it cease to be an Evangel or glad tidings.  
And if men would consider what hath been hitherto spoken, concerning Gods owning the Seat and Throne of Christian judgement now settled amongst us; and so being (according to his promise) A spirit of judgement to him that sitteth in judgement, they might thereby perceive, how (amongst other things of salvation and glory which should come to the Church) that mercy and truth are met together, 
Isa 28.6. Psalm 85.9. Verse 10.  and that righteousness and peace (as aforesaid) have kissed each other: So that now, truth shall spring out of the earth (as from this earthly Throne of judgement) by means of righteousness that shall look down from heaven; 
Verse 11.  according to the former Prophecy of that good King and Typical Head of the Church, made concerning the Churches future state and prosperity; where it is set down that God hath now given his own Mishpat (or rule of right judgement) to the King (Christ himself) and his righteousness (or justice) to the King's Son (Christ's adopted sons of oil) that so, 
Psalm 72.1.  in these, there being these unions of Mercy and truth, and of righteousness and peace, they may be enabled to judge God's people with righteousness, 
Verse 2.  and his poor with judgement. And having thus far spoken of the Antichrist, according to S. Paul's description; we will again reassume, and speak farther of the many Antichrists, mentioned by S. John.  
Although S. Paul gives the liveliest discovery of the one; and S. John only names the other, yet are they both of them (as Ringleaders in the breach of Charity and public Peace) the subject and occasion of many Precepts in holy Writ; the admonitions and examples that way given, taking up a very considerable part thereof; and being (for the greatest part) the object and aim of what our Saviour either did or suffered. For as this general good or charity, consisted in, or at least had dependence upon, the reciprocal duties of commanding and obeying, so are we from him furnished with Precepts and Examples of both kinds: To this end he rides to the Temple, and there, by exercising his authority over the Temple, (the type of the Christian Church) as a King, he leaves example and authority for the higher powers to demand subjection; not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake, and that either to Kings as Supreme, 
Rom. 13.5. 1 Pet. 2.13, 14.  or to others as sent of him.  
To this end again (as being the harder duty) he not only sets down those many Precepts of Humility, but in his own Person becomes the pattern (to all admiration) of Patience and Long-suffering: We being to learn of him to be lowly and meek, 
Matth. 11.12.  and in the testimony of our Discipleship unto him, to take up our cross and follow him. 
Luke 9.23.  Which we must testify chiefly, by our following him in our deeds of meekness and patience under subjection; patience and subjection differing from one another no otherwise then in generality. For I may do many things whilst a subject, which sort with mine own liking, and wherein no patience is required: but I can do nothing as patient, but where subjection must be presupposed. But ordinarily, patience doth define and constitute true subjection, as virtue doth the virtuous. And as heretofore showed, God's glory is the end of Charity, and Charity the end of Government and subjection; so is subjection the end and aim of patience: for what need of patience in what I may avoid?  
That the formal cause of Antichristianism is insubjection to Christian Headship, S. John makes plain, saying of the many Antichrists of his time, they went out from us, but they were not of us; for if they had been of us, 
1 John 2.19.  they would have continued with us: but they went out that they might be made manifest that they were not all of us: that is, they were like such as receive seed amongst thorns, Go forth and are choked with cares, and riches, and pleasures of this life; and so minding division and separation, they do (for their sakes) overthrew Charity, and bring not fruit to perfection. 
Matth. 13 22.   
But nothing can, to my thinking, be a clearer evidence, that this sin of Antichristianism is the same with Rebellion of one or more Church members against their Christian Head, then to consider that we shall never find this phrase of Antichrist set down by any in the plain terms, but by S. john, the only person whom we shall plainly and expressly read of, to be in that sort opposed and disturbed. For although S. Paul by his Corinthians, and others, puffed up against him, 
1 Cor. 4.8.  (who had reigned as kings without him) might be induced (through the sense of the mystery of iniquity already working) to speak so largely of the Antichrist to come, 
Verse 9  yet doth he not name him as doth the other: Who is recorded to be notoriously opposed by Diotrephes, in his jurisdiction and exercise of Church power: in not receiving or submitting unto him, and as loving that pre-eminence, which was only due to the other, 
3 John 9  their sole Head, And not being content therewith, that is, with his own departure, doth neither himself receive, or take into his care and protection, the brethren, such members as have no head: and so doth not make his preeminence, lawful, as over a charge of his own, but forbiddeth them that would; that is, such as would come to S. john, and casteth them out of the Church, or takes upon him to excommunicate, 
3 John 10.  where he hath no authority.  
This fault he warns his beloved Gaius against, under the general notion of evil: as though it might be called the evil, as being the occasion of so much evil. By which evil we may know he means Antichristianism, by saying, he that doth it, hath not seen God; that is, hath not God, or the fear of God, by not having or receiving us, and the doctrine of Christ, namely, that Christ is come or present in the flesh: And so denying the Son, he hath not the Father, because he and his Father are one: 
2 John 7. 1 John 2.3. John 10.30. 2 John 9  for whosoever transgresseth, and abideth not in the doctrine of Christ, hath not God, etc.  
It is farther highly observable, towards the clearing Antichristianism to consist in the breach of Charity or Love (even by defeating the fruit thereof through disobedience) that these two fore-alledged Writers, that do most speak of this crime in direct terms, are themselves the most plentiful of any, in pressing and commending this duty of Charity or Love, The latter of them (Saint john the beloved Disciple) making it the chief argument of his whole Epistles; and is (by occasion hereof) found to be more often stating and discoursing of Antichrist then the other. Who yet, by reason of his more frequent conversation amongst the Gentiles, and those subjected unto the Roman Emperor, had occasion most to speak of, and discover that great man of sin (the Antichrist) that should hereafter (in the Church's splendour) axalt himself above her glorious heads, called gods, even as S. John again (being more confined in his charge) had more occasion to speak of those lesser Antichrists, that (for the present) opposed himself and his fellow Heads; whom, by reason of their smaller eminence in power, he writes unto under the notion of little children, as shall be showed anon.  
But although we have not in S. Judas the name of Antichrist, yet almost his whole Epistle sets forth his description, and particularly by that mark of separation; wherein he doth also refer back to these and like former admonitions herein given from the Apostles: Remember (saith he) the words that were spoken before, by the Apostles of our Lord jesus Christ, 
Judas, ver. 17.  how that they told you there should be mockers in the last time, who should walk after their own ungodly lusts: 
Verse 18. Verse 19  these be they that separate themselves sensual, having not the spirit. Where (by the note of Separaters to come in the last time) we may well account his Mockers to be S. John's Antichrists. And farther (to make the same mockers to be like, and coming on to S. Paul's Antichrist) he saith, 
Verse 8.  These filthy dreamers defile the flesh, despise dominion, and speak evil of dignities (the which is like unto seating themselves as gods, above all that is called God:) Yet Michael thy Archangel, saith he, when contending with the Devil, 
Verse 9  disputed about the body of Moses, durst not bring against him a railing accusation, but said, the Lord rebuke thee. And if the Devil himself (in so clear a case) must not be reviled, but left to God; what pretences can subjects have to justify themselves by, that will strike Princes for equity, unless they can prove them worse than he? 
Prov. 17.26.   
By the expression of defilers of the fl●sh, he comes plainly home to S. john's deniers of Christ come in the flesh, and so he makes it plain he means the same Antichrists that this his brother Apostle had told should come into the world, 
1 John 4.3.  and were already entered. For how else should we conceive that defiling of the flesh, should be thus put properly to accompany despising dominion, dignity, etc. if it were not, that, through Christ's manifestation in power in these our Masters of the flesh, our despising them, came to be despising of him. The which their Antichristian humour of despising dominion, is also hinted to grow from the same root of insubjection we formerly noted in Isaiah: that is, as men would be there tasting the strong drink of Morality, and Divine Precept upon Precept, they should in the end be found of no farther assurance, than such as dream of meat, and behold he is empty, etc. So these, that (through temptations of fleshly Pride and Lust, should despise Dominion, in hope to gain thereby power to act without control, should be found silthy dreamers also.  
And as lust and concupiscence is the usual parent of stubborness and rebellion; so is that a parent to these again; as heretofore noted in the mystery of iniquity. And to evince so much, and clear these places or S. jude to intend the crime of Antichristianism, he, in his first description of these defilers of the flesh, makes it the same with S. john's other description of Antichrist, which we shall speak of anon; where they are noted to have been such people as did profess the same faith with others, and that were not manifested to be against Christ, but by deserting Apostolical Communion or Authority. 
1 John 2.19.  So here, S. jude, writing of the common salvation, and desiring Christians to conttnd for faith once delivered to the Saints (that is, the faith that is accompanied with patience, 
Judas, ver. 3.  humility, etc.) he tells them that certain men are crept in unawares; that is, they are such as professing the same common salvation (or the same Jesus) do thereupon creep into our Communion unespied. 
Verse 4.   
Although their Antichristian departure or separation, be not here set down as by S. john, yet, because we cannot think them blamable for being of their Communion, it is to be necessarily supposed as the cause, for which, these ungodly men were of old ordained to this condemnation; and then the reason of their Antichristianism is plainly set down, 
Judas. ver. 4.  Turning the grace of God into lasciviousness; that is, using Christian liberty as a cloak to maliciousness; they shall proceed to the fact of Antichristianism, denying the only Lord God, and our Lord jesus Christ; 
Ibidem. 1 John 2 22.  which is the same with; he is Antichrist that denieth the father and the son. By the title of Lord, added to God and Christ, we may also gather that their denial of them was in regard of power.  
And the two instances following, of the stubborn Jews, and revolting Angels, do farther manifest that Christian insubjection, was the fault which S. Judas did here forewarn and reprove. And the disobeent Angels being set out to us, as such as kept not their first estate, but left their habitation, he gives us a farther parallel of S. john's Antichrists, they went out from us; that is, they left that first estate, or habitation they had under Christ's Government, as Angels left that they had under God.  
Then S. jude proceeds: But these (despisers of Authorities) speak evil of those things which they know not; that is, they know not, or at least will not consider, what is the end or good of humane society, and how the same is preserved by subjection and obedience; but what they know naturally (as bruit beasts) in those things they corrupt themselves. woe unto them, 
jude, ver. 10.  for they have gone in the way of Cain, and run greedily after the error of Baalim for reward; and perished in the gain saying of Core. 
Verse 11.  In which place (by Cain and Baalim) we may understand revenge, and covetousness (the two ordinary spurs to Rebellion, personated; as in Core, we may see pride and rebellion itself, brought by God's justice to deserved punishment, and so also counterfeit and dissembling prophecy, to come to the like end in Baalim. These are spots in your feasts of Charity when they feed with you; that is, they are such as would overthrow Charity, by overthrowing Government, and serving their own ends, and feeding themselves without fear thereof. Clouds they are without water, carried about of winds; that is, all their pretensions of public good, consists in popular oratory; whose fruit withereth, 
jude, ver. 12.  twice dead, plucked up by the roots; being spiritually, or civilly rotten, or dead members, they are sit only, as thorns, for the fire and destruction.  
By raging waves of the sea, foaming out their own shame: we may understand popular insurrections, which are but to their own shame; and by wand'ring stars we may conceive their giddy leaders; for whose unrepented sin, is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever; when, 
Verse 13.  according to enoch's prophesy, the lord shall come with ten thousand and of his Saints, to execute judgement upon all, & to convince all that are ungodly among them, of all their ungodly deeds, 
Verse 14.  which they have ungodly committed; that is, of all things done in disobedience to God's commands, and of all their hard speeches, which ungodly sinners, or sinners not fearing God, have spoken against him; that is, 
Verse 15.  against dominion set up by him. For these mockers, or Antichrists, are murmurers, complainers, walking after their own lusts: and their mouth speaketh great swelling words; having men's persons in admiration because of andvantage. 
Verse 16.  All which sets forth rebellion (in its cause and growth) to the life: but the last especially, namely hope of private advantage: this is that which still makes us cry up the heads of Rebellion and their Cause.  
The like description of these Antichrists hath St. Peter: but he is something more express in setting forth the way of their prevalence amongst us: namely, through promises of Liberty, and such things as are taking with flesh and blood. And this again they do, as under colour of moral equity or legal right. for (saith he) when they speak great swelling words of vanity (as of the people's paramount power, and Authority) they allure through the lusts of the flesh, through much wantonness, (that is, through temptations thereby to enjoy our lusts and wanton appetites) those that were clean escaped from them, who live in error; while they promise them liberty, they themselves are the servants of corruption. 
2 Pet. 2.18  That is, although under countenance of their right, to be interpreting the Law themselves, they do promise liberty unto them, yet it falls out otherwise: for of whom a man is overcome, of the same he is brought in bondage. 
Verse 19  For if after they have escaped the pollutions of this world, through the knowledge of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, that is, Pride and Lust (which causeth pollution), through the Gospel of love, they are again entangled therein and overcome, the latter end is worse with them then the beginning. 
Verse 20.  For it had been better for them not to have known the way of righteousness, then after they have known it, to turn from the holy commandment delivered unto them: 
2 Pet. 2.21.  namely, that one Commandment which Christ gave for all the rest, when he said, these things I command you, 
Joh 15.17.  that ye love one another.  
Saint Paul also warns Timothy, how that in the latter times some should depart from the Faith, giving heed to seducing spirits and Doctrines of Devils: that is, 
1 Tim. 4.1.  there shall come Enthusiasts, whom the devil shall beguile under the shape of an Angel of light, and that these shall thereupon speak lies in hypocrisy, or deceive others under show of Religion. Being men so wilfully set to entangle and ensnare the Conscienres of others, and lead them to the ways of destruction, as if their own Consciences were seared with hot irons: even by prohibiting as unlawful, 
Verse 2  what was in itself indifferent, or lawfully en●oyned.  
But more particularly he afterwards sets down the nature and practices of these men, that by their unsociable dispositions shall make perilous times in the last days, when he calls them lovers of their own selves, covetous, boasters proud, blasphemers, disobedient to parents, unthankful, unholy, without natural affection, truce-breakers, false accusers, incontinent, fierce, despisers of those that are good, traitors, heady, high minded, lovers of pleasures more than lovers of God. 
Ver. 2, 3, 4.5.  Of all which this latter age hath had but too true and sad experience, to be the fruits of those that are still putting on a form of godliness and denying the power thereof in their lives and actions: even whilst they are truly found lovers of themselves and their own pleasures more than God, by their covetousness and pride, being lead to blaspheme and dishonour his name amongst men by their daily disobedience to their Christian Parents and superiors: and thereupon also to be unthankful and unholy in their lives. And while they stand partially affected to one another under the notion of more spiritual brotherhood they come to forget all natural ties and relations; to the breach of all Truce and Commerce; and also by being make-bates, incontinent, and fierce in their despightful usage and censure of such as be good and peaceable, they show themselves to be Traitors, heady, highminded, etc.  
But when they are set down for such as creep into houses (plainly showing their love to Conventicles and private Meetings), and there leading captive silly women laden with sins, that is, such weak dispositions as are by them frighted with their Sermons of damnation, and also such as are led away with divers lusts, or listening after novelty of Doctrine, such as are ever learning and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth, 
Verse 6. Verse 7.  they are yet more lively set forth. For how should truth or obedience be known when these men are ready with their seditious incantations to oppose and resist the ground and pillar thereof, the Church, and that public Ministers of Christ that should uphold it, after the same manner that jannes' and jambres formerly withstood Mosses. Being reprobate concerning the Faith, 
Verse 8.  or having but a false and reprobate Faith, for want of that true trial of Faith, the work of Patience, and work of love; and so being not able to endure persecutions, they show themselves to be none of those that will live godly in Christ Jesus: 
Verse 12.  but evil men and seducers, waxing worse and worse, deceiving and being deceived. But our comfort is in the confinement of their prevalence, 
Verse 13. Verse 9, 10.  they shall proceed no farther, that is, no farther then with such silly Auditors; for their folly shall be manifest to all men as theirs also was: they shall be discovered in their plots against Christ's Ministers, as those that formerly opposed God's Ministry in Moses.  
And now farther, to prove that Antichristianism is not only denial of Christ as God, but also the denial of him or his power in the flesh, (that is, as before showed denying of dignities and fleshly power under him), we will note a little of Saint john's other description of him. Every spirit (saith he) that confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is not of God: and the same is the spirit of Antichrist. And again he saith, Many deceivers are entered into the world, who confess not that jesus Christ is come in the flesh. 
1 John 4.3. 2 John 7.  He saith not, was come in the flesh, but in the present tense, is come in the flesh; and therefore cannot mean Jews or Infidels, or such as openly professed denial to Christian Doctrine in matters of Faith; but such, as professing the Doctrine of Jesus Christ, did overthrow it by consequent: especially in matters of Charity; and to endanger the lo●s of that full reward, which this Doctrine of Christ, 
Verse 8.  or Doctrine of love (by practice of charitable submission to our masters in the flesh) would bring. When at the last day men shall have sentence according to the charitable Offices one towards another: and, in justification of those that have been obedient to Christ in the flesh, he (as King) shall answer and say unto them, Verily say unto you, inasmuch as you have done it to one of the least of these my brethren, 
Matth. 25 40.  ye have done it unto me.  
Under which notion of King, he taking upon him to vindicate the Authority of such as he had deputed in the exercise of his Kingship amongst us (until himself shall come in his glory with all the holy Angels, and shall sit upon the Throne of his glory) makes it farther manifest, that the very title of Kingship was to be the most usual and eminent stile of his Deputy. And therefore, under the expression of the least of these my brethren, 
Verse 40.  (distinguishing these his brethren from other his Christian brethren, (as heretofore noted), he makes the exercise and expression of our love or Charity, which should be performed to him or his body the Church, to take measure and estimation according to extent of that respect and obedience which we have done to these. For they being made instrumental in the day of Christ's earthly power, as well to make Zion or the Church the rod of Christ's strength, whereby to rule in the midst of his enemies, as to settle his Worship in the beauties of holiness; 
Psal. 110.2, 3.  it will therefore come to pass, that as to be against them is to be against him; so also it must be granted, that what we have done by their direction in matters of love and obedience, is as if we had done it by his.  
For if we cannot otherwise (literally) conceive, that to do these things to the least Christian, or but to one, were in themselves such high services unto him, otherwise then as that one, and that least, were the Representatives of many, or all, even so, understanding those particulars of Charity or love (there set down), to stand for the whole duty of love, (the which these Deputies of Christ were to make useful to all in general and each one in particular, by being our directors, according to that Talon in power and trust, which their proportionable charge in each Church did require), we may then well conceive, how, as Christ is not to be wronged but by his Members, so than most, when the wrong is done against such, as being more nearly his, their wrong must be more nearly said to be his; and so reputed Antichristianism.  
And although the ordinary rank of believers, be not in this place distinguished from his Deputies (under the notion of Citizens) as they are by St. Luke, (which might have regard to the Jewish Nation, who more generally were to refuse the Authority of his substitutes, which the Gentiles should be but partly guilty of, and partly not,) yet may we discern a distinction made by their separate sentence: beginning with his servants that had Talents of great trust first, before the general judgement of the rest. And we may observe also, that in approving or condemning them, under the notions of sheep and goats, (the one a Creature full of inward love and innocence, and therewithal most tractable and obedient to their shepherd, whereas the other was contrary,) that as well the necessity of outward obedience, as inward love was intended.  
And therefore whosoever transgresseth, and abideth not in the Doctrine of Christ, (that is, obeyeth him not here as King, as well as hopeth in him as Saviour) hath not God: but he that abideth in the Doctrine of Christ, he hath both the Father and the Son. 
2 John 9  That is, he that acknowledgeth the power of the son, as to that end anointed from the Father, doth therewith acknowledge the Father's power also: but he that denyeth him that is sent, denyeth also him that sent him: 
Ibidem.  even as denial, or overthrow of Kingship, is (to our power) to overthrow the King of king's power also, who gave them these their Offices.  
And farther, to show that Antichristianism here meant, is not opposition to Christian Doctrine as such, they are called deceivers, that is, such as did make profession that way, for how else could an open enemy deceive? Appearing yet more plainly to be such, by St. john's former description: they went out from us, etc. meaning they had been of the same outward profession.  
And that Antichristianism is opposition to the precepts of love, and not matters of Faith, appears also by St. john's former description: where the spirit of Antichrist being said not to be of God, 
1 Joh. 4.3.  he afterwards makes Antichristianism to consist in disobedience: he that is not of God heareth not us: hereby know we the spirit of truth and the spirit of error. 
Verse 6.  And then goes on with the description of who is of God: beloved let us love one another, for love is of God; and every one that loveth is born of God, and knoweth God: he that loveth not, knoweth not God, for God is love. Which last words, 
Verse 7. Verse 8.  do knit up the mystical perfection of Charity: and show how from that all things are united and take place. For from the love of God, his Creation and beneficence to Creatures did proceed: and through the inward plantation of Charity and love in Creatures, providence towards them had its being also. And again, all Creatures, according to its measure, (in themselves received from God), came to be more or less participant or resembling of him: that is, Godlike. And therefore, if God so loved us, 
Verse 11.  as not only to estate us happy, but to restore us fallen, we ought also to love one another. For since no wan hath seen God at any time, (that is, cannot personally requite him) if we love one another (that is, his next image in our brother,) God dwelleth in us, and his love is perfect in us: for he that dwelleth in love, dwelleth in God, and God in him. 
Verse 12. Verse 16.  And then follows our innocence thereupon: herein is our love made perfect, (that is, brought to its issue) that we may have boldness in the day of judgement: for there is no fear in love: 
Verse 1●. Verse 18.  that is, no fear of future torment; because of their Faith and assurance, gathered through present obedience.  
And if we consider the persons unto whom more particularly this description of Antichrist is addressed, (as most concerning them) it will give us full light and confirmation herein. For the warning hereof is particularly given to the Apostles, (or heads of Churches) under the notion of little Children: a loving term, which this beloved Disciple useth to difference them; in imitation of his Master (as formerly noted,) saying, Children, it is the last time, etc. 
1 Joh. 2.18.   
And that the persons comprised under this notion of little Children, were different from others, whom he therefore styles my Children, and my Beloved &c. because he hath begotten them in the Faith, appears, 
3 John 4. ●.  in that he writing particularly to Gaius, salutes him under these notions.  
And the matter comprehended under these different addresses, will (by its difference), show the difference of persons thereby meant. And therefore, when we find little Children spoken to before Fathers, it must show some of higher rank: for if we should have thought him, to have proceeded with the instruction of the lower rank first, then, young men would have been spoken to next, and Fathers last of all. But by writing to those little Children first, twice over; and that under such descriptions and representations as were to them most proper, must show that they were different persons from these Fathers and young men: and from those he calls my little Children, 
1 John 21.7. Chap. 3.2. Chap. 4.17, 13,  Brethren, Beloved, and the like: all which are indifferently used when he is to express those duties which may generally concern all men.  
And because some of those admonitions and duties, may also concern all in a second degree, which are given to the heads of Churches under the notion of little Children, therefore do we not find them set down in restrictive terms. And this, not only in regard of that common engagement to mutual love and obedience, (they as others are concerned in), but also, in regard care is always taken, not to make the difference too plain: whereby persons in Authority might be too proud, or the mystery of Antichristianism too much revealed. Which may be the reason why our Saviour (speaking of these things), would not give St. Peter a direct answer, when he asked, Lord speakest thou this Parable to us, 
Luke 12.41.  or even to all; but goes on with the description of their duties, as Stewards or Rulers over God's household: not letting them know their own power (it is like) till after his Resurrection; that he spoke of the things pertaining to the kingdom of God.  
So that when he says, My little children I write unto you that ye sin not, and then tells them that if they do, 
1 Joh. 2.1. Verse 2.  they have an Advocate with the Father, we are to conceive them to be such as he had newly converted to the Faith, and so needed instruction to know that Christ was the propitiation of sins. 
Ibidem.  Whereas the others, 
Verse 13. John 14.7. Chap. 16.25. Joh. 13.10. Chap. 15.3. 1 Joh. 2.12.  because they more fully had known the Father, (according to Christ's former Promises), might be said (by virtue of that washing they had from him, and many exhortations made for loving one another and keeping his Commandments), to have their sins forgiven for his name's sake: or to be more remarkably sanctified by the promised spirit of truth, and by God's word to be left in their trust.  
By which means also, they come to have higher degree of illumination into this mystery of Antichrist, according to the following words; but ye have received an Unction from the Holy One, 
1 Joh. 2.20.  and know all things. For no doubt, (in the number of all those truths they were to be guided into,) they should have the revelation of this mystery more than other men: which was (it is like), some of those many things Christ had to say unto them, which were not fit for their knowledge, 
Joh. 16.12.  till after Christ's Ascension. At which time they might be supposed to expect revelation from the Holy Ghost, in that particular concerning Christ's Glory; according to that Promise, He shall glorify me, 
Verse 14.  for he shall receive of mine, and shall show it unto you: which we may presume to import, something of eminence and power, by the following words, all things that the Father hath are mine, therefore said I, he shall take of mine, and shall show it unto you. 
Verse 15.  Twice (we see) the word is used of show it unto you: whereby we may conclude it was not the Unction of power only, but of Revelation of something concerning the exercise of that Power and Function. And this may be farther evinced by the following words: where his departure is made an Argument of his greater manifestation unto them. Again a little while and ye shall me, because I go to the Father: that is, as at by my departure ye shall be sent by me, 
Verse 16.  as I was sent by my Father, so shall ye also have farther knowledge concerning your Mission, and of those cross accidents which shall accompany it. In which respect, this spirit of truth shall be to them also a spirit of joy: when they shall be enabled to endure those indignities from the world which shall come unto them by reason that Christ's name is more remarkably set on them, then on others.  
And therefore, since this anointing could not but teach them of these things, (in the next mention of little Children), these heads of Churches are spoken to by way of exhortation, to be notwithstanding abiding in him, that is, to be keeping themselves (like good Stewards) in the just execution of their charge, according to his commandment: that then when he shall appear, they may have confidence, and not be ashamed before him at his coming: as expecting his sentence of well done thou good and faithful servant, 
1 Joh. 2. ●8.  etc. And further also, 
Verse 24.  if that abide with them which they heard from the beginning, then shall they continue in the Son, and in the Father: That is, the Power and Unction from them received, shall be both their director and protector. According to that former saying of our Saviour to his Disciples, if ye keep my Commandments, ye shall abide in my love: even as I have kept my Father's Commandments, and abide in his love. 
Joh. 15. 1●.   
As for the next verse, it contains also an assurance to them of uprightness, or justice in the execution of their Offices, whilst they continued as obedient Children to him that was the Fountain of Justice or Righteousness. 
1 Joh. 2.29.  If ye know that he is Righteous (or just) ye know that every one that doth righteousness (or Justice) is born of him: that is, such as are his particular seed for righteousness sake, and are by him entrusted for administration of justice or righteousness, are by his power and grace so illuminathed and upheld, that the righteousness of their acts, is not to be questioned by any below them.  
For so are we to understand the next place, where the term of little Children is set down: little children let no man deceive you, 
Chap. 3 7.  he that doth righteousness is righteous. That is to say, be not terrified at the voice of these deceivers that say, jesus is not come in the flesh: nor let the shows of moral or legal righteousness, of those that would lay a stumbling block for him that reproveth in the gate dishearten you; for greater is he that is in you then he that is in the world. Even so great, that he is both able to confirm you in Justice, that are his Deputies, and do act in his name, 
1 Joh. 4.4.  and also to justify such as do hear and receive you. For the Prince of this world (Covetousness) with his usual ministers and servants, (legal and moral sanctity) shall be cast out and judged by the coming of the Holy Ghost: 
Joh. 16.8, 9.10.  and the world reproved by a new way of righteousness; making Christian obedience inclusive of all perfection. For as the former way, of legal or moral sanctity, (to be gained by each separate man's obeying Precepts and Directions from God immediately received), was from Heaven concluded in implicit obedience to Christ, when there came such a voice to him from the excellent glory, this is my beloved son in whom I am well pleased hear him; so, 
2 Pet. 1. 1● M●tth. 17.5. Luke 10 16, & Joh. 13.20.  upon Christ's going to his Father, and being seen no more, than those former words of he that heareth you heareth me, etc. made Righteousness to be fixed to his Deputies. Whereby, as God's name was glorified by the glorifying of his son; 
Joh. 17.1.  so was Christ to be glorified by that administration of power and illumination which the Holy Ghost should give them from him. 
Chap. 16.14.   
And if our Saviour's own speech to his Disciples, when he is giving them their Mission and Power be marked, we shall plainly find him setting forth the same thing: namely that his minister, and the righteous man are convertible: and that obedience to such an one, doth estate righteousness or innocence to the obedient party also, even as if they had received himself as their Prophet or director, or as their righteous man or administrator of Justice. He that receiveth you, receiveth me: and he that receiveth me, receiveth him that sent me: 
Matth. 10 40▪  he that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, shall not lose a Prophet's reward; and he that receiveth a righteous man, in the name of a righteous man, shall not lose a righteous man's reward: even he shall be as assuredly rewarded for his obedience, 
Verse 41.  as others shall for their Alms, to these my present indigent Ministers and servants. For so it follows, Whosoever shall give to drink to one of tehse little ones, a cup of cold water in the name of a Disciple, verily I say unto you, 
Verse 42.  he shall in no wise lose his reward.  
And although it be no wonder for worldly minded men to be inclined to Antichristianism, (for covetousness is commonly the root of this, as well as all other evil) yet it is to be presumed, that (through Christ's assistance) those little Children have overcome them, 
1 John 4 4.  that have no higher a support, than that Prince of the world, to whom they do homage for these things: and so need not be wondered at for deserting obedience to Christ or his Deputies, through their service to Mammon.  
For we are to conceive, that as this Tempter at first tempted our Saviour himself, 
Matth. 4.9. 1 John 4.5.  to fall down and worship him for these things, so are his members every day enticed by these worldly ends, to deserting of Christ also: and to yield homage to them, rather than to his Deputies and Ministers. But that this despising of Christ's Ministers, is deserting of God and Christ, and so is Antichristianism, appears most plainly by the next verse: We are of God, he that knoweth God heareth us: he that is not of God heareth not us; hereby know we the spirit of truth and the spirit of error. 
Verse 6.  That is, by disobedience to Christ's Deputies, the spirit of liars or Antichristians is to be known: for as every one that teacheth any Doctrine, without the leave of these heads (whom Christ hath particularly promised to be with to the end of the world) is a deceiver; 
Matth. 28.20.  so, if his Doctrine be against their representation of Christ's in the flesh, 
2 John 7.  he is an Antichrist also.  
The last mention of little Children is to warn them against this idolatry of covetousness: saying, little children keep yourselves from Idols. That is, since the lusts of the flesh, 
1 John 5.21. Chap. 2.16.  the lust of the eyes, and the pride of life (being not of God) are to be most avoided by you that represent his Authority, so will Covetousness and Ambition work greater mischief, being sought after by you that are in high places, than it can do by others. And therefore, are they strictly and particularly charged by our Saviour against this Vice of Covetousness, upon his giving them their first Mission: provide neither gold, nor silver, 
Matth. 10.9.  nor brass in your purses; and the like.  
Answerable thereunto, was that admonition by S. Paul given to Timothy, the head of the Ephesian Church under him; 
1 Tim. 6.8.  having, food and raiment let us therewith be content. But they that will be rich, fall into temptation and a snare: and into many foolish and hurtful lusts, which drown men in destruction and perdition. 
Verse 9  For the love of money is the root of all evil: which while some have coveted after, they have erred from the Faith (or been seduced to do, or teach otherwise then becomes the Doctrine of Faith), and pierced themselves through with many sorrows. 
Verse 10.  But thou O man of God, fl●e these things: and follow after righteousness, godliness, faith, love, patience, meekness: that is, 
Verse 11.  add littleness or humility, to thy purity of life and sanctity. For as the man of God (or God's Minister), is to be exampler in fleeing youthful lusts, so also in fleeing Covetousness, 
2 Tim. 2.22.  the usual idolatry of age. At that time especially, when things expressing humility and poverty, did best become the mean condition of the Church, and her present little heads. Which present heads, having been by our Saviour warned in especial manner against this Vice, 
Matth. 10.10.  and to trust to the care of God whose workmen they were, it cannot therefore seem otherwise then needful, they should have caveats against this fault.  
And that the not hearing of us (before mentioned) is the denial of God and Christ, and is formally the crime of Antichristianism, will further appear by consideration of those many places, where Christ, delegating his Disciples and the seventy with power to personate him in the power of the Kingdom of God, doth acount their refusal to be his: he that shall deny me before men, (that is, deny me by denying my Authority in you), him will I deny before my Father which is in Heaven. Which, 
Matth. 10.33. Mark 8.38. Luke 12.9 & Chap. 10.16.  and the like speeches implying, that himself (being now in Heaven), cannot otherwise have his Authority denied in the flesh, then by denying obedience to his Deputies, it must consequently prove disobedience or denial of them, to be denial of him; and so Antichristianism. And the like must be understood of every other succeeding little one in the Church or Kingdom of Heaven: namely, that whosoever shall receive one such little one in Christ's name, receiveth him; 
Matth. 18.5, 6.  but whoso shall offend, etc. shall have a punishment denoting the greatness of the sin of Antichristianism.  
But now (at last), to appeal from discourse to matter of fact, we may with great grief find, both the description of the Antichrist, and the many Antichrists, but too plainly made good in our days. How is this falling away from the life and power of godliness, accompanied with the sad consequences of destroying Kings more now then ever? How doth the Antichrist prove himself more and more, as well a man of sin (by his Doctrines) as a son of perdition, by his many encouragements to, 
2 Thess. 2.3.  and practices of rebellion and civil war: and in eclipsing and subjecting of Monarchy? By whose clear revealing, we may think that the day of Christ is at hand. For now, 
Verse 2.  more than ever, is Nation risen against Nation, etc. and not only so, but to make good that a man's enemies shall be them of his own house, how doth the Doctrine of this son of perdition, prevail in setting up Civil wars in every corner?  
And I would to God, that many that have taken pains in discovery of this man of sin, had not been themselves partakers and guilty of the same sin of Antichristianism also. It is not enough to clear themselves, by crying whore first: for let the Pope be the whore of Babylon whilst he will, yet if they join with him in this Doctrine of Antichrist, it is not their leaning their heads another way can excuse the mischief and effects thereof: whilst (like Samsons Foxes) they join with him in their tails, by throwing abroad those firebrands of Civil war, wherewith all Christendom is inflamed. By which, they prove to be the many Antichrists (heretofore spoken of); and to be real friends to that son of perdition also. So that as we have heard, that in the last time Antichrist shall come; even now are there many Antichrists, whereby we know it to be the last time. 
1 John. 2.18.   
For as he that did let (to wit the Roman Emperor) was by little and little taken out of the way (or his seat), and as the man of sin therein, and thereupon, did set up and reveal himself; how many Antichrists did (under Aristocracies and Democracies) set up for themselves also in sundry parts thereof? How have they since increased, in encroaching not only thereon, but on parcels of the Dominions of other Christian Kings besides? And as it is the nature of sin, (and particularly that of rebellion), to increase and steal on us by degrees (like witchcraft), mark we (with grief and astonishment), to what height and temerity we are now grown herein. So that (at this day), men are not content to pair away from Kings some parcels of their Dominions, but now they think fit, (yea and duty) to take all: and would have it everywhere believed, that while they can but pretend Christ's service, and so (with a fair Corban) be sitting in the Temple of God, they must be all that while doing his will: as though Antichristianism were not a sin of fact; or that to be against, and for Christ were the same thing.  
In that which hath been hitherto spoken (in the description of Antichrist), if I be not thoroughly convincing, it is not to be wondered at; considering the prejudice which every reader will have against it: he being in some kind or degree or other, guilty in act or desire, of the encroachment of Authority himself. And next considering, that the thing itself is both set down to be, and accordingly delivered to us as a mystery. But yet, since the description and prophecy of his coming, was to warn true Christians of his danger, it is our duty to be intent to find out whom this mystery doth concern. In which doing, the mystery itself is made (by the good providence of God) our best help, to discover the persons that prevail by this mystical working: that is, not by open opposition against God or Christ, but by being secretly against them, whilst sitting in the Temple, and pretending to be most zealous and religious.  
Such were the persons, and such were the practices of the Pharisees at first, against the person of Christ himself, under colour of serving God. A people so bewitching unwary minds with their legal pretensions of sanctity, that all Christ's miracles could not be sufficient to convince his divine Authority. And such are the persons, and such are the pretensions of their Disciples, and followers, the Antichristian zealots of our time. So that besides the Antichrist, (under show of religious power over the whole Temple) doth bare-faced trample on sacred Authority, how clearly may we (and with grief) behold, this form of godliness always most closely put on by the many Antichrists now, when any of Christ's Deputies are to be opposed. Inasmuch, as there is not an Antichristian attempt, which Christ is not brought to own, under some religious pretence or other,) by these kind of men: who now (against his Vicegerents), conform themselves unto all the examples of those that at first most opposed himself.  
Thus shall we observe this generation of vipers, (and who (like vipers) are ready to gnaw out the bowels of the Church and State that bred them), to be hypocrites like them: that is, they say and do not. They bind (like them) heavy burdens and grievous to be born, 
Matth. 23.3.  and lay them on men's shoulders: but they themselves will not move them with one of their fingers. Even so, 
Verse 4.  how is line upon line, precept upon precept, added as fundamental in Religion: 
Verse 7.  that under a cloak of sanctity, greetings in the marketplace, (that is, popular applause) may be gotten: that they may be called of men Rabbi, and to have the chief seats in the Synagogues, and the uppermost rooms in feasts? 
Verse 6.  How ambitious do we still find them, to have honourable places and esteem in meetings? But as for loving room at feasts, I think our Trencher Pharisees, will with their formal long Prayers, put down any ancient Pharisee: even to the devouring of all widow's houses they can creep into.  
How do our Pharisees resemble old ones, in compassing sea and land to make Proselytes? How do they again, in pressing some superstitious observations; 
Verse 23. Verse 24.  and thereby failing in Judgement Mercy and Faith? How do they resemble them in straining at a gnat, and swallowing at a Camel?  
But above all, (as if by divine Providence permitted, to show of what extraction the Antichristian Pharisees of our time are), how is the Corban and the Sabbath, (the two old Pharisaical marks of Devotion), restrained and pressed still by Papists and Sectaries: with such Superstitious degree of observation, that they would have men think that their Church and Sabbath, were inclusive of all Sanctity and duty besides. But truly, when we consider (in the last of these), how often the strict observation of the Sabbath hath been by Christ and his Apostles reproved, and never once spoken for in the New-Testament (it looking like a command appropriate to that Nation to be kept in remembrance of their deliverance out of Egypt, 
Exod. 3.15. Deut. 5.15  being never kept till then) and that it should yet remain a mark and cognizance of what these men are (that so much pretend to follow him) we cannot but wonder at their imprudent choice, in not laying their formal devotion elsewhere, then on that fatal badge.  
But, while they are thus drawing near God with their lips, and honouring him with their mouths, in their works they deny him; and make it manifest that it is Mammon they serve. For, all the while they are so clamorous for a day for God to rest on (because it costs them nothing), they will not allow him a house to rest in, because that will yield them something. Our Saviour (with that other man after Gods own heart) could say, the zeal of thine house hath eaten me up, when as these men's zeal doth everywhere eat up the houses themselves. Our Saviour drove the buyers and sellers, and such as made Merchandise, out of the Temple: but these bring in such as are to make Merchandise of the Temple. And, while they are thus taking to themselves all the houses of God into possession; and, with sacrilegious hands, robbing him and his Ministers of all those honourable Monuments of Devotion and Charity wherewith their more pious and holy Ancestors had made Christ and his Religion honourable in the eyes of the world, these men, in relation those bags they carry and adore, are (with Judas) crying out wherefore all this waste? A Barn, and a Cobbler, are, in their esteem, places and persons good enough for the service of that great God before men, whom, in a hypocritical zeal, they so much pretend to reverence and respect. And while we are solemnly serving our Father, in houses of Prayer dedicated to his Worship, they are serving their Father and their God, their belly, in places of like dedication: a Dining-room or a Kitchen; on a Table for an Altar, and with a Cook for a Priest: and yet all this while, that they are thus without God in the world, and denying Christ before men, they would be apprehended as the only heirs of Heaven, and so inwardly and heartily addicted to their service above others, that it cannot at all break forth into action of Love or Obedience. As though holiness and righteousness were contemplative graces only, or that any one could be a true and worthy member of Christ's Church who endeavoured not his praise before men, but were by their disobedient and unsociable lives a scandal to that Religion which hath the highest Reason and morality in its practice of any in the world.  
How is that old pharisaical Tradition of washing of hands, pots, cups, etc. imitated by the select tones and phrases of our modern Pharisees? whereby (as by a sort of canting language) they take liberty (with their predecessors) at once to commend themselves, and condemn others: as if in this kind of devotion (because they devised it) all Religion were to be put. By this light, and rule of distinction, do our Pharisees (like those of old), 
Matth. 7.3. Luke 18.11▪ Judas 19  spy the moats in their brother's eyes. And as those of old could boast they were not as other men, so these be they that separate themselves now: rashly judging all that are not of their crew, to be worldlings, ungodly, malignant, reprobate, and what not. And that themselves are not thus carnally minded, they do most evidently declare by fact; for after, by their devout pretensions, they have seated themselves in that earthly dominion and power they did seem to despise, they will thrust out these their ungodly and worldly brethren out of their legal estates and possessions, as being but usurpers in that right of the creature which is peculiar unto themselves.  
Which Antichristian fatal badge of separation, and going out from us, me thinks they should have prudently declined also: not only because they find it so often reproved, in their predecessors by our Saviour, but also by the Prophets; admonishing them to ask for the old paths, where is the good way, and to walk therein; 
Jer. 6.16, 17. Verse 21.  as the sure course to to find rest for their souls. But since they have refused to walk therein, or to hearken to the watchmen by God set over them, and are thereupon run into a mutual course of stumbling and perishing, by following their new and private speculations, I see not why any conscientious man should be scandalised with their obloquy: since it is but equal, or short of what their predecessors gave our Saviour himself. 
Mat. 11 19, &c  For as this (on the one hand) will prove us Disciples of Christ, so (on the other hand), will it prove them Disciples of the Pharisees.  
Yes, the true successors, and imitators of those hypocrites of old, are all these whom we daily find extolling themselves above others, by models and rules of distinction of their own framing. For as of old, those that were rebellious against Christ and his Gospel, are by the Evangelical Prophet set down saying to others, 
Isa. 65 5.  Stand by thyself, come not near me, for I am holier than thou; even so now, how do our late Pharisees vilify and abandon, under the like notions of Publicans and sinners, all that are not by themselves cannonized for Saints and Holy? For it is not now the being members of Christ's body the Church; alas, that's a common grace; but being of their gang therein, that can truly sanctify. No, that glorious appellation of Saints, in the New-Testament given to the household of Faith in honour of the Master thereof, even to such as were sanctified through Faith in Christ, 
Act 26.18. John 1.12. 2 Cor. 1.1.  and equivalent to that of believers (all those being privileged with this notion of Saint, or son of God that (at first) believed on his name:) as the beginning of most of the Epistles do declare, (addressing them sometimes to the Church, sometimes to the Saints) must be no longer appropriate to Christ's followers, but to their own. 
Act. 8.3. Act. 26.9, 10.  Not well considering, that that Church Saint Paul is said to make havoc of in one place, himself calleth Saints in another, confessing to have done it in opposition to the name of Jesus. The which appellations Ananias also indifferently useth when he is setting forth S. Paul's persecution against the Church: calling them in one verse the Saints, and in the next, such as called on Christ's name, 
Act. 9.13. V●rse 14.  for handsomeness and variety of expression; and not to make Gentile believers to be none, or less Saints than Jews. No, but, as amongst them formerly, sanctity was appropriate to the Circumcision, so, amongst Christians, because every one that nameth the name of Christ should depart from iniquity, therefore it came to pass that a believer and a Saint, came to signify the same.  
But let not us now take this ill: for S. Paul, S. Peter, and other of Christ's own Disciples, (because not of them) shall not be by them called Saints also: no not so much as Mr. Paul, etc. Whenas, if any Author is mentioned by them, he hath the addition of Mr. as Mr. Calvin, or the like. And their excuse for not doing it, is the greatest Argument of their pride: which is, because the Apostles (in their parity) used not to give these titles to one another: therefore are they not to give it to them neither. Concluding (as it should seem) that because they had now attained an equal pitch of sanctity with them, they might thereupon say our brother Paul, Peter, or the like.  
But they should remember, that as God alone is the searcher of hearts, in such sort as to to distinguish between men of the same outward profession and say, Behold a true Israelite in whom there is no guile, so is it becoming Christian Duty and Charity, to leave men in these censures, to stand or fall to their own Master. To him that hath the Keys of Heaven and of Hell, we must leave the judgement and distinction of those persons and their qualities, that are fit for the one or the other. Whereas to us, that cannot discover the hypocrisy of persons, nor tell who in the visible Church are of the Communion of Saints, and who not; it is no ways safe nor becoming, to make these arrogant and deceivable distinctions: so as to call some Saints, & count others castaways, in regard of any secret tokens of Grace and Salvation by ourselves discoverable. Whereas our Saviour, that could best foretell of these hypocrisies, bids us have an especial regard to these kind of men that should come in sheep's clothing but inwardly were ravening wolves. 
M●tth. 7.15.   
Yes, ravening Wolves indeed, even too plainly found to be such, by those seditions and destructive courses which do every day appear to be the fruit of these Trees of show. In which respect, although none on earth can judge of these hidden Graces and Endowments by which one man is preferred before another as a Citizen of Heaven, yet so far as men are here to be Citizens in Christ's Kingdom the Church, in that respect, there are again, certain moral Virtues and qualities differently seated and appearing in the Meembers of each Church: whereby the head thereof may, in reference to public Peace and Order judge one man better or more holy than another. But because these sorts of men do usually raise their Discipline and Tenants by abusing some Texts and Phrases of Scripture; as supposing them plainly appliable to their uses when they are therein but set down as mysteries, we shall now show some Reasons for the darkness therein sometimes used.   

CHAP. XIII. Of the Mystical Delivery of some Divine Truths, and the Reason thereof.  
SOme there are, who contend very seriously, and with many arguments, to make it appear, that that work of Creation which is to ordinary apprehensions, set down to be the employment of six days, was wholly effected in one; chiefly persuading themselves, that the contrary assertions of allowing six days time was derogatory to the Almightiness of such an Agent as was occupied herein. In those that oppose them, there is as much invention used to show why we should keep ourselves to the belief of six days work; and that the literal sense of that story could import none other. And truly, were I to judge, I should assign to these last the greater hold of truth; as not deeming it a diminution to the sufficiency of any workman, that is not bound by any thing besides his own will, to be as long, or as short a time as he pleaseth in the finishing of what he undertakes; especially, since it is not therewithal set down, that he had not ability to do it sooner. For, if the dispatch of the Creation in one day, should have argued Almightiness, more than in six, then, they should have left him but one hour, or rather but one minute for the doing thereof; if they must suppose him measuring his Almightiness in his operations, by the time of their production.  
Therefore, as the only will and good pleasure of God Almighty, was at first the cause why all things were by him at all, or in such and such manner created, so was it also the only rule and guide, that set measure and form to the way and means of their preservation, and so consequently was it the reason why the several species of creatures came to be endued with such friendly aspects and inclinations, as that they prosecuting the same naturally and continually should therewith also, preserve and promote the good of their fellow creatures. Which affection, although to that end, common to all, was yet only necessarily and insensibly to themselves, imposed on the lower sorts of things; when as the most noble race of creatures, which had more resemblance to him, had also so much knowledge and will implanted, as to enable them, not only to be so far apprehensive, as to be expressly thankful for these favours, but also to furnish them with power for farther acquisition of things delightful and good, and of avoidance of what was contrary, as hath been heretofore observed.  
In which course of liberty and freedom of will, whereby the welfare of voluntary Agents comes to be referred to their own demeanour and guidance, God makes another manner of condition with us men, than he did with Angels: For the Angels that fell, he hath so abandoned in his justice, that they cannot rise; and these that do stand, he hath so surrounded with his grace and providence, that they cannot fall. For they sinning actually and personally, or else, after the same manner continuing upright and obedient, could not but from his justice or goodness, expect personal sentence accordingly; whereas to us men, that sinned by imputation, as transgressing in the originals and representatives of our kind we (in our separate persons) are neither irremediably censured to punishment, nor yet to mercy or reward. For although traduction made eternal death liable to all (even to such as had not sinned after the similitude of Adam's transgression) yet forasmuch as we had not (like our first Parents) personally so sinned, 
Rom. 5.14.  God appoints us another means and way of deliverance, whereby it should come to pass, that none should suffer for the fault of Adam, in his actual disobedience against God, but such as should personally afterwards incur that guilt of disobedience, by renewing it against his Son Christ Jesus; nor should the bite and contagion of that Serpent in Paradise, prove mortal to any, that should with the eye of faith, look unto this Brazen Serpent for cure.  
But then farther, some of mankind being for their original fault (as aforesaid) in justice to be punished, and some again in mercy to be freed, it stood not agreeable to God's impartial rule of administration, particularly to appoint and prosecute any peremptory and unavoidable means of distinct saving of all those persons which shall hereafter be taken into mercy, because even thereupon the rest (who could in Adam be looked upon but with equal guilt) must have been unequally punished; but it became expedient, ordinarily to leave them free to the contrary. As therefore, that medicine or plaster, which is made for any disease, doth not cure by being, but by being applied; so (in this common cure of mankind) it became expedient, that Christ should (for application) be freely offered to all; that each man's destruction might be from his own fault, and the means of salvation not forcably imposed on all that are saved, to involve the rest in inevitable ruin: Wherefore, when we read of a Pharaoh hardened, or a Paul particularly chosen by God, for some special and extraordinary uses (and to show God's freedom and power over his creature, as the Potter over the clay) we must not take it as his ordinary course. No more, than when (in our fortunes and affairs of this life) we find God sometimes making use of his good pleasure and power, in more remarkably blessing and countenancing some particular Nations or persons more than ordinary, we are thence to conclude, that the good or ill fortune of each Nation in general, or each person of that Nation in particular, is not usually to be ascribed, as left unto the guidance of their, and his own judgement and will. Which thing (well considered) might silence much controversy in point of Predestination.  
But now (upon the grounds before showed) it appearing fit that this general means of salvation, should be in such manner set forth, as all should not accept, although offered, nor none with just excuse deny, we shall find reason, why the name and notion of Mystery, is so often applied both to the Gospel, and Christ himself: and why our Saviour was so frequent in parables.  
Doubted it cannot be, but that it stood within the compass of God's Almightiness to have made such inward preparation of man's heart, and to have so increased the light and evidence of divine truth (both by continuance of miracles, and increase and plainness of discourse) that it had been impossible for any one to have denied his assent and obedience thereunto: For so even the unbelieving Jews, and malicious Scribes and Pharisees that could not be convinced and brought to acknowledgement of the truth by those many other miracles wrought by our Saviour, are yet professing that if he would (show one of their choosing, 
Mar. 15.30, 32. Mar. 27.42, etc.  that is) Descend from his cross and save himself they would then believe on him also: Whereas now, by this offer of salvation, in such a way as cannot by all be accepted or refused, his mercy and justice, in saving or punishing part of mankind, are both preserved without partiality.  
For thus, when we find the Gospel preached to any particular Nation or People (whereby God may have a Church, or Company of men more expressly serving and praising him) it is yet so ordered, that the necessity of particular and definite persons believing unto salvation, follows not thereupon: for that the many resplendent beams, of divine light and truth in scripture contained, do so dazzle and divert men's understandings, that they prove for the most part unable, truly to make use of, and distinguish that direct beam, pointing at their most necessary duties: but pleasing themselves with the forms of godliness, lose the true virtue and power thereof that should bring them to heaven. When as, on the contrary, such sorts of people to whom so much hath not been given, and have not so well known their Master's will, shall, by obedience to the substance of the Law written in their hearts, prove themselves better Disciples of the two. For these, having never refused or opposed, as the others have, must therein be acknowledged as for him, whilst not denying, or against him. And so, because (in works) all we can call our own is absence, of ill; therefore faith being the gift of God, absence of disbelief frees us from condemnation, where it is with innocence accompanied.  
Upon which grounds, it should follow, that men in their future condition, should be distinguished into three ranks; that is, first, such as through actual faith in Christ, attain remission by repentance, and participation of the reward of heaven, through imputation of good works done in his obedience. The other, of such as disbelieve him; or else, not knowing him, do (besides the miss of heaven) pull upon themselves the deserved punishments of hell; by breaches of charity in those punishments they bring on others. The middle rank may be supposed of such, as, missing the desert and reward of heaven (through want of actual faith in Christ's merits) do yet avoid the punishment and condemnation of hell, by observing the substance of the Law, which is love; and avoiding those crimes that accompany actual and known disobedience and breach of Charity.  
From which it might be farther gathered, that had man continued innocent, hell had not been for punishments of his charity, nor a heaven appointed for the reward of his faith; but being then led by the light of his uncorrupted nature, as it would h●●e kept him from guilt, so the good he did (through charitable propension) being by her light done too, and she having her object of benefit not higher than here below; he could not merit beyond an earthly Paradise, had not a divine person (by owning our Charity as his) made them more highly rewardable. For so in the Gospel, shall we find our Sentence at the last judgement running according to works: and as works also done to, or against our Saviour himself; he answering, Inasmuch as ye did it, 
Mat. 25.40, 45:  or did it not unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye did it, or did it not unto me.  
But because now, all men are more or less harmful, and transgressors of the moral Law, or Law of Providence, this third middle condition is quite taken off: And as men stand differenced in degrees of reward and punishment, answerably as they have been faithful and charitable, or otherwise: So, there being none that can say of himself, he is at all times free from uncharitableness, it follows, that all without Christ, must be liable in degree to future punishment also,  
These things thus stated, we may find reason, why, as there is a hell and heaven prepared for mankind, so those qualities and conditions leading thereunto, should rest for the most part in his own power; and that, as God is not to be accused for those punishments of the wicked, in what he doth to the glorifying of his justice, so, that the rewards of the righteous may be the more to his honour, in their services and obediences towards him, he will have it done with, and through as great difficulties as humane frailty is capable of, even making his strength perfect in their weakness; lest they doing it, as lead in too plain a way, 
2 Cor. 12.9.  it might be objected (in prejudice to God's glory in their obedience) as the Devil did to Job; Do these serve God for nought, hath he not put them in such a condition as they could not do otherwise? To which purpose (as job in the fortunes of this world, so) we, for trial of our faith, are suffered to have tares and false lights, sowed amongst us by that wicked one, that we from thence escaping, might arise more glorious in the praise of the goodness and power of that God, to whose glory and service we directed it: and to the greater condemnation of him, that in so great a light fell away.  
Nor yet can there be any ground taken from thence for any such impious conjecture; as that God proposed these lights and truths to his Church as in mockery: and with direct intention of rendering them ineffectual through obscurity; and not, as truly and sincerely therein, purposing their benefit and salvation. For we may confidently affirm, that the discovery of the errors and inconveniencies of Atheism, Antichristianism, Uncharitableness, Disobedience, etc. are in nature, and many places of Scripture so plainly delivered: and the contrary truths and duties so evidently expressed and asserted, that it were not possible for any man (whom licentiousness hath not prejudiced, and prepossessed with the spirit of Infidelity, Rebellion, Malice, Stubornness, or the like) to be ignorant thereof upon any reasonable inquiry. But if the corruption of our depraved nature, helped on with the malice of that wicked one (most forward to sow his tares in the field of the Church, and most ready to enter the places thus swept and garnished) do so commonly keep us from discerning those truths and duties, which we are so loath to find and conceive to be such, it is not (as before noted) to be wondered at.  
And, to come nearer our own present business by instance; if there should have been set down in Scripture such plain Precepts for settling the office and power of Monarchy, as should have necessarily and universally, driven men to implicit obedience to that Government and none else, it would not only have overthrown our liberty, and rendered all men equally good and bad, as aforesaid, but also have endangered the loss of God's honour (the end of man's conservation) whilst it thus, for peace sake, went about to confer it too closely and absolutely on his deputy; on whom (as in a kind of Idolatry, men might else come to fix those express returns of thanks and praise, which to God himself were only due, as to their fountain and original. These lessons intending as well to enjoin obedience in subjects, to whom all places of obedience must be understood, as to take off arrogance in Princes, and so each one to learn their own parts, not that of others.  
And therefore, when we shall find Christ so obsure in his description of the Kingdom of God or heaven, and of his appearing, as to give occasion to some to think the words altogether to imply Gods inward Kingdom, or Christ's coming to judgement at the last day, and not his glorious appearance in his Kingdom, the Church, it is not much to be admired to be misconstrued, and that construction always made use of, by such prejudiced minds as are loath to examine how then it should be true, that the Apostles themselves should desire to see one of the days of the Son of man, and should not see it: 
Luke 17.22.  it being unconceivable, how they should not see his second coming to judgement, or not be partakers of his glory therein, as well as of his inward comforts here.  
Upon which grounds we may also find reason, why our Saviour was so close and reserved in all those places, where he hath occasion to speak of that power he was to delegate and leave to his Apostles; even so, that he not only forbears to put their Authority under the plain notion of obedience, and doth it under the more familiar terms of hearing or receiving (saying, He that receiveth, 
Mar. 10.40. Luke 10.16.  or heareth you, heareth, or receiveth me: But also, whilst he is giving them this power, he doth so intermix it with such other discourses (that may seem, or are common to others also) that the Apostles themselves could not (it is like) understand the plenitude of their own power, until after his Resurrection; that he had particularly spoken to them of the things pertaining to the Kingdom of God: Which things, being the proper duties and instructions of the Apostles only, 
Acts 1.3.  was the reason we find him not mentioning the like to any other person.  
And when, by reason of this obscurity, S. Peter is ask whether themselves or all are spoken to, he neither gives answer I, nor no; but (as before noted) goes on with the description of the duty of their Offices, 
Luke 12.41.  under the notion of Stewards. Which office, although it must of consequence draw on eminence and power in God's household the Church, yet he delivers the duty thereof in such expressions as might concern others, as well as themselves.  
But, when there, or in other places, he is instructing to humility most, we are to conceive it done because the Authority of this office is most subject to tempt to pride and oppression. And where we find him so frequent in giving admonitions to mutual love, and particularly, so often giving his Apostles warning for loving one another, and so expressly, forbidding them to seek to exercise Authority one over another (as it cannot be construed as excluding their just authority over such as are under them, 
Mat. 20.26 Luke 22.26.  so) this admonition is to be conceived of high import to the peace and good of his whole Church: Which might else, by the disagreement of these several Heads, in their divided jurisdictions one against another, draw on perpetual wars, by their ambitious seeking to encroach on their frllow Steward's Office and Authority, and not resting content with their own Charge.  
Which Gentile imitation, or striving to obtain a sole Monarchy in Christ's whole Church (as formerly the Greeks, 
Luke 22.25.  Romans, or others had done in the world) hath been (as experience tells us) not only unsuccesful to the undertakers, but always of high mischief to Christendom. And therefore, if this seasonable admonition of mutual service and love one to another do oftener and more plainly appear to be given to the Apostles, than the description of their power, there is good and plain reason for so doing.  
We may also find reason from hence, why the Apostles themselves were so mysterious and dark, in declaring their own great Power in the Church. So that S. Paul having been put to it by his stubborn Corinthians, doth yet do it as in a mystery: for fear of arrogating too much to himself, and through his too great eminence in power, to prove more obnoxious to the rest of the world, and more scandalous to his new Believers. Therefore, saith he, These things brethren I have in a figure transferred to myself, and to Apollo for your sakes: that ye might learn in us, 
1 Cor. 4.6.  not to think of men above that which is written: that no one of you be puffed up for one against another. Meaning, that as he had mysterously thus avowed his own power, and still used meek and loving entreaties; whereas he might have come with a rod, 
Ver. 18, 19, etc.  in vindication of his power in the kingdom of God, it was out of jealousy of robbing God of his honour, by thinking of men above what was written; and to leave them also an example of greater humility; since he that was chief amongst them took no more upon him. Having also, by this abatement of himself (who as an Apostle was their chief Head) an aim to reduce them from Schism, caused through their esteeming too highly of others that were puffed up, and yet had no Mission; nothing written for their so doing, as he had; who was endued with power to command them in the Lord, or in Christ's name; according to the written texts of, He that receiveth you, receiveth me, etc. So that we may see, the mystery of their duty of obedience to Christ's Minister plainly inferred, when by forbidding to think of men above what is written, it must be supposed their duty, to give what is written.  
Without this way of interpretation, and by consideration and regard had unto the Dignity and Authority of Christ's Ministers, and the Stewards of the Mysteries of God, 
Verse 1.  it will be very hard to make the word For to be pertinent in the said sentence, That no one of you be puffed up for one against another: Because we are to conceive, that although faithfulness be required in Stewards, yet it being not (as heretofore noted) subjected to man's judgement, 
Verse 2.  but to Gods, whose Stewards they are, the people are therefore to refer their censure of their Superiors power or prudence to him that is the Guide, as well as the Searcher of their hearts. When Christ, at his second coming, shall bring to light the hidden things of darkness; that is, 
Verse 3, 4.  shall discover the reason of this mystical way of empowering his Substitutes; and shall then also, by making manifest the counsel of hearts, convince men that many things were by their Superiors done upon good counsel and consideration, which they, by harkening to private Doctrines and Guides, might misconstrue, and so be led into schisms and seditions, whilst they shall be thus puffed up for one another (as they stood each one distinctly conceited and interessed in their several Congregations and Heads) and thereby come to be really and effectually one against another: in respect of that breach of public Peace and Charity which this factious proceeding and disrespect to one Head must produce.  
And of this mystical delivery of his authority, we shall farther instance in one place, as particularly remarkable, for setting the power of each Church's Head in such a way, as not to be subject either to rob God of his honour, or to give scandal, by his own claiming authority to himself in too plain a manner. He having praised the Corinthians, for keeping the Ordinances delivered unto them (whereby they had showed themselves Disciples, 
1 Cor. 11.1. Verse 2.  or followers of him as he was of Christ: he than adds (to take off all show of boasting) But I would have you know, that the head of every man is Christ, 
Verse 3.  and the head of the woman is the man, and the head of Christ is God: That is, I would not be understood as claiming this obedience in mine own name, but as under Christ, the head of every man: that is, more especially of every man thus exalted in power. For as we cannot interpret Christ to be Head of every single man, so as to exclude the whole sex of women, no more can we think, that in regard of power and subjection one to another (which is the scope of what went before, and what follows) that every man stands in like relation to Christ. But that, although all single men and women (so far as they are Christians) are alike his members, yet do they differ as they stand in their Oeconomy, relating as Ministers and Members in each particular Church.  
Therefore we cannot conceive, that all this serious discourse should be literally taken; as driving at nothing but women's covering their heads, or of men's being bareheaded in time of praying or prophesying: as if God cared for the one or the other, as in themselves: But to show, that (according to the drift of the former Chapters) there ought to be order kept in all our public services; and that also, this order and uniformity is to be directed by obedience. So that by Man, we may understand the Head of each Church; and by women, the members thereof, and most especially those of the Clergy; who are (as wives) to be directed herein by their husbands: And Praying and Prophesying, we may understand put for the whole outward service.  
That this was only Parabolically spoken of women, with intention that (under the instance of their subjection to their husbands) general subjection might be inferred, will appear in that the woman is herein proposed as doing that which she is not permitted to do; that is to prophesy, and especially publicly. 
1 Cor. 14.34.  For so we shall find him presently saying, Let your women keep silence in the Churches, for it is not permitted unto them to speak, but they are commanded to be under obedience, 
Verse 35.  as also saith the Law; and if they will learn any thing, let them ask their husbands at home, for it is a shame for women to speak in the Church, In which place, the occasion of the speech was also the same; namely, the avoidance of Schisms, by having all things done decently, 
Verse 40.  and in order; that is, by means of subordination and subjection, of the second and third ranks of Prophets and Teachers, unto Apostolical Authority, 
Chap. 12.28.  which is the first, and so established by Christ also.  
Again, it will appear parabolically put, for that the tokens of subjection there put down, are not pertinent to set forth the subordination of women to men (literally taken) but are mysteriously proper to set forth the subjection of each Church to that husband, unto whom in Christ she is married. For being bareheaded, did not signify Power and Freedom; nor being covered, signify servitude, but the quite contrary, both in the sense of those times and ours. But if it be supposed not fit, for the Head of the Church to pray with his head covered, 
1 Cor. 11.3, 4.  for dishonouring his head; that is, Christ, from whom all his Authority is derived; even so again, by covering, understanding public Church Rights and Orders, each Church is not then to be supposed left bare, and at liberty in these things by her Head, as the Head thereof is by Christ his Head: But that she is to observe them as her covering, 
Verse 6.  or else renounce her obedience by being shorn.  
Again, apprehending the duties of obedience and subjection to be signified under signs contrary, we may observe, that the man ought not to cover his head, forasmuch as he is the glory of God; that is, 
Verse ●.  in his head he is more particularly representing his Authority and universal Headship, in respect of his Government and Power amongst us. Which his glory, being to arise from that subjection and obedience which these below do give unto him, therefore the woman is the glory of the man. And when it is said, 
Verse 8.  The man is not of the woman, it is meant the Commander and his Power is not derived from the commanded: But the woman is of the man, meaning the subject from the Subjector. And so again, when it is said, The man was not created for the woman, but the woman for the man; 
Verse 9  it is to be taken as relating to their respective duties of commanding and obeying only; and as thereby causing Gods increase of glory, by being more eminently glorified by persons in Authority. For else they themselves (nay in their relations too) are not for one another, but for the glory of God.  
But to make God the God of order here below, The woman ought to have power on her head because of the Angels: 
Verse 10.  that is, each Church and her Angels, ought here (by their obedience) to acknowledge the power of their own Head (claiming it to God's glory as his image of Authority) even because in Heaven, God hath the like done to him by his Angels or Ministers, and doth therefore require, that the like subordination be observed by those members, which in each Church serve as Angels to minister unto his Vicegerent the Head thereof.  
Afterwards, the Apostle explains how the Head and his Angels (or Ministers) are to be reciprocally supporters of each other. For in the Lord (that is, in the execution of Church matters) the King is not to act without his Bishops, nor they without him: even as the man is not without the woman, 
Verse 11.  nor the woman without the man in the Lord: And therefore, after the pacting fashion the Commanders and Obeyers (in their reciprocal relations) are not to shut out God: but the Superiors themselves should be careful to attribute that honour to God, which they do by his power receive, because all things are of God. For looking upwards to the honour and end of the work, 
Verse 12. Chap. 3.7.  neither he that planteth, nor he that watereth are any thing, but God that giveth the increase. And looking downwards again, to the object of their employment, the whole Church, All things are theirs also, whether Paul, or Apollo, or Cephas, and they are Christ's, and Christ's is God: that is, 
Chap 3.22, 23.  all things return to God, as having his glory the last end of all power, even as himself was the only efficient thereof.  
In the three next verses, the necessity of each Church's observance of appointed order in her public service to God, is farther employed and urged as consonant to ordinary reason: Judge in yourselves, is it comely for a woman to pray unto God uncovered; that is, 
1 Cor. 11.13.  for subordinate men and Ministers to frame what Forms of Worship they please. Doth not even nature itself teach you, that if a man (in Authority) have long hair (that is, be subjected in Church Orders) it is a shame to him: 
Verse 14.  but if a woman have long hair, it is a glory, for her hair was given her for a covering; where on the other side we may find, 
Verse 15▪  that all tokens of subjection are proper for Inferiors, and that especially in Church Rites and Ceremonies, being most properly allude unto those under the Figure of Veil or Covering.  
This Allegory is largely continued, and set forth in his Epistles to the Ephesians, taking occasion there also, to press it in the like behalf of submission and obedience, and in particular, about public Church Orders. In which place likewise, 
Eph●s 5.22. , Wives were to submit to their own husbands, as unto the Lord: But because those Texts, may be easily conceived by what hath been already delivered, I shall omit the application of the particular allusions of the power of each Church's Head, and of each Churches reciprocal subjection again, there set down under the figure of Man and Wife. But plain it is that the Apostle doth expressly there set it down not to be meant literally, but as a great mystery concerning Christ and his Church: 
Verse 32.  and so leaves none but the following Verse, to set out expressly the mutual duties of man and wife; viz. Nevertheless, let every one of you in particular, so love his wife, 
Verse 33.  even as himself: and the wife see that she reverence her husband; that is, although I have before appointed each Church to be in subjection to her Head or Husband, as the whole Church is to Christ, its Head and Husband; so now I do literally intend to direct you in these conjugal duties. All which the words Nevertheless, and, In particular, do manifest; by cutting it off from the other discourse, and appropriating it to this; implying, that before he alluded to another thing; even the general relation between each Church and its Head, but here, of the particular relation of each man and his wife.  
And by this means we may know how to unfold the mystical delivery of the power of each Church's Head under Christ, which else (by stubborn persons) might have seemed so great a mystery, as not to be conceived farther extensive, then of the Catholic Church her obedience to Christ himself. A thing not to be otherwise performed then by each Church's obedience to its own Head in his stead, as heretofore declared: nor at all available to stopping of Schisms and Divisions, by settling of Order in each Church, which was the drift of the admonitions, but rather to increase them, 
1 Cor. 1.12.  as heretofore noted also: Where the followers of Christ himself are reckoned amongst other Schismatics. Nor need we much wonder why the Apostle, in setting forth the duty of Obedience, should personate the wife; and allude unto that relation more than any other, since we shall find this perfect obedience to be first enjoined to wives; and that, not only to be given upon most strict terms, but as done upon reason foregoing; and upon the first promise of prevalence of Christ and his Church, as the seed of the woman: Thy desire shall be subject to thy husbands, and he shall rule over thee. So that as the general rule for Civil subjection was first given under the notion of Father and Mother, 
Gen. 3.16. Exod. 20.12.  even so also, the mystical Precept for Ecclesiastic Subordination and Obedience, was at first intimated, and since continued, under the notion of Husband: Thereby inferring, that although, according to these Oeconomical relations, men in Orders stood not naturally so subjected as others, yet should their more Religious and Sacramental tye thereunto, incite them unto such demeanour of themselves in God's Household the Church, that they may evidence themselves men of Orders, whilst serving and obeying the God of Order, by submission to this their spiritual Husband, in such degree and manner as he appointed.  
The case therefore thus standing, between the fear of robbing God of his proper glory, and the fear of destruction of men (the instruments thereof) by Civil war, as we may see good ground for divine permission of those many changes of Families in Christian Monarchies; to wit, lest too much should be arrogated by them in right of succession, or derogated from God's honour by that continued obedience given to such a race only (which by God's appearance in a remarkable change is taken off) So also we may find reason, both why the Direction and Precepts for Monarchy and Obedience should be so many (as in maintenance of so necessary a duty) and why again they should not only be sometimes darkly delivered, but why also, there should be some scattered examples, that seemed to speak the contrary, permitted to stand in the Scripture without express censure.  
Thus shall you find Amaziah slain, 
2 Kings 14.19.  and no mention of any justice done by his Son on the Murders, as himself had before commendably done, on those that murdered his Father Joash. 
Verse 5, 6. 1 Sam. 23.11. Chap. 24.5.  Thus shall you find David offering to fortify Kelaih against Saul; without any noted remorse, as he had when he cut off the skirt of his Garment. Thus shall you find Eliah, not only disobeying the King in not appearing before him, but (as in a seeming precedent for resistance) causing fire to come from Heaven upon the Messengers; until an Angel better admonisheth him, and bids him go. The which was suffered to pass uncensured likewise, 
2 Kings 1.15.  until the Heady Disciples of our Saviour, would on the behalf of a far greater than Eliah have been imitating him in this fiery example of revenge, against a cruel, and more unjust authority. And so shall you find the same revengeful spirit, that had caused Elisha to curse, 
Luke 9.54. 2 Kings 2.2.  and thereby slay the little children (in pursuance of mistaken Legal Justice of An eye for an eye, etc.) to provoke him also, not only to call his King the Son of a Murderer, but (with intention of returning evil for evil) to instigate the Elders of his City to resistance also, as thereby showing himself subject to like passions with others. 
2 Kings 6. 3●.   
And so farther, as there may be examples picked from Scripture, of some Prophets reproving their Kings, without any express mention of their warrant from God so to do (which might yet be evidently enough presumed) so are there such now to be found, as, by virtue of their Priestly power, would from thence gather warrant for their boldness to vent their open reproofs in the face of Majesty, pride or interest carrying them so headily herein, as not to consider that the very calling and spirit of these Prophets was both extraordinary and miraculous, and their power and office, as heretofore noted, was instituted to the very intent of being extraordinary Monitors towards the preservation of that Nation and Kingdom. And therefore if some find Isaiah set down as coming to reprove Hezekiah, without such express direction as Nathan and others had, they will be thence collecting, that those of the Clergy may do the like now; without marking that it is afterwards by Isaiah declared as a message to come extraordinary from God, and not by him pronounced by virtue of any Text of the Law.  
Whereupon, since we shall never find those of the Priesthood, who were the Statute-Officers for instruction and interpretation of Law, offering to reprove any Prince; and yet it is plain that these Laws have been by their Kings manifestly broken (as in the prohibition of multiplying treasure and horses, and other things) it is most apparent, that there can be no just claim to any such Authority for reproof challenged by any of the Priesthood now, having no pretence of claim to higher Authority than those formerly. And therefore from all these and like instances we may (in truth) as soon gather arguments for Rebellion, as others do for Drunkenness, Incest, or Adultery, from the facts of Noah, Lot, Judah, etc. which are all set down without reproof.  
But in the discovery of this, and other sins, as there is still plainness enough used, to enable him to hear that hath ears to hear; so darkness sufficient, to let him that is filthy be filthy still. Which was the reason of S. Paul's words, when he said, 
1 Cor. 2.7. Verse 6. Chap. 1.18.  we speak the wisdom of God in a mystery: but not so to them that are perfect, but unto them that perish.  
Nor need we wonder that these and such like precedents, should prevail with men now, amidst their many worldly temptations, when our Saviour's own Disciples (as before noted) would have had him been imitating Eliah by fire from heaven, in the pursuit of this revengeful and resisting humour. So that, when we find the particular instances of Jeoiadah, or the people's sole, or more remarkable intermeddling recorded as instrumental in setting the Crowns on Jehoash and Azariahs' Head, made (now adays) by Priests or Subjects) as good arguments to wear them when they have doneour; admiration will be well abated, by consideration of that degree of self-interest and prejudice, which prevails with men usually, to search the Scripture and its examples, to serve as proofs of those things they like already, and not to submit their wills to be guided by it: In which respect it is no wonder, if we come forth ten times more the children of wrath then before. 
Ephes. 6.13.   
For in this case, it will far with men, balking plain Precepts, and seeking to find God's pleasure to be in some other places of Scripture signified more consonant to their aims and interests, as it did with Balaam: who, being tempted with riches and preferment, and loving the wages of unrighteousness, did thereupon make a demur upon God's plain Precept, Thou shalt not go with them, 
Numb. 22.12.  and doth therefore upon another enquiry: find God saying, Rise up and go with them. 
Verse 20.  Even so I say, such as come with pre-possession to search the Scriptures, as being blinded with ambition, covetousness, or the like, and are thereupon willing to find God Almighty contradicting of himself, 
Ibidem.  shall never fail of an answer in the night, contrary to the plain Precepts they received before, the which their worldly lusts and engagements shall make them readily obey in the morning, without farther search, as Balaam did. 
Verse 21.   
Thus, in that plain Precept of Honour the Lord with thy substance, etc. Covetousness will prompt them with Texts of limitation and excuse against all this waste, 
Prov. 3.9.  etc. The true Worshippers are those that worship in spirit and truth, and the like. Whereby, under colour of rendering the Church more glorious within, the former clothing of wrought gold and needle work, shall be thought unbecoming a King's Daughter. And so again, to elude those plain texts of, Let every soul be subject, and that for conscience sake also, and the like, the text of Fear not them that can kill the body, and some oothers will readily be embraced as limitations of their duty, by such who being resolved on a course of stubbornness and insubjection, may thereupon think they do still yield obedience to their Prince, whilst they obey him in such Civil matters as they shall think fit: even as they may think they serve and honour God well enough, whilst they say they do it inwardly and in the heart, and so may carry some flattery of conscience along with them, like unto Balaam: who thought he might now go, so long as according to God's direction, yet in such cases, where a plain Precept is transgressed, even so plain that every vulgar capacity, like Balaams' Ass, 
1 Pet. 2.15, 26. Judas, ver. 11. It is observable, that in both these places Balaam is ranked amongst the hypocrites and rebellions.  may reprove the madness of the Prophet: for men to think of venturing upon their own interpretations, and think they can stop soon enough in their rebellious journey, must be always dangerous: as rendering them subject to be beguiled by the Prince of the air, instead of an Angel of Light.  
And we are by so much the more in danger of abuse and misinterpretation of Scripture, by how much the design and advantage thereby to arise is more general, as leaving none to contradict, or bring us to rights therein; as doth too evidently appear in the interpretation of all those Texts where insubjection is aimed at. For each one being himself a subject, and having a desire and interest towards increase of freedom, it is to be expected that all ways of plausible addition should be still found out for advancement of a speculation so pleasing to all. Whereas in the divided interests and opinions between Sect and Sect, the violence of one is kept in moderation by the fear of his opposite; who will be sure to use all the skill and diligence he can to detect him of error, and to extol his own contrary tenant; even so that an indifferent adjudication may be made between them.  
And therefore, if we put not on the whole armour of God, 
Ephes 3.16. Ephes. 6.15.  and have not our feet shod with the preparation of the Gospel of peace (that is, with meekness and poorness of spirit) we shall not be able to stand against the wiles of the Devil, nor his stratagems devised, to the breach of Charity; nor be able to quench the fiery darts of the wicked: 
Verse 16.  Those many arguments which he and his children of disobedience make use of for setting whole Kingdoms, on fire by Rebellion.  
But because many now under the Gospel, have been the more drawn into these, and other errors in matter of their practice, out of their mistaken liberty, in the imitations of some such precedents as they find in the Old Testament recorded without reproof, it will not be amiss to discourse somewhat of their and our different conditions; that so, making it appear how their doings might be lawful in such things, and how it comes otherwise to pass in ours, we may then take off the ground of so much abuse.  
After man had taken on him the knowledge of good and evil, he stood thereby obliged (as heretofore declared) to the performance of all such explicit pious duties as were requisite for God's service; and all such virtuous moral actions as were advantageous for the good of others. And albeit under the Law these were abreviated, and under the Gospel contracted again into one Precept, yet until that time it still remained so much their duties, that men were more or less good or evil, as they more or less kept, or violated these Rules. And from thence it again followed, that those promises made to Adam, as in the state of innocence, and those threats sentenced on him as lapsed, remained, for rewards and punishments, differently due and proper to his race.  
The first great transgressor in this kind was Cain, in the cruel slaughter of his brother: and on him and his race (as now exiled from Gods more particular care and right of the Creature) we shall find the first curse of sterility to be again particularly laid. And so himself understands it; as appears by his answer, 
Gen. 4.14.  Thou hast driven me out this day from the face of the earth, and from thy face shall I be hid, etc. But when Seth is born, and his first son reckoned, you will presently find, the distinction of the righteous seed from the other: 
Verse 26.  and that it is said, Then began men to call upon the name of the Lord: And then, we may next gather him and his, for this cause estated in the right of their Father's promises, as the other was of his Curse: For it is after said, 
Chap. 5.3.  That Adam beg at a Son in his own likeness, after his image, and called his name Seth: So that he being represented in his Sonship to Adam, under very same expressions of Image and likeness as Adam was made the Son of God, 
Gen. 1.26. Luke 3.38.  we may conclude their undoubted propriety.  
But when afterwards these Sons of God began to mingle, and learn the vices of the other, then by degrees did the whole world become corrupt: and had been universally involved, in natural death and destruction by flood, had not Noah (as a person upright in his generations) found favour with God, 
Gen. 6.9.  and to stopped specifical ruin. So that we are henceforth to look, that those promises made to mankind in Adam, should be renewed to him and his righteous seed.  
Amongst whom, we may again find this separation made, and men still to be distinguished, in regard of more eminent acts of Justice and judgement, until the promises come more remarkably to descend, and be conferred on Abraham, and on his seed: that is, to the particular Nation of the Jews. Unto whom, those common blessings of nature, were so often particularly promised, as if they were their only right: whereas we shall find little mention in Holy Writ of the rest of the world, other than as in relation to their affairs with this peculiar people. In which, we shall find them blessed, as they were to them more kind, or punished or destroyed, as to them more malignant: as the utter overthrow of Amaleck, and the completing of those many prophecies, against all Nations that had any ways distressed them, makes it plainly to appear.  
These considerations being well weighed, we may find reason for that right which the Israelites had unto the Land of Canaan. We may find a good right they had unto the Egyptians goods. And of that right also which Moses had of being a god unto Pharaoh, in demanding liberty of him for the Israelites departure: to wit, because these things were done and enjoined in the name of that God that was supreme Lord of all, as it was both to the Israelites and Pharaoh evidenced by miracles. And so we may find a good right jacob had unto the Amorites goods too, although his sons had unjustly taken them away (because done without his authority) and so of divers other instances, which would be by men (now adays) reduced into practice; not considering our different conditions, and how our Saviour (the second Adam) took not on him to restore, or establish the rights of any particular People or Nation, but died for all mankind: and that in him, the right of the creature became equally and universally restored. For that now, the wall of Separation being taken down, there is no distinction in these things, between the posterities of Cain and Seth, or Cham and japhet: but as the Christian duty of faith, is of a more spiritual allay then that former Covenant of works, so is their promises of a higher nature also. Insomuch, as we shall not find any where in the Gospel, that there is warrant given to make these things the object of our aims or hopes, as to the Jews was usually done, but rather to the contrary. Whereupon we may say, that however a Church or particular members may (as additional blessings to the righteousness of the kingdom of God) expect these blessings to follow, yet have they no such particular right, as (for gain sake only), to dispossess the greatest infidel. And much less can particular Christians, under colour of distinctions by themselves made, have right against one another: and so make God, the Author of Peace, to be the Author of Confusion and Civil war.  
And as the Scriptures and their meaning are thus difficult, and subject to misinterpretation, in regard of the temporal promises made in the Old-Testament, so are the more spiritual promises of the Gospel and New-Testament, (for want of due regard to alteration of times and difference of persons), made the occasions of much abuse and disquiet also: through men's hasty and partial interpretations of all things, as relating to their particulars, and to their own benefits only.  
To avoid which, we are to observe a difference of persons: and to know, that whereas our Saviour usually addressed his speech to his Disciples, (as those he chiefly intended to teach, because they should teach others), so many of those speeches concerned them as present Teachers and Guides chiefly, and not their successors: as that place, fear not little flock, etc. 
Luke 12.32. Verse 33.  and the directions following it, sell what ye have and give Alms, etc.  
Some again, concerned their successors and not them: as those places before mentioned, of taking the swords, and making friendship with Mammon.  
Some things again, concerned both them and their successors: as the power of the keys, whatsoever ye shall bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven: and the power of Mission and Instruction, as, he that heareth you, heareth me, etc. thereby making a necessary difference between such as should teach and govern, and such as should learn and obey. Which distinction hath been of late so little considered of in the world, or rather so preposterously practised, that those that should be, by their places, obeyed as Governors and Teachers, are now made the only objects of Discipline and Instruction. For there is not the meanest Subject or Artisan but are daring to censure and direct both Prince and Priest in performance of their duties: as if these Texts Do all things without murmuring and disputing, etc. and obey them that have the guide over you, etc. had been purposely spoken to Kings and Preachers; that thereby they might learn submission and attention to their Subjects and and Auditors.  
Some things were spoken that concerned other Christians also, but themselves in the first place, as whosoever will be my Disciple, let him take up his Cross and follow me, etc.  
And lastly, some things are generally set down, as concerning all men; as the Doctrines of Faith, Love, Humility, Patience, Obedience, etc. although men may differently be concerned in the outward exercise of them, as heretofore related.  
As concerning such Promises and Precepts, as had different regard to Christians through alteration of times, we shall find some that concerned the primitive Believers, and not those that followed in the latter age: as in those glorious signs promised to accompany Believers, to cast out devils, to speak with tongues, to heal the sick, etc. The which, 
Mark. 16.17, 18  and other miraculous assistances and ways of inspiration and illumination, heretofore promised and granted to such as should ask in Christ's name, and had but Faith to the quantity of a grain of Mustardseed, some in these latter times, 
John 16.23. Matth. 17.20.  have been vainly boasting of; whilst others, have as disconsolately expected: and for want of them, been ready to think they must want Faith also. Not rightly weighing, how necessary these miraculous signs and wonders were to be then shown, for the honouring Christ's name from above, which was as yet had in so little repute here below. Insomuch, as, for that very cause, we shall find the gift of miracles granted to him that cast out devils in his name: 
Luke 9.49.  who, for aught we find, pretended neither to follow, nor at all to believe on him. Nay, to show these extraordinary endowments were not sure signs of Faith, we shall find our Saviour condemning them that had them. 
Matth. 7.22, 23   
But when his name should be the most glorious of any, and his Church should have attained that degree of strength and learning, as to be able to provide for its own safety and illumination in an ordinary way, than came the time again, when (upon the contrary reason), these endowments to private persons ceasing, we are to construe some admonitions as chiefly proper to Christians in the last times, and to happen when his service shall be an honour: as are these Admonitions, to beware of (pretenders to new lights,) such as shall say, 
Matth. 24.23.  Lo here is Christ, and lo there is Christ, etc.  
And having hitherto so largely endeavoured to prove our Assertions out of the Texts of the holy Scriptures, and having done it with such strength of evidence, as to me seemeth of value to convince any that hath real and firm belief that they are truly proceeding from God; or that rather, there is indeed any God at all; it seems last necessary, for conviction of both these sorts of men, that is, open Atheists, and such secret ones, that confessing a God and the Authority of Scripture, (the better to serve their own turns thereby), do yet in their works deny him, to say something for conviction of Deity, and the daily exercise of divine Providence amongst us. The which, shall serve by way of addition, to our first enterprise therein at the beginning of this work: which, for haste to other things, was but cursorily there handled.   

CHAP. XIV. Of Athiesm.  
AS the Nature of all kind of virtue is to be operative, so, by the degree and extent of operation, is the proportion and extent of the virtue to be measured. For, neither to do by help, is so powerful as to act alone; nor to do one or few things, as many or all.  
Again, as extent of ability is best measured by extent of operation, in the objects it undertakes, so is the proportion of vigour by distance in execution: even as that loadstone that can attract at greatest distance is best; and that fire that can heat or burn farthest of, is so also.  
And as potency and vigour, are to be thus measured by distance between Agent and Patient; so much more, when that distance shall be so increased, as the presence of the Agent shall not sensibly appear, as to the present work▪ but a weak or unlike thing, (having of itself no effectualness thereunto) sh●●l by its power, be made the Author of his proper execution. Thus, when ● knife's point empowered by touch from the Loadstone, or an Iron or other thing heated by fire, do in such degree draw and burn, as if the Loadstone or fire were present; it must undeniably, argue more strength in that case, then where, without personal presence, the same could not be performed.  
And, (to proceed in examination and comparison of the causes of things according to distance), if there could be found, a Loadstone or fire of such efficacy, as to have empowered or heated any Iron to such perfection as it should have continued that virtue without iteration; or could again one Loadstone or fire, without so much as touch but only with one efflux of power, have at distance so strongly impowered all iron, that each piece and part thereof can now, (as of an inherent and proper virtue of its own), effectually and perpetually burn and attract, without farther immediate communication with its first cause or original power, it should then happen, that the power of that power must be acknowledged so much greater in itself: although its efficatiousness herein, must (through its distance in operation), be in a manner wholly concealed and clouded from our knowledge. Even as in our sports, that gamester that can make one Bowl or Ball strike another, and that another, in such certain places successively, as to cause the last of them to rest or move as he desires, is more to be admired for his power and artifice, than he that can do it but with his hand: and he most, that can do it at greatest distance, and with most iteration and repetition of successive strokes, in the Bowls or Balls.  
After the same manner we may conceive of Deity, making one thing the cause to another, for the effecting of that course of providence he determined. In which doing, his working in, and through all intervenient causes and occurrents, without being seen in any, and making them to do it with so great ease to himself as not to be seen therein, must discover as well his real being, as our ignorance in not conceiving it.  
For to fix and fasten those effects we daily behold as issuing only from nature, chance, or I know not what occult quality, (without through light into Deity and Providence, as the prime cause), is as if one cast at Dice or Bowls, were more from chance then another: and not necessarily depending on, and following that strength of casting, and those occurrences of bounds, rubs, etc. as well as others: but these having turns beyond our expectations or notice, we put them on chance; because we cannot see through all that variety of intervenient causes that must make them such.  
For as the several motions, and change of place in the particular Cards, in shuffling, and cutting, if leisurely demonstrated to us, would make those dealings we count most strange and depending on chance, seem most reasonable; even so also, (were we artificial enough), when the hits of a Bowl or bound of a Ball is showed us, we might by estimation and measuring the effect, know and measure the cause, and say, that Bowl or Ball that did it, must come from such and such a point, and be projected with such and such a strength. In which regard as we find such different abilities, even amongst ourselves in the comprehension and practice how these things are or may be effected, so may it easily be conceived that, by degrees of proportion, he that could not be by any defect impeded in notice or comprehension, no more then in act and execution, must have both his existence and providence made apparent hereby: for as the Bowl or Ball have no power to act of themselves without our impulsion or a foreign mover, even so the Elements of which they are composed, cannot without the influence of a Deity, be reasonably presumed to have power to move and act also.  
Although these instances of fire, of Loadstone, and of sports, may serve to bring to our conceits something of the manner of appearance of God's Omnipotency in his works of Providence and Government of the world, yet, being themselves but created bodies and virtues, they must in proportion of vigour, (even in that kind wherein they so much excel all other things), be infinitely excelled by that power that caused it: and that, even by the same reason of ability of power before mentioned, namely working at greater distance. For as the Loadstone doth excel in virtue of attraction, that of the touched knife, (as being thereof the formal cause) so must that again which was the cause hereof in the Loadstone, excel in power that also; (especially, being the cause of other things besides); and so on, till we come to the universal cause of all things and their Virtues: who, as the more distant from the immediate effect and execution, must proportionably, have the prime, and highest degree of energy and power ascribed unto him.  
And then again, although absence from present execution prove distance, and distance prove power in that cause which is the cause of any thing, yet, because unto men, the inward and formal causes of effects are seldom known, but our knowledge is merely experience, (that is to say, from the experience of so many constant effects proceeding from such or such an immediate Agent, to conclude that to be the sole cause thereof). It is therefore hard for us to look beyond that present cause: (especially if its cause had but few effects, and those hardly remarkable), and so to look on, till we come to God the cause of all.  
As for example, could the effect of the Loadstone upon iron, or the Mariner's Needle, have been to invisibly repeated, as no man could have by present sense known it to be the cause, we should (beyond all peradventure) from the constancy of effects proceeding from the same Needle, have imagined it the sole cause thereof.  
So then, we, that can neither from true inspection into the formal Nature and activity of heat, and of the influence of the superior bodies, nor susceptibility of the lower Elements, as severally mingled, tell from thence that such and such species must be produced; or that again cannot tell, that these principles we find in Nature, were necessarily to be such and so many, for maintenance of the effects of unity and propriety of place, (as those were again for maintenance of Creation), we (I say), cannot be wondered at, for not being able to forejudge more, or other species in Nature, than those we know by sense; and that also, in productions nearest us. And since in our most ordinary and familiar sports (as aforesaid), we cannot judge of events, although their true causes be within the compass of present sense, we are still less to be wondered at, when ignorance and doubtings shall often arise of a cause so far of: which is never, but by way of miracle, made the Author of any immediate effect. Whereas, in truth and plain reason, this Ascension and Progression of causes, must (as elsewhere declared), end in an omnipotent Author: whose power is more rationally to be concluded the prime and sole cause of all things, as standing in that supreme order he now doth, then if he should be acting beneath; and of but one thing at once.  
And as he is more admirable in his own Throne of power, ordering all things by his sole word and command, then if he should descend to be personally doing of every thing, so, (could we rightly consider it), any one thing, is (in itself) as miraculously and powerfully wrought, in that kind of efficiency which we call ordinary, as when done in an extraordinary way. So for example, if wood should have been by God endued with power to draw Iron, or one Iron to draw another, as now the Load stone doth, would not the ordinary effect that way, have made the Loadstones attraction as great a miracle, as it seemeth for wood to do it now? And if none can give reason, why other things should not have as great attractive force as these, why should it not be a greater proof of Deity, to be constantly powerful in all and every operation, then to be so but now and then: which is all the proof that miracles have?  
And therefore, as men of riper judgement and experience, would much laugh at the folly and weakness of such, as (beholding the Mariner's compass) do ascribe the effect of the Needle to some hidden quality, or secret property residing in itself: and as again, the ascribing and occult quality unto those operations of the Loadstone, (without farther knowledge or derivation of its cause), is but a (shift of ignorance, as the setting down of all other hidden causes are; (each thing having a cause beyond itself, so is there none but fools that say in their hearts, or really think, there is no God: because they cannot discern his efficacy through, and beyond intermediate causes. And they are (at most), but middle witted men: for that, albeit they can (from a little farther experience), tell of Causes above the lowest degree of men, yet are they not wise enough to search farther.  
So that Athiesm is always bordering on folly and narrowness of comprehension: being nothing else, but a stubborn reliance on present sense: as from the certainty of effects in things we ordinarily behold, concluding those Causes within reach of our observation to be the most supreme. And farther, thinking that if a voluntary Agent were in those things universal Cause and Author, he would (as fancying his inclination by our own) be more personally appearing for his greater credit-sake amongst us: and make his present operation serve to direct our acknowledgements unto him. Not duly considering, that it would be so far from increasing the worth, as it would redound to the actors disesteem: as arguing decay of the Virtue of Agency, if the supreme and higher Cause, should (for want of strength otherwise), be forced immediately to work on a lower effect: for that, (hereby again) the supreme Cause ceasing, (by becoming an intermediate one), it must follow, that as Causes were fewer, Effects and Creatures must be fewer also. And when all is done, that supreme Cause that is now intermediate in operation, would by its constancy in so doing, be as far from discovering a Deity, as the other was before: unless they could imagine, that for their only satisfaction sake, causes of things should not have been constant and uniform, but on purpose various, to have drawn on their notice.  
Again, if God Almighty should have been disabled to the degree of an humane Artificer, and have been ineffectual farther than where his own hand hath been express, (as is the workman's in making the Watch), than it must next follow, that either Creatures must have been so few and perishable, as Watches made by one hand, or else they must have supposed, this Agents power advanced to such degree, that, as a Monarch can manage a Kingdom by his Laws, (so as the same needed not to be afterwards guided by him, but by instruments obedient to him), or as the Artificer can frame and contrive a Watch, to go for as long time as he pleaseth, (so as the same can now go without his appearance) in like manner, there should be also such procession of the first cause of operation and motion in these things, as they shall be infinitely continued. If this course could have gone on, this first Cause would have been a God: because his operation and existence must have been eternal. But on it could not go to any degree of eternity; inasmuch as all progressive operations and motions must be finite and determinate: in regard that that end and rest, which caused motion through desire of approach, must cease it, having now attained it.  
And therefore, to make things continue, there must be a circulation of Causes and Effects allowed: whereby, each individual thing having attained that proper end, (for which its last Cause or next Agents produced it in Nature), must return into its first matter, through corruption and alteration of its last specific forms; and be ready to obey the more general Causes in Nature, and the Laws of that matter which is most homogenius unto it; in correspondence to the next more proper and powerful Agent. Even as in the affairs and achievements in kingdoms, (although the hands of the lowest sort of individual Officers is most immediate in the work, yet these, having their power from the next general Officer, and so he again from next above him, till these Officers (growing higher and fewer), do at last terminate in the King, as Fountain of all their power; so,) any of those next perishable individual Officers deceasing, that formal power that made them such, returns to the hands of those next Officers above him: who constitutes others, and those more or fewer in these places, as they find the exigence of that Kingdoms affairs call for in relation thereunto: no otherwise then as (with us), a Constable dying, the Justices (as the more general Officers), do by virtue of their Commissions and derived power, constitute new in the place. In which course, as the affairs of the Kingdom, is ordinarily managed without the Prince his appearance, or again, the spring can move the several wheels of the Watch, without particular touch of any but that next him; why may there not, nay why must there not be a Deity; to be the first mover in things of this universe? Who, (according to his good pleasure), ordering that the appointed continuance of this world, should be maintained by perishable individuals, hath in his providence (to that end) ordered that the corruption of one thing, should be still progressive to the generation of another. Why may he not again (in the doing thereof), be yet as far, or more removed from our notice in ordinary operations, as the cause of Government, or the motion of Watches (or the like), is hid and unknown to the weaker sort of people, and to other Creatures below us; and are of them thought to proceed from no farther cause, than what present sense can discover?  
For should the King be as much hidden from our bodily sense, as God is, and should we again know no more of the Commissions and powers granted to Justices in each Kingdom, than we do of the Laws of matter and internal forms in Nature, it would be as hard to apprehend any prime Agent above those Justices in the Kingdom, as to conceive the power and existence of Deity in the world. A supposition that may be well made good, if consideration be had of those strange conceits of the form and figure of Kings, which are entertained by some ignorant people, that as yet never saw any, nor heard them described. And the reason is the same, for our ignorance in appearance of God's operation in Creation, Providence, and natural Causes, as is for the ignorance of these before mentioned, in the knowledge of the Causes of political or artificial productions with us: unless we shall impiously, as well as arrogantly conclude, that we should have knowledge in this life in such perfection, as to see him intuitively: as Angels do now, or as ourselves shall do hereafter.  
Of the reason of the present course of Gods proceeding in many particulars both of Creation and Providence, we did speak in the beginning, and other parts of this work: in which we declared the divers sympathies and natural propensities wherewith Vegetatives and Inanimates are endued: all of them tending to specifical, and mutual preservation and Providence. We also showed, how Sensitives were provoked by the affection of pleasure, (naturally implanted in them, and accompanying things beneficial), to be continually active in pursuance of what was to themselves: and others behooveful. We also manifested, how rational Creatures (by the affection of love and desire of beneficence, and by the thirst of honour accompanying them as their reward), were provoked also unto the like continual endeavours towards mutual good and preservation. All of them infallibly concluding that there must be an Author or prime Agent, of such universal concern, and such continual care in constituting and ordering these things, as to be their original Cause, and perpetual guide and support according to the method of his own good pleasure.  
For should there not be these natural propensions to love and pity, nay to acts of justice, and of submission therein to others, as to honour Parents and the like, it would come to pass that through that too great thirst of self-seeking heretofore spoken of, and through anger and envy of being crossed therein, no one man would now be left alive: inasmuch as there is no man but is by one or other so much hated as to cause his death to be heartily desired, were not manifold hindrances by divine Providence and appointment put in, to keep off execution.  
And in this regard, was may also collect another strong proof for Deity and Providence, from that awful and reverential respect which is by each one born towards Authority. For experience every day tells us, that those very persons that are come to that height of daring, as to challenge and enter the field for a lie, an abuse to their Mistress, or the like, (where, besides the equal hazard of their lives in present, they must have a certain expectation to suffer according to Law, in case they do outlive the other) are yet so kept in order by that divine and providential terror by God impressed on his Image of Authority here on earth, as not to have courage to withstand the Attachment of a public Officer.  
Whereupon, our Discourse formerly, and ordinary reason itself always testifying, that these his works, and the way of Government of them, are such as cannot be bettered; why should we think, Change and Alteration any ways convenient? For if it be an act proper to goodness, wisdom, power, etc. to make things well and good, and afterwards to dispose them so, will not constancy herein, be as commendable to the same goodness, wisdom, and power, in their continuance in that order, as it was for creating and thus stating them? And so, if God had not made and ordered all things so as cannot be bettered, he could not have been God: and if he should not keep them in the same order, whilst they remain the same things, he should not be God neither: wisdom in designation, requiring constancy in prosecution; and irresistible power being the necessary attendant of both.  
And having thus far spoken in defence of the constancy of the course of Nature and Providence, against such as would not believe a God, because since the Fathers fell asleep, all things are alike till now, so also, for conviction of such, as from inconstancy and irregularity of the actions in voluntary Agents, 
2 Pet. 3.4.  and God's permission of sin and oppression, would conclude against Deity too, according to that divine Aphorism, because sentence against an evil work is not executed speedily, therefore the heart of the sons of men, is fully set in them to do evil, we shall now farther speak. In this saying of the wise man, we may apprehend the two usual grounds that make men lean to Atheism. The first is, in thinking all the acts and works of men evil which they cannot apprehend as good: not being many times able, to look through the mistaken or present particular suffering of some few, unto that real and more lasting good, thereby procured to many. The other, in thinking that the acts permitted unto, and proceeding from humane Judgement and Will, (as it is seated in divers persons for the guidance of their own affairs), should be alike constant to those of God, in the Government of the world and course of his Providence; who hath an uniform end to cause steadiness of his actions therein. Unto which an answer may be also made, out of the same consideration before spoken of: namely, the sufficiency of the one above the other. And if they will allow any Creature to be so perfect, as to have Will and Understanding separate, they must in order to their specifical freedom of Will, allow them variety of actions also: especially, since their private ends must differ, as before noted.  
And therefore, as we must conclude God's works must be uniform and constant, in reference to his Unity of Will and end to design, and all-sufficiency of power to achieve; so, we must allow to things submitted to the power of inferior voluntary Agents, (if at all you will grant them voluntary), freedom unto variety of productions and execution: and that in bad, as well as in good. Unless we shall at once, and against sense conclude, all men are alike good, wise, or powerful: and that, from such plurality and disparity of Judgement, Interest, and Will, we should think that constant procession could be expected.  
From which liberty and freedom of action, in good or bad, guided according to the true light or corruption of humane judgement and Will, it must also follow that the evidences and directions given for men's guidance, should not be in such continuing and pressing manner repeated to each single person as that by peremptory conviction to good, his liberty to ill should, (as heretofore noted) by consequence be debarred. But that God should be as mysterious and reserved in the dispensation of his Providence in Nature, as in his Precepts in Scripture. It is enough, that there is Moses and the Prophets, such sufficient revelation already given to all men in general, as to save any one in particular: when as a miraculous extraordinary defeat, or conviction of every evil action, like one risen from the dead, destroys not only man's liberty, but will look like partiality: yielding hereby, greater light to direct evil persons, than was before given to good ones. And, to instance in that which yet comes nearer our present business, (for the conviction of the demi-Athiest of the world, (such as oppose God, in that God he hath placed over us) if there should in all such Enterprises new Advertizements from Heaven be given, to prevent, or always infelicity follow, to deter, than could no such things as Loyalty and Rebellion have been existent. Whereas now, God permitting the stubborn and obdurate hearted sometimes to prosper in that evil, as he thereby leaves us to our freedoms, so yet, by means of those many Precepts against it, and examples of punishment, he leaves us unexcusable for all our attempts therein: notwithstanding success may for a time attend this, as well as it doth other sins.  
Which success, we may well conjecture also tolerated for a just punishment, as well to subject's Rebellion, which on their parts caused it, by having the woe of many Princes, as also for a common punishment to other Princes and Monarches themselves: who, out of their greater hatred and malice to one another, and covetous desire of gain, have suffered these common disturbers and enemies to them all, thus to settle and prosper, divine permission ordering those things in such sort, that we may well believe, that, as an adequate punishment for these faults on both sides, these lesser Antichrists shall, like the great one before noted, continue in the World till Christ's second coming in brightness also.  
Again, as the essential freedom of Will must produce variety of actions, so must the privacy thereof and of its inclination and aim in achieving them, cause or endanger such men's mistake, that undertake to judge and censure them, either to good or bad. And the like must also happen through ignorance of Circumstances accompanying the acts themselves; and also through ignorance of former merit or demerit in the parties now prosperous or unsuccessful: all which may alter the state of the present event, from what we now see and apprehend to be called just, or otherwise.  
Besides, since the best of humane actions cannot be in full degree perfect, if, evil ones had not been permitted, all would have been not only naught comparatively, as being much beneath the perfection of God or Angels, but naught also in the highest degree; as having none worse. Whereupon, Gods justice against sin might have lighten upon whole mankind, as equally evil and guilty, and the work of mercy in saving some, could not, for want of disparity, take effect, without partiality: whereas now, by his fixed rule of Providence, he hath so bounded the power of the most wicked as they cannot make destruction in this life to any great height. And this, because the pleasures and appetites of Food and Generation, the natural affection of Storge, pity, and sense of honour, will be so perpetually prevalent to the advance and preservation of specifical and personal being, that the most malicious and tyrannical Atheists cannot make any contrivance, or have any certainty to be generally prevalent to destroy others, but they shall (withal) thereby injure themselves here, besides most assured destruction (by this means) brought to themselves hereafter. At which time, the good shall also have their reward: it being unreasonable, that that sentence and reward which must have respect to the actions of men's whole life, should be expected until after it is finished.  
And therefore, as to the other part of the wise man's Reason given for entertainment of Athiesm and wickedness amongst men, namely God's forbearance to execute sentence speedily against and evil work, as the forepast reasons may in part satisfy why he should so do, so is there a farther ground thereof. Which is, our inconsiderate measuring God's time and motives in execution of Justice to be the same with ours; and according to our own present sense thereof. For because, when any thing is done against our Commands or Authority, we should ourselves be presently and personally showing our mislike, and proceed to correction or reproof, even so we may imagine God should do also: not duly weighing those differences between him and us that might justly make alteration herein.  
As first, we ourselves, being personally and more immediately affected with the injuries which are wrought unto us, must, out of natural desire and delight in acts of revenge, needs be more personally and presently pressing to self-repairation: and that, without thought of the prejudices of others to arise thereby. Whereas God Almighty, being not patible himself, nor otherwise to be prejudiced then by those harms done to others of his Creatures, and that disturbance which our sins do cause in the course of his Providence, cannot be imagined to be so hastened in the course of his punishments, as thereby to cause a greater and more general harm to ensue: but, as he doth punish but in order to universal care and Providence, so, to contrive and watch such means and opportunity for doing it, as may best advance the general good of all. Again, unto us that have but an uncertain and momentary time of abidance in this world, it must therefore seem necessary that we should be always as speedy as we can in execution of all acts of Justice, for fear it will not be after in our power here, and knowing it will not be at all in our power hereafter: whereas these hazards, being not compatible with God's eternity, both in existence and power, as well in this life as that to come, he cannot thereupon be straightened in time like us. Whereupon, since a thousand years are with him but as one day, therefore are we to answer these scoffers with S. Peter, that that which some men count slackness, is not to be attributed to God: but we are rather gratefully to admire his long-suffering to us-ward, not willing that any should perish, but that all should come to repentance.  
And could men but silence or suspend that partial respect and estimation which each one is ready to cast towards the justice of their own Cause, and also that natural impatience and thirst of present revenge and reparation which he expects should appear in maintenance of his right, and in vindication of his sufferings, he might then find great reason why God should not expressly appear in his redress; although his case should be as deplorable, and his usage as injust as himself doth now judge it to be. For since these injust and oppressive acts are usual amongst men; nay since in all kind of judicature and dealing, one party or another will think himself defrauded or oppressed, if therefore divine Justice should interpose in all cases where wrong were done, it must also proceed to reparation of the party wronged upon him that did it, to the utter disheartening and defeat of humane Judicature: where, many times, for want of sufficiency of judgement or information, wrong sentence is given against their Wills. Or should God appear but in some more remarkable occasions of redress, how would their discontent be hereupon increased, who were not in their distresses so righted and relieved also? Each one being to be presumed to carry as partial a valuation of his own merits, and to be as impatient in the sense of his own sufferings, as he must be presumed to be separately persceptible of them by his proper Understanding and sense, and not that of another. It must therefore come to pass that either God Almighty, by his remarkable appearance in some men's Causes, must consequently leave others but so much the more discontented: or else, altering that more majestic way of Providence and Government he now exerciseth, descend to judge in every case whatever. Which done, what nearer hope of general content? since even therein the Verdict and Sentence can but pass on one side still, and must thereupon leave the other as it were directly discontented with God himself: and it will besides submit the justice of his proceedings to the censure of every one also. Whereas now, the party that by prosperity enjoys the things of this world, is not at all taken off from the acknowledgement of God's supreme guidance and favour; and the other, laying his misfortunes on humane partiality and corruption, is the more stirred up to seek and rely upon supernatural redress and sustentation: the sense of affliction and oppression here, being by divine Providence made the most ordinary and effectual means, of any, for the bringing men to be Religious, and to acknowledge both himself and his goodness, as heretofore declared.  
And then again, why may we not, from example in ourselves, find reason (on the other side) to conclude both for God's existence and Providence; and that, even from this his concealment from present sense in this case likewise. For is it not usual with Parents, Masters, and persons in Authority, out of design to reap to themselves the highest assurances they can of the loves and faithfulness of their Children and Servants, wholly to leave unto their full dispose the execution of some Commands and Directions; and then so to withdraw and conceal themselves, as that the parties put in trust herein shall suppose them without the compass of any knowledge of theirs, whether they have in these things done their duties or no? And again, is it not with them usual, as to fix this trial upon such objects and employments wherein they had first used such Providence and circumspection that, in case of failance of duty, the evil thereby to happen should neither be general nor great, so also, it is usual not to take notice of the performance or neglect of duty in the present act: but to suspend the reward and punishment thereupon due, to be expressed in a fuller measure afterwards. Even so may we conceive of God Almighty, as, on the one side, trying our love and respect to him through these great obscurities and difficulties, so also, respiting our punishments or rewards till the world to come.  
Beyond all which, as that divers necessary regard which humane preservation doth require should be thereunto continually had with due respect to men as they are either naturally or politicly to be considered, will, in the conduct of these things, lay such an exigence of having both a continual and steady, and yet of a secret and impartial care, so, when it shall be well weighed, it will be found a work proper and superable by Almightiness only, between things and actions, in themselves so jarring and interfering, to carry so even and respective a hand to both, that man shall neither be pined through want of care in one, nor suffocated through indulgence in the other.  
Should that natural thirst to pursue and obtain things pleasurable, be unto men permitted, as unto other Sensitive Agents, without any stint of positive Rule or Law, how soon (as heretofore showed) should we find this heady pursuit of each one's delight to prove each one's torment and ruin? Or if, again, in all the actions and emergencies of man's life, he should be only considered as a sociable Agent, and by strict rules of polity, be wholly limited in his desires and attempts by the good of others, and not permitted to follow in any thing his own pleasure, must it not then follow, that as each single man did, by this way of restraint, come to be defeated of his separate content, so (consequently) must all men want it: since all must needs want that which no one man could have. And thereupon, that natural way of serving and honouring that great God of all beneficence, must, for want of relish and more fresh resentment of the particulars of his bounty, come to be smothered or lost. As the necessity therefore of having regard to both, is the reason (on the one hand) of all those natural instincts and abilities, and of those large affordments of the Creature for man's use and delight, so (on the other hand) is it the cause of all those positive Edicts and Precepts, whereby, in reference to Society, we come to be directed and bounded in their use.  
When therefore we find God Almighty, in the general way of sustentation of his Creation, both working at distance, and also by second Causes, and yet doing it so strongly and assuredly as to manifest both care and Almightiness in him, (through weakness of the intermediate Agent and constancy of operation) so, in rules of Government and Society, and in those ways and directions to be set for men's restraint, it was (on the other side) likewise expedient, that he should be no more apparently and convincingly express, then in the other: but ordinarily, to submit and entrust to his Authorised Deputies, the execution of those affairs which he held necessary for prosecuion of that course & degree of providence which was by him appointed. In the achievement whereof, as the Prince or Magistrate, without his supreme influence and sustentation, could be no more effectual to preserve mankind politicly, then second Causes could, of themselves, preserve them naturally, so would it seem partial and destructive for God to appear more express in one than another: as well as it would be a derogation to his Almightiness, to be ordinarily express and personally working in either sort.  
Even as we see, in Kings and Governors, the greatest difficulty to rest in their even carriage between acts of severity or indulgence: in such ordering of positive Laws for preservation of man's life, that, through their abundance or rigour, his happy life be not defeated. And, no otherwise then as it rests as the highest proof of each single man's judgement and ability, to carry himself in such a just and seasonable moderation between Epicurism and Stoicism, between natural enjoyment and virtuous restraint, that neither the vigour of youth may be suffered to defeat its own or after pleasures by intemperate abuse, nor the too great care for enjoyment hereafter, not only needlessly deprive him of present possession, but render him unfit for delight for the future, like him that hath lost his stomach through too long fasting: or like him that hath borrowed beyond ability to repay.  
All which reasons seem to me of so much weight, that I cannot but in humility join with that unerring wisdom and truth, in esteeming him a fool that saith in his heart there is no God: 
Psal. 14.1. Verse 2.  And all because they are become corrupt and abominable in their own doings, being ignorant wherein true pleasure doth consist: and because also they would with greater freedom act in their own way of licentiousness, and continue in their rapine and uncharitableness: eating the people of God as they would eat bread; and then flatter themselves with a belief that God seeth it not. 
Verse 4. Psal. 94.11.   
For Religion must be acknowledged the only thing that can steadily keep loyalty and and all other virtues in perfection. For the terrors of shame and the Law may, through secrecy, power, and corruption of manners be many times wholly defeated of their force of restraint: but, to him that belieus the eye of an allseeing God is perpetually over him, as no severity can be found sufficient to scare him from goodness, so no encouragement can arise valuable to entice him to evil.  
No, no, no certainly, let men boast of their godliness, or of eyeing or seeking God while they will, if they were but so far removed from Atheism as really to believe his power and continual presence over them, those daily acts of disloyalty and uncharitableness would not then be so frequently sounding in our ears. Can we think, that if any one did verily believe, that to resist the higher powers were to receive to himself certain damnation, that he would then adventure his salvation upon such nice grounds and distinctions, as, for any temporal hope or gain, to make doubt of obeying his King as supreme, did not his belief of God's veracity, and this fear of offending him grow slack, and Ambition, Pride, or Covetousness, (on the other hand) more forcibly draw him on to perpetrate such actions, as he had stronger belief should yield him a present gain, than was that terror of forbearing them, out of a more remote and less feared punishment to ensue.  
In the mean time, however want of Conscience may make such as these forget God, yet generally, such as have more real thoughts and aims of public good and humane conservation, are, for want of sufficient judgement and insight wherein general and more public good doth consist, led to the mistake of divine Providence: even when the private sense of the sufferings of themselves or friends, amidst those changes and calamities which are incident to the sons of men, do press them to be impatient for want of present redress. Yet, could we separate ourselves from our Passions and interests, why might we not plainly see, that Rebellion, Civil war, and the like ways of humane destruction, were, like Plagues and Famines, many times by God sent and permitted for the general good of men also. For these, naturally and ordinarily happening but unto such places and people that are so crowded with company that the blessings and benefits of Nature cannot, through the envye and strife of neighbours one towards another, be by any one truly and quietly enjoyed, why may we not in this case suppose God, even by way of Providence, to make use of our sins and the punishment of them; and hereby to cut off and take away such as are most haughty and intermeddling that the more meek and patient may, through their more free and quiet enjoyment, have greater cause to praise him then before?  
Nay, why might we not herein perceive him to be most truly and impartially vindictive also? For since himself, in his good pleasure and secret wisdom, and for reasons heretofore given, had determined not to be personally and expressly intermeddling in the present judging and vindication of humane affairs, what clearer way could there be to argue, both Almightiness, Justice, and Providence, then to make the sins themselves to be the constant punishments to the offenders? Thus, personally, may we find that lust, intemperance, and the other exorbitances which each person entertains contrary to the rules of Virtue or modesty, are to himself prejudicial also. And so, in polity again, disobedience, insurrection, and all disloyal acts, which are introductive of public disturbance and Civil war, are, by means of the same Civil war, a certain punishment to the Authors. Wherein, although those that have perhaps had the least share of introducing them, may, for trial of their Loyalty or Patience, be the greatest sufferers, yet, as none can say but he hath suffered far under his deserts, and may well think themselves happy that in this life their portion of punishments and afflictions have been shared, so are the other, in the life to come, to expect that fuller measure of punishment, which their more full contribution in these violations of Charity may claim from the divine and impartial Justice of that great presever of men. In the mean time, because none, as bearing God's Image, and because of that inward plantation of love, can be without some charitable deeds and intentions, therefore, as that their portion of prosperity which they shall be in this life possessed of, may be understood as a full reward for what hath been by them well done here, so is that measure of happiness they therein have above others, but like the advantage that fatted Oxen have above lean: even while they, in their jollity, are filling up that measure of wickedness, which may provoke divine vengeance, both to deprive them of life here, and also bring them to eternal punishment hereafte.  
Thus far have I laboured, in setting forth that perfect harmony which is between the voice of Scripture and Reason; and declaring (as far as was to our present purpose necessary) how they do jointly conspire and point to the same ends, God's glory and man's good: between which too great a divorce hath been hitherto apprehended and made use of, by some, who, discovering how in some particulars they seem to cross and turn several ways, have thereupon in a hasty zeal, followed one alone, with such neglect and dereliction of the other, that they have not endeavoured to find where they do again meet and unite.  
Thus, because it hath been often observed that men in the prosecution of their own benefits or pleasures, do interrupt or grow careless of God's service and glory, a conclusion is thereupon presently drawn, that man's profit or pleasure is to be laid aside, as we do in any case aim at the honour and glory of God: whereas, if they had but ability or Patience enough to consider it, they might find how both of them do still meet in that very point of humane content and preservation, as heretofore declared.  
And so again, such as have reflected upon the many self-respects and designs by some Princes practised after they attained unto their great pitch of power; and that, without due regard to God's glory whose servants they are; or to the good or welfare of their subjects, one main end of their greatness, they think that they have then arrived at no small height or reputation, when they have so far abased that worth and respect which is due to him, in comparison of what it due to God; of men shall, in a manner, be brought to judge them as enemies and contrary to one another; and to conceive there is no duty or respect due to them at all. Not duly weighing how these things do-again meet and conspire in the same end: and how it is not the honour or good of Princes (personally and separately considered of men) which is hereby aimed at. But that it is to be given him in reference to that representation of power he hath from God himself, and in respect of that preservation and good of mankind by this means brought to pass: which is God's end as well as ours.  
And having so far proceeded in giving proofs and reasons to confirm those Propositions we have delivered, our next work shall be to show those grounds whereby many shall come to receive prejudice against them, and think them otherwise: which we shall do in that which follows.    

THE FOURTH BOOK OF GOVERNMENT and OBEDIENCE, AS They stand grounded on, and relating to each ones natural inclination and affection.  

The Introduction.  
AS that general good to arise by public Peace and Agreement was the end of this whole undertaking, so were those many and sad examples of Civil disturbance every day set on foot upon the score of Religion, the cause also why, in the passed Book, I made such particular discourses on that subject; that upon a short view of Religion, as in itself, and a more strict enquiry into such Texts as did look most directly that way, it might be found whether these Wars and Fightings could be rightly attributed to that faith which we profess; or were not rather to be imputed to our lusts which war in our members. By the which, suffering ourselves to be too impetuously swayed, it doth thereupon come to pass, that when Authority doth oppose us in any thing of our desired enjoyments, we do presently cast about how our cause may be made Gods, that so, under colour of more near relation and subjection unto him, we may shake off all that our bounden duty which by the Laws we owe to our Prince, his Vicegerent.  
That Pride and Interest, and not desire of any Self-Reformation, is the usual cause of men's extraordinary search of the Scriptures, may appear from the manner of choice therein made; even for that no places are so much quoted and insisted upon, as those that are Prophetic and most Mysterious; such as are those texts of the Revelation: a Book the most controverted of any other, as being the greatest stranger to the Apostles times (which some would seem wholly to relic upon) and having in it least instructions of any how to steer ourselves in the course of our lives. But because the understanding hereof is generally acknowledged most difficult, and because again, by reason of this mysteriousness, no good agreement can be yet found where justly and precisely to fix those descriptions of the Beast, The Whore of Babylon, Antichrist, and the like, therefore, as well for renown and glory sake in the discovery, as for anger and revenge against those they most hate, shall we find some so resolute and peremptory in their expositions, as if they would have us believe that these Prophecies were but respective to their interests, not only to bring them honour by interpretation, but thereby prove themselves the Saints and People of God there spoken of.  
In these following Discourses, I shall therefore let men see how our natural and proper constitutions, educations, customs, etc. nay our own interests also, do inter-weave themselves in all we do; and that as w●ll our Opinions and Tenets in Religion, as those in Polity and Government do take tincture from these. So that, as in my second Book, I took that Political body again into pieces, which I had reared up in the first, to handle and examine its grounds according to such notions and parcels of policy, as were vulgarly entertained and insisted upon; so now, in further proof of this third Book, I shall take man himself into pieces, and search him in his very first principles, and the natural rise and cause of both his appetites and affections and of his dislike & aversions; to the end that each one discerning how these things come to be framed in us, and how, all along, they receive such influence from our breeding and manner of life, a● easily to preoccupate and misled us, he may be the sooner induced to an ingenuous review of his own opinions, and before he grow too magistral in any thing, be careful he is not overtaken by any of these prejudices.  
But then, as in this Tract, I bring in these more Philosophical Speculations, but by way of illustration, and farther proof of what was formerly handled in the discourses of Religion and Polity, so is it not to be expected, that I should here deliver any thing of this kind as in an entire Treatise; or make any such long stay, as generally to accommodate them with a proper method or demonstration, or with definition of terms, since they are now only to be Probationers and Remonstrants themselves; and, in that kind, to be attendant on that which all this while hath been our main Argument.   

BOOK IV. Of the Causes of LIKE and DISLIKE OF CONTENT & DISCONTENT; AND Whether it be possible to frame a Government in itself pleasing and durable, without Force and Constraint.  
IN many of the Discourses hitherto, Government hath been treated of, as having its rise, and also its efficacy and support, from constraint and force; that is, from the exercise of the power of the Governor upon the Governed; which being the occasion of that continual reluctance and resistance in the Subjects, and consequently the author of all Civil broils; it will not be amiss to inquire what remedy may be herein found, or whether any may be found or no? It may therefore be doubted, since (as before showed) the love of ourselves was only purely natural, how those foreign affections come to hav● their rise and being.  
Whereupon, we must again consider, that as God's praise and glory was the end of all things, and accordingly (as heretofore showed) the reason why things naturally done should be pleasurable also, to wit, that the Creature thereby exulting as in a benefit received, God might be honoured, as having performed the work he intended, even the expression of his power goodness; so now, men being to live in Society (that the honour and praise of all, as his only due, might therein be increased also, it was expedient that our content should by natural instincts and rules be affixed most to what was most usual amongst us, and our discontent upon such things only as were but few, and of rare event.  
All things do hereupon come to be loved by custom and acquaintance: For so, I love an English face better than another, and think that worst that most differs. Out of which custom also, doth the Blackmore prefer his colour, flat nose, great lips, etc. to that which is contrary in us. From this reason also, we come to set particular affection upon some faces; and (although we have forgotten it) to place most affection, and to be soon taken with the like face unto that of Nurse, Mother, or such we conversed with in our youth. Which inclination and strength of appetite, being by custom made familiar (although by such various and insensible degrees as we did neither heretofore consider, nor do now remember) comes for want of farther knowledge of its original, to be styled sympathy; and that which is hateful upon contrary reason of disaquaintance, or from some extraordinary composure of our fancy to dislike at the time of its first impression, to be called Antipathy.  
For we must not say, that God made any thing ill favoured or misshapen; but our oftener sight of the same, than other Creatures, makes us even love their shape better, then of such things as be hiders, and do seldom appear. Not, but that the shapes of Rats, Hedgehogs, Snakes, Frogs, Owls, Bats, etc. are as good as those of Horses or Dogs; or that the braying of an Ass, is a worse noise than the crowing of a Cock; but the new and unusual presentation of these things to our senses, puts our already settled and composed fancies, to a sudden startle and new labour.  
Therefore, when we will paint a Devil, or set forth any thing as ugly, the usual way to do it is by most unusual shapes. But, because nothing can come from the pencil, but what was before in the fancy; nor from fancy, but what came in by sense, we are constrained to make up this deformity by misapplication of members in the entire constitution of a body, together with some unusual figure or colour; all which apart, and in their proper creatures or posture, had been nothing terrible or strange. So that, to put wings to a Beast, or four feet to a Bird, a man's head to a Beasts body, or a Beasts head to a man's, cannot but disaffect. And if any shape hath in itself priority, then man's would have it; and thereupon, the Ape, a creature most like him, would be handsomest, which now, with us, not used to such a shape, is esteemed ugly, upon the same reason that Devils are painted white by Blackmores.  
And as several Species and Shapes come to affect by their own oftener appearances one above another, so do they by common resemblance one to another; whereby things most like come by this means to be oftener in presence than things of more proper shapes. Thus Hogs, though we may be more used to the sight of them then Dear, are yet from their different shapes and qualities to that of other four footed creatures in general, esteemed less lovely; upon which ground, Bears appear more ugly than Lions or Leopards.  
So again, though those women, etc. that are accounted most beautiful, are more rare and few then the ill-favoured; it is to be conceived that they are so only as to the general and whole number of them; but, divide the ill favoured ones into sorts (according to their likeness to one another) and you shall find fewer of any sort of the ill favoured, and greater difference between those sorts (compared one to another) then between handsome faces compared one to another. And with us that use not to go naked, a man is not so comely naked, as adorned with clothes; which also by custom of wearing, is distinguished into fashions; and so made pleasant. And those people that cloth not themselves, have their accustomed decorums of painting, or the like, for setting forth of their shapes and bodies; showing that custom, and not natural shapes of themselves please us.  
And so farther, although there be more ill than good hands written, yet the best hands are those that come nearest that copy which is in each Country esteemed most perfect of the kind; which must thereupon be more like one another then bad ones; because they maintain method, through evenness of line, and equality of distance and proportion in the letters; which bad ones do not; and so come, more or less to disaffect. As we see that those coloured horses which we call piebald, are because of strangeness, called and counted ugly: For first, few horses are of these so different colours in their bodies, in such sort placed and mingled, but are usually of one and the same colour, and with like marks. And then again, these Pie balds have as great difference amongst themselves, as they have to the rest. Whereas Spaniels, that are not usually of an entire or like colour and mark, do please in this variety.  
A Tune takes above other confused noises, for that because of the method therein used, we are able to remember and conceive it: But an Outlandish Tune is unpleasant at first to us, and ours to them, as they differ from the usual airs of each other. Nor are they, nor any new Tune made pleasant, until by our fancy they are apprehended and made familiar, in such degree, as we are able to conceive the cadences thereof before they are founded. And those fashions and tunes which we ordinarily call new, are but small variations from those generals formerly entertained; and yet please us not at first sight or hearing, so well as afterwards.  
So that Custom frames appetites; and appetite provokes the will to particular applications of good and bad, of like and dislike. Besides our wills, there is nothing that can be properly called ours; for the desire of property and enjoyment of others things is but in order to that; nay, my very body and the parts thereof, are valued as they are useful to the reaching and fruition of such content as fancy offereth not to be enjoyed without them. So that, should I want arms, legs, or any or more parts (not depriving me of life, and so of will) I should yet be I; and those parts reckoned as additional, not essential; even as they are my arms, my legs, etc. and we may properly enough say, my body, my soul; because the will arising from the harmony of both, is not either of them; but the individual is there only, where the unity of direction and application is; whereas in separated parts, the general Laws of Nature (in corruption, alteration, etc.) take place, and local motion ceaseth, as to proper and intern direction.  
And from the usefulness of members and organs, comes their number, posture, and symmetry to be such and such, each creature and thing being handsomest, that hath that shape which is most usual: Whereas all distortions, pluralities, and defects carry (by their strangeness to us, and difference amongst themselves) a loathing with them.  
But if that will which ariseth from collections in ourselves, may be called ours, what shall we think of those affections which we call Innate, as almost all sorts of Creatures to fear Men, Lions, etc. and Birds to fear Hawks? this only proceeds from the like grounds, namely, from unusualness of shape, deportment, and countenance; and is proportionably entertained according to our conceits of that their supposed power to harm us (appearing in those individuals we now see) and not from innate knowledge of any thing truly formidable in the species feared. And hence our first fears are usually bigger or lesser, as the size of the feared thing is. For a Bird in the nest, or which never yet saw Bird but its dam, will be then more afraid of a Goose, then of a Hawk. But after it hath observed its dam or others to be scared with the last, and not with the first, it is otherwise. But if a Hawk be brought to hatch a Pigeon, or harmlessly associate another Bird, these Birds fear not Hawks afterwards. And so, we see creatures that are not used to the sight, nor are able to know that a Wheel-barrow, or other such engines, are not living creatures, stand more scared because of the bigness and strange appearance of these things (which they could not so much as fancy before) then of other living creatures which they are used unto, and which may indeed, and do sometimes really hurt them  
And Creatures fly us not after they have been sometimes conversant amongst us, which we call made tame, even as upon trial of indemnity, Birds and Beasts come to relish the company of Haws, Lions, Bears, etc. well enough; but if the first sight or usage of any thing, or if formidable and strange report hath made an extraordinary a version in our fancy, than we carry to that thing a particular hatred a●d dread. And although all sorts of things are at first equally feared, because new born creatures (till they have observed so far as to make difference) must fear and trust every thing alike; yet when experience of security hath once passed under the power of any thing, we thereby come to fear other things as they do therefrom differ; nor can we forbid ourselves (out of natural desire of Safety) to fear all strange things, accounting a stranger and an enemy the same.  
And however the passion of fear be natural and common to all, as tending to each sensitives preservation; yet, as touching the choice of the particular objects of its dread, custom and prejudice, and not nature nor reason do usually bear sway: for we find that weakest creatures, and women, and children, are most subject to these antipathies and aversions; for as they have least knowledge and observation elsewhere, so as from sense of security from other inductions, to stop themselves in this particular fear, so they may be observed to be so overmastered by extremity of this sudden fear even of that very object now before them as not at any time too look wistly upon it, or to acquaint their sense therewith; but they still flying it, it must thereupon be kept from ever being familiar; for else we find they are, and may be won by degrees, if they will intend it.  
And, that fear is the beginner of all dislike (and attendant to the first sense of new differing objects) we may conclude from our proneness to startle upon sudden occurences; and then most especially, when least resolved against it, or apprehending ourselves lest secure; and although (in strong and confirmed impressions) the name of hatred and dislike be drowned in the passion of fear: yet these always follow and are where fear is.  
For so experience tells us, that subjects do at first ordinarily contract greater dread and dislike against the Government of Kings and Monarches, then against Polarchies, even because of their greater distance from them, whereas the more near familiarity and converse with the other is a means to abate of their dread. And generally those Laws and Governments are by subjects most disliked, that carry greater strictness against offences: and anger is dislike with courage, as fear is dislike without courage.  
And as this fear may keep us from seeing or conversing with any thing (and so from loving it) so, after things have been loved, a violent or unexpected strangeness may dilete (by its difference) all former conception; and consequently induce loathing of the thing; which usually we see come to pass in meats, after surfeits and sickness gotten by them, or in them, or other things upon occasional discourses. And yet have we our proper tastes, whereby (according to our accustomed feedings) we are able to like and relish such things as are of nearness of savour, above what is otherwise. Upon which score again, such subjects that have lived under Monarchy, and upon some insinuation of Tyranny, Oppression, or the like, have been induced to a change thereof, are afterwards, by experience of the benefits and enjoyments received under that Regiment, brought the more strongly to affect it again, and all things that lead, and are like thereunto.  
But some affections seem altogether hereditary, especially such as are proper to the species or sex: in which we must look for custom farther off, to wit, that those portions of the Parent's spirits, that now find in the womb fit matter and temperament for action, put themselves into the same method of operation, they were before habituated unto: and so producing a like creature, produce also those stronger affections and impressions. Whereupon all creatures have like natural voices and gate to the rest of their species: for as the like motion of the generative spirit produceth like shape and posture of parts, so doth the same again continue and adapt them to like motions of limbs and instruments of voice, they having nothing objected to their appetites to introduce foreign imitation, as men do in their language and gate.  
When Birds build nests, it taketh its first instigation from hence: and also the young ones lying therein till they can fly, learn by sense to do the like for their own broods afterwards: and therefore we may observe, that those birds that soon run when they are hatched, build no nests, or such as have little workmanship. And all birds of a kind build nests alike, whose artifice, and the webs of Spiders, Silkworms, etc. in all things, beyond necessity, is the procession of custom and fancy. For fancy, to its utmost ability, produceth method; and as long as it can be able to hold on in that (as a thing comprizable) it proceeds with eagerness and delight; but where it cannot be master of method, it undertakes nothing.  
The Pie, Crow, Cuckoo, and such Birds as have differing notes from the ordinary, have not in our ears the same pleasure as the Nightingale; who resembling in her several Notes, that which is usual in other particular Birds, differs only in generality of perfection and imitation; and though the proper voices of Pies, Crows, etc. are as usual to us as those of the Nightingale, separately and apart considered, yet are they not equally usual to those of the Nightingale, and all other Birds besides of like tone. And Parrots displease in their own singular and unusual tones, but please us when they speak and resemble ours: and then most, when most imitating.  
As for music, we see little children, not yet acquainted or used to one voice or tone more than another, as soon stilled and pleased with any other noise, as that which we have reduced into a method, and call harmony: discords and concord's take them alike, and a sixth is as pleasant as an eight.  
But now, as pleasure ariseth from custom, so pleasure from continuance and custom, may again decrease, as to the present sense thereof, and become that which we call nature, which is nothing else but custom upon custom: as we find it come to pass in matter of food, aswel in choice of quantity as kind, where custom manytimes so prevails upon appetite, through frequency of admittance, that from thence, more than from sense itself, now decayed, it covets still to acts as formerly, to the great prejudice of health: For although the direct profluence and evaporation of the Spirit is its most natural way and means of release, and thereupon yields greatest ease and delight: yet is there a delight also arising from that freedom and exitation in motion which they are put into by means of those vapours that arise from the stomach, whereupon it will come to pass, that through custom of being so moved, at such time as the stomach is so filled, they will be prompting him to the like degree of feeding through memory & the former pleasures thence arising, until by degrees it pass into such an habitual affection to delight, that the thought of insufficiency, or subsequent harms come to be unconsidered. No otherwise then in Kingdoms, where the benefits arising from Peace and Government itself, or the particular indulgences of Princes, are for the time our sense of want is fresh, and our only guide taken with gratitude and true delight, which when use and necessity are satisfied, and coming to be desired by custom only, do afterwards in our desires, both exceed use, and ungratefully and covetously are entertained, as well to our own, as that Kingdom's ruin: Like as rich and great men also, who, from the custom of their voluptuousness and freedom of life, are still impetuously pressing to fresh or like enjoyments, even after the loss of their wealth or honour.  
And the like may be also affirmed of pain, grown otherwise by custom of endurance: Prisoners, Millers, and Musicians, distinguish little of dislike or content, in those scents and noises they are habituated unto. And so comes the motion of heart, brain, and bowels to be undiscerned, and the touch of one finger or limb against another, to pass without notice. And yet is custom the relisher of new objects; those smells and those colours, that have greatest affinity to air and light, do most please, because these things are perpetually objected to the sense (when any thing is) and are the conveyors of other objects to the senses; but yet the excess and quickness of pleasure and displeasure, arising from particular smells and colours, increaseth or diminisheth by usuage and continuance: For children we find at first little affected with any particular sort of them; and Dogs, which are creatures of quickest sent, and can best make distinction, do not yet choose or avoid any object or place for the smells sake only, the smells of Roses, Violets, and other sweet flowers, pleasing them no better than the various and more differing smells of those scarcer plants which we call weeds: And this, for want of customary usage sufficient, whereby to make some scents affect above others: for they stand not affected or dis-affected to any smell, as of itself, but as it came into notice, or hath usually accompanied the prevalent appetites of food, or resentment of the kind.  
Which hath also great prevalence in men (and things of longer life) both to provoke to particular like and dislike of many objects out of no other rule but what ariseth from these or like customs and inducements; for good smells and tastes in plants, is the resemblance to what we use, and therefore call esculent: but Wormwood, Rue, &c. cannot otherwise affect them, through particular custom as Tobacco doth. In which cases forestalled prejudice prevails no otherwise towards like and dislike, then when by reason other interest, we are wont to rate or set forth the praise or dispraise of any person, calling him honest or virtuous whom we love most, and who, by relation or benefit, are nearest unto us, and rating otherwise again, all such as disoblige us, proceeding therein according to proportions and rules of self-consideration and charity only; whereby, out of private regard we impose upon persons the names of those virtues, which have their true worth only by generality of performance.  
For so we are wont to find out abatements, or denials of virtues themselves, or to impose or insinuate what odiums or scandals we can on our enemies and competitioners against the first, because we would give reason and satisfaction why we hate them, against the latter, because we would satisfy why we should be preferred before them, in each condition striving to make public good and concern to cover, and be the same with ours.  
After the same manner, may be observed, that the rank of subjects that is most commending and aiming at Democrates, etc. are such as have greatest hopes and probabilities to be Governors of others therein: In which case, our inbred pride and stubbornness may through the frequent contemplation of benefit therein to arise, provoke to action as the smell or sight of food may excite and awaken the stomach.  
And as thus in persons, so in actions and things, we strive always to have the like commended to what we have or do, and so on the contrary. For let a vice be cried out upon, unto which we are subject, and we cannot forbid self-consideration to step in with some excuses and abatements; making it look like virtue, or let any virtue be extolled, of which we are not in practice or ability, we are then as prone with our abatements towards vice.  
As for example, when self-consideration and advantage hath caused us in civil factions and disturbances to choose one side before another, we are then become prejudiced and shut up against all arguments to the contrary: for to discommend our cause, is to discommend us, and we can be no more desirous to be satisfied by others whether we do justly or no, then to be satisfied whether we intent our own benefit or not; for as we are ashmed to confess to seek the latter without regard to the former: So there is no remedy, but to endeavour so to clear and set forth our practice and intentions to public utility and justice, that our private aims and endeavours may be therein excused or hidden.  
And as smells (as aforesaid) do affect from general agreement with air, or resemblance to food, or the like: so also do tastes affect from salt, because from salt they have entrance upon the palate, and yet hath particular custom prevalence herein, so as to make some things more pleasant than others; and those that are most different, are most offensive to such as have been least accustomed unto them.  
All which is of as great use for the avoiding of pain, as the satiety of pleasure (through long custom) is for procuring new pleasure: For if one thing should have always and alike pleased, we should have had no encouragement to variety, but might have ingratefully passed over those many other things by God and Nature afforded for our use: And again, love and hatred, honour and shame, pleasure and displeasure, being stated and increased by comparison of one another, it is necessary that some things should be occasionally and for a time hateful, dishonourable, and unpleasant; for if all things, as they are alike good in their kinds, were alike lovely and pleasant to us, there would be, for want of choice, want of will; and for want of will, want of action; and such a thing as a rational or sensitive creature there could not be.  
Upon which grounds, and from custom of endurance beforementioned, it comes to pass that Patience, Humility, and other hardships accompanying obedience and persecutions, have such efficacy and force; both to the sustaining of afflictions, while present, and also to the relishing of all such enjoyments as the party is possessed of, with higher and more steady delight then those persons can whose custom and expectation hath always run a contrary way: divine providence so guiding these things to general good and content, that since no man could be without crosses, nor the greater part without many of them (through reluctance of the creature, and pride and covetousness of men) therefore it is made come to pass, that all, (at least the greater part of men) are by making a virtuous use of necessity, enabled to raise to themselves pleasure out of what is in itself otherwise, new custom dileting the old.  
Now again, to inquire after the pleasingness of Custom and Method, we will make instance in music. We find the Scale to be reckoned from one to eight, these notes of unison and diapason, including the method of all the other, do come thereupon within most notice: No otherwise, than the turnings and angles of knots and borders in gardens do, which maintaing order and method, come more readily and delightfully to be looked upon, than the straight intermediate lines, or the flowers that are enclosed amongst them. Which flowers have usually greater delight, considered apart, than the herbs or other particulars whereof the knot is made; but because they have neither method amongst themselves, nor do share in the Common method, they must so far be defective of beauty: for they can have none but what must arise from separate consideration of Method in their own leaves and colours. As in the stars of the firmament, in which we can comprehend no order, because their postures have no affinity with any method usual amongst us: we therefore take in them no delight, but what ariseth from their excellencies in themselves considered: even so on the contrary, Music being a thing abstracted, and consisting in Juncture and Method only, must consequently have the first and eight most lovely, as the borders and foundation of this method: for so the unison and diapason falling out to be Terminators, do come to have the same or like sound to one another, as the meeting of two lines make one angle, which no two of the other notes have, and will thereon (according to equal succession of notes in the same Scale) come to be oftener repeated, and (thereby) win more delight: But the second and seventh that are farthest from one another, are the worst in the Scale.  
If Music had gone to ten, as Arithmetic doth, the tenth would then have been a concord to the first, as now the eighth is, and so would also the sixth, if it had ended in that number: Even as a Ring of six or seven bells is as pleasant as that of five or eight, rung either in Peal or Changes: and are more or less delightful, as men are accustomed to hear the like Bells or way of Ringing, which is called understanding them.  
And so might Arithmetic have ended in eight, as Music doth, or in any other number short, or above ten: so that eight times eight, or twelve times twelve might have been called a hundred; and eight or twelve of them again call one thousand, and so on. For ten is but ten units, and one thousand is but ten times ten unites: so that one and ten fall into one another, and are the foundation and termination of all number; and come oftener to be repeated, even ten times to one above any other number. For after you have reckoned from one to ten, you begin from ten again, as you did from one; so that twenty is two times ten, as thirty is three times ten, and so on: Ten still keeping his denomination, not only in order after nine, but in computing of one and thirty, two and thirty, three and thirty, four and thirty, five and thirty, etc.) the number of ten comes to be reckoned ten times to each one of the digits or single number.  
So in the scale of music, you may suppose the same iteration, although not so apparent, because music is not so far progressive as Arithmecal numeration is. For the cipher put to one, makes it ten, although it be still but the same figure of one; and we properly call the other a cipher, having no value of itself; but (by its numbers) showing the numbers of ten. So in Music (which is but numbers played withal) the diapason is an unison with a supposed cipher, and comes in ascension and descension (according to the usual method of teaching Scholars) to be eight times repeated to any other note. For all Tones are but measures of distance, or difference of rise and fall from the first note: as a third is measured by one between, the fourth by two, and fifth by three notes between the first and him, and so on.  
In which doing, the first note being Terminas à quo, and each other note Terminus ad quem, and the Terminus ad quem being not computable (as to Method) but from Terminus à quo, the first or unison comes (as aforesaid) to be reckoned eight times for once of all the other numbers. As for example, in reckoning Sol, lafoy, mi, and then Sol, mi, and, Sol, lafoy, mi, fa, and then Sol, fa, and so on, the first note being itterated severally to each other, comes to be as often mentioned as them all: The like may be observed, on the part of the eight, when you come to descend and go back again.  
Now for the pleasantness of the third and fifth above the fourth and sixth, and for the pleasantness of fourth and sixth above the second and seventh, we are to consider that as all things please by often presence (where by they become familiar), to this presence and familiarity may be made either by often repetition and succession in the fancy, or by length of abode there; as for example, by the iteration of four footed beasts in my fancy, I come to esteem those sorts handsomest that come nearest to the most agreeing and usual form: So again, by oftener and longer seeing the shape of a man then them all, it may please better, as more seen than their shapes altogether: and so also the barking of Dogs, though a noise singular to that creature, yet it is tolerable by often hearing it, nay it is Music to Huntsmen that hear it very much: but the howling of Dogs, being in all kinds rare, is unpleasant to all. And so farther, although handsomeness and beauty usually move affection, because it is the most usual and uniform feature, yet through familiarity and often presence, I may come to like better of a face or person differing from the general rule, and commonly co-habitation proves a matchmaker; and frequent notice is the most effectual means which lovers can use, even as we see other Creatures made friendly and loving hereby: For two Pigeons, although at first never so disagreeing, will mate and like one another, being a while enclosed.  
So now (to return to Music) the second and seventh are but used as transient notes, and have not usually above the eight part of time allowed them for their prolation in the ear and fancy, which the other notes have: for proceeding; from the unison or first term, I cannot make a stop at the next, it being so near the first as there wants a note to measure the distance between them; for all harmony being made up of proportion, there will want a middle term to proportionate the extremes. So in Sol, lafoy, mi, la is the measure between Sol and mi, and serves but to number withal: Nor can I make such a stand at lafoy, from Sol, as to make a musical tone, until I come to a note of greater distance: For should I say Sol, lafoy, and stop at lafoy, as I do at mi, when I say, Sol, lafoy, mi; Sol, mi, Music would not be harmony or proportion, but numeration only. So, in descending the Scale again, the note that was seventh to the first, is now second to the eight.  
But then, although in thus scaling of notes, for teaching of young Scholars, we use but one sort of time to all of them, yet when we come to make such Music as we call Tunes, we must use difference of time, and make the greatest stops at the most methodical and useful notes, which by this means will also farther come to be most pleasant. And as a second is the Numerator between the first and third, so is the fourth between the third and fifth; unto which third, the fifth is a third also, and the fourth is a second, but the fourth is as much a better note than the second, as the unison or diapason are better than the third: for goodness being but by comparison, as the second is more ill than the fourth or sixth, so is the first or eight better than the third or fifth. If a seventh should be a concord, as being a third to the fifth, than would there want a discord to set off other notes, and the eighth would be imperfect by wanting his discord: For these seconds are never used, but (by time and way of quaver) as slides and passes to eights. A fifth hath priority of a third, as having more proportions in it, and (being more distant) hath less debasement from the unison or eight.  
All which we have spoken more largely concerning Music, to show how (in respect to Method and Harmony) some notes must be oftener used than others; and how in regard of this usuage, and the longer stay upon such notes) they come to be more pleasant: And again, for that Music (being a thing disputable how its pleasure should arise, might by being thus discoursed upon) serve to illustrate other things. For from hence we may ground the chief reason why we come to be so wedded unto those customs and opinions we have been bred in and used unto, especially in matters of Religion, which (having little proof from sense) relies chiefly on this course of prevalence, namely to affect by inculcation of Doctrines and Tenets, as the experience of Sermons and Preaching makes good: for thus God himself being first and last in Religion, is as the unison and diapason, terminating all things; and as in Music, the sweetness of those notes above others, ariseth from their longer continuance and oftener repetition: So in Religion, the more we press, and oftener we mention God's Glory, God's Worship, God's Commands, etc. that which we utter besides is the more acceptable, even as those things are in value above others, and that especially, if compared to any thing in ourselves; whereby God appearing so much above us, our perfections appear so much worse as his is better.  
And this is well known to undertakers for Church Reformation, first to cast into God's Service, God's Glory, etc. all that they would have acted in pursuance of their own designs, then to put such Laws and Customs as oppose them on the score of Humane Inventions, that so by the answerable disproportion in goodness (as between an eight and second) all that they like not may be disliked of others also. But then again, if an eight should be always stricken (without other variety) it would cease to please: So, to say nothing but God's Service, God's Glory, etc. would not make a harmony to please above the degree of children: and therefore Faith, Charity, and the like, are taken in, as thirds and fifths; according as their usage and esteem hath made them preferable in each Country and Sect: For where Solisidians are, there Faith is the fifth, or best note, and Love and Charity is made the worse; and on the other side, where Charity is rightly understood, it is made chief as the end of the other.  
And as for the other duties of Humility, Prayer, Repentance, Zeal, etc. they are placed in the composure of the harmony of each Religion, as they have different esteem in the Authors thereof: Whereupon, as the tunes of our Country please us beyond others, so that form of expressing our devotion which custom hath wedded us unto: but as we may fancy other tunes by degrees, so other forms that have their differences at first small: Nay, we ordinarily have a natural itch to variety; and it may be observed, that as the the same tune always played, causeth weariness: so, to such as cannot understand the true reason of things that Religion soon cloyeth, whose exercise or doctrine hath least variety and most confinement, and therefore set forms displease ordinary capacities, as grave set set music to those that are unskilled in the art, pleaseth not so much as a Jig.  
And as Music being an abstracted Method is not examinable by any thing but the ear itself: So in Religion, the farther you sequester yourself from Charity, so much the more you confine its grounds to custom and opinion: for if it be placed all in the ear (as Music is) then (being only a spiritual method) it will follow, that that method we apprehend best (and consequently that Religion we are most used unto) will without more ado please most; and thereupon each person must be rendered an uncontrollable judge therein: but so far as Love and Charity shall be taken in, this (being operative) will make it fall within notice of other senses, and so become examinable by other method: For Charity having its ground in Reason and Nature (as it is made to stand in harmony with them) it may serve to justify or condemn Religions, as the goodness of the tree may be judged by its fruits.  
To inquire into the reason of Comprehension and Method a little farther, we are to conceive that the brain in each man being the common sense to discover what is of benefit or damage, hath the Nerves as so many Scouts and Sentinels for information: Now as any thing is by these apprehended, some impression is made in the soft substance of the brain. This at first coming must make an unusual dislocation and posture therein, and so displease within, no otherwise then distortion of any member doth displease without. And knowledge and comprehension is nothing else but the ready turning and session of the brain to such figures as are offered: and reasoning and discourse is succession of configuration, according to such Concomitants and Appearances as have accompanied it; which now more or less readily appearing and answering, as they were formerly oftener seen or fancied therewith, come thereupon to be esteemed more or less reason.  
But all new ojects must for a time displease, according to their strangeness; for that this common sensory, being thus wholly employed, and as it were, imprisoned and confined in apprehending and configuring this new guest, hath not time to watch and attend other informations, that might be by sense offered to it at the same time. For so we find, that in great agitation of mind, and when our fancies are intent on the contrivance of things more eminently pressing, we are heedless of what else is presented unto us: And hence it is that two things at once cannot be studied on, if they be so differing as not comprisable in the same method.  
Pain is more external, and differs from this inward offence; being the stoppage of Spirits in their methodical motions in the parts of the body; whereby, being hindered from recourse to their fountain the brain, the place that obstructs them will (through their irregular motion therein) find pain; and pleasure is, when these spirits are excited in motion or evacuation with their proper humour.  
When any violent or unusual posture is offered to the Nerves, diffused in the senses and exterior parts, the brain is sensible through them, no otherwise then the Spider is of any thing that toucheth any part of her web; in which, every foreign touch makes her sensible, by altering the posture of those threads unto which she is joined. For as the Spider sitting upon the Centre and coition of her work with her body, and having her legs extended to the several Angles thereof is hereby made preceptible of those touches and impressions which foreign bodies do make upon it; even so the brain, by those his long legs of nerves, every where dispersed through the body, may be conceived to be much more sensible of those several forms of twitching and convulsion made in its membranes, by the like impression made upon its nerves by any foreign touch. And as by degrees, and many trials from our infancy, our senses are enabled to conform themselves unto outward figures and objects: so is the brain also by degrees brought to receive and retain those: and doth as easily fall into the like posture or figure, when those objects shall be raised in the fancy which did usually accompany them.  
If there be alteration in the body of the brain itself (without foreign touch of feeling) it is not then called pain, but horror, confusion, amazement, or the like. For the Spirits (used to watch in the senses themselves without) are now here extraordinarily employed in putting this new object into method, whereby it may be capable of memory and use, and do thereupon for a time make disturbance, as in a Crowd.  
So that Pain and Pleasure are properly only in touch or sense of feeling: the objects of other senses being by them immediately let into the brain (as having the nerves that serve them more contiguous to his substance) they impart not pleasure and pain to it, as directly from themselves, nor are capable thereof, as senses, but as outward parts and organs, to be affected by foreign touch.  
Now health is negative to sickness, as pleasure is (for the most part) but absence of pain; and is when each individual body hath its humours enjoying their wont proportion, seats, and motions, according to the proper constitution thereof, so as the spirits may not be inwardly stopped to make us inwardly sensible, as pain makes us outwardly. But sickness affects more generally, because the obstruction being in common passages of all parts of the body, the sense thereof must be more universal then in pain, where a single nerve it may be, is only affected. But then again, pain is more quick, as more entire and unite. For in sickness (till it be mortal) there is not a total stoppage, because the bowels and other passages have some recourse left them to the stomach, etc. and thereupon those nerves that attend them can be but in part stopped. But usually sickness hath some pain, as having some part or passage more obstructed than another.  
When I see a heavy thing tend downwards, it is a motion so conformable to all other, that (as a thing whose operation and concernment is already fully known) it is passed over with content of security and mastery: But the operation of the Loadstone, seeming proper to itself, distracts and puzzles us for want of ability to conceive (and consequently) to apply it to knowledge and use. For knowledge refers to use, as truth doth to goodness; for from the observation of the motions and operations of Lodestones, men apply them to nautical, and some other uses. And Bonum differs from Verum but in application, things being true as they are real, and good as they are modal: Whereby, that which at first had entity and existence by Creation, in respect of those affections, and that serviceableness it carries to other things, comes afterwards in the rule of Providence to be held as good. And my will differs from my understanding as knowledge abstracted doth, from that which hath reference to me and my use. And it is as natural for the understanding to affect truth and enquiry, as it is for the will to affect good, and the exercise thereof. And therefore as I may want personal liberty to perform my will, so may I want liberty in my understanding, when I want Method to conceive, or variety (suitable thereunto) for making farther discovery, being then subject to be lead by the judgement of others, which is indeed the greatest thraldom of any. But the want of this I cannot know, because the want and the wanter are all one, but experience will inform in the other.  
So now we may call Method an Art proper to every fancy, of registering its own particular observations in a kind of total. For after that I have, from induction, observed, that every single man is more rational than other creatures, I conclude also; thereby differencing men from other things. And when again, I come to observe that he agrees with them in the search of things pleasurable, I then conclude this done as out of some principle common to them all, wherein they must agree as Sensitives. For as knowledge or memory precedes, being the observation of things in particular, so method succeeds in collecting these particulars, and placing them in totals with other things of the same kind, and agreeing in properties. And when fancy hath an object not so placed already, or comprisable in some rank or classis of our entertained method, it is troubled. For if it be a thing altogether unknown, so as I cannot discover between the homogenial and heterogenial properties thereof, or if those properties are not reducable into some classis of comprehension of that Method I have already framed, what use or pleasure can I make thereof? and all those Arts and Sciences we have entertained, are but methodical collections of those distinguishable inclinations, effects and properties of men, creatures and things, which Authors have made and agreed upon, and are true or false as they are more or less comprehensive, and exactly discussive of all those particulars they undertake. In which course of proceeding, the subject is usually considered as it hath reference to pleasure and benefit. And those Arts and Sciences that seem most speculative, have yet (through Method) pleasure in speculation: but generally knowledge and enquiry look to good, as money doth to commodity; that is, although it be not pleasurable in itself, yet is the general ready thing for procuring what is so, humane benefit being the end of the Art itself, and private gain or honour of the Artist.  
Now as all men have aims, and those higher or lower, according to their way of breeding, so have they their proper Method and means for accomplishing them answerable to their understandings. And although the true aims of great men, in respect of honour and generosity, may not be discovered by the vulgar, yet the greatness itself, and the advantages thereof being necessarily always observed by them. Hence it comes to pass that their conceptions are still running along, to fancy their method and aim to be according to their own. Thus children that for want of engagement and observation are not yet able to apprehend the true benefit or value of riches or honour, or to conceive upon what inducements men are led to most of their actions, must also want method and understanding in themselves to approve and like of what they do, for play and liberty being their end, and having fancied other things as they stood in order thereunto, they cannot be imagined to bend their studies to the attaining of food or apparel: because they always found these things ready; when as being debarred in the other, it caused them to use contrivance therein. And therefore they are not able to conceive that their Parents should be put to such labour and study in getting their maintenance; but do think that in these acquisitions, and in their commerce with other men, they are but following their own liberty and pastimes, as themselves do with their play-fellows.  
And so again, the vulgar sort of men, having only riches and some other more sensual enjoyments in their aims, and having also another and more short way of getting those things amongst themselves, must needs be as much at a loss and mistake in their censures, when they come to look into the actings of great men or their Governors. For being themselves neither able to fancy the way and difficulty of getting this greatness, or of protecting them therewith; nor the true end and use of this power (more than children do apprehend the difficulty and cost of their breeding and maintenance) they are ready, according to those conceits within themselves, to think that these things came by their good fortune, and were accordingly no otherwise useful then to enable them to live splendidly and deliciously, and to exercise arbitrary power in extolling or abasing some few as they saw good: because, if themselves were in like condition, their aims should not be other than the reward or punishment of friends or enemies. And if at any time they be brought into some speculation of the means of entrance, & end of this power; this, as being a thing altogether beyond their own comprehension, they must be supposed as well implicitly following those methods which ambitious heads have put upon them herein, as also delightfully and eagerly doing it; even for that the method and satisfaction which they now find therein, must needs fill them with the belief of so much knowledge, as to think they have arrived at the top thereof. And therefore being not able, for want of sufficient observation and insight into Divine or Political matters, to discover the true ground and reason of things, they presently judge all those actions which are not agreeable to those rules of scripture, of pacton, of consent, or the like, which they find interpreted and scholied by their guides, to be superstitious and unjust. The which also is much helped on, aswell out of desire to avoid the shame of being ignorant, as out of vainglory to appear wise and knowing in things of such difficulty.  
And this peremptoriness of opinion and judgement is most incident to our first inlet into these discoveries. For than it is to be supposed that we are most swayed with delight of these new speculations, and do also most want time to examine whether the particulars we now apprehend are every way agreeable and comprehensive of those things we undertake to judge, or no: or else that we are not carried on by our own partialities and interests, so as to judge that Person a Tyrant, an Usurper, or the like, whom we have no interest in, nor hope of: but by our partial (that is to say, our short and weak Methods and Collections) we are subject to proceed too hastily to the liking or condemning of a Government or Governor, upon the like sudden apprehension as the Barbarians did of S. Paul: who must one while be no better than a Murderer, & presently again concluded for no less than a god, from single indications and accidents, and such as had no coherence with that which they would apply them unto. Upon which ground it may be observed, that Princes and great men are by vulgar judgements never permitted to go under a middle censure: they are still extremely good, or extremely bad. For being by some sudden accident brought to alter that conceit they had before entertained as suddenly and ungroundedly of his virtues or vices, it is no wonder if they hereupon become as hasty and extreme in their censures of him this way, as they did the other way. For it being to be supposed natural unto man to affect farther discovery and knowledge, it comes therefore to pass that the delight in contemplation and prosecution of what is now in view, keeps him for the time inconsiderate of what more may be had, and so it must consequently leave the weak and empty comprehension as full and peremptory (as to its self and its own satisfaction) as he that hath more and better ground to go upon.  
The which we find verified upon men's first undertaking to read and expound the Scripture: the many examples there found of God's miraculous attestation and reward of some such as have been eminent for goodness and piety, presently raises in us a conceit of our own deserts herein also; and men are usually thereupon ready to fancy and expect (even to a degree of temptation) that God should in some like manner appear in the honouring and acknowledging of them. And, upon a contrary rule again, finding many examples therein of God's displeasure and punishment of men for oppression, injustice, and other notorious wickedness, they are as ready, out of the conceit of their own wrong suffering and subjection at the hand of their own Enemies or Superiors, to make a parallel of the one with the other; and think that neither Patience nor Obedience is on their part due, to these so apparent enemies to God and goodness, as their prejudice and ignorance doth now judge to these so apparent enemies to God and goodness, as their prejudice and ignorance doth now judge them to be.  
The which is most especially instigated from the example and insinuations of persons of greater repute for learning or judgement than themselves; who having many times ambitious or factious aims, are ready (as we said) to cast before them such forms of examination as shall be sure to leave a dislike in them towards the actions and commands of their Superiors, and consequently entice them to siding with them: which must prevail, because they are so far defective of observation and experience of their own, and consequently entice them to siding with them, which must prevail, because they are so far defective of observation and experience of their own, as to find and frame just Methods to themselves, and so to examine how far these and other particulars are, or are not agreeable and comprisable within the true rules and limits of Religion and Polity.  
And of these kinds of deceits, taken up upon too easy examination and credulity, I can speak more confidently, having had so great experience of them in myself, and that in both kinds. For I believe that no man was more averse to Episcopacy, and Church Orders and Ceremonies, and such like, than myself in my youth, and while I continued to converse with such only as had these things in detestation; and all because the method of examination which was then put into me for to try cases of this kind by, (as to their approach to evil) was to search whether Papist used them or no. So that I, not having then knowledge or experience enough to examine how those things stood grounded in themselves, or to understand that Papists, even as they were Christians, could not choose but be in the right in somethings, was thereupon in danger to abandon some Christian truths and duties, because I found them within my rule of dislike, as being acted and believed by Papists.  
Being once prepossessed with these and such like short Rules and Methods of distinction and adjudication, I was quickly tainted also with the Pharisaical humour of judging for myself, and those of my belief, against such as differed, thinking that all that were not as invective against the thing called Popery (which truly for a good while I understood not) and as conversant in Sermons, and some select phrases and demeanours, were (notwithstanding their unblamable lives otherwise, and that according to Christian faith) to be esteemed but bare moral men. Their outstripping me in the real duties of general love and beneficence to men, and in the rendering God more honourable by their public and more solemn adoration and acknowledgement of him before men, were not, as I thought arguments comparable to prove them of the number of the godly and Saints, as were those Rules of distinction which I had framed to myself.  
And so again, in matter of Government and Political speculation, none more pleased and taken then myself, with all those fine Maxims and Rules of Examination, which, in the beginning of our unhappy troubles, were set on foot for trial and control of the actions of Princes. My thought I was now much elevated in my rank and ability, being enabled to give a just censure of all that was done by one so much above me, and whom I had ignorantly hitherto thought should have guided me. When he acted in Civil matters, the Law of the Land was to be his bound and director; and when in affairs of Religion, the Scripture. If I had stayed there it had been well. No, as I was told that it was not fit that Kings should be unlimited and arbitrary in their rule; So also, that his single judgement or conscience were not to be trusted herein neither, therefore I did next fancy, that the Judges were to determine the meaning of the Law, and the Divines of Scriptures. In which I was not yet so far out of the way, but what a few caveats might set right. But I proceeded farther still in pressing onwards, that I at last thought none to be trusted in these high powers but the people themselves: The Judges and Divines, alas, they might be corrupted, but a community could not wrong itself. And therefore, over all, as the Paramont Power, I conceived there was to be a Parliament, to give final determination, and see execution done.  
This at first I thought to import the King in Parliament; afterwards I was lead to believe it was the King and Parliament; afterwards it came to be the two houses of Parliament which were apprehended to be the Supreme Authority. And as the pleasing speculations of paction and derived power from the people did generally take & increase, so came the lower house to be the upper house, & afterwards the sole house of Parliament; as being thought the people's only true Representors. So that, at last, a King beset with all these limitations, did look like a Duck in a Garden, brought to eat up the Snails and Worms, and then tied up by the leg, for fear of trampling over the flowers, or meuting in the Walks. But the examples of inconveniences arising from Kings exorbitant use of Power (by their strong and fresh impression) making me on the sudden heedless, how by bridling his Power to do ill, I did also take away the power of doing good: and then also there having been no precedent in stories of a perpetual or unlimited Parliament, and consequently of any evil thence arising, I came to be so taken up with the apprehension of the good they might do, according to that power they had anciently practised, that I did not then consider withal (I mean for a great while I did not) that if one man, that did acknowledge himself subject to Law, could by his power do so much mischief, what then might be feared where a multitude shall join in a mischief, who shall say they are above Law.  
But it fareth with men in entertaining those narrow Schems for comprehension of any thing, as it doth in making knots and plaits for Gardens or Building, which each one at the time of doing, will think done after the best manner, because done according to advisement of workmen or the like, and according to that stock of materials he then knew of, or stood furnished with: But when he shall make observation farther, and find both other materials and other methods more fit and capable of their receipt, he will then alter his own method of adjudication also: For it is to be conceived that in this course of methodising, our fancy carrieth the form of a Pyramid, wherein the particulars observable in nature make the Basis; which lessens towards the top, as the particulars unite and agree in such generals as we may call notions. But then, as these notions come to be employed and to receive approbation from experience, they are again, for ready ease and use, collected into other totals called affections; which, having obtained settlement from the harmony of experiments, come to guide us in what we do without reference back to particulars, more than he that can now read should be put to make use of spelling.  
For so, Beauty, Honour, etc. have place in my desire, but the particulars out of which I did at first come to the general liking of them, are out of my memory; nor indeed could their variety and repetition be remembered, being the observation of my whole life, of the common rate and esteem of these things by others; which could never serve us for use and proficience in knowledge, unless we did proceed to this way of abreviation. For particulars, whilst they are remarkable, are the objects of memory, but after they are made familiar by instances of the like kind, they are amassed altogether, and pass into notions and affections. Unto the constitution of which notions, as each sense carrieth his part, so are they sovereigns in their own order; that is, where they are not in particular objects dependent upon one another, there their inductions pass as peremptorily and uncontrollably into affections one as another.  
Even as we formerly noted in Religion, and the Opinions and Doctrines thence derived, which (having not Charity for their object, but depending on the ear only) come (through often repetition and commendation) to prevail and pass into affections and sciences, upon the same grounds that (by sight) this or that Figure, Fashion or Face comes to please. And so it is in the particular smells and tastes we are accustomed unto; wherein (former repetitions growing too numerous for memory of particulars) custom is (then) uncontrollable, and begets affections and science in inductions proceeding from them, as observations from sight breed affections in things objected unto it.  
In this way of discovering causes by various coincidence of effects, and of common causes to them again, according to their concurrence, until we come to the prime cause of all things, God's glory, we seem to reintegrate our knowledge and comprehension, as if received from the fountain by intuition. For hereby, if rightly proceeded in, we are able to judge of all things within the verge of humane sense, even as taught by themselves. And as we learn upwards, so we judge and discourse downwards; that is, from general notions to particulars.  
We will (for better instance and application in these things) look more nearly into our learning itself, and the labour therein used. We that read now (having forgot the difficulties that attended us in our learning thereof) do wonder at the backwardness of others: First, in distinguishing letters one from another, then in knowing and distinguishing their several values and pronounciations: then, having understood their agreements and disagreements amongst themselves, how to collect, apply, and place them in syllables: Then how (in like manner) to make of these syllables, words; and of these words again, to frame sentences or notions. And lastly, how to apply and judge of these sentences, as they shall seem consonant and proper to those several artificial methods by me entertained already, which we call Affections; which having good for their object, do accordingly relish and transmit things to the common affection, the will, to determine how it stands in interest with other affections, and also to have the approbation of the understanding whether it be attainable or no, For will disputes not whether the affections propound what is good (that is to say, pleasant) or no, but whether this pleasure be so continuing and attainable as to make it good.  
But it is to be considered, that the fancy doth differently employ itself in the methodising of particulars towards the constitution of affections and passions, over it doth in methodising and retaining such other particulars which are to be employed by way of Discourse and Reason. In the first way, particulars are amassed according to their genus, and so, from a broad foot or basis (as we said) do agree and point in straight lines towards the constitution of some affection in us. The which affection, being that which provokes us to delight and action, doth, as the end, by degrees instigate the fancy, and fit itself therein with a proper method of comprehension, how, amongst all the other observations made and collected, things may be so chosen and so ordered and placed, as to be instrumental and serviceable to the furtherance of this end. So far as impressions are topically, figurately and particularly retained, they have still reference to the objects, and do penetrate the brain only, being used but as instruments and servants to the attaining of that which each affection doth prompt to the enjoyment of: For each affection and appetite hath its proper method of judication and acquisition, as it had its own method and way of amassing from particulars, whilst it was making its inward impression and resentment in the heart; which is now its seat, from whence the brain is set on work as a Minister to produce figures conformable when an object of import is presented. Each affection rangeth particular objects in her method, as the Gardener doth flowers in his knots and borders, even as they are accounted prisable and delightful.  
However, we have used the terms of fancy and method severally, yet they are the same; being the orderly collection and configurations of particulars in the brain, contrived for the use of each affection. And so again, we may conceive memory and imagination to be the same, being the impresses and representations of particular objects and figures, whereby the often or serious observation of them, as presented to the sense from without, doth cause us to imagine we still see, hear, etc. them in the same manner and form within.  
And as affections did at first arise from particular outward objects, relishing them according to experience of the pleasure accompanying them: so also do they take increase from the methodical application of objects as a means to this end. And thereupon also, as figures were first impressed from particular and more distinct objects, and did thereupon by degrees come to the comprised in Methods and Configurations amongst themselves: so likewise do they unite and become serviceable towards the constitution of other, or new Methods: Even as the several persons, ranged in a Scene or Antimask, may be comprehended under one figure: or as the several hounds in hunting may be considered as one pack, or their several barkings taken as one cry. Whereby also, through use, that which was at first cast into this method for the use of other affections, may become an affection by itself. For it is to be supposed that the same figures & impressions of the brain may stand diversely considerable and affecting us, as they have already passed into affections by their use, or else are no farther pleasurable, than what the now use and application of them in some methodical course must afford, towards the service of some affection. In one sort they are considered as true; in the other as good. The figure of a letter is a different thing from its value, the which continues the same as to its use in making of words, although the letter itself may be figured in a divers character, and those words and sentences made of them, are differently considered in the spelling and pronounciation, over they are in their signification and import.  
As affections do come to be thus bred in us from outward objects, and also by degrees to increase in strength, so there is more reason for will to follow the guidance of affections, so bred in estimating good and bad, then is for it to follow authority; for the inductions framed by myself are the observations of mine own sense; but my grounding on the discourses of others, is grounding on their senses, which is not farther prevalent, then corresponding with mine own. And inductions from Authority, move as other inductions by uniformity and consent, and that according to such patterns of truth as are fore-conceived; else a single Authority, by jointure of my former affections and inductions may prevail in my acceptance, as over-numbring the contradictors. Like as we may find in particular it fareth with the weaker and more credulous sort in matters of belief; unto whom (as not able to contradict from contrary collection and experience in themselves, or to apprehend their Reasons and Arguments) those few Authorities they embrace, come to be followed as of unquestionable power and force. For these sort of people being not able to apprehend many things of Divinity in general, or indeed any principle on its true ground and foundation, have their hopes and fears (for the most part) terminated in certain select phrases and expressions of Scripture, which (themselves not well understanding) they are (through their ambiguity) brought to fancy them in all uses, as carrying the sense of the whole Scriptures themselves; and thereupon to make use of them in judging of what is fi● and lawful for themselves or others, in all kinds of actions and deportments, as though they had been the very particular directions which were proper thereunto. Insomuch, as where the translator is at a loss for rendering the genuine and true sense of an Hebraism, or the like; they are wont to take up those phrases and expressions so affectedly, as to f●ame, in a manner, a new Religion to themselves out of their customary use and approbation of them.  
In which case it fareth with them, as it doth with children who are by way of sport, turning themselves often round, not only for pride and affectation sake, to see who can turn oftenest, but on purpose also, that they may then stand delighted with those transient and giddy figures and apprehensions which are then made in their brain. Even so it befalleth those sorts of men in these vertigoes and intoxications made in them by their affected use of unintelligible and insignificant forms and phrases. When as, out of pride to excel others in degree of speculation, whom they see already so much before them in the ordinary and intelligible course, they are thereupon lead to fancy this course. Which having in it no correspondence or groundwork in Nature or Reason, both because the terms themselves are destitute of Figure and Comprehension, and because they cannot be configurated by other real bodies and figures neither, they must consequently remain like men in a Maze, without a clew of Method to direct them. But they become hereupon so wedded, that whosoever, in offering to convert or farther instruct these people, shall not, for admission into their conceits, hide his meaning under these their familiar expressions, shall lose his labour, and that not only as being unconceived by them for want of sufficient prenotion, but as contradicting, as they conceive, such plain truths, as (by the customary use of these phrases) they conceive their opinions as to be.  
And as observation and practice of particulars become at last affections in such things as are performed and fancied in ourselves, so also the the often sight and notice of the signs and figures of these affections in others come by degrees to affect also so far as to promote and induce the same in us; even as yawning affects to imitation both of that action and of the drowsiness it denotes, and the signs and attendants of the lust and fear of others affects thereunto also. No otherwise then the ●xamples of success and impunity of persons in their courses of stubbornness, or the conversation and discourses of them, are strong motives for other children and subjects to do the like.  
But then this works not in children and creatures very young, until practise and contemplation, hath so rooted and conformed these affections in ourselves as they have strength to take rebound from others, which in them cannot be, as also they must want observation of the signs themselves, and motives unto them; both for want of time, and for want of that affection that should spur thereunto. Nor can these signs be of much force again on men or creatures very ancient; where want of spirits in the brain must leave the appetite and affection to these very dull and almost delete, and leave also the nerves and organs of the body so empty and hollow, that they represent not with any steadiness or strength, as also the experience of danger to arise, must make them slow in new undertake.  
But to return to enquiry, after the rise of knowledge and reason, from instance in reading and learning. At first every letter must by its often admission through the vissual nerve, receive an answerable impression and figure in the brain, before any difference can be estimated and valued between it and another letter by comparison; for else could there be no difference put between any thing but what the ey● could see at once. And this comprehension cannot be well made at first sight, but according to appliableness of the organ, and intention of mind in the learner; and therefore in teaching of Birds and Beasts, we use watchings, corrections and rewards to make them attend. In children, that have their brain of a more tender substance, and less distorted by former figures, and have also (according to their bigness) more store of it then men, we find how easy it's to teach them to read over older folks; notwithstanding they have not usually the like desire and intention of mind. So that the first step to knowledge is to feel and see well, and to have good senses; the next is to compare and make differences.  
Younglings coming first to see, look upon every thing with like amazement: but, because the light is the most usual thing they behold (for the various session thereof makes colours) they therefore, after they have by custom passed over its first dislike (caused through strangeness first like the brightest, and such colours as show it most lively. And hence they come to be pleased with glasses, candles, etc. before shapes and figures; and Babies come to be but after-plays to toys of show, for they see nothing without light, but many shapes and figures besides those of men and women; which shape again, as being oftenest notified in comparison of all others, comes to be most familiar & pleasing. And upon like reason, come younglings to like of that particular party that is most present to their sense, it being much increased by experience of indemnity: So Ducks will follow the Hen that hatched them; and so children that Nurse, or other body that is most conversant, familiar, and kind unto them: and they like and dislike others of the same kind, as they resemble or differ most from these.  
The pleasure of motion which young ones have in being rocked, or in playing one with another, seems to affect from that accustomed tumbling they had in the womb; for feeling is the first of senses, coming with life itself, if not the same. But then, as the brain and animal spirit of each creature stands chiefly employed in the womb in the motion and sense of feeling of the limbs and outward parts, and doth thereupon prompt to exercise and delight in like agitation and motion afterwards, yet, when objects from the senses do afterwards come to employ the brain and spirits inwardly, and when sense from the inward parts do draw the fancy and intention that way, then by degrees doth the exercise and delight in the motion of the limbs cease, and men become not only sedentary and studious, as in relation to figures entertained in the brain, but also to be strongly affected with the pleasures of eating and drinking, and such other enjoyments as may be performed with least shaking and dislocation of the stomach and other inward parts.  
Those loud and harsher noises that prevail in quieting of children, that cannot please from custom, do take their effect from diversion; that is, by recalling their imagination from the sense of some other suffering, to attend this strange noise now in their ears, and not from pleasure of the noise itself; which can please but by comparison of a less affliction to a greater. But all our delights, while very young, are most corporal, and have, like to other Sensitives, reference to our own sensible Customs: But when we come to observe what rate the sense and custom of others put upon things, persons or actions, we then, according to our own particular sense of the ability of the persons so rating them, judge and conclude of their worth, or otherwise, which we call honour and dishonour.  
And hence it comes that bigger children's most eager sports are usually made in imitation of what they see men do; and the end of them to aim at victory and pre-excellence one above another. And as we come to be in liking of persons, and then of actions, so children, at first, are imitating the actions of such they most converse with, and take notice of: so that sometimes they are washing, sweeping, making fires, or the like (from their converse and familiarity amongst servants: but, when they come abroad into the world, persons of greatest honour, come, through the observation of the respect by others given that way, to be most observed by them, and consequently, those actions that are performed by and to them, to please above other actions: For these having uniformity, as being regulated by Law and Custom, must affect above the lose, incoherent, and disorderly actions of others, as handsome faces and good hands do above those that are common: For it is not the persons, but the dignity we affect. And all actions and things, that refer not to sensible good, refer to honour▪ and things come to have esteem as attendants and causes of honour: For as honourable actions draw on our observation and esteem, so self-respect leads us to affect and pursue the causes of them: But, unto the observation of the causes of honour children seldom reach, for the effect must first so highly please as to provoke to ambition.  
And therefore with them, and the more ordinary sort of people, flattery is apprehended to be the same with honour: And, for want of observatoin and intelligence wherein true honour doth consist, they take all kind of praises and commendations to be the same with it. And, upon this score, they may well indeed conclude that honour is in the honouring first, and not in the honoured: for that there being no true cause or reason in the party this way honoured, why this praise or honour should be given, but the cause and design of it taking issue from the flatterer, it must thence follow, that as honour is in the honoured first, so flattery in the flattered first.  
From the custom of feeling (before spoken of) it is that very young infants or creatures, finding nothing under them for support as they had in the womb, do, when we would make show of letting them fall, put their bodies and parts into posture of resistance and aversion: not against falling itself, as knowing the danger or damage to follow thereupon; but because they find their present posture strange and uneasy: And therefore for want of the like sustentation to be left under them, they are teady to catch at new hold and support. For to a child new born, that hath not apprehended the difference of sights, the fright of falling from a precipice will be but equal to that of falling out of its Nurses lap: And children receive displeasure at first from lying on any thing that makes them not sensible of a like general and equal sopport they had in the womb. And therefore we find them laid on beds and laps made even, and yet hardly enduring the unequal application of arms or legs under them, until they are so swaddled up that these partial supports seem thereby to be equal and even. For the motion of gravity or propriety of place, being a necessary property of all bodies and their parts, it will follow to be soon, and so consequently, most universally known: Therefore this struggling of children is caused through sense of feeling to avoid a present injury it now feels through uneasiness, and not out of innate conception of danger, as some do think. For if such instincts and knowledge were, than would children be afraid of drowning, or burning, or the like?  
This instance hath been prosecuted, to give occasion to discover how we may come to be habituated and affected to certain postures in the exercise and enjoyment of our mind and will, as well as of our bodies; and how that thereupon, those restraints which Government imposeth upon our liberties in the one, most cause reluctance and desire of release, as well as in the other; and that sense and experience of alteration and discomposure is the cause of dislike in our wills aswel as our bodies. When therefore these things are ascribed to nature, it must be understood of secondary or acquired nature. For children or creatures new born, for want of experience and observation, stand affected from no sense but that of feeling. Nor do the objects of other senses please or displease at first, unless they imprint and move so violently as to induce feeling, by affecting the heart and other parts and habits of the body, by means of those inward pares of nerves. Whereupon the humours and parts within do heighten (as it were, by their proper experience) the relish of that figure or object in the brain, to like or dislike, after the rate they stood themselves formerly made sensible thereof from it.  
And therefore time and experience being required to make fear or other passions strong, we find that mandkind till they come to ripeness and trial, stand not apprehensive or averse to Government. After which, sense and knowledge of its use and benefit, and also of his own suffering thereunder, makes him (proportionably) contented or reluctant. Proportionably (I say) for that as Reason and Religion do out of sense of duty more or less bear sway over the more natural and bodily sense of suffering, and restraint of will, so will Government be to each one more or less offensive: there being but these two great motives for children and subjects obedience, sense of benefit and interest, and sense of conscience and duty. For want of true experience and knowledge whereof, the family as well as the Kingdom comes to be troubled with mutinies and insurrections, even for that ignorance and incogitancy of the benefit or harm to arise to themselves by obedience, or the contrary, leaves them to be lead by the present sense of trouble in being guided by the direction of another, which must thereupon come to be by them that are not able to apprehend their own advantages by peace and submission, nor that their benefits are reciprocal, interpreted as done out of private interest and design of their Prince and father only.  
Nor need we wonder, that, in the course of our lives, Custom should bear such sway, since life itself is but custom; that is, a Methodical and Customary motion of an active spirit, which by means of his circular and regular course, is diverted from eager pursuit of penitration and ascension. For the heat of the Sun or parental body, by degrees turning into spirit or air, such portion of seed or first matter as is apt to sublime, this spirit (according to its lighter nature) grows presently motive and restless, as seeking a more high and open habitation: but partly out of similitude of the matter whereof it was bred, and the similitude and constancy of the same degree of heat it now hath to that which begot it; and partly through the present succession of skinny enclosure, arising from the slimy nature of the matter itself: and partly through those other enclosures of skins and shells, in Wombs, Eggs, etc. it is invited and contented, at length to satisfy its proneness to direct upward motion, with this circular passage: as being from habit cozened to take and choose this easier way, rather than to press earnestly any more to that direct course, in which it had been so often diverted by such high difficulties. And as this Spirit is by reason of its tenuity made motive and naturally desirous of enlargement and air, so again, by reason of its smaller and more indifferent degree of sublimation, as being generated by that moderate heat of the body, of a substance which is neither suffered to addle through cold, nor harden through heat, it is therefore kept so well allayed, as to be retarded both in ability and desire of penetration. Which is also holpen on by the closeness of those vessels and cells where it is contained, and by the likeness and proximity of that matter whereof it is generated, and wherewith it is accompanied: which is not only the same with that whereof it was begotten, but also is but one degree beneath it in thinness.  
For it is to be supposed, that the Chylus being turned into blood, as it doth attain some degree towards sublimation itself: So also that most attenuated and concocted spirit which is in the cells of the brain, doth likewise still retain a good degree towards condensation: even so, as, according to course and vicissitude, to be again apt to be turned back into steam, and so into blood. Like as also the blood, on the contrary, stands ready and affected to turn into steam, and so into spirit, in their circulation and passage up and down the body. In which course of Version and Transmutation they are holpen by the mediation of the humour remaining in the arteries, being as it were a mixture of spirit and blood, caused through the refinement of the blood in its passage through the heart: Whereupon we find that nature hath provided a thicker coat for them then for that thicker blood which is contained in the veins, even as the finer animal spirit in the brain, hath its whole substance, besides its two coats, for enclosure. And therefore it is to be considered, that as the first spirit generated of the egg, or the like, was homogenous unto it; so, by degrees, as bodies, and the humours in them do receive mixture and alteration, the spirit thereof generated doth suffer change also, until, in age, the one do become as heavy and indigested as the other: and the spirit to be wholly suffocated and lost in the humours.  
But the first quickening spirit being by the means aforesaid raised up and invited unto a regular motion, doth then, through habit of so moving, make itself the organical continents and enclosures of heart, arteries, brain, nerves, etc. serving as well for methodical motion, as for places of test and Rendezvouz to the spirits and humours, being then called life.  
And it is to be supposed that this confinement and imprisonment of spirits in bodies, is in itself unnatural, and at first a causer of pain: and living Creatures are by degrees only released of the sense thereof, through custom of endurance and diversion; by the means of maintenance of this methodical inward motion: So that so long as this is kept orderly and free pain is avoided: but if it be excited through too great and unusual proportion of spirits, as we find after drinking, where the strength of the liquor doth excessively turn into spirit, than the membranes of the b●ain being extraordinarily pressed, the party grows, from their restlessness, to be restless also, and prone to ways of evacuation, as to venery and motion; the one causing greater delight, because it affords a more free and methodical delivery, the other less and more insensible, because more slow and difficult: as forcing through the substance and coats of the nerves themselves.  
In like manner as a Commonwealth is enlivened and preserved, by having the natural vigour and spirit of the people kept in a regular and methodical motion, by the due observation of such regular Customs and Laws as shall be by the Prince thereof established; when as the intemperate use of things, accordding to their own several and occasional like, would be subject to bring on change and alteration, to the destruction of the Body Politic, as well as the Natural.  
And, in the Kingdom, we may account the Nobility and Gentry as answering the humour in the Arteries; and, by their middle temper and condition, carrying great force to unite the other extremes; that is, that more sublime spirit remaining in the head thereof, the Prince, (which is chiefly swayed by sense of honour) and those more gross humours of the ordinary sort, swayed by more earthly and sensual delights. When as they, being participant of both, may attemperate the Prince against so great sublination in attempts of ambition and vain glory, whereby to put his people into too violent heat and feverish motion; And also raise up and quicken the more slow sense of the people, from their aguish dulness in matters of obedience, to be more apprehensive and respectful of their Prince's commands, even as the natural members are to the directions of their head. Like as also doth the degree of Yeomanry unite the Gentry with the Peasant; and thereby impart some influence of courage and civility into those of the lowest rank, who else become heartless and unserviceable, as experience tells us of those Countries where they are not.  
Through custom of Walking we make it so familiar, that the fancy need not always intent that action by express direction, as in the extraordinary running it must: But custom of so doing, having made a fit collocation in the brain, it is able, while it continues that posture which is unto this notion requisite, to intend other objects also.  
But in this faculty of going, we may, from the daily observation of the practice of children herein, be put in mind with what trouble we are at first reduced from our natural proneness to be leaping with both feet at once, and from thence to be taught to set down one foot after another, after the manner of going. The which whilst it was in doing as a matter of great difficulty, did (although we have now quite forgot it) take up the whole employment of our fancy; the trouble thereof abating by degrees, as custom and practice made it easy, and secured us against fear of falling, incident to that first trust to a new support, as well as fear generally is to all new objects: But these things now over, the custom of walking keepeth my brain from trouble, as it doth my limbs from weariness. For it is not any naturalness in this motion of walking, that makes it thus easily endured.  
Nay, it seems that only Birds, that have indeed but two legs, are inartificial and upright walkers; and that this posture in mankind is at first forced. For the infant comes from the womb with the knees up; and what pains with swaddling do we take to stretch his body in length, and kept it so? With what aversion doth every one of them submit to this enforcement, and how pleased are they when released, so as the knees may be gotten up again? When we come afterwards to teach them to go, how ready are they to lean forward, and set their hands to the ground? What strange footing do they at last make in this uncoth motion?  
And after we are men we may find the naturalness of fourfooted goings still pointed at. Inasmuch as the Arms, when they are at liberty and not otherwise employed, do in our several gates keep pace with our legs, especially in fast walking; wherein, greater strength being required, we may observe men moving their Arms answerable to their Legs, and that cross ways, after the fashion of a trot. And so again, when they are to run, the arms are gathered up close, as ready to move in an exilient or leaping manner: which is the usual way of procession of such things as have their hind legs long. In swimming also man employs all four, like other things: especially like such as have broad forefeet and the hindparts long; as Frogs and such like.  
And as for any difference that is in the joints, between men and Apes, etc. they may well proceed but from custom, as crookedness doth: in which case, experience tells us how that continuance and usage of any posture, whilst the bones and gristles are yet tender, will cause the same so to fix afterwards, that unto that party, it will be as it were natural, and so increase by traduction also. And we may further observe, that the legs and thighs of infants are so bend, as not to be too long for the Arms: the trunks of their bodies being then also proportionably much longer; and the plants of the feet so turned, as to be accommodated to a fourfooted motion well enough, especially after a leaping fashion. And therefore mankind seems only incident to crookedness, in the distortion of the joints of the backbone: for although shortness of the trunk follow this peculiar erected posture, yet for further ease of the weight thereof (wanting support like other Creatures that use four feet), some way of leaning and standing comes to be affected, bringing on crookedness; and so farther shortening the trunk also. Upon which consideration we may suppose men's Limbs fitted for upright going even as Parats have one claw turned backward: that is, because the whole race of them, feeding out of their feet, and not being able to hold their meat to their mouths without turning their claws, it came at last so to settle: although the distortion be still apparent.  
And yet why may not men naturally enough go on their hind feet only, as we see some horses born amblers? for as in them custom and habit do often pass by traduction, so, all men being goers, why should not children be naturally walkers? and since it may be presumed that Adam and Eve were set upright, why not their posterity, insomuch as there should be no sort of people without this posture? It may be so, if we could have spoken without teaching; but as Adam was to have his knowledge infused, and not acquired from childhood, so the faculty of upright going also if he had it; otherwise it is like he would not have so gone, more than spoken.  
But this gate (no doubt) is of great advantage to man's use in some things: and that even in the exercise of the faculties of his mind and judgement, because he is hereby able to carry his head and neck more steadily then when they should be prominent, and hang out foreright; whereupon the senses Nerves, and parts of the body may have a more direct and steady intercourse with the brain, so as to hold on, and keep fresh such objects and figures as shall be entertained therein; that so, by summoning all its concomitant impressions, after each parties artificial way of topical method and adjudication, a full discovery may be made to serve for instruction or use, against another time, before that figure be parted with.  
And therefore we may observe that while we are in great inquiry and study concerning any thing, we hold our heads very steady: whereas those that have a loose carriage of their necks, are proportionably weak in their intellectuals: And truly, to be a good Peripatetic is a great step to be a good Philosopher: because, in this erect gate, the bones being in a strait line, do bear the weight of the body; so as the brain may not be diverted from its inward work and agitation, to any great supply of the Nerves and Muscles without. And besides this, we have some advantage to knowledge by keeping our hands by this means more tender, whereby to imprint more exactly by feeling with them.  
But then again, there is no doubt but in many bodily exercises, the other motion and gate would be advantageous; as in leaping, running, climbing, and all sorts of nimbleness. And for trial sake hereof it were not amiss that some children were so brought up and nourished, as to be without sight of company, that they might take their natural course herein, until some degree of years, at least those that come to them, to feed or teach them to speak, should come upon all four, and then sit, after the eastern fashion; but the greatest and best advantage would be, if men could conveniently be brought to use both ways of gate upon occasion; but this by the way.  
Now as there is an creation of body, so is there an erection of mind; wherein (indeed) the portrait and image of God is to be sought. And unto this estate of upright walking and looking towards heaven, we are by more slow and difficult degrees reduced, in our souls, than we are in our bodies: even because of those natural and inbred affections of Pride, Covetousness, Sensuality, Stubbornness, and the like, whereby we are carried with a perpetual delight to lie grovelling on the things of this world.  
The first great help to this straightness of mind are those swathings of Precepts and discipline, wherewith and whereby, from our infancy, and from the same time we begin to go, we have the Rebellion and irregularities of our nature rectified by the Laws and Rules of our Parents; by the due application and exercise whereof, while our affections (as well as our limbs) are yet pliant and tender, we come to be well fitted and prepared to undergo and act, as Christians and subjects in our political relation, that measure of duty and submission which, in our Oeconomical relation, we had been habituated unto as children; when either our heavenly Father, or the Father of our Country shall have farther occasion to make trial of our growth and steadiness in perfection, by those afflictions and hardships which through humility and obedience to them, we shall be put unto.  
So that there will be these differences between the erection of the body, and that of the soul. All the difficulty of upright going, in the first sort, rests in our infancy, even in keeping the limbs of our body strait; whereas the difficulty of upright walking, in the other sort, is chiefly afterwards; when, by reason of obdurate natural stubborness and crookedness of disposition, we stand in more need of the ligaments and ties of Laws and Discipline then before.  
After we come to growth, the elevation of our mind is helping to the body, in continuance of this his elevation, even through pride and affection, as striving to excel in that which we see to be so generally practised; whereas to the true elevation and upright walking of the inward man, the pride and haughtiness of the outward man is altogether averse, and there is no surer way to the true raising and dignifying of our minds, then by the depressing and keeping under of our bodies: when as by due application and use of afflictions and Patience, we may make those true Christian graces of humility and lowliness of mind, in our own and worldly esteem, to become our true glory and exaltation in the sight of God. For it is to be considered that there are ghostly and gracious habits, as well as bodily and natural ones: and that these, as the more worthy, aught to take up our chief endeavour.  
To proceed farther into search of the degrees of knowledge and comprehension, we may observe, that those that can perfectly read are past the trouble of spelling: and those that can do that well, do it so without disturbance to their fancy, that they can intend the matter treated of; without distraction, (through notice of the words) more than the action of walking doth disturb the party, from entertaining other objects and thoughts.  
As for the usual trial and difficulty of rubbing with one hand, and patting with another both at once, it proceeds from want of custom, whereby the brain cannot accommodate itself to both actions at the same instant: but through practice and custom both may be done, and yet the fancy have ability and leisure to intend something else; even as Turner's and Spinsters can use hands and feet in different motions, and yet think on other things at the same time. For those different motions come at last to be but one, because the Brain (by little and little) finds a posture accommodated equally to supply those Nerves that serve the Muscles in both motions, and that at once, as he that hath been sufficiently enured to the shapes of a, and b, can be brought to make one syllable of them, and as well say ab, as a first, and then b; so, another syllable may be added to that; and yet (making but one word) the Brayn may jointly intend them as one work. And farther, if it have more to do, that, or more words, may, through habit in reading, be so kept from disturbing the fancy, that the sense of them, and not the particular words, shall occupy the mind. Even as in Arithmetic, which is learned for things sake, and not for pleasure of seeing the figures of 3, 4, 5, 6, etc. the things thereby wrought, and not the Instrument comes to exercise our fancy.  
No otherwise then the tools of Carpenters, etc. please but in relation to the work. Yet men seek to have their tools fitting: which handsomeness accompanies, as the most usual form: but, to have a good work done by ill favoured tools, or an ill work by handsome ones, can hold no comparison in the Artificers choice.  
So the skill in Arithmetic may be a thing pleasing in itself: as also the Arts of good Printing or Writing, and the well forming and placing of figures and letters, may be pleasing in themselves, considered apart; but come they once to be brought to use, then, not they, but the things which they signify and import, take up our fancy.  
So in Music also, the Tune and harmony is attended, and not every eighth or fifth: nay there may be (and usually is) progression: and that Tune may prompt us to some Song made thereafter; and that song again mind us of some mirth, company, or other accidents that accompanied it in the times of our hearing. For the ends and utmost discoveries of things are always coveted; and where knowledge and the figure is already sufficiently comprehended, nature is progressive in her enquiry, and cannot, out of common duty, be idle. And things are kept in memory as they were let in; that is with their most usual, or which is all one, with their strongest concomitants.  
As we see it come to pass in dreams; what strange progression will they make? So as fancy, in her method of transition from one thing to another, will make as it were an history; if the affections move not to such height and passion as to awake the party. And the object that begins therein is commonly that which we last went to sleep with, if it be of much concern; but then, that quickly runs into things and objects of strongest impression: and therefore the Stage and Company is usually what our youth was accustomed unto, because then, as things came with greatest notice, so they have greatest settlement. For although many times, in the morning, we remember not the series and coherence of our dreams, because these (it may be) made little impression, yet a method of transition they must needs have had.  
All which will inform us that affections arise not from present objects as now in themselves, but as in relation to our collections, and memory of their former abearance towards us, which is not grounded on one, but many observations; except that one were equivalent to many in strength: for it is all one to have a dead or absent party in remembrance because of long acquaintance, as it is to remember another for some extraordinary favour and obligation. For he that brings one stone a day for one hundred days, make the like heap to him that lays down one hundred all at once. And, so also, a repartition of strokes upon the forehead, with an Egg or the like, will at last make as great a swelling as one greater blow with a stronger thing; even for that the blood and humours, by little and little arrested in their passage by the small stroke, do by degrees amass equally to that more total stopage made by the great contusion.  
As the outward parts stand affected and sensible by the recourse of the humours and mediation of the Nerves and animal spirit, so much more the Brain. And as he that hath had the Gout doth again remember and know the precise pain thereof upon the recourse of the same humours, even so is the Brain put in mind and made sensible of its impressions, as well from the motion and recourse of the humours therein, as from outward objects. So that in sleep our dreams take often rise from hence also: and from those vapours arising from the Stomach; which do commonly mind us of the same thoughts then, as did accompany the like food or digestion in the day time.  
From these strong concomitant impressions accompanying objects, it comes that the weaker sort of men are so impetuous in Religion. For they, relying on Authority of particular persons, their zeal and devotion is heightened according to the passion and fervency accompanying the preacher in his delivery, and not from the reason of what he propounded. Whereupon Impression and Custom moves in Religion as it doth in other things; that is by constancy and asseveration: for loser men, though more, are not so remarkable, for want of sedulity and asseveration in what they do.  
And as that side hath most sectators that hath most zealous patrons, so also State alterations are swayed by the numbers of such as are most uniformly active: and although such as dislike the order of things established and done by them, may be of far greater number, yet if they be not unanimous in their number, so as to agree to choose another before it, and to agree in fervency of opposition, they are as like to hinder one another, as them.  
Now as to know is little more than to remember, so Conscience is but the memory of things, actions, etc. as they relate to morality. For the Brayn (from sense) taking objects entire; Conscience picks thereout, what future hope or fear may make of concern, and puts them into his own method, as other affections do. For Conscience hath not only her rule, as other affections, but arising from all things that have morality, (which accompanieth every thing in one kind or other) is an affection upon other affections. And therefore Conscience comes not until years of discretion, that other affections have some growth: all which she masters, according as hope and fear master her. And so Conscience, in her jurisdiction, is a Will or general affection by herself; Having Reasons proper. For Reason is when memory holds forth two things at once, that by comparison of them, according to their usual effects and consequents observed formerly, conclusion may be made of the like to happen again.  
And, as Conscience is memory of things, as to Religious fear, so Honour is memory of things, actions, persons, etc. as to Civil hope. Conscience hath not his correlate (as shame which is opposite to Honour) unless the passion of Hope be taken in. Honour and shame respect reward and punishment present, or rather carry it with them; Conscience, that which is hereafter. And thereupon, one regards the Sentence and Judgemen of such as have present power, the other the commands and power of such as shall judge for the future. So that one sort of good Conscience may be want of memory or unaccusing, but Honour must be active. Absence of guilt contents the one, but the other must be possessive. And as Conscience is an affection upon affections, as they relate to guilt and punishment hereafter, so Honour governs affections as they have judgement of things, &c here: and as the known Will of that God I fear, can only oblige me in the one, so the Will of those men I esteem, in the other.  
And indeed, all our affections are (as instigated so) Governed by hope and fear. For under these two, as under the desire of attaining good or avoiding bad in the general, all things are included: and all other affections in the choice of objects have respect towards them, that is, (from observation) to judge what expectations of good or harm; that is, pleasure of sense or honour, or pain of sense or shame, here or hereafter, is like to proceed from them, or their different managery and application.  
But then, as more go to Heaven by the way of Hell, and we had rather have our commendable actions suppressed then the contrary much divulged, so fear is stronger than hope; for although pleasure be the object of the one, and pain of the other, yet because pleasure is never so perfect as pain, nor can be so fixed and continuing; nor again without fear of loss, it must therefore belooked upon as the most general and steady guide of our actions.  
Upon which ground we need not wonder at the commonness of superstition; nor why, as children are scared with Hobgoblins, etc. so some men (little differing from them) should be so obnoxious to the terrors and affrights of such as they credit. In which case it may happen to these that are negatively superstitious, as being scandalised at some Ceremonies which they understand not themselves, but which their guides are pleased to blast, as under the notion of humane inventions, or the like, as it doth with that way of affrightment of children also, by telling them of Raw head and bloody bones: for as to them that for the present understand not that all living things should be so, these things are apprehended as really dangerous and terrible because terribly delivered; even so, under the odium of humane invention, Popery or the like, are we many times brought to be superstitiously flying those things that are in themselves good: and are also by so much the better, as being by Christian Authority approved, & as having the more ancient and Catholic Precedent of the Christian Churches usage. For (doubtless) they cannot be so weak as seriously to believe that those that do refuse communion with the Papists, even for that very difference sake which is in many things between them, should at the same time they account them erroneous in the service of God and in matters of Ceremonies also, implicitly follow them in some other things; and upon no other score but because they do so. But by these and such like arts it is usual with seditious persons to steal away people's hearts from their own Church guides and Rulers. For upon the same reason that a second disaffects (so far as to spoil the whole harmony) so one crossing and unexpected fear raceth that whole method of belief and persuasion we stood before possessed of, as to the goodness of our Religion, or of our practice therein.  
And that fear is more pressing and prevalent than hope, appears in that our hope to attain good can never want our fear of missing it; nor can the possession of pleasure want the fear of deprivation. We may also observe that deaf men do ever suspect things are spoken to their ill or prejudice, even when they may as likely speak to their good. The like jealousy is entertained when any whisper in our Company, or speak to one another in a language we understand not.  
Nay pleasure is but absence of pain, especially that of sense: and then we need not wonder why a positive thing should affect more than a negative. For pain being (as before noted) when the spirits are stopped in their wont motions, and it must still happen but they should be more or less so, pleasure can neither be high nor lasting, but (at best) mixed; and be but by comparison of a less pain to a greater.  
Upon knowledge and due consideration of the prevalence of this passion of fear towards the guidance of men as in a state of subjection, it seemed good in the eye of divine wisdom, to rank his service, and all our returns of duty and obedience, as under that notion. Nay we may observe that he doth not only set down the commendations of such as have been dutiful and obedient unto him under the oppression of such as feared him, but also, for the increase of this return of duty and service towards himself, he is wont to promise a new increase and implantation of fear into the hearts of those parties and people from whom he expects it, as being the only steady grace that is effectual herein.  
If we look unto Creatures below us, we shall find that only such of them are disciplinable, and to be made tame and cohabitable as can be brought to be made sensible and subject to our corrections, and also kept in such a continual fear of us, as not to resist, or rise against us to our prejudice: Whereas Lions, Wolves, Foxes, and the like, which cannot be constantly awed, are called Savage, amongst which sort we come to reckon mankind itself, when it shall once arrive at that degree of temerity as to be incorrigible and disrespective to Law and Government, being then become indisciplinable and impolitical. For as to be informidable, is to be indomitable, so to be indomitable is to be unsociable. Because if it were not for this mutual fear, every man would be daily affronted and injured by every man. Nay, the boys and youths as we passed the streets might be inclined even for sport sake, to abuse us with dirt or stones or the like, did not the terror of punishment to come from us or their Master keep them in awe. In which case, as it is to be considered, that as they are most ready to offer these abuses to other boys or those of their own rank, because less to be feared either for personal revenge or complaints, so, were it not for fear sake, especially for that fear which must come from Authority, no society could be maintained; especially in cases of great import; where revenge is ready to work more high.  
And therefore those that say a Prince ought to rule by love only, understand not what they say; but, out of an hasty affectation to be eminent in a popular expression, forget that absurdity that attends it. Amongst equals, it is in vain for any man to expect that another should be serviceable unto him, who stands not by natural relation, it is not by some antecedent obligation, brought to a degree of loving him: in which case it may be called, a return of gratitude and not of subjection. That Prince also that is to attain a Principality or new Empire it will be necessary that he should in like manner demean himself towards those he intends afterwards to rule as Subjects. But as there is a manifest difference, both in material and fashion, between the stirrup by which we get up, and the saddle by which we ride, so is there between that relation he had to them before they were Subjects, and that which he hath to them afterwards, being then their equal, and now their ruler: and therefore it cannot but be thought that a different managery belongs to him that is to command, over it doth to him that is to entreat.  
When any one is actually seized and estated in an office of rightful power, he can then be no otherwise loving as a superior, then as the other had first merited of him by his submission and obedience. In which case, as power and command must precede the return of duty and obedience, so must that approbation which must come from the superior in the acknowledgement of the desert of one more than another, be esteemed a reward in requital of some work done by the person, and not an affection to the person, without any such consideration. So that although Princes may have their peculiar friends or favourites, (like other men), yet, in reference to the act of Government and obedience, the eye thereof cannot be firm without Law, nor Law without fear; until such a golden age shall be light upon, wherein the Edicts and commands of superiors shall be to the will of every one, at all times, so pleasing and conformable, as that the Commander shall not be distinguishable from the obeyer.  
So that this passion of Fear being so necessary, both for making of us sociable, and for keeping us fitted and prepared for a due return of obedience according to our relation of subjection, we are not only to conceive the total privation thereof to be a total defeat to Government and its force, but that proportionably, as there is a course taken for substracting or lessening of this fear, from that person that can only immediately claim and make present use of it, so is there a proportionable stop given to the efficacy of that Government which he is to execute.  
As for example, in the divisions and distinctions of obedience into Religious and Civil, and active and passive, formerly spoken of: whereby men are brought from reckoning the breach of their Prince his Commands to be a thing of such terror as was formerly thought: and in the latter of these cases, to wit, in the distinction of obedience into active and passive, their haste to be rendered famous in so popular a speculation, hath made them become frivolous or unintelligible. For I would fain know, if he that did sit still, or keep at home, according to his Prince his command, were not to be called actively obedient unto him, as well as he that was put to the greatest labour and toil in the performance of what he was enjoined? Or (On the contrary) whether he were not as well passive that did suffer punishment for being active, when he was enjoined to be quiet, as he was that endured punishment for being quiet and forbearing, when he should have been active and stirring.  
And the truth is, to say actively obedient, is none other than a contradiction: for Government being itself to be looked upon as a work aiming at an end, as then the Prince must be looked upon as director and Agent, so can the subject in all Offices of employment he is put to herein, as well for motion as station, be considered but as instrumental and passive only: and so far as he suffers for neglect or contumacy, he cannot be called passive as in relation to his obedience, but as to his stubbornness or disobedience. And therefore they should consider that since the benefits of Government and Polity are not to be had, unless some as instruments shall submit to have their wills guided by the wills of those that are to direct, so is there no steady way but that of Conscience and Fear to make voluntary and sensitive Agents continually ready to be directed by the judgements of such as are above them; after the same manner as other instruments do depend on the hand of the Artificer.  
These passions of hope and fear, although most prevalent, yet are not innate: but arise from experience of objects pleasurable and painful. For children, till some collection of Knowledge, hope not, nor fear not, as before noted.  
As remembrance of pain, at first, causeth fear (for pain is the thing feared) so men that have thin skins, and are thereupon more sensible, have more fear than other Creatures; and those creatures that are most docible, are as we see most fearful and attentive, as Dogs, Parrots, etc. And as wise men have tenderer sense of feeling then fools, so, more sense, more fear, and consequently, more wisdom; for fear causeth enquiry to be rid thereof.  
But as thus, fear makes men generally come to be more wise, (insomuch as all wise men may be observed fearful,) yet this being in more things than fools, whose ignorance and inexperience will not let them know the danger of many things, this their generality of fearing of more things according to truth, keeps the fear of fewer things from being so superstitious and intense. For as all superstition comes of ignorance, so zeal that should be according to knowledge, should not put a man besides his senses: and if men had more wisdom, God might be more rationally served then usually he is. And if our zeal and exercise of Region be not according to knowledge, (so as to be called our reasonable service of God) we cannot rightly be said to serve God as men and reasonable Creatures. For after the groundwork is laid, and we have transcended sense in apprehending Christ (with his mysteries) in our hearts by Faith, our outward service and worship is so much the better, as the more knowing; that is, in employing of our abilities in discovering of what the true sense of Scripture, or the light of Reason will afford: as the next and best direction to attain what we desire to know or practise, as truth or good.  
Nay, as we are in search of the Scriptures to employ our own utmost abilities, so are we not wholly to rely upon them; but, having in the first place freed ourselves of all prejudice and prepossession, and in humility implored divine illumination and assistance in all things, we are then to proceed according to the rules of Christian Faith and love in all deportments and actions, not otherwise directed by our superiors: who also are in this case to be looked upon as the authorized interpreters of the Scriptures, as heretofore noted, Else it will fall out, that each one undertaking to examine and interpret them according to his own wild fancy, and weak and ungrounded method of comprehension, and being also strongly, through education or interest forestalled in his judgement, there will arise to be as many Religions and Opinions, as men and interests. And that which is yet worse, men's natural pride and vainglory will prompt to such presumption of extraordinary revelation, that even things blasphemous and destructive of humane society, shall, in despite of the Church, Reason, or Authority, be set on foot. Whereas, in truth in things of most private and separate concern, the sense of the Church, and the Analogy of Faith is to be venerably regarded, even as the supreme Christian Magistrate is also in all things of public concern.  
For in this case we are again fallen within the limits of moral care and consideration. And therefore, as each man's reason is in him the best guide of what to do in the course of his own affairs, so public Reason in that which hath public respect to the end, that from the knowledge of what is there done, there may be a fit and a constant way left for attaining moral prudence and obedience: and that according to a well grounded experience and observation of moral and political directions and Edicts. Whereby each Subject may, from the constancy of the measure and manner of application, used by his Prince in rewards and punishments, come to frame to himself political methods and schemes of comprehension and knowledge of his duty and benefit in civil deportments, as well as he may learn Philosophy by observation of that constancy which is kept up in the course of Nature. For she being preserved and governed by uniform rules and laws, the same Causes must ever produce the same effects, if the Agent and Patient be in themselves and circumstances alike virtuous and the same, the which wisdom must discover, from a well grounded observation of constancy in her observations: for should not natures course be constant, species and individual things could not have any steady provision for existence and benefit, but causes being indeterminable, effects would be so also. For it was from the constant observation of one thing following another, in all respects alike considered, that I come to know any thing; even as by continually observing heat to accompany fire, I know fire to be the cause of heat.  
And from this constancy in Nature it comes also to pass, that what is most naturally done is most uniformly done, and so most handsomely and delightfully done. Which coming to be imitated by us, will be also most virtuously and wisely done: but what is not done in natural imitation (as following no rule) is vicious and ill favoured. For folly being a short and false observation in the course of things, it concludes to act upon half premises: Whereupon the irregular processions and effects thereof, come through inequality to be inequity. For as truth can be but one, but errors divers: even so (as we noted formerly of beauty and handsome faces) virtuous actions have more likeness to one another then vicious. For all virtuous actions are done by certain rules and copies, and as they agree to these measures, their goodness is known: and as they differ therefrom, they do differ from themselves also, and approach to vice.  
Things being thus stated, it will follow, that more reason, knowledge and understanding, is but more observation, and that an uncontradicted observation is taken for a supreme reason in itself. For so (for example) the motion of gravity, because it is observed to accompany all things, none, or few search the reason of it, for there is not a more general or uniform rule in nature to examine it by; all proof going from things more generally observed and known to such as are less. Whereas to believe the Antipodes, and that men, upon the same reason of motion of gravity, should tend in the same line towards us, as we do towards them; this seems as difficult for belief, as it is different from the usual tendency of things, as to our appearance, which we call upwards and downwards. Nor can it be conceivable to any that will not take pains to get it comprehended from observation elsewhere.  
In which case, if men have made and methodised observations aright, it may appear that the sum and superior bodies move in spheres, even because the time they are absent and unseen is equal to that they complete in compassing that half of the sphere which is seen, from whence, and the observation of eccilpses, the earth must be supposed to be spherical also.  
And if this be farther enquired into, we shall find that this motion of heavy things downwards, is but part of a more general motion, and to be so concluded from that more general observation of union: And is but the appetite thereof made more observable through this more apparent motion toward union after separation. For the common knowledge and observance of boldness as they are unite, and keeping close together, as by so much more general than the motion of gravity, as rest itself is more general than local motion, for indeed what is usually called motion and rest, are but these two: but it is not so observable as the other, because rest, or union already made, hath no variety to cause intent observance, as variety of motion doth in the other. And therefore it is only discoverable to such as can un-ravel nature in their contemplation, until they come to the bottom and first groundwork thereof. For than they shall find both this constant practice of union or adhesion of bodies, and also the cause thereof to be (the general cause of all causes) that is, the will and law of God in order to his providence.  
And although inanimates have a kind of specification amongst themselves, whereby desire of proper union hath some force (as may be seen in that active part of earth, the Loadstone, in his variation, yet they follow in their whole mass) the general law of matter, in the common and general thirst of union. For should there not be a common centre of gravity, whereby all earthly things, as they stood differenced in weight by dense and rare, might have and keep the proper places assigned them, Chaos and confusion would follow.  
And therefore, this motion of heavy things to the earth being both necessary and natural, both for affording a place of receipt and production of creatures, and for leaving all without, so rare and transparent, that the influences of superior bodies might approach them, we must conclude, that as the whole earth is more than a part, so hath it this attractive force of union, greater also in the whole then apart. And therefore for a stone (or the like) to tend that way, and not to be diverted by the desire of union through proximity of a like less body, is no wonder. And, as it is to the whole, so it is to the centre or middle part of the whole, that this desire of approach is annexed. And hence it may easily be conceived, that with our Antipodes this motion of bodies to the centre, in their hemisphere, is but the same with us, in our hemisphere. For the desire of union is equal in proportion to all parts of the whole mass, as well in the greater body attracting, as the lesser (which we may call passive and) attracted, and is from centre to centre in both.  
And as the centre of attraction governs thus in all natural motions, so doth the centre of resistance in all violent motions. But as there, they employ their force to Union and Agreement, so here, to repulse and victory. For the balance, the leaver, the wheel, and other mechanical instruments have their force, and are appliable to use, from the just computation of distance from the centre, in the parts where the strife lies in each of the opponents; whereby that part of the balance, leaver, etc. that is, shortest, and so nearest the centre of the whole opposition, will consequently, as most oppressed with its burden, have lest force in resistance; and the other, upon contrary reasons, will have most force: and this both of them proportionable to their distances in things of like weight and resistance: even as in fencing, he that is to put by the sword of another, will find proportionable ease, as there is difference of length between so much of the sword which the party encloseth in his hand, and of that part beyond and without it. For the upper part of the hand (where the defendants forefinger joint is) being the centre of opposition, it will follow that the assailant will have difference of force, as he hath difference of distance from it; that is, answerably, as the length of the sword without his hand, is longer, from the place touched by the assailant to the handle, than the defendants hand is broad.  
We before said the Brain to be the common sensory, and the Senses the scouts and intelligencers for information and knowledge: For colours, figures, etc. may be said to be by the brain felt, through the windows of eyes; and savours and sounds through the nose and ears. But, of the foreign intelligencers, the eye hath most advantage to knowledge; being capable of more variety of objects, and that at once; and of apprehending them at greatest distance. Now since, between men and beasts, there appears little, and but occasional difference in the number or excellence of the senses, and that all knowledge is acquired in us, and acquired by help of these senses, it would be known how this ability is attained.  
In which discourse we will begin with sight, whose object is a luminous or an opacous body, and that by means of beams of light directly issuing from the one, or reflected from the other. After the first way I see the Sun a candle, etc. after the other way, all opacous bodies that return their beams; in both cases the beam of light being the object of sight, colour, figure, etc. are but its concomitants.  
There may be thought another way of discovery, that is, by Eclipse, where the body is discerned, not by reflecting or discovering the beam, but by impeaching and hiding it. So the Moon, in the Sun's Eclipse, discovers her own body, not by sending, but by preventing the light: and indeed, colours so far as they are in degree distant from white or light, unto black or dark, in which last the beam is wholly entered and lost. So far, and all that while doth the beam suffer degree of Eclipse, in the different penetration and return it finds in the superficies of that body.  
But although light beams be the only proper objects of sight, yet hereby is the opacous body differenced in the manner of perception six ways. By Figure, by Motion, by Colour, by Magnitude, by Number, and by Scite or Posture. All which properties are so inseparably adjoined unto every material body, that neither in themselves, nor (consequently in our contemplation, a body can be without them, nor they without a body, except it be motion, For we may see and imagine a body endued with Colour, Proportion, or Figure without motion, but a body with, or without motion, wanting Colour, Figure, Dimension, etc. we cannot apprehend, because there can be nothing in the fancy, but what was first in the sense; and therefore since no body was ever seen wanting these properties, it cannot enter into the imagination without them, nor they without it. True it is, that I may conceive a body of a different Figure, Proportion, etc. unto any that I ever saw, as to the whole fabric, yet must it be made up and have analogy unto some Figures formerly represented. For so let a Traveller tell of some strange Beast, he must (to make it conceivable) give it some resemblance of head, feet, back, belly, or other shape, to the likeness of Lion, Dog, Horse, or such like; whereupon having finished his discourse by such similitude, you have a body figured in your fancy of such a shape as entire you had not before, but not so of the several parts. But now, to imagine a body void of colour, or a body of such a colour as I never saw, is impossible, because this property is descernable by sight only, and must have come from thence, or not at all, even from the divers observance of colorate objects. And although, I seldom can remember the instance or shape or the body that gave me this colour, because the variety of Figures is more than that of colours (and thereupon not so easily retained in memory) even so Colours may remain after the Figures are abolished.  
And for a little better discussion and satisfaction herein, we will examine and instance in the miracle Christ wrought on the man born blind, who (upon his eyes opening) said he saw men Walking as trees. To satisfy which, we are to know, that Figure, Motion, Proportion, etc. are not the proper objects of sight, but of feeling: For although I cannot remember the particulars, yet I did at first feel the different Shapes and Figures of things, before I could distinguish them by sight; and if we observe children, while they are very little, all their learning is but a conference between their hands and eyes; that is, to instruct their eyes to make true estimation of Figure, Proportion, etc. For after that by feeling they have observed the different shadows were made in rounds, flats, corners, and all other shapes and dimensions whatsoever, they are consequently ready to make observation for all Figures following. So now this blind man having (it is likely) upon some occasion been left to rest himself under, or against a tree, he could not but (thereupon) be knowing of the shape thereof: And therefore the erect stature and size of men, in his new illumination, seemed most to resemble that of trees, of any other which he could know; For it is to be conceived he could not reach beyond the trunks of them.  
And therefore Feeling being the next informer of the understanding (or rather understanding itself) is to be looked upon as the original and most exact sense; sight and other senses being only necessary for the quaintity and extent of its information: whose reports, having but respect to the appearances of things, are not farther capable of evidence and certainty, then as consenting with, and controulable by feeling. Which sense, as it began to be with ourselves, and shall last leave us (as being the assurance of that life by which we are we) So is to us the assurance of the realities of things in nature; even by making us perceptible of that which is the foundation and original; to wit of that their principle of existence or being. For hereby only we come to gather our assurance that any thing at all really is: whereas by the other we do but discover farther of the manner how; which must proportionably have dependence on the truth of the existence or being of thing itself.  
And therefore is the eye is of largest contribution to the intellect (not from generality of object and receipt at distance only, but) because it can take in more of the Figure and Appearance of the object, than the others; by means of those several colorate rays emitted from the several corners and object parts of opacous bodies, into the expanded end of the optic nerve spread round the pupil of the eye. Even so, to the increase and extent of man's knowledge above beasts, in the sense of feeling, we are advantaged by our hands, which serve to inform the brain by the spinal marrow, as other senses do by their inward pares of nerves. And then this paradox may be brought in, that men's hands are greatest outward advantages to their knowlesge. For in them men having excellence above other things, do not only excel them as Mechanics, but by them they are able also to understand more. And even as Cats that play most catch best, so also, because we are by them, and the speading of the fingers, made perceptible of divers parts of the object body at once, and thereby able to make more full figure thereof, as the retina tunica doth to the visual nerve. Whereas in the touchings that are apprehended by other parts, so small a circuit of the object body is placed upon so small an extension and portion of the nerves of my body, that no such perception of difference can arise between touch and touch, as to beget knowledge and affection to one thing much above another. And therefore we may observe that men cannot let their hats remain on their heads in the same posture they are put on by others, but must again place themselves to that kind of settlement they were accustomed unto. For the hat, covering and pressing the head round and in divers parts at once, must render it in a higher degree perceptible and affected with differences, then where, in that and other parts of the body, foreign touches are in so small measure received.  
But because each sense can but inform in its own proper sphere and object, we will see a little how they lead to error, when brought from the control of feeling. The Sun and Moon, etc. have neither, to fight, their true Dimensions nor Figures, and this because nothing could be felt at distance. An oar in the water, hath such a different Posture or Scite, that mine eyes alone can never inform me, that that part which is within, and that part which is without the water, do make but one straight piece: And multiplying glasses deceive us by numbers, as travelling by water doth deceive us in motion; and this upon no other reason, but because the same direction and crossing of lines is made by my passing by the trees and land, as would be if they passed by me, or one another.  
And the like is for hearing and other senses, which (having their single proper objects) must refer to feeling, for science and assurance in other things not proper unto them. For although a perfect sight, hearing, smelling, or tasting, can never fail (with due mediums) in differencing of colours, noises and savours without and beyond control of feeling (which hath nothing to do with these things, but by these his proper organs) yet can they not know farther than as from and for him. And the more remote any thing is from feeling, the more uncertain its discovery.  
Which happens to sight chiefly because it undertakes at greatest distance from it. Whereupon we find, that colours come to be lost afar off, and pictures, land-scapes, etc. do make things that are plain and even, to seem such risings, as by sight alone (having reference to like shadows in faces and things that had such risings) we might be deceived. For different session of light or colour making Figure conceivable in our sense, and not any real quality in the object, as the Painter's Art (which is able to express all Figures by colours only) doth clearly demonstrate, it must follow that Figure and all the rest are (as we said) truly demonstrable from feeling only; which also deceives the brain in crossing of nerves, as it is deceived by sight in crossing of lines: for from hence it comes to pass that one bullet felt by two finger's a cross seems to be two.  
But now although motion be not so inseparable a property of bodies (and so ordinarily the object of sense, as some of the rest) yet, because it is of so great variety in its self, it gives the greatest information to the understanding of all others: For that it denotes more of the inward qualities of a body; And again, you cannot conceive any one figure or proportion not capable of divers motions.  
But then, though a body is many times seen, and so may be imagined without motion, yet, as it was never seen alone, so motion cannot be conceived without a figurate body; and therefore although again, this property of figure be not so directive, as of itself, yet it is more necessary, as to method, by its presence and assistance, because my fancy cannot be comprehensive of any object without a Figure.  
And this we cannot forbid ourselves in the contemplation of God himself, and all other spiritual substances, namely, to fancy them under one shape or another, wherein we conceive those attributes, and operations we ascribe to them should be most fitly exercised. Which, as it was the main rise to Idolatry, so was it of Heresy, Schism and Superstition also; mistaking Gods attributes under a wrong figure: which always coming far short of expressing his ability to act, must fall short also of rendering his Almightiness in all kinds of due esteem in our understandings. And again, as these our conceived figures do differ from one another, so will there be difference in the opinions of the par●ies that do frame their conceptions from them.  
And although men now grown to some years, can remember names and words without their figures that first imprinted them; yet (as experience tells us) we cannot remember the name of any single or distinct thing or person, but his shape will first come into our fancy; showing, that as natural notions and the comprehensions of separate things arose and were confirmed in us from frequent or intent admittance through outward sense: So the peremptory conceit of the fitness of Method and Rules of adjudication framed thereupon, must arise also from divers essays and observations of the analogy and correspondenc● between them. And in children's learning to speak, the articulation of words is not so great a hindrance as want of fancy through want of impression of some Figure of that thing which these words should express; for Paria●s that can articular well enough, are for this cause uncapable to speak many things, or indeed any thing, but what must arise from large iteration, which must serve to them, as an affection arising from height and sharpness, or manner of sound and impression, through often hearing of the same tone, and not as an object of memory so distinctly figured by itself, as to mind him of the object whereof he speaks; although indeed their speech is usually brought on by way of memory from Figure, as by the sight of persons or places that did teach or accompany their learning.  
As the eye is the sense of largest supply to Feeling and memory, so (through variety of its objects) fancy hath more ability to conceive and distinguish the impressions thereof, then by any other of the senses. For sight hath all varieties of Figure, Number, Proportion, etc. for its observation; whereas the other senses are, for the most part, single in their objects: Nay, Figure alone is of such variety, as there cannot be such exactness between any two things, take them of leaves of the same tree, stones; or what natural thing; you will, but some such difference to the eye may still be discovered, as a man may be said to know them by it. But Savours and Sounds, being, like single colours, without such remarkable difference, can seldom so employ and affect the fancy, as to be remembered distinct from one another, as of themselves; but as accompanied with that figurate body, or some other sensible accident at the time of their admittance. And hence comes another advantage men have to knowledge abeve other creatures, namely, this greater variety of induction, by relying on sight and feeling more than they.  
For smelling (which is the sense they most rely upon, and make use of) is capable but of little variety of impression; and their knowledge and instruction gathered from difference herein, serveth seldom to other employment then to distinguish food by, it being indeed but as one and the same sense with tasting, or being but tasting at distance; even as tasting again is but the proper sense of feeling for one part, namely the stomach. And it will hence follow, that as the variety of the objects of sight exceed those of smell; and as the variety of feeling with the hand exceeds that of feeling with the palate; so doth men's advantage to knowledge exceed, even in this respect also, that of other creatures.  
And again, as Beasts (relying and usuage of these more confined inquiries of Taste and Smelling) can produce (thereupon) but little knowledge, so such men or such creatures, as are in their senses most confined (whether in this kind, or in any other) must be also most confined in knowledge; as on the contrary, they that are intent on Figures, have advantage to memory; and so to knowledge. And therefore we can never remember that which happened unto us in our infancy, or very young, because we had not as then throughly learned to distinguish and retain Figures.  
But then, although smelling have hereupon least influence upon us, as to our intellectual and moral habits; yet, by reason of its vicinity and intercourse with the spirits themselves, it is most strongly operative for introducing affections in us, as in our natural condition, and thereby to move us more strongly to liking and action than the other senses can. And however we are not, like other Sensitives (that are not capable of making use of figurate objects, and receiving impression from them) lead to fancy, and distinguish particular things and persons from custom and usage hence only arising, but are able from those greater and more observable agreements and disparities which appear to sight and other senses, and from the oftener employment of them thereabouts, many times to put a stop and control upon what is approved by the other, and to choose and stand affected from them, and not from the other; yet in those things that depend upon more general acquaintance and commerce, and where long conversation hath grown up into habit and custom, without control or notice of other senses, there the sense of smelling doth with us, as well as them, so far prevail as to pass into that we call Nature: For and towards the liking of such sorts or species of creatures, with whom we are most conversant, by means of those vapours and spirits that flow from them.  
And hence it is, that as all creatures do from their more usual association, come to like those of their own kind more than others, so also do they by degrees do it; even as each individual of the same species attains to full growth and perfection, whereby they may be reciprocally enabled both to give and take from each other these more strong impressions. Upon which ground each Sensitive at the time of its ripeness comes to be imbued and possessed with correspondent degree of delight in each others company, and also with that high desire of more near personal union and congression; even so far, until by means thereof, and of that mixture of more spiritous parts therein made, a third creature of their own kind is made up and generated.  
That this inclination is but emergent from that Natura Naturata, those Laws of matter which the great Natura Naturans did at first impose, for and towards the mutual preservation of the Universe and its Species, and not from such discreet instinct and original perception, as that each thing (as by a kind of miracle, or as being a God to its self) should be knowingly led to choice and discrimination herein, will plainly appear in those mixtures which are produced from those meetings of creatures of several sorts at common watering places, or the like. The which we might well think would be much more common and strong, if any thing from its birth should have been kept to herd amongst those of that kind, then can be now, where at the meetings at Nilus, or the like, there is but a short and occasional acquaintance, and that not till some maturity neither, when we must presume each thing necessarily imbued before with the relish of its own race. But were any creature from the time of its birth brought to herd amongst those of another sort, there is no doubt but that creature, at years of full growth and perfection, would have had its spirits so assimulated to those of that herd, as to choose congression there before any of its own kind, which it did but newly or suddenly meet with. Although therein again, some allay and impediment must be supposed, from that aversion which each one of that herd would bear towards this single creature, from that greater familiarity and converse they have one towards another.  
Not but that as there are degrees of likeness of flesh and humours in the several kinds of creatures one to another, and so consequently of that steam or spirit thence generated, and issuing out of the nostrils or pores; even so also are we to conceive that each thing is soon won to the liking of that which is most near to its own kind: As the Ass (a Creature that is more subject to stray then herd) is to choose a Mare; whereas she again, that is used more to heard with those of her own kind, yields not but upon force or necessity. Upon which score, and also for that all Creatures both in the Nest and Litter, and from Conversation and Nourishment by their Dam, are possessed with an early tincture, they do ordinarily come to receive a greater impression towards the future liking of one another in the same kind, then can be afterwards dileted or taken off, without a very long tract of time.  
As for distinction and choice of Sex, it proceeds from precedent discourses or practical experiment, and not from natural instinct or knowledge. For two Dogs or other Creatures will, in their play, while they are mutually more affected by the nearness and heat of each others breath, be ready to ride one another, till experience have told them their mistake: Not but that, as there are times of maturity in Vegetables and Fruits, so in Sensitives also; at which time (no doubt) two individuals in a herd, or the like, will have degree of perception and inclination towards each other (as to knowledge of natural ripeness and perfection) from that degree of quantity and fervour of vapour and spirits reciprocally emitted, In which case, a short experience, in so plain a difference, may teach the male (who is commonly the assailant and chooser) easily to distinguish that female from the rest which is fittest for him, even by his sense of smelling. Nay, as nature hath furnished us with a sense of tasting proper for our stomaches; even so may we observe all sorts of Sensitives to be saluting each other with billing, smelling, or the like; whereby, as by a natural way of compliment, a farther trial might be made of that liking and agreement which was already induced by the eye.  
Now although mankind stands not so wholly obnoxious to be captivated by these affections which are induced from the sense of smelling only, even because he hath affections stirred up in him from other senses also which are likewise prevalent in his actions, yet that naturally, and as men and sensitive agents, we come to be hereby also provoked and swayed, is not to be doubted. But true it is, that in us these affecting vapours do make their entrance more imperceptibly, because of that weakness of our smelling faculty, caused through rawness and indigestion in the stomach; whereby the same foulness and crudity that doth make a stinking breath, is also thereby hindered from the smell of that, or any thing else which is not very strong; which yet doth not hinder the receipt of those insinuating vapours, whereby the humours and habits of the body may come by degrees to be embued and affected.  
From what hath been hitherto spoken, we may also know how to put a difference between those two several affections which use to pass under the same notion of Love. For that appetite before spoken of, may more properly be called natural lust or desire, and, being more sensual, is not proper to man as man, but affects him as a Sensitive: Whereas the other, taking its rise and ground from figure and impression in the fancy, as all sorts of knowledge doth, it may be called Noble, as to its beginning, as well as Heroick and Divine, as to its aim and end. And although it be true that they are usually heightened by each other (as to particular application) yet may they be one without another: For I may love like a man, without lustful thought, and lustful thoughts may again sway me beyond personal liking; neither of them being to be known (as to perfection) but when they are alone: for that love is but small that must be enlivened from thought of sex, or continued by youth only; and as great a defect in nature it must also argue, to acquiess but to an eminent beauty.  
As both these affections take their rise and growth from generals, so have they general and specifical aim and intention in the eye of providence and nature: but when they come to be reduced into act, they have in us personal inducement and design; at which time those affections that were amassed from many, cannot show their proficience and full strength but to one at once. And therefore to keep them from being destructive to their first end, they ought in men (especially so far as they are sociable) to be bridled and guided by reason. In which doing, that more rational and noble affection of love is to precede and give direction to the other, as to the person, with respect had to Law and Charity. Which Love again, although (as in itself considered) it cannot be too high to any one, yet for fear lest that general duty of Love and Charity which we owe towards all, should by too great intention towards this one come to be diverted or neglected, we are both to take our own reason along with us, and also that of the public, as heretofore noted.  
And farther also, for fear lest too great sense of contrariety and difference from those we so entirely love should (besides the espousal of personal quarrels and injuries) contract in us a consequential hatred and disaffection towards others, we are in this case also, to take to our guidance the rules of Religion also; whereby we are taught to love all alike.  
And indeed, more controversies, quarrels, and public disturbances do arise from too great fondness and indulgence, than any thing else. When as, through too great love and care to provide for those that have relation to us by family or friendship, others come to be neglected or injuriously dealt with; who otherwise would still have been looked upon as friends; there being more hatreds and discontents raised upon second and relative considerations, then from any primary difference, which the parties have to one another, in reference to themselves apart, or to the rules of virtue or goodness.  
And hence it comes that we not only stand liking and disliking others as they are friends or enemies to our prime favourite, but because love and hatred do arise and increase by comparison, it may be also observed, how that in the same family, that greater affection which one brother or servant carrieth towards another above the rest, doth by consequence draw him into as great hatred and disesteem of others in the same relation, upon that only consideration: Insomuch as we shall find anger and revenge no where so implacably prosecuted as by one brother against another.  
No otherwise, then as subjects in the same Kingdom, are ready to break into factions and sidings through those diversities of sects and opinions amongst themselves; whereby we see it come to pass, that, by reason of that continual exasperation which must arise from the daily sight and discourses of such things wherein they stand contrary, this repeated difference doth more strongly engage them to mutual discontent and deadly hatred, than it doth against strangers, and such as do more differ from them.  
Insomuch as there are more Christians slain by one another, upon the score of Religion, then are by them upon others; or those of all other Religions upon them, upon the like ground: nay, we too truly find it, that, even in the sub-divisions and sects of Christianity, those that have lesser differences, will yet, by reason of vicinity, be drawn into more and more dangerous quarrels against one another, then against that sect which differs most from them both. In which case, if the public rule and judgement for determination be not regarded, it will far with them as it doth with men falling out about a mistaken word, gesture, look, or the like; even that (for want of a sit means of reconciliation) the discontent and hatred will daily increase, until it come to be determined in the field.  
The names of Sympathy and Antipathy are usually given to the affections of both sorts, as well to those strong like and aversions introduced at the nostrils, as those at the eyes; but if we respect more occult naturalness herein, than those of the first sort may be only called natural, because they take their impression so inwardly, and by such insensible degrees, as seldom to admit controlment by other senses, or the impressions drawn from them. Whereas the other, that hath its rise from more artificial collections (as loving or liking other things according to their conformity to these Figures or Ideas of perfection, which, in each kind, are raised in men's fancies) may in both respects be brought to be controlled and examined by other Figures and Methods, as they shall be called up and judged by the Spirits and Humours; which in the other case cannot be, because these Spirits themselves do, in the affections that way brought in, become tainted in their own nature and substance.  
Those kinds of aversions which proceed from sight, as from difference and abhorrence of figure, may be easily reconciled and made familiar by an ingenious patience; nor is it dangerous to give them of that food to eat. Whereas those things that have contrariety to the particular humours or temperament of the stomach, are not in that kind to be jested with; for that although outward smell or taste should not be perceptive of difference (which many times it wonderfully is in that case) yet it is not to be questioned but the vitiated stomach of the party will quickly nauseat and disgust it; and therefore we find that these sorts of longings or aversions are incident to the weaker and more sickly constitutions.  
Here and in other places we have been the more copious for setting down the more concealed causes of those operations which use to pass under the rank of natural instincts, that, by placing every wheel of providence in its due order and motion, the real existence, wisdom and power of God might be more readily seen and acknowledged. The usual ground that leads men to Atheism and doubt whether there be any God at all, being many time's scandal taken at the vulgar and ordinary assignation of effects unto God himself, as if they were by him immediately done: when as they, coming to find the same, like other things, to have their own natural cause of production also, they thereby come to think that men are mistaken in the one, as well as the other. When as by help of a through insight and sufficiency of their own, to discover how nothing is by chance done, but that the greatest and most important things being by divine wisdom and order brought to pass by those things which to us do appear most weak and contemptible, they may thereby, and by means of that obseavable gradation of causes, come to discern a God at the top of all: From whom, as they did at first take their source and original, as being in their whole mass but rays of divine bounty, so do they, in all their variations amongst themselves, still make some expressions and demonstrations of that perfection and simplicity which at first gave them their being.  
Thus the natural desire of union (induced through custom) is by providence directed towards variety and multiplication, as before declared. In which again, as the individuals do through their natural pursuit of pleasure attain to their several perfections, they do then again, as in pursuit of the highest of these natural provocations, aim at a new union and coition also. By successive repetitions whereof, as each man, and each sensitive seems to reintegrate itself into that first Parent of their kind, so doth the submission of them, in their several kinds, to the same common Laws of Adam, or first matter, bring on a confession also that there is a common Parent and cause of union for them all. In which course, custom and variety are affections semblably made use of for the sustentation of Sensitives, as motion and rest are for prrservation of Naturals. Whereby it comes to pass, that as matter doth naturally affect closeness and settlement, which is answerable to union and rest, so doth it, by customary degrees observed in motion, release itself, in, and of that tendency to separation, which its own sublimed part, (by means of heat) had forced upon it: All things cheerfully dancing those rounds which are by Divine Rule and Providence appointed unto them.  
As we are thus prevailed upon by custom to cast a different choice and liking towards things and persons, as they are in their naturals, so come we, through custom and constancy in company and conversation, to stand diversely affected towards them also, as in relation to their morals; there being a gracefulness and winning insinuation taken from behaviour, as well as from person. And this especially towards years, when as time sufficient hath passed for making observation of difference herein, and naturalising our fancies to those garbs and habits which cohabitation brings within our notice; at which time the other affections induced from personal beauty, etc. do also abate of their vigour, so as not to divert in these. Hence it comes, that old folks are ever condemning, not only the present fashions, but the manners and deportments of men also in the present age, over what they were formerly, even because, from continued impression, and that taken whilst they were young, they must stand already filled and prepossessed in their fancies against any figure that can now be offered.  
The which prejudication is most holpen on by compliance of interest and opinion, as we find by that ready assistance which each one of a sect casteth towards his fellow, as supposing himself holpen in that help which he yields unto them. And so again, in matters of Moral opinion and conversation, we are inclined and won to fancy and practise the like principles in matters of polity and obedience, as do the rest of our familiars and acquaintance. That child, that servant, that hath observed others of his brothers, or fellows, or others in others families, to gain liberty or any thing else, or to pass without punishment or reproof for disrespect to their Parent or Master, will thereupon come to be inclined to desire and attempt the like.  
After the same manner, such subjects and people as are wont to hear and read Stories of the commendations of such as have been Tyranicids, or have boldly opposed their Princes in their commands, or that have thriven themselves into the fancied liberty of Free-States, they do thereupon also come to be addicted more than others to the like degree of boldness and temerity. And indeed, there is nothing more dangerous in a State, than too much toleration of Philosophical Discourses and Books of this kind, it being one sure step to disloyalty and Civil disturbance. For as no man can come to any great height of evil on a sudden, so, in matters of obedience, we are brought to be Rebels upon these first grounds of disrespect and irreverence cast towards Superiors, when, by too ordinary and familiar discourses, subjects shall be informed of their Prince's faults or weakness, and that he is not otherwise to be respected then as prosecuting the good of his people, whose servant he is, or the like. By which means the judgements and affections of people come to be forestalled and prejudiced against their present Government and Governors; no otherwise then a vitiated stomach, as before noted, doth through its own inward corrupt humours contract an antipathy and loathing against wholesome food. In respect of the danger of such like company, and such like Doctrine, is that Divine saying to be understood. Can a mon touch pitch, and not be defiled therewith.  
To make us the better apprehensive of the rise and derivation of our knowledge from Figure, we may take another instance in our learning to number also, when as those Characters of Arithmetic, which we call Figures, are used in an artificial way, as outward helps to enable the fancy and memory to make comprehension and numeration inwardly of such natural things as were themselves the original objects, whereby, as well as wherefore, the number themselves were framed. For as we find children, one with another, making it one of the first trials of their abilities to pose each other in mental addition of numbers, so is it to be conceived, that as they did at first learn from fight and experience that any thing single was called One (because none can be presumed to know what One is, that was never by sense made perceptive of any one thing) so come they by degrees to comprehend, from the posture and form of two, three, or four Ones placed together, that these are the numbers which do answer the artificial computation of two, three; four, etc. And therefore having the question asked them how many two and three do make, or the like, they do at first help themselves herein by real natural figures, as by calling into memory the figure of any three and two things so and so posited; and so, by comparing them do know what they amount unto. Or else they help themselves in their numeration by an outward figure, as by counting on their fingers, or the like. And hence it is that other sensitives are very little apprehensive of numbers, because they are so little apprehensive and intent on Figures. For although from sight they are loosely able to configurate and remember the forms and shapes of such particular things as they account of concern, yet want they both time and inducement to remember what kind of figure three, four, or five of these did make when they were placed together, which is the prime way whereby fancy doth measure discrete quantities. From whence we may conclude, that Algebra is more natural and solid than Arithmetic.  
Some persons can remember great numbers of strange words that have no import or figure, but they do only, as Parrots, remember them as impressed from syllables and tone of delivery. If this be done by children, they must repeat them in the same order they were heard: In which case, the brain succeeding in its motion according as it received impression from the articulation of the several words, doth then perform that office which is called Memory. But some can also repeat them out of that order, as backward, or the like, and can also remember and give an account of multitudes of different things seen presently one after another, in a different order also to what they saw them in; the which cannot be done, but by such as have attained years of ripeness; who, by that time have framed artificial common placs and Receptories in their brain, whereby to help themselves in the art of memory. Which art we find may be holpen and attained by the use of outward Figures, directing men to fancy common places of this kind, even as Arithmetic and the art of numbering is holpen by its figures: and we now see Books written on this artificial way of recognition, by proposing Schemes to that purpose.  
But usually boys, in repetition of a lesson, or something without Book, or any thing which they understand not, are holpen by memory of the different forms of some of the letters, lines, and part of the leaf, where the same is set down. Insomuch, as the remembrance hereof, all along, directs them in repetition of what is therein contained: Even so, that they can tell you what page, and part thereof they are now saying; and when the memory of this figure fails, the other fails also. And so in all other things whilst a Figure can be held, it serveth the understanding as an index for discourse, and farther discovery of things accompanying it. But all discourse and arguments upon subjects not figurable, produce nothing but mazes and intoxications, as it fareth in some metaphysical notions and speculations.  
By what hath passed we may know what things and arts are the objects of Science, and what of probability only. For as they depart from controlment of sense, they depart from Science; and if they come to be entertained as affections, upon repetition and authority only, they must take their hazards to be more or less true and reasonable, as these figures were more or less fit for them which the party makes use of in his fancy to conceive them by; for the diffeence of abilities in apprehension of abstracted things will be in choice of fittest Figures. For example, as we have helped ourselves in the conceit of superior bodies and their postures and Motions, by representing them in globes and spheres (by remembrance of whose shape and linemeants, we can remember and conceive the others; for so, if we would examine the question of diurnal motion (between Copernicus and others) we are then fancying the Earth and Heavens turning round, as we have seen these Globes do.  
And so, to make us mindful and observant of matters of high and special import as Coronations, Ordinations, witnessing of Deeds between party and party, or the like there are certain remarkable tokens exhibited unto the eyes; by whose order and sensible method of performance, the thing by them expressed comes to have proportionable esteem in our fancy, above other things that have not such ceremony used about them.  
Nay, of such force are these sensible expressions, that Religion itself would soon vanish without their use in many things. For although all our outward worship and expression of devotion and obedience, as Sacraments, Prayer, Alms, etc. may be called Ceremonial (as they are but expressions of that inward root of charity and love of God, we have in our hearts) yet must they be all acknowledged as necessary, to the quickening & supportation thereof. And so again, to the supportation and enlivening of these, must such Ceremonies as are unto them proper, be allowed also; our minds and devotion being not otherwise able to conceive and attend what they are or do import.  
And as for those that do so bitterly inveigh against Ceremonies as humane inventions (for such they must be, as heretofore noted (if any be) they are not themselves able to keep up their own devotions without them; and although they make not so much use of expressions to the eye, they requite it in sedulity and constancy of what is performed by the ear, and the numbering Sermons and other select phrases of theirs, as Papists do their prayers upon beads, serves with them to the like end, namely, to keep their devotion in exercise.  
Besides, all men, to secure themselves against this strong and importunate affection of fear, must always be ready, according to the pressure thereof in their consciences, to increase the other affection of hope, by all such actions as they conceive to be their duties; which prevailing upon, and passing into affections, by iteration and custom (and so much the sooner and more firmly doing it, as they are more sensible and methodical in themselves) we need not wonder why those that most decline and cry out against Ceremonies, and Set-forms of Worship, as superstitious, are themselves most superstitious; that is, most fearful and scrupulous of having (in general, or in any particular) served God, so, or otherwise then they ought: for as there is no comparison (in assurance of a work done) betwixt those evidences that flow from sight, and those that come from hearing, so (the performance of holy duties consisting in actions) there must remain greater security and satisfaction of conscience, to him that hath performed in most sensible, solemn and orderly manner, those duties he conceived were enjoined him, then to him that employeth not himself in practice of his devotions, in such serious and deliberate form.  
To search a little more nearly into the cause why affections should be so strongly raised in us from reiteration of Tenants, and inculcation of Doctrines received from others only, of which we never had experience in ourselves, nor are impressible from proper Figures, we are to consider, that although those collections can be only properly called Science, which do arise from real figurate and perceptible objects, and were thereupon gathered into notions, and thence into affections, even because in this case only the affections (in their disputes amongst themselves, and also for the satisfaction of others by tradition, and giving a reason or demonstration of things) may have recourse to the brain, to receive a judicious and deliberate determination, according to such evidences as the senses have there laid up, yet, as to the introducing of an affection, the often repetition of any thing to us under the Classis of hope or fear, prevails towards the belief of what is thereupon offered and presented, in as high manner, as if it had been impressed by a figurate object of its own; nay more, in all likelihood, because the ground and reason which it takes for its support, to wit, these passions of hope and fear are there strongly placed and proved already: Whereupon, being set so much onward on his way, as towards affirmation and proof, there is nothing can hinder its progress towards assurance, but plain sensible contradictions, or strong preoccupations.  
As we formerly instanced how a repetition of strokes, made by an Egg or other like thing on the forehead, would by degrees make as great a tumour as one greater blow given by a stronger or harder thing: so may we conceive onward, that by successive continuance of these strokes, the same may be still more raised, until it exceed, by far, that other swelling taken from the one only stroke: especially when it is to work upon a tumour and impression already made, like as Tenets and Doctrines usually do; insinuating themselves as under the consent and command of prenotion and demonstration already conceived and assented unto, by the help of Similitudes, Types and Figures.  
That blow which Logic gives with its conclusion from premises newly represented; however it may, for the sudden, strongly affect, by its more pointing and entire stroke; yet can it not raise an impression or swelling, answerable to those repeated blows made upon the affections and passions themselves; whereby, as building upon a groundwork already made and laid, it may well be supposed to proceed more thrivingly and assuredly for setting up a complete Fabric, then can be expected from a Figure and Idea impressed by itself; which must, on the other side, be supposed to be continually declining in its presence and force in the fancy, for want of progression or repair. For a Syllogism can give but one blow, and so depending on figurate induction, cannot produce higher assent than they can yield; which in wise men may be by observation contradicted, and by fools, for want thereof, unapprehended. Whereas relying and grounding upon the strength of affections already made, a discreet pressure can never fail of receipt and increase.  
Logic must clear his way to the will by the understanding, and must appeal to the Indicative mood before it can make use of the Imperative; when as those things that enter as Rhetorical impressions, by their insinuation and mixture with those affections and passions that do already rule and command us, cannot fail of a constant power to govern & guide us also: and thereupon they, depending not so wholly on sense, but being usually above its control, are not in like danger of a defeat by a negative from thence. For Logic must assertain us by the rule of all or none: whereas the other needs but look like truth, and, by joining with that which hath been so fully assented unto already, stands always generally proved, where it is not totally contradicted.  
To prove that there is a God, a Resurrection, and future judgement, and the like, faith is enabled, by absence of negatives from sense, by degrees to silence doubtings, and to contract a positive assurance. In which case when that which, from authority or report of others, or conceit raised in myself, is at first apprehended as a thing that may be: it will afterwards, through absense of dissent or denial, shake off its first state of doubting, and become as a certain conclusion of that which most assuredly is: when neither experience in myself, nor sufficient aurhority elsewhere, doth or can demonstratively contradict. Demonstratively, and highly demonstratively it must be also, after such time that this opinion hath once fastened itself upon these prevailing affections. Even as we find that children will be so far scared by formidable tales, and the apprehensions of such objects & things as they could never from sense have notice of, as to avoid being in the dark, lying alone, or the like: And although these conceits were first entertained from the ungrounded reports of such persons as are of much less credit with them for ability and learning, than those that do contradict it, yet can it not take off the prevalence of that which hath so steady a support within, and hath not strong experiments to contradict it from without.  
This steady and effectual way of prevalence, it pleased the Allseeing providence to make use of in the propagation of the Gospel itself, divine wisdom never overthrowing nature, but by his grace steering and directing her. For although, at the first, for the remove of pre-occupation, and making an impression in the hearts and affections of men, he did extraordinarily appeal to sense by miracle, yet had the increase of the Christian faith its ordinary and next dependence on this effectual way of preaching, even as that had again on the efficacy of the holy Ghost. Towards the furtherance whereof, as well in the first receipt, as growth afterwards, it pleased God Almighty also to make that natural thirst to be always living, and that imbred sense of Morality, (accompanied with that continual humour of each man's adjudication for his own merit, and for the demerit of others) to serve as steps and degrees whereby to enter, as well as preside in the belief of mankind; and that in a more high and steady degree of energy and effectual operation, then could be done by any doctrine brought in, and made dependant on such philosophical disputes as were then raised in the Grecian Schools. For although it be not hard to prove both a Deity, and the excellency of the Christian faith by such like disputations as S. Paul once used in the School of Tyranus (which may also be sometimes necessary for conviction of such as are capable of impressions that way soon) yet considering that even the wise and best learned are swayed by natural affections as well as others, it is not to be doubted, but that the reliance on these two mastering passions of hope and fear, would render the instructor to be most generally and steadily prevalent, even by proposal and pressing upon them rewards and punishments of so great height, as were above the degree of any former comprehension.  
In which case of exaltation of, and pressure upon these affections (especially that of fear) we shall be often drawn to seek or avoid benefits or dangers which are neither present, nor can have other sensible assurance that they will be; and in the mean time, stand neglectful of those which sense itself demonstrates both to be, and to be formidable. For there is none that can have equal assurance of the reality of Purgatory or Hell fire, as of that which is in his kitchen, yet, by reason of this so often and pressing presentations thereof to the fancy; and so to the affections by fear, he will, through the instigation thereof, have his will inclined to take notice of that which he believes is most to be feared; and so consequently will prosecute or avoid all those courses which he is made believe will acquit him of the danger hereof.  
These things well considered, there will be good cause found, even in reason also, for that prevalency and spreading ability which attended the Professors of the Protestant Religion, over those of the Church of Rome. For those more nice and retired speculations of the Schoolmen could not, with all their fine subtleties, so accurately delivered in their Books and Disputations, be reasonably presumed half so efficatious for conviction in those things where reason was but subservient, as was those more familiar insinuations which the Protestant Preachers applied themselves unto in their sermons, made suitable to the affections of their present Auditors. For first, there are more that hear Sermons; then read Books; and again, the Preacher can better know and distinguish the temper and inclination of his Auditory, than the writer can of those that shall read him: And besides, there is a great efficacy to be attributed to elocution and gracefulness of delivery.  
And in the sub-divisions of Protestants again, we find that side still most prevalent and increasing, that is most sedulous in this course of Preaching also: and that also in the plainest manner. For that language and exact method that would hecome a Sermon made at S. Mary's, would be unfit and ineffectual to be used in a Country Auditory: In the first it is expected he should be exact in his observation of Order and Scholastic Rules and Expressions; whereas he that makes a Sermon, or writes a Book of a vulgar address, it behoves him to be more copious and plain in his delivery, even so far as he conceives his hearers or readers not fitted with pre-notion enough to conceive and understand him in a more compendious and exact method; and in case he find them possessed with strong aversions and preoccupations he is then to enlarge himself, and to make use of repetition and inculcation of Doctrine; whereby he may be able to convict at several times, and by degrees, such as could not or would not be won at once, and on a sudden; the which I hope may serve as an apology for myself in those iterations and ways of pressure I have used all along this present Treatise; by which or by transferring and reflection on myself, if I have become a fool for truth's sake, and for conviction of such as are puffed up against one another, and against Christ's Ministers too, 
Cor. 4, 1, 10, etc.  I am not wanting of good Authority and precedent therein.  
But to return to the discourse of Figure, although particular words did arise from, and were made conceivable by particular figurate things and their accidents, yet when we can make notions and sentences, by joining particular words, it is because many figures may be by use so brought into one, as to be conceived all at once; even as the whole story of any thing, wherein are several figures painted, may (by often sight) be brought into one figure in our fancy, in such sort as if it were but one figure, as it is now but one whole piece.  
And as again, in this whole piece or figure we are able to distinguish, upon occasion, the several figures therein one from another, according to their several postures and situations; so, in each figurate body, these adjuncts of Number, Scite, Habit, Proportion, etc. are but parts of figure itself, as constituting his whole form. Nay motion itself is not otherwise conceivable, then as altering the Figure of a body from what it was while, it was resting and quiessent: And therefore as any of them are change, the whole figure must be changed also, in regard the lines from thence issuing to our sight, will not be the same they were before. Whereupon it will also follow, that as that party shall never so little alter his standing, or divers other persons, shall be beholding the same object, it must: by means of those several lines issuing from the diversely situated parts thereof unto the eyes of the several beholders, put on a differing representation of shape and figure, except it be in pictures, or the like, which have such real levels and smoothness, as not to make an alteration in the return of the beam through inequality of the object.  
As words and figures, so Sciences collect into totals in our fancies, under the general notion of good and bad, and useful or not. For we can no more seriously consider any thing without respect to ourselves, than we can see with other men's eyes, or judge of them by their reason, for particulars had their admission through hope and fear, like or dislike. And from hence it is we find that subjects (especially such as look not to have share in the mannagery of them) are ever finding fault with the execution and rigour of the Laws, and will ever like those Laws best that themselves may interpret and manage. And hence it is also that Merchants, and such as propound to raise themselves by trade and action, will not be brought to attend the discourses and speculations of scholars and contemplative persons: nor they again descend to the employment of the others, each of them having long fancied their honour and benefits to arise their own way soon: which they now apprehending themselves skilful in, are not to be expected so far to remit their intention of benefit their own way, as to divert to an employment that can but betray their ignorance.  
Although, as we said, knowledge flow from sense, and beasts have them in equal number with us, it will not follow that therefore they should be as wise. For first they ordinarily come short of us in quickness of feeling: and although they have equal acuteness of sight, yet they usual trust to smelling as aforesaid, which can yield little observation or variety, but chiefly they want time to learn: for they are at their perfection before children (of like years) have learned any thing. But most of all, they want so much quickness of sense, by reason of their hard breeding and thick sensed skins, as to make them sensible of want. And again, their appetites are so few and cold, that they want spur to enquiry, and so to knowledge. Which last consideration appears in Innocents', who are always laughing, and so far pleased with what they get or see, that they put not themselves forth to any enquiry after the possession or removal of any thing, whereby to increase their understanding.  
Though this stupidity have its original cause from numbness of feeling, as beasts have (for we find that they will endure pain or smart better than wise folk, who are commonly thinnest skinned) yet the nearest reason is easy content and satisfaction. And as we see beasts of prey to be the wisest, of such as live not with us, because their food is of hardest acquisition, so of those that are domestic, those that through necessity of getting food from us, do observe us most, are consequently most crafty. For craft is but particular wisdom, as theirs is: which reacheth only at getting food, or avoiding of blows. But wisdom beasts cannot have: for it must be a general know and compleatness of comprehension, in some measure proportioned to humane ability. For as all things in nature are dependant upon one another, so no one can be throughly known without something be known of all: in such sort as nothing may be left to stand so far wanting or negative, as to the spoiling of our Method.  
And therefore as in the Mathematics, he is to be held for the ablest Architect or Engineer, that, through natural sufficiency and foregoing observation, is endued with a capacity to retain, and most exactly to comprehend in his brain the entire and precise models and methods of several buildings and engines, whereby, upon occasion of erection of house or engine, he may be able out of those frames and plots conceived in his fancy, by way of theory, and out of knowledge of the true nature and use of materials, to contrive afterwards such a house or engine as may correspond with his end and desire, or to know whether it be feasiable or no: Even so, in matters of polity also, they are to be held as the most sufficient artists that, being most knowing of all those several parts whereof the political body is framed, and of their true nature and use, can frame to themselves the largest and most comprehensive methods and schemes of government; even such as by an entire configuration may include each several rank and order of men, so disposed of and set on work, as that the whole political frame or building may be held up unto that way of work and rule which is fittest for it. Whereas he that will go about to contrive an engine for motion, or the like, without precedent knowledge of the Trochlick and Statick principles, and of the true natures of those materials whereof it is to be framed, and without full and exact comprehension of every part useful and necessary to his work: or he that will undertake to reform or set up a Government without fore-consideration of the true differences and properties of command and obedience, and of the natural tempers and inclinations of men in their several orders, and how they may be made appliable and useful therein; and who is not also entirely comprehensive hereof, so as in his Scheme or Model, to place every one in such a proper station, as by union and application of endeavour, the whole frame may be preserved and kept in motion, without neglect or leaving out of any, or suffering them to crowd one upon another, even he shall find himself as much mistaken in his Politics, as the other in his Mathematics.  
And the danger of falling short, and running into mistake, is by so much the more to be feared in making schemes and methods of this sort, then of the other, by how much we are less capable of autoptical figures and means of connection and juncture here then there. For he that is to frame an engine, cannot but from sight and experience be informed how one board or piece of wood is ordinarily joined to another, by taking part from one and part from another, and so making them even, and as it were one entire piece; and also how that is holpen on, and upon occasion farther secured in fastness and strength, by pins, nails, plates of iron, or the like. Whereas, to the framing of Polity and Society, it is not so easy to conceive how the natural implantation of love, is by Precepts of Religion, enjoining to bear one another burdens, made efficacious for fastening of one man to another; and how again the application of divine and positive Rules and Laws, like pins and bolts, for the farther and more orderly securing of this political fabric and structure, are necessary to be applied also: for accomplishment of the entire frame, according as he that hath charge and oversight of the whole work shall think fit.  
Vulgar capacities can easily make to themselves a representation of a King riding abroad, and occasionaly righting or relieving of a single person, because these and such like stories use to be figured and represented in Tales and Ballads; and they can also, because of instance in themselves, and their own prompting desires and hopes, be able to raise a figure of two persons appealing before him in his judgement seat, to give sentence between them, in like manner as the two harlots are painted before Solomon his majestical Throne; when as yet, it will be very hard for such as have not been conversant in Histories, and often ruminated on the causes of Civil disturbance, to fancy how the whole people may be divided into two parties and factions, even as it were two persons; and how in that case there is no way to peace, and to prevent the danger of the whole by their quarrel, but by their joint submission to the same Sovereign power also.  
But most of all they want prenotion enough to conceive, & wariness enough to consider, that the most common and usual way for men to be lead into these sidings and divisions amongst themselves, and into associations and insurrections against Authority, is from the doctrines of dis-affected persons vented in private Meetings and Congregations. In which case, to hope that the seeds of separation and discontent shall not be farther sowed by such as from dislike of what is already publicly taught and allowed, have already begun and set up this division, is as if one should permit those fires that used to burn publicly on the hearth of his house, to be now carried into several corners thereof, on belief that, in requital of this liberty, it will now be neglectful of its own nature, and amidst variety of combustible matter, obey him, saying, Good Fire, burn so discreetly, as not to endanger that Fabric wherein thou art maintained.  
So that as men, from the time they begin to be apprehensive and knowing of morality, do stand affected with a different sense of honour and conscience, so do they accordingly proceed to make methods and collections towards the satisfaction of those strong affections of hope and fear, and that in their several kinds. In which doing, as we come to attain knowledge and discovery in the nature and course of things from the instigation of appetites to attain satisfaction, so do we differently attain wisdom and knowledge, as these appetites and affections do differently, engage in discovery, and in ploting of means and methods for attaining them, and do more hardly or easily arrive at satisfaction. So for example, a fool can neither be much or stadily covetous or ambitious (especially the letter) or indeed have much of any virtue or vice, which grow chiefly from society, because things of Society are by him little regarded and understood, farther than to the outside and pride thereof: and so also must want virtue or vice, because so far as he wants understanding, he wants will.  
So than it should seem necessary that the concupiscible and irascible appetites should precede knowledge; and that I must have sense of want before I can have instigation to attain the means of content. For he that is content, and cannot give a reason of his content, is a fool, and the more content, the more folly, and the less hope of wisdom: and the more sense of want, the more enquiry; and the more enquiry, the more wisdom: And therefore as the proverb is true, that of an unknown thing there can be no desire, because (as before showed) observation and knowledge of particulars do grow into affections and appetites, so is it true again, that of undesired things, there can be no knowledge, because none will contrive or invent any means to attain any thing which they have not first a liking unto. But as Wisdom is generally found of such as seek her; so, in every particular, men are more or less knowing and crafty, as their desire to the thing hath made their diligence and attention to exceed.  
And towards our instigation to knowledge and discovery, we are much holpen on by the humour of choler; for by its irritation, we are kept, as it were, awake and intent on objects, and provoked also towards action. But then again, for wisdom and moderation in our actions, we are beholding to the humour of melancholy; for by its dulness and fearfulness, we are brought to hesitation and advisement.  
Hence we may learn what insinuations are best for youth, towards their proficience in wisdom; namely, things of hardest acquisition, and that have their benefit arising through engagements to largest enquiry: And these are chiefly sense of Religion, and sense of honour, for these oblige us to diligent attention and search in all things, and all the circumstances of them also; insomuch as nothing can be looked upon but as through these considerations, both generally, and differently concerning us in our benefit or harm. And these two may well go hand in hand, fixing them upon right objects, that is, works of Beneficence and Charity; for as Conscience directs us to love, and to do good to our neighbour, in obedience to God; so doth honour prompt us to do the like, by encouragement and direction of the Laws and Rules of our Prince and Country. By these means all engagements will be taken in, because intervening, with their concerns, in all we do, we shall in those secret things and occasions where honour cannot reach, be tied by conscience to hearty performance also.  
But then we are to consider, that conscience is of far more advantage to knowledge then honour; and that, not only, as more strongly terrifying and engaging, but also as more universally doing it. For there are more things which in conscience I stand bound to perform, than those which honour takes notice of: whereas there is nothing truly honourable, but what conscience doth encourage and accompany, even as its best guide and surveyor. And this especially in matters of society, and our moral deportments therein, because men, out of interest or prejudicated custom or education, may make things honourable which are not, and may also make that honourable at one time which was not so at another, the which may prove thereby also dangerous to misled us in matters of duty and obedience. Whereas, by a due regard had unto conscience, we shall be always kept both upright and steady.  
Yet then again, by that which some call Conscience, men may be both kept and led into error; for if Religion be made to consist on a few slothful observances, or if, by dividing men's duties, you separate some of them from the religious tye of conscience, and so make their concern less: Or if last (through flattery) men be made proud of what they have already, by too soon assuming to themselves the title of Saints, or believing they cannot sin or fall away, or the like; then, I say, knowledge must want of its extent, by how much each one is more easily satisfied then otherwise he would be.  
And from hence, we seldom find great heirs, notwithstanding the advantage education might afford them, become so eminent for wisdom or ability; as those whose harder breeding and greater wants, engage them to invent and study means of supply and increase; for the first, thinking only of enjoying what they have already, grow proud, without search of more honour.  
So for Religion, too strict reliance on set tasks may well induce slothfulness; nor it is not zeal alone that can attain wisdom, because it may be too implicit and negligent; that is, it may be placed in the observance of a few private directions and precepts, and not in the general observation of all devout and charitable actions, according to the Laws and Rules of his Country. And therefore when many men, appearing of great tenderness and scrupelousity, are yet known to be fools, it ariseth for that they (as all fools else) are slothfully implicit, and want such general scrupelousness or enquiry of their own as they seem to have. For when, they with most ardency, inveigh against the opinion and practices of some other person or order, it is but out of implicit belief of others, and not out of precedent enquiry and satisfaction of their own; no, not in these very things they practise or condemn: And their devotion being still fixed but upon a few observations, and the rest carelessly rejected as abominable, they must so far want wisdom, as they want general zeal and enquiry, and can (at most) be but religious craft. And therefore as in covetousness, and appetites of less general engagement, their discovery can amount to no more than a stare of craftiness; even so, when these greater engagers are not closely followed, they produce neither wisdom nor craft in any perfection.  
We see then, that to resist affections and passions altogether, is to dilete our natural and individual beings. For if the diffused observations of things should not at last collect themselves into affections, it would not be possible to have any promptness towards pursuit & desire, for want of present appearance of former particulars therein concerned, or to have any steady rule for discourse within, for want of union and agreement amongst the notified observations towards determination: but they being now transmitted into affections, carry so general and ready a sway in judging and willing of all things else, that it is not to be supposed that the doing or not doing, having or not having of any thing, can be equally sought or avoided, and not differently, according to the degrees of instigation from them proceeding.  
And from this ground do passions proceed, which as they rise from affections, as being heightened from extraordinary concern in objects, so is one passion generative of an other. And therefore the wisest men (although it be part of their wisdom to conceal them) have the most and most eager passions; which may be easily proved bp their breaking out upon pressure or sudden occasions, wherein discretion cannot, or is not warned of concealing them.  
Affections work more inward, passions more outward, because I must like or dislike first, before I can act accordingly; and therefore men's affections are seldom truly to be discovered, but by their passions; even as those again are best by their actions.  
Actions without passion, differ from passionate ones but in measure, for all proceed from affections; the first only proceed from affections counterpoised by comparison of one to another, which we call discourse and reason, these from one violent affection alone.  
When the affections move toward the enjoying any thing, called desire, the prosecution outward is accompanied with the passions of joy, love, jealousy, envy, ambition, covetousness, etc. and when they are averse to any thing, called hatred, they are (in their outward means of avoiding it) accompanied with grief, anger, scorn, malice, revenge, etc. Amongst all which Government finds so few steady supporters, as she is forced to make use of those including and commanding passions of hope and fear, under whose force she is able, by means of rewards and punishments, to keep the other within rule.  
We cannot forbid ourselves affections by reason, for they and reason are all one: for as they did first proceed from the same root of in induction and experiment; so when they come to provoke to action, they point at the same end, my particular good. But this consideration of my particular good may, from new observation, forbid the prosecution of an affection in some present thing. And affections, if they be violent, do turn into passions, and so sometimes awake a contrary affection to stand up against execution, if his enjoyment be more than proportionable to the others, and this may be then called an inward reason for so doing, as a new argument or induction may be called an outward: For the many passed inconveniencies sustained through violent prosecutions, create in us a ready fear, to make stoppage till farther enquiry; but if against this pressing affection, no other affection appear then what have heretofore been remitted as unvaluable to stop the other, than this affection passeth uncontrolled afterwards, as to that affection; these two affections uniting and becoming one as experimented inductions do.  
And so affections become satiate upon use, when particular objects have not proficiency, so as to persist in pleasing by variety; even as observation grows satiate and weak, upon iteration of the same inductions and experiments also.  
So then, will differs from other affections as a double to a single, and is the issue of two reasons or affections aiming at precedence. For although the greater affection hath always mastery, yet is it not so entire as to the others total defeat, having no more pressure or prevalence for execution, than he was exceeding of the less affection in the promise of good or pleasure, or in the threats of avoidance. And as a greater affection may over power a less, so many less affections or reasons may do one that is greater, or a greater affection may over power many lesser; the will enforcing execution but ratable to the excess in difference. For though appetite (as appetite) covet infinitely, yet, upon conference with another reason or affection, the will assents and acts but so far and much of them as is attainable; and that, as it is conceived undestructive to other appetites.  
But then although each object and thing have its peculiar method and affection for comprehension and estimation, yet because these lesser affections, for readier use and guidance of the will, do, through usage and custom, unite and place themselves in and under those general affections called Hope and Fear, it therefore falls out, that these two are the most general and express appearers in all we do: Appetite or hope of pleasure usually leading and provoking to to act, and fear of pain and prejudice to forbear, except where a sudden temptation, or a sudden affright doth violently move to present enjoyment or avoidance, without all kind of deliberation; in which case a man may be truly said to be guided by passion, and not by will; that is, by the violence of a single affection. But generally, fear is the affection that keeps us in rules of wisdom and moderation; for else hope would lead us to do all and every thing presented under the apprehension of good or pleasure. And without it, Religion and Loyalty would quickly be at a loss heretofore noted.  
And thus comes wisest men, that have most pressing affections and passions to have them ordinarily best regulated, because through knowledge and experience the one is still used and made a stop to the others extravagancy, unless when the pressure to sudden execution, as we said, gives not time to consider them. But towards years, most affections lose their height, because the experirience of their hindrance (through other affections) makes them press us but rateable to that abatement. And therefore cannot aged persons be so strongly in love, both because the object cannot print so deeply as before; and also because the affection itself is now grown less that should entertain it. And the reason why young folks are not wiser at their strength of years and affections, than afterwards, is because their affections provoke in their full strength, without any allay from fear and experiment of inconvenience: only in age the affection to that particular covetousness of riches, doth increase upon a contrary reason, namely, experiment of convenience and use of them, having seldom any abatement to the contrary.  
By what hath been hitherto said concerning the rise and beginning of knowledge and perception, we may be informed what to judge of that peremptoriness which the Peripatetics and Galenists do take against each other. For if the enquiry should be, in what part of us this discovery is first made, and by which part the knowledge of each thing is first attained, the answer must be, in the brain: because in that, as the first sentient, the figures of things are first impressed, and a discrimination made by comparison, before any of the more inward parts can be made consentient and stand affected therewith. But if the question should be, from whence that act of adjudication and determination towards action doth proceed which in us is the guide of all our essays? it must be answered, from the heart and affections; for from these the brain is instigated to raise figures, and to continue and pursue them as as they shall be judged to be of concern by the other. For the brain may be said to apprehend and regard objects, as they are in themselves separate and absolute, but the heart, as they are modal and respective to ourselves; it is a different knowledge to know and distinguish a man as a man, and as he is a friend or enemy, or the like.  
Whereupon we may make the brain the seat of understanding and discourse, and the heart of the will; we may place natural Philosophy and the Mathematics in the one, and moral Philosophy in the other; because this points to good as the other doth to truth. But then again, as the desire to know is for honour or other benefit sake, and my desire of acquaintance and knowledge of things is for some ends of mine own; so these ends having place in some affection in the heart, it may, in that respect, be called the original of knowledge also; especially of all that points to action. Again, as we instanced how outward senses might be deceived, so must we say that feeling itself cannot be called full and steady, as in the brain; but so far as the heart is consentient therewith. So that as the heart is the first and chief of life, so of feeling; for upon his resentment of any thing, as from experience, we have the highest assurance of the realities of things which our nature can afford.  
But if we respect the contemplative part only, then is it true that the brain is the seat even of moral knowledge also, because when any is to deliver any thing on that subject, that method by which he proceeds must be first conceived in his own brain. To which, notwithstanding the affections must give trial and judgement; even by comparing and estimating how his own appetites and affections stand inclinable in the case. For as in water face answereth to face, even so doth the heart of man to the heart of man. The which is as necessary to direct him in making his method for the tradition of Moral Philosophy, as a due consideration of the ability and capacity of the present hearers or Readers, is pre-required to be rendered intelligible and effectual in both. For as he that is not advertized and respectful of the prenotions and comprehensions of those he would instruct, may, by too great ascension in his discourses above their sense, be rendered but as if he had spoken nonsense, (by appealing unto and relying upon principles and premises which were never by them apprehended and granted (an error erewhile noted in preaching); even so, success, cannot be in moral discourses; much hoped for, where the Instructor or Preacher hath not due knowledge and regard of the present affections and inclinations of his hearers. It being (indeed) the highest help and proof of ability, to excogitate and examine at home, by what steps and degrees he came himself to attain to the knowledge of things; and by what inducements he hath been brought to the liking or aversion of them; and also upon what grounds and considerations he hath been again brought to entertain contrary thoughts, towards those things which he liked or disliked before; that so, upon a due comparison of his condition to that of others, he may make a true estimate and judgement of a method, and way of discourse and delivery, most fit for the others instruction therein.  
From all which we may discover that some of late have been too inconsiderately hasty in their censures put upon those ancient assignments of wisdom and knowledge to the heart. There is no doubt but when God calls for, and claims men's hearts to be exercised his service and worship, and when Solomon prays for an understanding heart to know good evil, but that both of them did very well know whence our actions and endeavours took their source and original, that is, from the affections: and as our moral abearances, as well one towards another, as in carrying ourselves in a right and steady course of subjection towards God, was the thing chiefly aimed at, and not Philosophical speculation, so may we find reason why we should be so often minded of searching and examining our hearts; because from them, and the affections therein abiding, the issues of life and death did proceed. And certainly, had Solomon been endued with a little more melancholy hesitation, and suffered the passion of fear to have been more often made use of as a stop and temperament to those jollities and enjoyments which in his greatness were so frequently presented unto him as the objects of hope and desire, and had not so inconsiderately trusted to his own heart, he would have proved himself more wise, then by that book written of all things from the Cedar in Lebanon to the Moss on the Wall. If he had I say but suffered the reverential fear of offending God to have come in with an arrest of judgement, and so, by its counterpoise, call him to a deliberate examination before execution, he would then no doubt have been as happy and famous for the wise guidance of himself, and for giving a right sentence between his Passions and Affections within and at home, as he was in that sentence he gave between the Harlots.  
In which case of advisement and deliberation, we may look upon the Brain as the Judgement-seat, where the Affections in competition, being by the heart summoned to plead, each one calls up and assists itself with such figurate Precedents and Examples as it thinks fit to employ as evidences on its own side; the heart, as from a majestic Throne or Tribunal, may be supposed to give that determination which is called Will.  
But it is by the way to be conceived, that when the Ancients attributed Wisdom to the Heart, as the seat of affections, and the source from whence appetites and actions did proceed, they then reputed it as the noblest and chief of the inward parts; and did not thereby intent to deny that serviceableness, both for raising and resenting of objects, which come from the stomach, the Diaphragm, and other membranous and highly sensible parts; nor how other Affections, by long contract may be induced upon other parts of the body; even as that more natural resentment of the kind before spoken of, may be by this means well thought seated in the Liver.  
But now to make farther application of some of these Discourses; since Affections have arisen (for the most part) from society, and the example and imitation of others, it seems most requisite that (in society) such means of prevention should be used, that their exorbitance be not the destruction thereof. Our general custom of living is that which pleaseth us, even upon no other reason but because it is so, and is the ground of what in each Nation called Fundamental and Common Law, that is to say, common custom.  
Now although a man may love his own home or manner of living better than another, yet to be confined to the same house, food, etc. would be but imprisonment, so the desire of Liberty (in sociable living) is the same with that of variety in private usages; and Liberty in Government is nothing else but freedom of choice to follow mine own will in the various prosecution of mine own customs. And public Law is nothing else but the restraint of this liberty in some particular usages. For the Laws of no Government prescribe to men all they shall do or forbear; but only direct and stint them in such and such practices, wherein custom and affection to some things above others, were otherwise like to prevail upon them to public prejudice.  
And so again, since understanding is (as beforeshewed) so fallible, and must be so differing in its grounds, it will appear necessary, for avoiding contention and disturbance, that each one in things of common concern, do submit to a common understanding. For in this case we may regard the appetites and affections as they are conceived in the subjects, in their separate orders and factions, to be unto the Prince, as those single figurate objects or inductions conceived in each one's brain; which are not to carry any peremptoriness of conclusion, as in themselves, but to serve as evidences and instances of choice unto him how to proceed in the execution of them, as they shall be found agreeable and approved by his experimented method and rule of public good.  
So that in all differences which shall arise between one order and another, or between party and party in the Kingdom, the King is, in the body politic, to resemble the heart in the body natural, in bearing sway and determination between the disagreeing affections and interests of his subjects; after the same manner as Solomon did between the Harlots, as before set down. By which means subjects enuring themselves to a constant way of decision and reconciling of differences, and thereby also being reduced into a constant course in the observation of uniform and fixed Laws, Custom of observation and practice will make the same generally pleasant, upon the like reason that (through use) each man's particular customs were to him pleasant before: insomuch as it may be a doubt, whether all customs were not from positive Laws at first: so that men having, from the usual practice of their superiors commands, throughly habituated themselves therein, they may (at last) be thought to perform them with delight, the Law itself becoming exolete and forgotten, as to its letter, and affection and custom serving to the upholding thereof. And this may seem the reason also why not only one kingdom differs from another in Customs and Fundamentals, but divers places of the same kingdom do differ amongst themselves: namely, from divers Authorities which have therein born sway.  
And as in nature we may observe, that such Creatures as have dread of others, are (notwithstanding) by cohabitation brought to liking of each others company: so when the first terrors of oppression and severity (which all Government is accompanied with) are by endurance made familiar, (as commonly coming under the rate they were feared,) it comes then to be so pleasant also, that all governable people will be found averse from change. Whereas else, if the public and general way for decision of common Justice and good should be interrupted, it would procure sickness and disease in the body politic, no otherwise then obstructions do in our natural bodies. For as each body hath its proper constitution and habit, for measure and motition of its humours, so hath each kingdom its proper method and proportion of Laws and politic executions; the which, when accordingly followed, doth not only keep that kingdom in health, but also, by their free passage according to custom, administer content and delight to all the members.  
And this is made most apparent in those two great objects of Government, Liberty and Property. It being evident that the happy and contented estate in either of them, is not in greatness of extent and proportion, but in that pleasure which custom bringeth. For since the greatest possessors in these kinds have desire of addition, and since in the lowest possession natural necessity is supplied, all the rest will be but as coveted for Credit or Honour sake: which honour and estimation, being more sought by great and rich persons, (thereunto used) then by the low and poor, it will follow, that the condition of the servant and poorer sort of men hath generally more steady and equal content; and that therefore, the stating and measuring the public Liberty must be referred to public judgement and care; and that the grants herein must regard the real benefit of all, and not importunity of demanders only.  
In which respect of judging and estimating of the reality and value of public benefits, the Prince, as the heart in the body politic, is again to be looked upon as doing that other office, as in the body natural before set down: that is, by virtue that life and soul-ship whereby he animates the whole kingdom, to be ready to give true evidence and demonstration whether the things disputed and striven for, are things that have real beings and entities, or are not fictions and apparitions, entertained by weak and credulous persons: and how far also they are practicable and conducent to public benefit.  
Else it may happen, with easy Princes, as with indulgent Parents, who, to still their children, leave them knives or the like, which instead of use turn to their damage: no otherwise then uncontrollable privileges of subjects turn to their ruin through civil dissension, as heretofore observed. And therefore we see by experience that those very children, that have their private Wills and Affections least satisfied, are, in the general, best pleased and contented, as being least crossed through least coveting: whereas those that have them most, are most restless and clamorous for more.  
For as that course and manner of life must be much more uniform and constant, that is, directed by Law or one universal method or order, then that which (having no certain and determinate restraint, but being at liberty to and chose as it thinks good, in objects that concern others as well as himself) is left irregular; and must consequently have more crosses, by how much he deals with more objects and aims to hinder him: by which means, his liberty proving his restraint, it were much better and happier for him, to have his present liberty subjected by one, to his momentany discontent, then, by taking it upon him, to have it crossed by many, to his continual torment. For as an unusual posture will at first displease, which yet, through custom of enduring, may become as pleasant as walking itself: so when I, using liberty in many things, am thereby put to many postures of restraint, this must continually displease, no otherwise then when the parts of our natural bodies are put into any other method or posture; then hath been hitherto familiar.  
And as a natural body is not an individual longer than it is guided by a single Will, no more is the body politic this or that kingdom, that is guided in public actions by more wills than one. And as again, the parts separated in a natural body do not by their absence demolish the essence of the whole, while those that remain continue subject to uniform direction, whenas, by being separate, they fall, like as natural divided parts do, into the general accidents of corruption: even so politic parts fall into Anarchy, after their separation from the common Affection and Will: But while they remain conformable thereto, they will, like bodily members, gain to themselves joint content, and the reputation of symmetry and comeliness.  
For if subjects do at at any time find fault with their government, it is either occasioned through some new and extraordinary injunctions, in not keeping a way of Government constant enough, (which makes arbitrary Government so much cried out upon), or else, because some other particular interest or pleasure draws their appetite so strongly another way, that it grows weary and insensible of this. No otherwise then dogs and other creatures, who having the acquisition of food and generation only in pursuit and contemplation, stand affected with those smells only that tend thereunto: through eagerness herein, being made unapprehensive of the danger of running into new pastures, nor delighted with the content and security they enjoy already.  
And the like as is said of liberty, may be said of property; wherein covetousness provokes to the same inconvenience which too much liberty doth; for as one is covetousness of riches, so is the other covetousness of Will, and then as sense of want must precede desire, so all covetousness is poverty: and in these two cases men must be looked upon, as so strongly respective to their own interests and concerns, as hastily to fall upon schemes and methods of adjudication and contrivance, without any equal regard to comprehend or take in the interests of others. For if the partial desires of any party, order, or faction of the people should be suffered to pass and act for itself, in relation to liberty or property, or the like, it would soon be found that all others would be thereby dis-impropriate and made slaves. And this upon the same ground that, in the course of Nature and Providence, the good of Succession and Posterity would be defeated, if that natural desire not to die, might be fulfilled to such as are for the time alive. For men that can, from the pressure of their own affections, well enough fancy themselves possessing of such a part of the earth, and of being thereon, as on a Stage, acting their parts amongst amongst divers others; cannot yet be (ordinarily) ingenuous and comprehensive enough to consider onward, (by enlarging of their figure) that divers other persons are thereon to act their successive parts also: and that thereupon it must necessarily follow, (as well for order sake as to make room for others) that each person must withdraw when that part is acted which was assigned him; for as himself is now possessing of his father's stock and possession, upon occasion of his death, so must he, by his death, make room for the possession of others, else the whole plot must take end and fall into confusion. Even so, in a stare, we may easily conceive how soon the constitution and welfare thereof would perish by disorder, if the Statute and determinate rule of the Sovereign were not inviolably observed: for subjects would forget to do as they would be done unto, in regard of those liberties they would leave to posterity and their fellows; as men, in nature, are usually inconsiderate, that since their Fathers and Progenitors death made way for them, so ought they to do the like for their children.  
In which case of restraining the general actions of men to be guided by the same uniform Rules and politic Laws, as natural Agents are in their courses, although the number of those that would be thereby offended, would exceed any number of men offended by particular crosses arising from prosecutions of their own devisings, because a far greater number were this way ruled then the other, yet let the discontented parties of the whole Kingdom, governed by no other restraint then what they occasionally make one upon another, be compared to those in any Kingdom of the same number, where an uniform constraint is imposed, and the persons in the first sort restrained will be more, and also (because of unexpectedness and want of order) their restraints will be more unpleasant in the kind than the other: which hath now through custom of induration, lost the sense thereof, even as Millers and Jailers, of those noises and scents they are used unto.  
For as we find by experience, that the only reason of the discontent of the subjects of one Kingdom above those of another, is for that there is difference in their Governments and Customs, it must be much more likely to happen between Subjects and the same Kingdom, where the different usages and customs must be in the continual notice of one another. And thus it fareth not only in case of licentiousness (or where no Government is) but upon the like reason (when Authority doth make restraint in any thing) it will follow, that as this restraint is more or less, (that is, as the subjected parties have more or less possibility of breaking it,) so will the continuance of obedience be more or less also. For although appetite affect pleasure and custom of each sort, yet, when such high difficulty or inconveniency shall appear, the reasonable will doth soon decline it; and being thereupon turned to the choice of an object or action for the present less affected in itself, doth through custom therein bring it (as aforesaid) into pleasure; and make our Obedience prove our Liberty.  
And the very reason why men living under one Government are many times affected with another, is not from unpleasantness of that uniformity they are under, but (on the contrary) supposing a greater uniformity of actions set by Law in that Government they commend then indeed there is. For in this case, usually considering their own contrivances only, which must be regular; and that without just estimation, how the contrivances of others might, or do cross them, they mistake pleasure, by plotting an uniformity in the fancy which can never be in act; and so come to pursue pain and trouble instead thereof. For it is not variety, as variety, that affects, but it is custom varied, which will imply custom and not variety: because to affect variety of customs, is to affect Custom.  
And therefore when men through the often contemplation and contrivance of an Idea or platform of Government in their fancy, come thereby to attain an affection and Will thereunto; this comes no otherwise to pass, then if a remarkable object should, through often presentation in the fancy, come to pass in the extreme of love or hatred, according to that relish it was at first entertained with, and thereupon be called sympathy or antipathy; even so also, this apprehension takes sometimes with men, as if by sensible practice and induction their like had been won; and they may (thereupon) be as well said to be guided by custom to like and approve that unexperienced form, as that they live under: and it may be more, as having oftener and more attentively considered it and its benefits; when (on the contrary) the inconveniences and the pressures of the Government under which he lives, work so strongly towards the abatement of his affections, through the allay of fear, that he becomes not so intent in his relishes that way: and peradventure, out of that general love every man carries to his own contrivance, the inconveniences of the Government he now fancies, are as far removed from his conceit, as sense.  
And it fares (in this case) with Government upon trial, as with any other beloved and much desired object, namely that they never answer (in possession) that measure of delight they were coveted with, because the Idea in our fancy was the thing which we were in love with: which, as it was oftener seen in our fancy then the original in our sense, so was it pleasanter; and it was perfecter also, as being contemplated without those inconveniences, which are now found in the others enjoyment.  
And besides this, our senses themselves are cozened with the inconveniences of things; for as each person (in their natural affectation of glory and reputation) is willing to appear publicly without faults, even so each Government, (and the people therein) do their utmost to set forth their power, riches, freedom, peace, honour, etc. but their sufferings they so strive to conceal, that we may be, and are as often deceived in judging a good Government, or a happy and peaceabele State or Kingdom, as of a virtuous, rich, or honest person: or in discovering the many discords any married couple may have, by those outward kind appearances that may pass betwixt them.  
The like reason leads for regulating and stinting men in the exercise of Religion: which, as it is taken of much more concern, must be made equally acceptable and pleasing to all by set and positive rules; or else, through necessary exasperation (which difference will beget amongst subjects) their discontents will be higher than in other things: increasing, as it were, by a continual Antiperistasis, until it break forth into the thunder and lightning of civil war and commotion. For to be divided in sect and opinion, must by degrees turn into a division in Love and Charity: even because, as there is a coincidence between Faith and Charity; so is it, as well the beginner of quarrels, as the highest proof of uncharitableness, upon unauthorised grounds and suspicions, to censure or condemn any one in respect of his judgement or belief: and if done by any towards that Church whereof they are members it is undutiful also.  
And this discord we shall find arising, even from natural and necessary grounds also. For since the Will must follow the light of the Understanding, how shall any be thought willing to associate and accompany those that do amiss? And since the reason why those of any Church do order their discipline and practise different from that of another, is but because they do proportionably differ in their belief and judgements in matters of Doctrine and Discipline, must it not then be presumed, that so far as the members of each Christian Church shall decline in their reverential regard towards their Church's soundness and veracity, even so far will they conquently judge it fit to divide themselves by separate Congregations, or the like; whereupon, since a Christian Church and State are but the same (as heretofore proved), it will soon be found that this schism in the Church will be the same with a revolt in the State; and wants but strength and opportunity to actuate its dislike into a rebellion. For although they may at first, for a countenance to their actions, and to draw in associates, make use of that deceivable distinction of Religious and Civil affairs, and so pretend that they intent not at all to trench on the Civil jurisdiction, yet when by strength of Allies and Confederates they shall once have arrived at their desired degree of power, it will then appear that they which at first did entreat to be independent in relation to the Church, will now practise to be so in reference to the State too; and so by degrees to be supereminent and command in both. For must it not be expected, that that thirst of ambition and rule (by them called Zeal and Charity) which first caused them to draw in sectators, as the objects and trophies of their glory and power, should ever stoop to any stint or moderation afterwards; whenas, in order to spiritual things and religious cognizance, it is so easy a matter to draw in State affairs also; and then, as Christ's immediate Ministers, to preside in them without control.  
And must it not then be expected, that that greater and higher tye of terror and fear by which men are kept in obedience, as in a religious subjection, must also make them, in case of difference with their civil head, to seem regardless of terror from him, as having but power over the body only; and so consequently, stick fast to the obedience of the other against him. For if the separation was not at first made upon such grounds as were hazardous of salvation, why was it made? and being made and continued, how can it be expected they should be thought less? so that when opportunity shall leave men at liberty which side to follow, they will certainly choose that which they acknowledge for right in the main.  
Although some have in these cases stepped in with an Apology, and thought toleration of dissent from the Church allowable where a breach of Charity was not presently made by schism, but the points in question were merely speculative, yet will the example of the Arrians and others of old, and the Remonstrants and others of late, truly satisfy us of the danger hereof; and how by degrees it will also arise to Civil faction and commotion. For in this case as formerly noted, the discontented preacher is to be looked upon as fire, and the people in their natural thirst to dislike and insubjection, to be looked upon as fuel. And therefore although instance may be made, and hope may be gathered, that these Tolerations have not arisen to a Civil war; yet can none make instance, nor reasonably presume that public discontents should not be hereby exasperated and increased, even to a due height and fitness to break forth into open insurrection upon any fit opportunity: For as in our bodies natural, there is an amassment of corrupt humours and habits from intemperance and irregularity of diet, exercise, etc. before some extraordinary cold or the like discover any thing in a Fever, or other formal disease. Even so, they should do well to consider that Civil war and Rebellion in States and Kingdoms, are never to be feared to work to any strength or continuance, where there is not a precedent amassment of discontents: by which there may be a juncture made to obstruct the ordinary course of Regiment upon a revolt, and it is in this case to be highly observable, that the discontents of Religion, are ever chief and ringleaders. For as it is natural for mankind to know, so also to be known to know; in such sort that we many times covet to know but through pride to appear knowing; it must therefore be presumed that the Authors and Abetters of each Sect and Congregation, seeking to make themselves famous by the number and quality of those proselytes they shall gain from one another, that therefore, in order to this increase, and that of their own reputation, they must vilify and deprave the Judgement and Practice of their opposites; and thereby, of necessary consequence, draw on exasperation and breach of Charity; and if the separation be made from the whole Church it must introduce disobedience also. For Faith, Love, and Obedience, as they have a natural Coincidence, where there is some equal respect carried towards them, so have they as necessary a separation and loss, where any of them is slighted or omitted.  
For as that Love and Obedience we are to give to God, doth depend on that belief we have of his Power, Goodness, and Truth; so also doth that respect and obedience which we are to give to the Church his representative power on earth, depend on our persuasion of its veracity and Authority. So that if men can be once brought to to disbelieve her soundness or insufficiency, (even so far as her communion may be hazardous and damnable), Obedience to her in any sort is not to be long expected.  
And therefore although God have reserved to himself the Prerogative of trying the heart and reins, and Princes can have no Cognizance and jurisdiction over the thoughts and belief of men, yet so far as these their thoughts and persuasions do by words or actions make open tendendency to the seduction of others in a course of sedition, contrary to the rules of Charity, so far are they censurable by the present Higher Power. 
Rom. 14.22.  And in this case Saint Paul's Admonition will be proper unto them, hast thou Faith, have it to thyself before God: that is, let not the desire of eminence and practice in thy different judgement make thee neglectful of Charity and those things that make for Peace, as is largely in that chapter set down: but rather know that for this very end thou art for conscience sake also to be subject to the higher power; as is also largely commanded in the Chapter foregoing.  
And although it be true again, that in many matters of Religion, Princes cannot command as Lawmakers, and in their own names, as in more civil matters he doth; yet, as the supreme Magistrate entrusted from above with the interpretation and execution of these Laws and Rules, he may command under God, with the same authority which a High Constable, Lieutenant, or other Supreme State Officer, doth in the absence of himself. And upon the same reason that Civil Laws would be fond and useless things, if subjects should be thereby only told their duties, and not to have Magistrates to see them do it, and direct them in cases of doubt; the same would also happen, in the Laws of God himself: which, considering the blindness of our understandings, and aversion of our wills and affections to obey at all, as well as difference in doing it, have much more need of such direction and constraint. The Prince being always to be regarded as the living Law, that is to say, the life thereof; because Law without an Interpreter to give it understanding, and an inforcer to give it will, is but a dead Letter; and (for the most part) useless.  
So that, since Laws cannot live or go without the two supports of reward and punishment, if there be not a present powerful judge to see these kept up, the performance of Law will be but arbitrary; for why should any fear a punishment, or hope for a reward from a present authority that is uncertain or unable. Nay, unto those very Laws which by God himself are sent for our Government, what from incredulity, and what from natural reluctance, little observance can be expected, whilst his Minister shall be thought to bear the sword in vain. For can men once find means to avoid his coercion therein, they are then left to the partialities of their own interpretations, to make them signify but what they please. And then (considering the general infection of Atheism, and the wrong and partial conceits of divine retribution, what likelihood of terror or hopes of prevailing, when the evil day, or day of judgement shall be put so far from them? since experience tells us, present terrors cannot many times do it.  
Upon no other consideration than this, namely want of present appearance in acts of terror and Government, it doth fall out (as before noted) that the divisions and differences between child and child, and between subject and subject, do by degrees amount unto such deadly heights; they being nothing else but the mutual encroachments of censure and control exercised upon one another, after an extemporary and occasional way of rule and authority, for want of a common and present superior Government for restraint of this liberty in them all. For as it is most true, that each one stands strongly persuaded towards the goodness of his own actions and enterprises (or else he would not do them) so must he of consequent dissent from those of others, and also do his utmost for reducing them to conformity with himself; which being nothing else but the execution of Power and Government, it must follow that such families and Kingdoms which are under such indulgent Parents, or mild and fearful Princes, must be perpetually in danger of such mutinies and quarrels; because, for want of those bands of reverential fear and respect towards him, that mutual ●ye of love towards each other comes to be dissolved. For it being the nature of love (as all things else) to gather strength and steadiness by that confederacy and union which is made against it by an outward and common fear of disturbance, so must it fall out, that there being now no such binding dread of Authority kept up, for the uniting and associating of them to one another, through consent and fellow feeling of equal condition, that thereupon there will be time and opportunity left to those natural apperites of Censure and Rule to break forth to public disturbance. For as the Prince or Parent shall defist, or neglect to make use of fear and power, (those his proper instruments to rule by) so consequently must subjects and children be supposed ready to take them up; and, in contention thereabouts, to forget and neglect their own equal ties of Love and Charity.  
And to speak directly, if Gods and Nature's Laws have not a living coercive force for obedience (even as positive constitutions of the Supreme Magistrate) they will be of much less avail to guide us in outward deportments, than the Civil Constitutions of the Prince (without subordinate Magistrates) to determine their civil suits; inasmuch as the Prince (being more personally present with us) might decide many of his subjects differences himself. And therefore as God would have all obedience to him go by the name of fear, and threatens even such large temporal punishments to the breakers of his Law, (as well knowing that we should be more certainly guided, by an affection of such universal and near concern, then by any other more private affection, which would be but of doubtful concern) so must it follow, that as this fear will be more or less, as it is more or less present, there must therefore be some present Minister for our good, or f●r wrath, to execute rewards and punishments here accordingly. For since, in this life, (in respect of reward or punishment executed by God himself) none is able to distinguish of good or evil of all that is before him; so that we may observe (with the wise man) that all things come alike to all, there is one event to though righeeous, and to the wicked, to the good, and to the clean and unclean, to him that sacrificeth, and to him that sacrificeth not: As is the good, so is the sinner, and he that sweareth, as he that feareth an oath. It must therefore be granted, that since these Laws were made for our guidance here, they must have their living Magistrate here also, to reinforce them as to execution, in respect of those rewards and punishments which, in regard of his present Power, he is enabled to make use of.  
And therefore, in reference to this essential support and relation which fear carrieth towards the establishment of subjection and obedience, we may call obedience a correspondence ef●action, and deportment of the inferior, according to the command of the superior, through the sense of duty and fear: For as sense of duty or conscience must keep up obedience, so sense of fear must keep up conscience. By which definition, as we may know how to distinguish between that subjection and obedience which other creatures give, who obey out of fear only, and not of sense of duty, as wanting understanding to apprehend it; so may we also perceive that since sense of duty must bring on a submission of will, that therefore hope can be very seldom, and love never made the proper cause of obedience, as heretofore noted. For hope of benefit or advantage to arise by any thing commanded to be done, being the proper end and motive by which the superior was led to make this his command and direction, it must therefore follow, that hope of benefit cannot be also directly assigned as an end to him that obeys.  
But here again, degrees are to be admitted and considered of, and that according as the Commander is more or less All-sufficient and powerful in himself, or defective and obnoxious. When God commands any thing, as he cannot in himself be any ways respected as indigent, or necessitated for assistance to the achieving his designs (as to those very instruments and agents which are now commanded and set on work) even so the benefit thence arising, being intentionally theirs, voluntary creatures may in the performance of his Edicts be well said to be sometimes guided by hope also; and that, not only because hope cannot be then so much esteemed the Commanders end, as the commandeds; but also in reference to that greater power and readiness of reward and retribution which is in God above others.  
Next unto whom, Princes, as most representing him on earth in Office and Power, and as having honour their end (whereby in their commands to be kept from justling with their subjects in the end of their obedience) may be also said to have obedience given them with more willingness, for those very hopes sakes; or rather, because of hope, to be given with less reluctance; for there may be degrees of aversion in dislike of one Government more than another, but none of willingness towards the choice of any Government, as Government, which, as we said, must make his steady reliance on fear. And it is observable, that in these very Laws and Edicts that do make their enforcement through hope and promise of reward (which are but very few in comparison of what build upon terror and punishment) they may be reckoned as grounded on fear also; as being but negative to that, and seldom other than promises of exemption or limition in the execution of Government and Power, so as not to proceed to substraction of some benefit, as well as to the imposition of some evil; as by those examples of promises of obedience made in the Old Testament under the Theoraty, and that made by Saul, of making his father's house free in Israel, that should slay Goliath, and by observation of the usual constitution of other Nation may appear. For as hope, as we formerly said, cannot be without fear of loss and missing; so in things already possessed, fear to to lose is antecedent to hope to enjoy, and is thereupon its ground also.  
And as for that mixture and influence which love carrieth towards obedience, it is to be considered, that when, like other irrational agents, we do by natural propension and instinct only, pursue in any thing those general rules of providence, whereby particular and mutual preservation is aimed at; in those cases men being looked upon (like other Sensitives) as involuntary, or in small degree so; the name of obedience is not to them assignable in a proper and strict construction; because, for want of a known explicit precept, and sufficiency of understanding to apprehend sense of duty and direction in relation to a superior power, and for want of understanding to discover that oeconomy and relation creatures bear towards God, as well as one towards another, they may thereupon be said to want, as well the tye of fear, as of love also.  
When again, or so far at least, as we do attain to angelical perfection of comprehension and understanding, so as throughly to know, as well all the several relations which creatures do mutually bear one towards another, as also that relation and respect they all of them jointly bear towards God their fountain and original; in that respect again, as no external precept and direction seems needful to provoke to do or avoid that which its own understanding hath cleared unto it already, so may that performance of duty which was practised and given in that condition, be called love indeed; which cannot be in the other.  
So that to man alone, as seated in a middle rank, between creatures irrational and throughly intelligent, this notion of obedience is most due; even because he, in those multitude of appetites raised from observation and converse with other things, and want of true knowledge of his reciprocal relation to other things, together with his and their joint subordination and dependence on God, is in both respects to have his love and obedience led on and directed by express Law and sense of duty: In which his middle station, as having here that more perfect comprehension which Angels now have, and himself shall hereafter have, but in part communicated unto him, he may also in some degree be said to be guided by love in those commands which he performs; and that, not only as led by natural and charitable propension, but knowingly and gratefully led by sense of obligation to God; even as also sensible creatures below us, and whom we have occasion to employ, may in our discipline over them be styled obedient, when brought to the performance of our wills by awe and terror. There being nothing but sense of duty and gratitude that can reconcile love and fear; because else, obedience and fear do (as in their own nature) draw on hatred. And in heaven alone, they shall be throughly coincident, when our enlightened understandings shall be able truly to apprehend God's favour and our own steady condition of perseverance and continuance therein; and then only can it be truly said of us in our obedience, that perfect love casteth out fear.  
But here it is to be considered, as was formerly noted, that all things at first, and while they are strange, do move to fear, and also to hatred and dislike, and that they do by so much the sooner and more strongly do so, as each sensitive doth conceive that first seen or known thing to have more or less power to hurt him, and also apprehends itself more or less within the danger thereof. As therefore experience of indemnity, and sense and experience of acceptance and reward for yielding of obedience to this object of fear and power, doth by degrees abate of that, and make it looked upon as an object of love and goodness, so doth it therewith testify, that love was but the consequent of former obedience, even as obedience was of former fear; and so farther also, that the love of the commanded is subsequent and dependant on the love of the commanding, and that, not for obedience and imposition of the command itself, but for his kind resentment and acceptance of the obeyers duty.  
So that then, to make a difference between that grateful return of kindness which passeth between equals, and friend and friend, upon the score and sense of good nature only, and that return of respect and service which any, as in the state of subjection, doth yield at the appointment of a superior, and as fearing punishment for defailance: We may farther say, that obedience is begun in fear, continued by sense of duty, and perfected in love; and also, that the terror for performance and observation of Laws, aught to be, and is still proportionable to the greatness of the Lawmaker. And therefore, in the constitution and promulgation of the Moral Law, or ten Commandments, we find those terrible apparitions made, that Gods fear might be so before their faces, that they sin not. As for promises, not a word then, as being but tokens of his love to such as had been regardful of this his fear. And so it must still follow, that those that are by office of command most powerful and terrible, are also soon, and in the highest degree rendered most lovely in their service, as having (by reason of this power) their own ends soon sasisfied. Thus God, that hath no direct service to be done him here as to himself, is the best Master; and neither he nor others having need of our service hereafter, love and thanksgiving shall make up our obedience. In all which respects Princes are most resembling him of any any terrene Power; and so can most truly (of any) said to be served by love; which indeed they ought always to seek, but never to trust to.  
And therefore, since our observations (as before noted) come at last to be collected into affections, and that when these affections come to interfere one upon another, they are guided by the general affection called will: So it is also necessary for ceasing of strife in the public body, that the affections of particular orders and persons, should be guideded by the public will of the King, against whom there is no rising up. For he can only be supposed competent judge, which, and what affections ought to take place, and how far the granting to the desires of some, may stand with the desire and good of others. And none but he can be the common and entire sensory or centre of attraction and preservation; but subject's affections, being guided by several interests (even as they are severally collected in several persons) must make (in their dealings with others) several centres, which must thereupon be centres of opposition, that is of division and civil war.  
And as the will, so the exercise of passions (the necessary attendants of will) must be in him only; for if anger and hatred be at private dispose in punishments, they will proceed too destructively; and (as having no regard beyond self-consideration) turn to malice and revenge. And so again (whilst these affections are in prosecution) how may covetousness, ambition, jealousy, envy, etc. make us (through partial respect only) to be common disturbers? whereas he that hath whole and equal concern, can no more proceed distructively to his subjects (in that relation of subjects) then to himself. For when public good is crossed by any, his anger and hatred of the Author will be terminated in justice, as to any punishment; because no man can be too severe to himself; where he hath whole interest.  
And since (as we noted) observation and knowledge must arise from concern; so public good and peace being of nearest concern to him, his understanding must be supposed ordinarily more able to judge and determine what it is, than such as have private concern only to look after, who therefore, in public things, can only have craft. When as he, having his honour and benefit intermixed and emergent from all things rightly and duly done towards public benefit, must be supposed always intent thereon, even for his own interest and advantage sake. Whereby it is to be supposed, that he shall be not only rendered the most able in understanding and judging how public expedients may be best attained and managed, but also, by reason of often observation of the consequents and events of things, and which of them in possession hath proved most beneficial and pleasurable and which not, he may be justly also esteemed as the centre of political consensation, as being enabled, in regard of his great share and general experience and presence in all public dealings, to give the truest report of public liking and inclination. For it is to be supposed, that political bodies have their proper genius and constitution, as well as natural ones have, and that then he, as the life and spirit thereof, can best judge, and soon discover how the humour of the people stand generally tainted and affected. So that when the inclinations and desires of subjects, in their dealing one with another, shall obtain his consent, it will then prove a coition towards the increase of public good: But so far as they shall undertake to act on one another without his liking or assent, so far will they rendered not only barren of any good issue, but ready also to be productive of those monsters of civil war and rebellion.  
And as thus to the resentment of the general affections of the people, so to the differencing and discovering of the perfections and beauties of separate persons in regard of excellency and fitness towards public employment, he is to be looked upon as the most proper and able judge of what is in that kind lovely also. For as external feature and decorum hath its excellency measured by conformity to the most usual figures and shapes of the kind, the which they must be acknowed the most able to judge of that have made the most exact and general observations, even so the perfection and fitness of public ministers being to be estimated by that conformity which is between their breeding and ability, and those employments they are to manage; it must thence follow that the Prince being most conversant and interessed, and having again most general acquaintance and knowledge of both public persons and employments (as being in himself both the perfection and epitome of such Officers, as well) as the centre of such offices he must be consequently thought the best judge of what persons are in this kind beautiful, and fit to be entrusted or rewarded with offices and badges of honour; the which we may call political or public love.  
By conformity unto the Prince his commands and directions, as to a standing examplar and copy, it will also come to pass, that there shall be such things stated as virtue and vice in morality, and righteousness and unrighteousness in Religion. For when there is a certain and determinate rule set down in both, according to Divine and Natural Precept, it will follow that that which comes nearest to it will be most virtuous or righteous, and that which most differs will be most vicious and sinful. And then, by reason of this uniformity, not only peace and agreement will be secured, but our fancies being for a while accustomed thereunto, content and delight will follow also. Even as (on the contrary) we see discontent, distraction and civil war, most frequently to follow those places, where least constraints to uniformity is kept up. For there is a beauty and handsomeness arising in actions and deportments, in keeping a method and order in them according to their rule and copy, as there is a fairness and comeliness in writing according to copy also.  
We shall therefore, for conclusion of this quere, whether Government and Peace may be preserved without force or no, say, that since obedience, as obedience, will always displease, and since power and authority will be always affected and sought after; it will be evident that superiors shall be more or less such, as they are more or less endued with power and irresistability; and that, as power is necessary for the Governor, so is fear for the governed, as heretofore noted; even for the necessary preservation of those relations, according to that saying, If I be a father, where is mine honour, if I be a Master where is my fear. For although a willing and hearty service be most acceptable, and only rewardable (as to the doer) yet the benefit of others will many times be gained by the deed itself; Whereas a known impunity will, by example, and as it finds hope to attain the like, procure common detriment, both by neglect of the deed itself, and by common invitation to disobedience. But if the subject, from his own or others experience, once find that his obedience, in respect of other damages and enforcements in the Prince's power is unavoidable, he must be supposed even through discreet willingness to submit, and then through custom of so doing, to arrive (at last) at a state of natural willingness in obedience itself, experience telling us that steadiest loyalty is in such subjects as have been used to greatest subjection, and most discontents and rebellions in such Families and Kingdoms, where children and subjects have been most free. And it will ever be a most certain truth, that that obedience which must unavoidably be given, will ever (in equal things) be more ready, free, and unreluctant, then that which may have hopes of avoidance.   

CONCLUSION:  
BUt it is now time to have done, having perhaps as much tired others as myself in these tedious discourses, driven so vehemently on to the cure of that evil, which, while men are men, can never enter into a steady thought should be wholly done. For when all is said, Government will have its faults; and when in the rule of nature, we see it sometimes come to pass, that the stobborness of the matter is such, as will not admit of that form which to her policy in general, or to the production of some more perfect creature were in particular species necessary, (but that pestilence, murrains, mildews, etc.) to the destruction of men, beasts and vegetables; as also monstruous and imperfect shapes (incident to the generation of each race and kind, do sometimes happen) why should we wonder at ineffectualness herein? when, besides matter, there is a perpetual aversion of will in the governed; and (alas the while) the workman's skill or care in this, is too often so to seek, that, through his default also, the malady is increased. Since therefore nothing in this life can be to us perfect and without its inconveniences, we can only call that Government good which is best, and which, upon trial, hath fewest and least settled mischiefs; as not arising from its form, but contingent accidents in its ministration; and this is that which I have propounded as the drift of this whole Treatise.  
Yet then again, as the many unavoidable diseases of our natural bodies, are not at all to discommend or excuse the Physicians care and pains for their mitigation or removal, so I hope in this grand disease of the politic Body (called Civil War) although I cannot attain to a perfect or constant cure, yet if the application of those remedies I have proposed, shall sometimes cause diversion, and sometimes mitigation, I shall have comfort in my labours.  
But in this (as all things else) we must leave the success to God, whose work alone it is, to still (as the raging of the Sea, so) the madness of the people. Even that mad and raging humour of liberty, which being blown to a rebellious height by the breath of seditious Oratory, as seas by the wind, it is none other than if (in our natural bodies) the allurement of our palates should tempt us to that food which should bring us to a favour. And as these surfeits seldom come but from such things as are best, and then again loathing of that very thing doth follow; so in the politic constitution (though nothing more necessary and commodious than peace) yet nothing more incident to man's fickle nature, then, in a giddy thirst for variety, to grow weary thereof; which, as a thing bringing Kingdoms and States to their fatal periods, no otherwise then bodily surfeits and sicknesses do single persons to their natural deaths, shall we say that as they are permitted for the punishment of our sins (which we can never want) so to this end also. And then, shall we say, that not so much in consideration of ours, or our progenitors sins, as that the will of God might be made manifest, are these things befallen us? Shall we say, that since none (of themselves) can be called righteous or good, that it may therefore be a reason that wickedness and vice are thus suffered, as to the estating us good by comparison, and that even again in Government, as to the adorning loyalty and other civil virtues, disobedience and rebellion is permitted also; and to make us thereby more sensible and thankful when peace shall again be restored.  
But be the reasons what they will (our duties of obedience and submission being plain enough) it is our parts to look to that, and to leave these hidden things to God, whose judgements are unsearchable, and ●is ways past finding out. For sure I am, that however God for the punishing of a sinful people, permit their Princes, as he did David in the fact of numbering, to fall upon such unwarrantable acts as may bring on their punishments, yet can this punishment never warrant any active resistance of his Authority. Or be the King not good, as David was, but such another as Saul was, yet since he is our King, and the Lords anointed, who can without sin lift up their hand against him.  
And why should we be more impatient of enduring those punishments from God, that come from the hands of evil Kings, than those of pestilence, famine, or the like, that come more immediately from nature, since all come from the same hand, and to the same end, the punishment of our sins. And since God owns the giving of them in his anger, and the having their hearts in his hand, and turning them wheresoever he pleaseth, why should we think of resisting one more than another?  
Thus is wicked Pharoahs' heart hardened, and his subjects the egyptians thereby plagued. And thus, as aforesaid, is good David's heart stirred up to number the people, and these people thereupon punished with pestilence. And who would have thought a three years' famine so long after Saul's death, should be the punishment of surviving subjects for a past fact of zeal done by a King so long dead? Or that the house of Jehu, and his people by consequent, should be threatened with God's punishment for the execution of that his justice upon the house of Ahab▪ three hundred years after the fact done; when as yet the very fact itself was so plainly appointed and warranted by divine authority.  
In which examples of King's sins being made causes of punishing people's sins with plagues, pestilence, famine, civil war, or the like, I would know if resisting of Kings had not been resisting of God, or if any such thing could have averted their punishment, but rather aggravated their offences, by adding this rebellion against their Prince, to their former against God, and so breaking more of his Laws. For suppose the people never so innocent, as in some of the alleged cases may appear, or suppose as all of us are ready to flatter our own hypocrisies, that neither we nor our Fathers have sinned, as to those punishments, but that the Will of God might be made manifest, Oh let us not resist that Will, who owns all the evils that befalls each City, that is to say public evils; lest while we will not be punished, as he appoints, by a King in his anger, he, by suffering him to be taken away, should, by Anarchy, plague us in his wrath.  
In tender sense of public Peace and Charity, and the blessed condition of the Peace makers themselves and those that are promoters and assistants in it, I shall now appeal to the Consciences and Judgements of all such as are wont to gild over their own Covetousness and Ambition with the shows of Justice and Religion, and are so forward to kill all that will not submit and join in opinion with them: you that will undertake to control Heaven in its dispensations, and under colour of Tyranny or Usurpation, of wrong rule or wrong entry, will at your pleasure be withdrawing your own and others obedience from your present Prince, give me leave to summon your thoughts to a serious consideration of all those sad consequents that must attend it, that by calling yourself to an account before the time of that general accomptcom, you may be both eased in your own reckoning then, and have your Conscience here eased of those sins and miseries which your stubbornness must produce. Suppose then that you, with all those fair declamations of Law and Justice, or of Religion and Zeal, which you, in your popular Oratory, are so copious and ready in, shall be able to seduce and draw to your party such a considerable number of your fellow Subjects, as to form the same into a Civil war, wherein thousands must lose their lives as well on one side as the other, suppose I say, these several parties through thy persuasion slain by each other in the height of uncharitableness should now present themselves before thee with their wounded and macerated bodies, and all besmeared with gore and blood, and with grim and ghastly visages stare thee in the face as the horrid spectacles of thy confusion and amazement. But this is not all; seest thou that throng of desolate Widows and Orphans, and of disconsolate Parents, who, as in sacrifice of thy ambition or avarice, are by the death of each other bereft of comforts, and left to a necessity of dying while they live; and so the never dying monuments of thy cruelty and Rebellion.  
Let the shrieks and yell of deflowered and ravished Virging and Matrons, the groans, the tears, the sighs, of such as are in every corner, after the manner of civil war, murdered, plundered, imprisoned, or otherwise despoiled of life, or livelihood; let all those arise to thy remose. If not, nor the thought of that Forrest-face which thy native country must now put on, in respect of that destruction which must be introduced on its goodly Edifices, Corn, and cattle, can move thee, as in Honour or Charity, yet let Piety: Piety I say, if thou hast any, the sense of the Honour of that God thou seemest to worship, let this move thee to think how in these Civil wars, those public Oratories and public places of worship dedicated to his name, must be always in danger of ruin and sacrilege also, and how then canst thou persist in a course that must at once destroy all bonds of Love, Loyalty, and Religion; that must at once, and that with so high hand, offer such violence, the utmost violencence in thy power, to thy neighbour, to thy Prince, to thy God.  
Doth not thy heart yet feel remorse? Hark, the Trumpet calls thee to the Judgement-seat of that great God himself, whose Honour and Authority on earth thou hast so often slighted and offended. Now for a Mountain, now for a Rock, to cover thee from the face of the all-incenced Deity. Dost thou not now find that the common Cause of condemnation against Christians is made for living and dying in hatred and malice? and how many are there now eyeing thee as the Author of, and ringleader in those Civil disturbances where Christian against Christian have by thousands killed each other in the height and heat of uncharitableness? And seest thou not again how the sentence of blessed runs to the meek, to the patient, to the peacemakers? & while thou art setting forward thy trembling limbs, and stepping in, with an Apology for thy Rebellion, how hath new confusion seized thee, at the sight of that King and Prophet who did so often fly from his persecuting Prince, and had his heart smiting him but for cutting off but the hemn of his Garment? what seest thou now? where are thy Texts of Scripture thy Pretexts of Law? See if thou canst make thy warrant and call unto public Authority and Command, in any degree apparent and equal to his, or canst make thy sufferings equal to all that other (therefore) glorified company of Martyrs and Confessors, who, amids all those dismal persecutions, even for the most righteous cause of all, and plainly so, durst not lift up against him that was but a heathenish Prince, but chose to follow both the Precept and Example of him, who is now in the highest Throne of Honour, as a reward of his Patience. Oh horror of horrors, what is thy Judge become a party too; a Mountain, a Mountain, a Mountain.  
No sooner hath thy all-dispairing soul caused thine all confounded eyes to sink and settle on objects below, but, oh torment of torments. Who is this that is now to be thy Prince, and under whose Dominion thou must now for ever live? Thou shalt not need here to study pretensions of Tyranny and Oppression against thy Prince, nor invectives and standers against his Officers and Ministers. What is it which thou truly feelest now? Oh—  
If this be the expectation, as (without Repentance) it can be none other, of all that are promoters of civil disturbance, how necessary then is it that we should timously thinking of bridling our covetous and unruly appetites, and learn patiently to submit unto that Regiment and condition of life wherein Providence hath places us. When discontent of any sort assaults us to impatience, think we then, this is not our rest. No happiness to be here expected, all things in this life comes to us mingled; as well to manifest and draw down our acknowledgement of Deity and Providence for the receipt of what is good, as to wean and withdraw our affections from this world to a better; in such sort that those very things wherein our greatest temporal preservation and good doth consist, are attended and accompanied with such as are of greatest mischief. From the food with which our bodies are nourished, do we contract the most of our diseases; nay from those sorts of it which are best too, do we by intemperance, draw on those maladies which are most desperate and deadly.  
From that very root of Love, and desire of beneficence and thirst of Honour, ingraffed for mutual comfort and assistance, do we daily find contrary effects to be produced; when by too strict and irregular fixation and use thereof, according to the particular interest and guidance of our private appetite and discretions, we are led into Faction and Civil war.  
And so lastly, from that course of prevention and restraint which by divine appointment was settled amongst us as the only Sovereign remedy and cure of these exorbitances, namely the constitution and power of Monarchical government; even this doth, together with the cure, make us liable and obnoxious to those fatal mischiefs of Tyranny and Oppression also. Against which as we have neither reasonable or lawful remedy but that of Patience, so shall we find it a true remedy indeed, and to usher us into an habitation and Kingdom where neither a natural distemper, nor a civil distraction shall any more afflict us.  
No, no, all cause of fear, either of loss or punishment is now banished; our obedience is become all love here, for a full comprehension of the pleasure of our present Sovereign, together with a full assurance of his continual ready acceptance, as well as of our own continual ready ability of performance shall make all apprehension of power stand as it were forgotten in that of goodness. And whereas we now know neither our own duties, nor God's love and acceptance but in part, seeing them as through a glass darkly, then shall we know him, as to his Will and good pleasure, even as we are known of him, as to our hearty desire of serving and honouring him; and this, face to face. We shall not longer wait on tedious Inductions and Observations for some slender and fallible comprehension of these things, but at such time as Charity shall make up our Obedience, our knowledge shall be inherent, arising from presence and intuition. There is no such opacity here as to necessitate us to rays of light to discover, (at most) but skin-deep into the qualities of things; no, than the true Nature of things shall be as soon known as their names; and their inward, as their outward form. And therefore what cause then of fear that any thing should separate us from the love of God our present Sovereign? Where there shall not be so much as a false accuser left to appear in that Kingdom; whereby to disturb us in our civil life, more than a disease to disturb us in our natural.  
The life and health of our then refined bodies shall no more run the hazard of either famine or surfeit, by relying on such food as could not nourish us until dead, nor but bring death by nourishment. Our then no longer sickly nor mortal bodies, shall now have their more spiritual life and perfection secured and increased from a food far more spiritual and perfect then ourselves. In this true Paradise shall we find the true tree of life itself; that bread of life that once came down from Heaven clothed with our nature, that we might be made capable and Participant of his. With this food shall we be always delightfully fed, never full; always satisfied, never satiate.  
As thus to ourselves, so to our present society: instead of those thwart and injuries which used to come from the hands of competitors or enemies, we shall, on all hands, be saluted with the ready Offices of complacency and love, for how can envy or malice have either Author or Object, where increase of eminence or property cannot be so much as wished for? Our enjoyments then shall not be purchased or endeared at the price of want and difficulty: for fruition shall here antecede appetite, even so, as there shall not be so much as time or room left for a wish.  
And whilst thou shalt be thus steadily complete with happiness in thyself, so as neither to have cause to hope more, nor fear wors●, and that through the gift and participation of divine love, so shalt thou find this love so much refined also, as to be universally and reciprocally efficacious, not only to procure the possession against fear of intrusion through others wants, but to increase it through consensation of like benefit in them. Each one that could not as one, contain more content, shall, by this union, contain all. We shall not then know one another by our old dividing relations of consanguinity or friendship, whereby petty unions were made destructive of the common, and introductive of general disagreement: No, every one is looked upon with the heightened affection of a brother, by means of that more close tye and relation to be derived from that Our father which is in Heaven. Hath any one been so heroic, as but to taste what it is to be truly in love with any person here? Let him then think, that every one now shall be that he, or that she, but without thought of a he or a she. Not so hazardously now beloved as to rely on the courtesy of a Idea, from the intent observation of whose perfection in our conceit, the imperfections of the original might come to be clouded. No, as we shall no longer depend on the help of deceivable notions, nor Affections or Passions for our comprehension and understanding, so shall we not be in danger to be captivated with the glance of a single sense; and that from an outward perishing and deceivable figure. Our Understanding and intuistive knowledge shall now make way for our will; it shall not stand to the issue of two contending passions here. Where nothing is farther to be hoped for or feared, all such composition must cease. We shall not in this place love at the hazard of our discretions, nor endanger the loss of ourselves by the love of another: for in this society every other shall be truly known to be an other self, even so much thyself, that thou shalt not be to thyself, but in that self: for we shall be so like and so much one another, as not to know distinction or separation but what number must make.  
Oh that happy practice of love below that prepared thee for this blessed enjoyment of love above! Oh that happy performance of Obedience to thy former Fathers in the flesh, although unto death, that hath now redeemed thee from death, and fitted thee for this subjection unto the Father of Spirits unto life! Oh happy participation in a Cross that makes thee now a sharer with thy Saviour in his Crown! Thy former bread of affliction and tears of sorrow shall be by thy blessed Saviour here turned into wine of comfort and food of life; not to be now tasted in a Sacramental sip or broken piece, and then only in a topic Communion; but, in this true and real Communion with thy Redeemer himself, thou shalt totally and eternally enjoy that Catholic and blissful Communion of Saints. Truly blissful now indeed, and that in act and possession; free from the resentment and fear of all those persecutions and afflictions which formerly gave abatement to that fullness of joy which in the militant Communion could be expected. For here thou shalt, in and with them, in a continual and triumphant manner, be made a more near and firm participant of all the gracious influences of deity: whose blessings and bounty can now be no more denied or hid from thee, than thy most blessed meditator can be again separate from that nature of thine, which was by him for thy sake assumed.  
But thou, thou ravished and exulting soul, what canst thou now find to do, when thou hast found thyself thus full and hast found others thus full also, even to such a mutual increase of joy and fullness? Why then thou and they must run over. Yes, yes, that thou shalt yet find a new joy, nay thy greatest joy, in acknowledging thy joy. Thy grateful spirit shall now run and crowd into the Chorus of the heavenly host, and there cheerfully accompany thy fellow Saints and Angels in symphony of Alleluiahs to that inexhaustible fountain of goodness. When thou hearest the Cherubin and Seraphim crying out Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God of Sabbath, how will thy heart leap? how readily wilt thou also thrust thyself into the glorious company of the Apostles into the goodly fellowship of the prophets, and into the noble Army of Martyrs, and there join with that triumphant Church, in a Magnificant or Te deu●, or other public forms of Doxology; and therein acknowledge him the God of this thy rest and rejoicing too: for our Bible's themselves shall now shrink into Psalteries, and our Prayers into Praises; and as our greatest delight, so our greatest strife shall now be to be foremost in the Choir, and to be standing up and as eminent as we can in those grateful and uniform acclamations, of glory, glory, glory; and again, and again, in the same words, glory, glory, glory, etc. eve● to eternity giving glory to those three most blessed persons; to whom be Praise and Glory here on earth both now and for ever, Amen.   
FINIS.